VOLUME 31
ISSUE 3
Spring 2013
VOX POP
NEWSLETTER
of Political Organizations and Parties
An Official section of the American Political Science Association
Produced by the Ray C. Bliss Institute of Applied Politics, The University of Akron
Think Tanks in America
Thomas Medvetz, University of California, San Diego
(University of Chicago Press, 2012)
The central argument of this book is that over the past half
century, the ambiguous organizations known as “think tanks”
have become the primary institutions linking political and
intellectual life in the United States. As previous scholarship on
this topic has shown, think tanks are elusive objects—impossible
to define precisely (because there are no substantive properties
shared by all members of the category as it is currently used in
political discourse) and therefore difficult to study rigorously.
The book’s opening premise, then, is that think tanks must be
analyzed, not as organizations of an entirely novel or discrete
“type,” but as a constitutively blurry network of organizations,
themselves divided internally by the opposing logics of
academic, political, economic, and media production. It is
through this blurriness, the book argues—and the freedoms and
flexibilities that this quality affords—that think tanks exert a
subtle but profound influence on American politics.
By creating a new space of action at the crossroads of the
political, academic, media, and business spheres, think tanks and
their affiliated “policy experts” claim for themselves an
important mediating role in the social structure. In their attempts
to juggle the competing demands of research, PR skill, business
connections, and political savvy, policy experts position
themselves as brokers in a multi-sided encounter among
politicians, bureaucrats, activists, lobbyists, financial donors,
journalists, media elites, and academic scholars. In this way,
they have made themselves virtually indispensable for anyone
who wishes to use ideas and information to shape policy debates
in the contemporary United States. The book’s main conclusion,
however, is that we cannot fully grasp the impact of think tanks
without establishing a primary break with the common-sense
view of what think tanks do. Notwithstanding their celebratory
self-descriptions as incubators of ideas, think tanks must also be
considered as heirs to the long and deep-seated anti-intellectual
tradition that commentators since Alexis de Tocqueville have
identified as part of the national culture. After all, in a policyFrom Headquarters………………………………………….1,2,3
Scholarly Precincts…………………………3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12
Chair: Marc Hetherington, Vanderbilt University
Secretary-Treasurer: Holly Brasher, University of Alabama at
Birmingham
VOX POP Editor: John Green, The University of Akron
Program Co-Chair: Miki Kittilson, Arizona State University and
Richard Herrera, Arizona State University
Website Coordinator: Amy Alexander, University of California,
Irvine
Executive Council: James Adams, University of California, Davis;
David Dulio, Oakland University; Paul Frymer, Princeton
University; Thomas Holyoke, California State University, Fresno;
Raymond La Raja, University of Massachusetts, Amherst; Michael
McDonald, Binghamton University; Amy McKay, Georgia State
University; Dara Strolovitch, University of Minnesota
Call for Papers
The State of the Parties: 2012 & Beyond
November 2013 - Akron, Ohio
Scholars interested in presenting a paper should submit a onepage proposal by May 1, 2013 to: [email protected].
1
making environment dominated by think tank-affiliated policy
experts, an intellectual who wishes to participate meaningfully in
political life must increasingly obey the rules of the “policy
research” game. This is not to suggest that there was ever a
golden age of efficacious civic engagement by intellectuals in
America, even if there was a brief moment in the late 1950s and
early 1960s when it seemed as if social scientists might emerge
as a significant collective force in political life. It is only to say
that the forms and degrees of their marginality have changed—
and that in an age of think tanks, social researchers with the most
cognitive autonomy have been increasingly relegated to the
margins of political debate.
and libertarian economists established the American Enterprise
Institute (first known as the American Enterprise Association).
The history of American think tanks is connected to the
development of social movements and organized interest groups
in other ways. Not surprisingly, think tanks took on a more
overtly movement-oriented cast following the political
upheavals of the 1960s. A notable product of the New Left, for
example, is the Institute for Policy Studies, a think tank that has
explicitly aligned itself with the anti-apartheid, civil rights,
women’s, environmental, and anti-globalization movements.
However, in the decades since the 1960s, it is the conservative
movement that has made by far the deepest impact in the world
of think tanks. As scholars and journalists have noted,
organizations such as the Heritage Foundation, the Cato
Institute, AEI, and the Manhattan Institute became key
instruments of conservative mobilization. Their influence,
however, extends beyond the battle between left and right.
Having attracted imitators on the left such as the Center for
American Progress, conservative think tanks have reshaped the
very form and practice of political activism in the U.S.
Think tanks as barometers of parties, interest groups, and
social movements
The book speaks to the common interests of VOX POP
readers in two ways. The first involves a series of analogs
between the history of think tanks, on the one side, and the
histories of parties, interest groups, and social movements, on
the other. To begin with, one of the chief enabling factors in the
growth of American think tanks was the relative absence or
weakness of formal political institutions that might otherwise
have rendered them irrelevant. On this count I would point to the
lack of a highly professionalized civil service in the U.S. and the
related thinness of the state’s technocratic arm. The limited
policy-planning capacities of American parties and the
comparatively minor roles played by intellectuals in these
organizations were also key factors in creating a space for think
tanks to flourish. It was in this institutional context that
technocratic experts operating outside the formal reach of the
state could carve out a significant role for themselves as
suppliers of policy recommendations.
This situation has its complexities when it came to the issue
of cognitive autonomy. Compared with their European
counterparts, for example, American experts and intellectuals
who play the greatest roles in political affairs typically enjoy
considerable insulation from the constraints imposed by state
and party institutions. However, the same experts and
intellectuals—being more dependent on business support—have
been more likely to accept the pro-capitalist stances of their
patrons. The legacy of think tanks, in sum, is closely tied to
organized movements of business elites. Vital to their emergence
during the first decades of the twentieth century, for example,
were the efforts of Progressive Era reformers who hoped that the
use of technical knowledge might bring solutions to the major
problems of industrialism, especially labor conflict. Progressive
businessmen also bankrolled new research institutes meant to aid
in the creation of more efficient public institutions, especially
through the use of new administrative and accounting
techniques. During World War II, the same pattern endured as a
broad coalition of moderate businessmen formed the Committee
for Economic Development to tackle the problem of
unemployment. Meanwhile, a network of free market advocates
Mind the gap: The disabling divisions of professional
boundary making
The second point of interest to VOX POP readers concerns
the very status and mission of the Parties, Organizations, and
Politics section itself, which we can take as broadly
representative of the hyper-partitioning of the social sciences
into narrow professional disciplinary and sub-disciplinary units.
Doubtless sections like POP serve a salutary function for their
members by helping to establish coherent intellectual agendas,
forging a common sense of identity and purpose, and orienting
members to specific empirical questions, useful concepts, and
innovative methods. However, and notwithstanding these
legitimate appeals, there are certain dangers built into the
boundary-making practices that accompany this mode of
professional organization.
Nowhere are these dangers more apparent than in the
uneven history of scholarship on American think tanks. Consider
one anecdote recounted in the book: In 1977, political scientist
Thomas Dye saw the need to preface his presidential address to
the Southern Political Science Association—a speech that took
think tanks as its theme—with an apology “to those eminent
political scientists who told [him] that the activities of private
policymakers was not ‘political science.’”1 In this apology and
the well-founded apprehensions on which it was based, I find an
important lesson about the ability of professional boundary
making practices to forestall the progress of social science. The
point is especially plain in the case of think tanks, which for
decades received only scant attention from political scientists
and even less from scholars in the related fields of sociology and
history.
2
Why was the study of think tanks so slow to catch on in
mainstream American scholarship? The reason, I posit, has
nothing to do with the topic’s lack of importance. Already by the
start of the 1960s, think tanks had established for themselves an
important role in national policy-making processes. To list just a
few examples: during World War II, the Council on Foreign
Relations, working in covert partnership with the U.S. State
Department, engaged in a series of far-reaching strategic
planning activities related to the country’s postwar economic
and diplomatic roles. After the war, a new set of contract-based
research and development organizations, of which the RAND
Corporation was the prototype, became preeminent centers of
Cold War military planning. Meanwhile, economic research
groups such as the National Bureau of Economic Research and
the Committee for Economic Development established new
technical tools for managing the domestic economy. During the
height of the Keynesian era, organizations such as the Brookings
Institution played pivotal roles in directing the economic
administration.
Doubtless the liminal characteristics of think tanks, by
which I mean their awkward positioning in between the
established foci of social scientific disciplines, contributed to
their relative neglect by scholars. Yet it is precisely the presence
of such intellectual “gaps” that I wish to problematize here.
Simply put, my point is that the same instinct that would lead
political scientists to classify think tanks as outside of the
discipline’s purview—the better to define precisely its proper
focus—also severely limited its intellectual reach. The same
point could be made about comparable acts of sub-disciplinary
self-definition, and indeed about any excessive preoccupation
with fixing the “true” boundary of a given intellectual enterprise.
The risk, I submit, is that of blinding oneself to important
phenomena located “in between” the well-defined fields in
question.
In light of this point, it seems fitting to acknowledge the
collective efforts of the scholars and journalists—drawn from
various arenas but operating mostly at the margins of their
disciplines—who pioneered the study of think tanks and
gradually pushed the topic toward the scholarly mainstream. In
addition to Dye, political scientists such as Joseph Peschek,
historians like Donald Critchlow, Alan Raucher, and Karl
Schriftgeisser, and sociologists such as G. William Domhoff,
produced detailed early studies of think tanks, often by focusing
on individual organizations or small clusters of them. Not
surprisingly, the first book-length study to consider American
think tanks as a general phenomenon, written by Paul Dickson,
came from outside of the academy.2 (Dickson is a journalist and
independent researcher.) Years later, scholars such as James
Smith, Donald Abelson, James McGann, Diane Stone, and Frank
Fischer laid the foundations for a proper social science of think
tanks. Naturally, my hope is that Think Tanks in America
extends the tradition made possible by these studies in a way that
does them justice.
My focus on the history of research and writing about think
tanks (and, more broadly, on the dangers of ignoring the social
organization of knowledge production) is inspired by sociologist
Pierre Bourdieu’s insistence that epistemic reflexivity remain a
cornerstone of social scientific inquiry. By this phrase, Bourdieu
meant an unstinting dedication to the task of subjecting one’s
own analytic categories to rigorous self-questioning—the better
to reveal the often-hidden professional self-interests that threaten
to narrow the scope of our studies and curtail our understanding
of the social world. The aim of Think Tanks in America, then, is
not just to turn the social scientific spotlight toward a set of
hybrid organizations that specialize in “policy research,” but also
to turn the same spotlight onto contemporary social science
itself.
1
Thomas R. Dye. 1978. “Oligarchic Tendencies in National PolicyMaking: The Role of the Private Policy-Planning Organizations.”
Journal of Politics 40(2): 309-31.
2
Paul Dickson. 1971. Think Tanks. New York: Atheneum.
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