*ENTERPRISE FINANCING, EMPLOYMENT GENERATION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Candauda Arachchige Saliya UUNZ Institute of Business Auckland, New Zealand. Mobile: 64 27 345 0249 Fax: 64 9 921 9990 [email protected] Abstract This research paper seeks to show how the employment generation, economic development and certain financing decisions are mutually reinforcing and co-integrated and, why it is happening? The methodology used in this research is case study research methodology using critical theory approach. The research findings show how does the powerful social class, which controls financial capital in Sri Lanka, follow preferential financing policies under the façade of nationalism or patriotism and social responsibility, to protect and strengthen their own socio-economic power base, while neglecting credit applications of potential entrepreneurs from powerless class. These cases are from one private bank in Sri Lanka. Anonymity was necessary to protect the real cases therefore, some important background information had to be eliminated. The paper has important implications for policy makers and promoters of Micro, Small and Medium size Enterprises. Awarding the Noble Peace Prize 2006 to Prof. Muhammad Yunus, for his Grameen Banking concept in Bangladesh shows that there is a need for finance to be made available to the poorer levels of society and that the banks are ignoring the potential of lower class enterprise. Therefore, the research findings indicate the need to place an emphasis on some radical structural changes in the financial capital mobility system to promote enterprises and employment generation to eradicate poverty in Sri Lanka and beyond. The research in this paper is original because it has, for the first time, critically analysed the business financing culture in Sri Lanka. Also the paper attempts to fill a gap in the literature pertaining to the role of credit weapon and its co-integration with entrepreneurship development in a country. Keywords: Financing decisions, Capitalism, Entrepreneurship, SMEs, Sri Lanka. 1 Introduction Entrepreneurship promotion and enterprise development have been commonly identified as the main sources of employment generation and economic development by most of the development-policy formulators. These policy formulators include governments, academicians as well as international development agents and experts (Bank of England, 1999; The World Bank, 1987). Enterprises, especially small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs), provide a solution to the unemployment/underemployment problem and therefore, improve the economic well-being of people. This research was initially motivated by the researcher’s interest in finding out why developing countries like Sri Lanka do not produce adequate successful enterprises and generate sufficient employment opportunities so that they can achieve their target level of economic development faster and steadily. The theoretical framework developed for this research is primarily based on critical theories stemming mainly from Marxism. The research method used here is a case study research method because, a study of individual elite political identity can be used as a lens to examine larger political processes, as identities are aggregated in political power and culture in which they are embedded (Hite, 1996). Most research on practical issues are case studies and some are reconstructed from evidence gathered by the researcher because they are relevant, interesting, politically ‘hot’ or even misunderstood (O'Leary, 2005). The subunits of analysis of the cases were identified as incidents and events taken place, leading up to decision-making (Hooper, 2001). In the process of theorization these subunits of analysis collectively explain a macro level holistic unit of analysis; the ‘powerful social class’ which significantly possesses the power of controlling the financial capital in Sri Lanka. The significance of this study is two fold, first it critically analyses and documents prevailing credit culture and systems in practice as against the rules given in so-called ‘credit policy manuals’ of banks. Second the research findings may help the policy formulators of the developing countries to understand existing credit system and make necessary reforms if they want to develop their economies and to distribute the benefits to all people fairly and justly. The following issues were identified as the major limitations of this research report. First, to evaluate the effectiveness of the financing decisions observed in these case studies, availability of post-event information was limited to published data and to the responses of the research participants, as the researcher left the bank in 2003. Second, all the cases belong to one private bank in Sri Lanka, however, according to Hooper (2001), “validity of the explanations or theory derived depends on the logic of the analysis not on how typical the cases may be” (p. 1) and on the other hand Gluckman (1961) argues that “clearly one good case study can illuminate the working of a social system in a way that a series of morphological statements cannot achieve” (p. 9 cited in (Mitchell, 2000). Third, because the cases are from Sri Lanka, where socio-economic & political backgrounds are different, the reader might feel unfamiliar to some of the situations. Then, anonymity was necessary to protect the real case and its real participants, therefore, the names used in this case are fictitious and therefore, some important 2 background information had to be suppressed. Finally, only a summery of case studies could be provided in this report to shorten the length of the paper. The researcher was unable to find related research in Sri Lanka, although this likely increased the originality of this research topic, it also prevented the researcher building on, and comparing this research findings with previous research findings regarding this research topic. Literature review and research propositions The enterprise financing is playing a significant role in providing necessary financial capital for enterprises to start, grow and achieve economies of scale. Also, preliminary investigation revealed that bank credit decision makers preferentially facilitate the powerful demographic groups and ignore the less privileged groups of society. Certain credit decisions, which are not based on principles of credit evaluation but on other motives of decision makers, appear to work not only against enterprise development and employment generation, but also against general economic development in any country. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) represent an important engine of economic growth in any country (Cavalluzzo, Cavalluzzo, & Wolken, 2002; Lauder, Boocock, & Presley, 1994). The contribution from these businesses are significant to the tune of sixty or seventy percent of both the gross domestic product (GDP) and employment generation of a country in general (Bank of England, 1999). Many researchers were of the view that the lack of financial capital is the main reason for most business failures (Bank of England, 1999; Dunn & Cheatham, 1993; Ivy, 1997) but there could be other contributory factors as well. More importantly, these researchers argue that access to credit is limited, especially to the disadvantaged and/or poor group of society. The Governor of the Bank of England says, A particular problem at this end of the scale is access to start-up or early-stage finance for disadvantaged groups in poor-neighborhoods (1999, p. 207). It is also argued that budding entrepreneurs from different demographic groups do not have similar opportunities in accessing finance; some groups have less access while other groups have more access to finance capital. Cavalluzzo et al. quote Bates (1973 & 1991) and explain this theory as follows; In order to facilitate that growth, those businesses often turn to institutional sources for credit. It is a concern, therefore, that a growing body of evidence suggests that owners of small businesses from some demographic groups may have less access to institutional financing (Bates, 1973; 1991; Cavalluzzo & Cavalluzzo, 1998) (p. 641). Therefore, it is evident that, some demographic groups are discriminated in facilitating credit because they are small, poor and disadvantage meaning that; some other demographic groups are privileged in accessing credit because they are big, rich and powerful. 3 ‘Workshop on the Challenges in SME Financing’ held in Sydney in 1999 discussed international experiences principally from Australia, the UK, the USA and New Zealand. It revealed there were not adequate finance providers for SMEs. Most of the research papers presented in this workshop were critical of the inability to obtain finance for small or budding enterprises. They criticized banks’ dominating role in providing finance to SMEs because there are very few lenders who facilitate them (Whincop, 2001). Participant researchers in this workshop also challenged that; some bankers lack of fundamental knowledge about credit evaluation and posed questions/statements such as: Do bankers always know best? (Dunn, Cheatham, & Cheatham, 1991) p. 1); Are the banks doing enough for small business? (Chadwick, 1982) p. 1); 30 percent of bank loan officers do not understand appropriate financing (Dunn & Cheatham, 1993) p. 3). The Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 was awarded to Prof. Muhammad Yunus, for his role in promoting financial services to the poor, under the concept of Grameen Banking in Bangladesh. This highest level of recognition of Prof. Yunus’s effort for facilitating disadvantaged social groups of the society shows that there is a need for credit facilities to be extended to the poorer levels of society and that the banks are ignoring the potential of lower class enterprise (The Economist, 2006). However the questions: “How and why do bank loan officers act like this?” remains unanswered. In seeking answers to the above questions: ‘How and why do bankers make such credit decisions?’, there are arguments that credit systems are part and parcel of a total socioeconomic mechanism which, according to Marxism, is structured for continuous accumulation of capital to its owners. Marxism is a socio-economic theory which tries to uncover the way in which certain groups gain power in society and then hold that power for their own benefit (Moore, 1994). According to Marx, the bourgeoisie are the owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour, control society and construct values and social relationships in their own interests (Marx & Engels, 1848). It is worth noting that, as De Brunhoff (2003) points out, according to Marx (1867, p. 626) the ‘Credit System’ including bank loans is a terrible weapon in the battle of competition, and is finally transformed into an enormous social mechanism for the centralization of capital (p. 144). 4 According to this theory, bankers generally prefer to lend to people who already have capital, so that capitalists can compete more effectively while eliminating new entrants to the market. Such lending approaches could act as road blocks for enterprise development and aggravate unemployment problems especially in developing countries. Moreover, this chronic unemployment/underemployment problem could contribute towards a disproportionate delivery of economic well-being, hampering the economic development. Prominent economists (for example; Alan Greenspan, Muhammad Yunus, William Pesek) openly advocate the importance of state intervention and often treat credit as an important tool in dealing with poverty. Yunus says that, “credit is a human right and poverty is created by social systems” (2006, p. 27) while Pesek suggests that, “if developing nations are to become mature economies central banks must do their jobs” (Pesek, 2006, p. 15). Therefore, the link between the enterprise financing and employment generation is established as the foundation of this research. But, how such enterprise financing works discriminatorily, what methods are used to justify such decisions and what motives and social factors drive the decision makers in such decisions, are still to be researched and explained. In light of the above mentioned theories for the possible existence of discrimination in financing businesses by banks, the research interest was narrowed down to investigate how and why a certain powerful group in a society could have more access to credit than that of the less powerful group. Similarly, how and why the credit decision-makers facilitate credit applicants from the powerful group but deny the credit applications from disadvantaged group of the poor class. These two questions are two sides of the same coin; how and why certain enterprise financing processes are discriminatory in nature. Mutual relationships between variables could generally create a reinforcing-mechanism. This dynamic nature of variables, which are complementary to each others’ survival and enhancement, is called a co-integrated function so that, it could be inferred that certain financing processes and the economic development in Sri Lanka are mutually reinforcing and co- integrated. It is carefully noted that, making such an inference does not mean that other influencing factors such as terrorism, war and corruption etc. do not exist or are unimportant or irrelevant for the present status of the economy in Sri Lanka. A substantially prolonged debate is apparent among many economic, social and political theorists, psychologists, anthropologists and other various scholars (for example; Abramovitz, 1986; Baumol, 1986; Firebaugh, 1999; Khan, 1979 Korzeniewicz and Moran, 1997; Kuznets, 1955; 1972; 1979; Lewis, 1966; Maddison, 1983; Ranis, 1972; Rostow, 1990) on development theories. The experts have developed and been redeveloping various theories to explain the situation and explore the crux of the matter with a view of finding a solution to this underdevelopment problem. Access to productive knowledge, access to capital markets, population stress, lack of natural resources, quality of human capital, culture, religion, ethics, quality of institutions & policies, lack of leadership & vision, power-hungry leaders or nations, imperialism or colonization, globalization, bureaucracy, corruption (Gray, Owen & Adams, 1996), familial cronyism, lack of corporate governance and others are most popular among the 5 numerous causes proposed. In this light, it would be timely to investigate how enterprise financing might contribute towards underdevelopment and unemployment in a country. Literature on decision-making behaviour According to scholars of behavioural sciences such as social-psychology (for example :Barry, 2001; Cialdini, 1993; Kipnis, 2001), sociology (for example: Molm, Schaefer, & Collett, 2007; Pearce II & Robinson Jr, 1987; Peay & Dyer Jr, 1989) decision makers are influenced by symbolic gains and feelings such as achievement, being powerful or successful, and even by benefits of reciprocity. Molm, Scaefer and Collett argue that “behavioral preferences are governed primarily by the instrumental value of exchange, while sentiments of trust, affective regard, and solidarity are strongly influenced by the symbolic value of constant reciprocity” (2007, p. 199). According to the social responsibility concept (Peay & Dyer Jr., 1989; Pearce II & Robinson Jr., 1987; Davis, 1967) in our society, business is influenced by all other groups in the system, and business in turn, influences them. Social responsibility theorists further stress that the power-responsibility equation clarifies managerial obligations. Therefore, business in the long run, to maintain its position of power, must accept answering for its responsibility to the whole society. “The Social power holder is willing and able to help others feels powerful and capable of accomplishing things on their own” (Peay & Dyer Jr., 1989, p. 49). However, this ‘willingness to help others’ is only a mere feeling of being powerful and is not convincing in the business point of view. Further, Ribot and Peluso (2003) developed a theory based on the concept of ‘access’ which was formerly defined as a mere ‘the right to benefits from things’. They argue that the concept of access could be broadened to ‘the ability to derive benefits from things’ based on ‘a bundle of powers’ instead of property’s notion of a ‘bundle of rights’. This formation of power includes a wide range of social relationships, methods and processes that enable various actors to derive benefits from resources (Ribot & Peluso, 2003). According to this theory, the enterprise financing decision-makers’ ability to make decisions depends on their relationships with the decision-seekers and, also the methods and processes they used to make such decisions. Ribot and Peluso further stressed that, “access to capital in the form of credit is a means of maintaining resource access” (2003, p. 165). And they further say that, Some actors in these webs of social relations control and maintain access by controlling single strands or bundle of powers. Some actors pool their powers, forming bundles of owners, workers, or beneficiaries acting in concert to assert greater control or to maintain their resource access (Ribot & Peluso, 2003, p. 173). The Sri Lankan culture is that the bank officers and the customers are very well prepared to grab and resort to arbitrary methods. Also, when it comes to a lower or middle level decision-making, it might not be appropriate to connect those fevered-decisions to ego, self esteem or even social responsibility. However, these decision makers too enjoy 6 certain level of social power, privilege or inclusion in their own spheres and could still be influenced by monetary and other benefits and advantages as well. Literature pertaining to corruption (for example: Aguilera & Vadera, 2008; Jayawickrama, 2001; Moran, 1999) and patriotism or ‘national interest’ (Shin & Schwartz, 2003) was also reviewed and found useful in understanding the behaviour of decision makers. Organizational corruption is defined as “the crime that is committed by the use of authority within organizations for personal gains”(Aguilera & Vadera, 2008, p. 433 [italics original]). According to Aguilera and Vadera, personal gains include not only individualistic benefits but also corporate benefits such as improved profitability. However, these corporate level collective gains could deliver individualistic benefits such as job security in the long run. Aguilera and Vadera (2008) suggest three types of organizational corruptions (procedural, schematic, and categorical) based on Webber’s three ideal-types of authority (legal-rational, charismatic and traditional), different types of motivation (individualistic, collectivistic and relational) and three methods of justification (rationalization, socialization, and ritualism), however, they admit that, We realize that no organization has a particular authority in the pure form, nor will its members follow a pure motive or justification method to engage in a pure corruption outcome (p. 444). On a different track all these explanations, according to Marxian analysis (for example: Gray, Owen, & Adams, 1996; Saad-Filho, 2003), are superficial interpretations of structural nature of capitalism, it does not explain sensibly why do these power holders want to maintain their resource access?, and whether their acts are really driven by motives such as personal gain, organizational benefits, patriotic attitudes, national interest or social gain. Background The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Fact Book condenses Sri Lanka’s political history into a single paragraph as follows; The Sinhalese arrived in Sri Lanka late in the 6th century B.C. probably from northern India. Buddhism was introduced beginning in about the mid-third century B.C., and a great civilization developed at the cities of Anuradhapura (kingdom from circa 200 B.C. to circa A.D. 1000) and Polonnaruwa (from about 1070 to 1200). In the 14th century, a south Indian dynasty seized power in the north and established a Tamil kingdom. Occupied by the Portuguese in the 16th century and by the Dutch in the 17th century, the island was ceded to the British in 1796, and was united under British rule by 1815. As Ceylon, it became independent in 1948; its name was changed to Sri Lanka in 1972 (Central Intelligence Agency, 2007, p. 1) 7 Sri Lanka has 65,610 square kilometres (including 2,805 Sq. Km. of inland water). The population was 3.5M a century ago in 1901 and now it is reported as 20M. Beginning with a land-based capitalist structure in the 1950s after gaining the independence in 1948 Sri Lanka followed mixed economic policies of capitalism and socialism. In 1977, a capitalist-centred (right-wing) government revolutionized Sri Lankan politics, marking the end of the state-centred economic system. Stimulated by IMF and World Bank initiatives, public enterprises were seen as economic burdens and the government sought a more competitive market environment and privatization. Sri Lankan banking environment Arbitrary/informal decision-making is encouraged in Sri Lanka when standard systems and procedures are not effectively implemented in an organization. But financial institutions, which are closely regulated and supervised, generally have very well written policy and procedure manuals in accordance with the international standards as per the requirements of the Basle agreement (Basle agreement is the set of consensus agreed by the international banking practitioners on prudent accounting and reporting of financial institutions). Those manuals are regularly updated especially for delegated authority levels in keeping with changes in hierarchical positions of decision-makers and technological advancement. However, Sri Lankan Banking culture, which is heavily, influenced by traditional arbitrary methods used in the society in general, known as too lenient towards rule breakers due to corruption and favouritisms. To reap the benefits of proper systems, not only they should be clearly defined with duties and responsibilities towards its clients, owners and finally to the community, but also should be effectively monitored with appropriate rewards, punishments and corrective actions. Therefore, mere documentation or guidelines to follow the set rules will not serve the actual purpose of setting up systems. However the people involved in the systems should make sure that delivery of quality output is what most important to achieve the corporate goal of an organization. The Soft Bank, one of the largest privately owned listed banks in Sri Lanka, was very strong in marketing customer deposits and it had some unique strengths. It was young (Incorporated in 1989) and had a very young enthusiastic workforce, lead by a prominent businessman in the country, backed by a large group. The advertising and publicity campaign was very aggressive and the Soft Bank soon became a household name all over the island. It expanded rapidly, opening 100 branches during the first 7 years. The customer deposit base was three times of that of SET Bank, which was also incorporated in 1989. Soft Bank became the largest private bank in terms of the branches and number of employees, and the second largest private bank in terms of customer deposits and assets, by the end of the year 1996. However, the profitability figures were poor having Return on Average Assets (ROAA) of less than 1% and Cost to Income ratio of more than 70%, which was the highest among private banks listed in the Colombo Stock Exchange. The amount of nonperforming loans (NPL) had risen to more than 20% of total loans. The Central Bank of 8 Sri Lanka severely warned the management several times and had set time frames to address the issue immediately. The Chairman was worried about this situation and raised doubts on the systems and the officers of the Bank. The market price of the Soft Bank stock was also not performing in par with the industry average Price Earning (PE) ratio. Research reports on the Soft Bank, published by most of the stockbrokers were adverse with a recommendation to Sell or Hold, because of poor financials when compared to the financials published by the peer banks. Selection of cases Three cases were studied for this research because the evidence from multiple cases is often considered more compelling, and the overall study is therefore regarded as being more robust (Herriott & Firestone, 1983). Further, several case studies in one inquiry is advisable when the inquiry is about relationships between variables, rather than generalization to a population (Woodside & Wilson, 2003). Out of the three cases considered in this research, two cases are related to successful credit applications from members of a powerful social class which supports the many theories discussed above; financial capital was provided informally on preferred social norms because the applicants are socially powerful or capable of reaching the decision maker. The other case is a credit application from a member of a powerless class, where credit was denied and, is also in line with those theories. The basis of selection of these cases is described briefly in the next section. After considering the boundaries, access to sites and scope of this research it was determined that at least two cases should be selected; one to represent the formal methods and the other to represent assumed informal methods. Since the scope of the study is availability of financial capital to SMEs it was necessary to select cases to represent both the medium and the small size enterprises. Also, to balance the representation it is decided that at least one case should be from instances where the credit was denied and one case should be from instances where credit was granted. Therefore, it is concluded that maximum of three cases would be selected out of the cases presented by the participants on the grounds explained below. The questionnaires were sent repeatedly and answered comprehensively for three credit decisions and out of them two decisions were made by the Chairman himself. The other case was handled by the middle level credit decision makers of the bank. Another case was composed by reconstructing the researcher’s personal experiences where the decision maker was again the Chairman himself. Therefore, there were data available for four case studies altogether as classified in the following Table 1. Table 1: Classification of cases based on participants and decision making Participants Researcher Participant 1 Participant 2 Decision maker The Chairman The Middle Management Case I Case II Case IV Case III 9 The three credit applications; cases I, II & IV, which were handled by the Chairman, were fully accommodated and credits were granted. Out of these cases only the first two were considered for this research because of the typical nature of the cases. One of them (case IV) was not considered because it had only limited link to economic policies of Sri Lanka and it does not weaken the rigor of the research. The credit application, which was not accommodated and credit was denied, was handled by the middle level decision makers and was also considered for the research so that balanced representation is enhanced. All three credit applications, which have been considered for this inquiry, are typical in nature in the Sri Lankan context therefore represent the general credit culture in Sri Lanka. Summary of the case studies The three long stories are condensed in the following Table II: Summary of the Discussion and Analysis of Case Studies, to provide a holistic picture of the situation. 10 Friendly. Quick. Without formal evaluation. Granted, over the table. Sympathetic/patriotic Negotiation Decision Explanation/ grounds Without formal evaluation. Granted, over the table. Decision one: Formal. Granted without authority, therefore, the decision maker lost the job. Decision two: Formal. Denied. Formal. Dragged. 11 with Decision one: Personal benefits, Enterprise promotion oriented. Quick. Import protection? Protect foreign Big competitor penetrating into the reserves. These automobiles were business. Soared relationship refused to register on road worthiness between bank officers and the client. & safety issues. Investment promotion mechanism. grounds Patriotic/nationalistic Client was under the threat of foreclosure and losing 30,000 jobs. Highest single foreign exchange earner. Issues Personal, both the credit decision Outside the bank at an investment Formal, within the normal banking maker and the client are powerful forum, both the credit decision maker practices and formalities. Primarily businessmen. and the client are socially powerful. role relationship. Small level credit, a coming-up janitorial-service ‘Superclean Enterprise’ struggling with loss of business and financing problems. Approach Medium level credit for a car manufacturing company in Sri Lanka, struggling with regulatory authorities and financing problems. Medium level credit for a garment manufacturing company struggling with lack of orders and liquidity problems. Case Study (III): Mr. Silva Project Table II: Summary of the Discussion and Analysis of Case Studies Case Study (I): Mr. Tony Case Study (II): Mr Yousef Justification with egoistic and/or any other egoistic and/or any other motive(s). motive(s). Prevailing systems are not good Prevailing systems are not good 12 error rectifying. Decision two: Rigid application of rules. The case studies show that the informal lending takes place, when the decision maker had; (a) an unchallenged authority and; (b) influenced by motives such as ego, self esteem or favouritism. The case studies also discover that the informal financing will not occur just because of; (a) benefits to the bank and/or decision maker, or (b) the personal relationships or gratifications, (c) extra liquidity position of the lender or (d) Patriotism/Nationalism or social responsibility. But these factors may have had an impact in influencing the decision makers. The case studies show that, when the decisions were made at the highest level, the informal financing decision might have been made as a result of a combination of social attributes such as social power, influence, inclusion and prestige, individual traits such as self-esteem, ego, and individual aspirations. Marxian analysis argues that these individual traits are super structural. The structure under review is classbased capitalism and therefore, capitalists favour their fellow capitalists, as evident in this research. The discovery of case study (III) too is that, when the informal decision making was involved at the middle and lower management levels, they might have been made as a result of rewards expectancy on performance and/or reciprocation expectancy from the parties involved. On the other hand it was observed that Mr. Silva is powerless, lacks social network to reach the top management of the Bank. Also, and Superclean is a small enterprise, and therefore, it was ignored. The findings of this research have been theorized accordingly by establishing clear relationship between certain enterprise financing methods and socio-economic power of capitalist class in Sri Lanka. Marxist theory is known as the best fit conflict/critical theory to answer the question ‘why’ the capitalist class in a society always protect their own class. The important element of this reasoning is identified as ‘power strengthening’. This research shows ‘how’ and what methods do they use to strengthen the powerful social network? In the name of ‘globalization’, sophisticated capitalists with neo liberal beliefs often use masks such as ‘Nationalism’, ‘Social Responsibility’ to maintain the capitalistic socio-cultural structure which, in Marxian analysis, is detrimental to economic development of a country. Also the impact of such systems goes beyond the boundaries of countries through ‘globalization’. Conclusions Arbitrary/Informal financing methods, which is currently in operation within the formal banking system in Sri Lanka, mostly driven by social power with or without legitimate authority vested with the decision maker. In addition, personal characteristics and traits such as patriotism, ego, prestige and aspirations of the decision maker are also playing some roles in making decisions but they do not seem important. Lack of support from the government in developing the SME sector seems to be having significant impact on the formal banking systems pushing decision makers for informal decisions with regards to financing micro and small enterprises. These forces collectively influence informal decision making process especially when the organizational structure is weak. These factors are summarized and presented in a model illustrated in the Figure I: Arbitrary Credit Decision-Making Model below. 13 14 Figure I: Arbitrary Decision Making Model: Combined Influence of Individual, Organizational, Political and Social Environmental Factors on Informal Decision Making in Formal Banking System in Sri Lanka (DM=Decision Maker) GOVERNMENT POLICY ON SME DEVELOPMENT O E R N G V A I N R I O Z N LACK OF WEAK BOARD OF DIRECTORS LEGITIMATE AUTHORITY FOR DECISION MAKING SPECIFIC GUIDELINES & PRIORITIES FOR SME. DEVELOPMENT WEAK ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE/SYSTE MS ABILITY TO BREAK RULES PROPENSITY TO MAKE INFORMAL DECISIONS A M T E I N O T UNPROFESSIONAL PROCEDURES ACCOMADATION OF INFORMAL REQUESTS NAL S O C I O- E C O N O M I C PATRIOTISM PRESTIGE EGOISM PERSONAL ENTERPRISE FINANCING DECISIONS POWERSTRENGTH ENING GRATIFICATIONS DECEPTION SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY ENVIRONMENT The findings of the case studies barely support the theoretical perspectives based on socio-psychological grounds. When the informal decisions involved the decision makers at the highest level in the bank, it is more likely that the decision maker is influenced by the motive of favouritism (power-strengthening) coupled with the need to achieve esteem needs (Thoits & Virshup, 1997) rather than by social responsibility (Davis, 1967). But when the informal decision is involved the decision makers at the middle level of the hierarchy of the bank, it is more likely that the decision makers are influenced by reciprocation or debt (Barry, 2001), and motivated by rewards expectancy in weak organizational systems (Walton, 2004). Based on the evidences, it could be generalized that, there is a tendency to make preferential financing decisions when the credit applicant is socially and economically powerful and, the decisions are made by abusing the legitimate authority overruling the normal banking practices for credit evaluation. Exploring from Marxian critical theory, Lapavistas (2003) explains the motive behind such arbitrary lending decisions as follows; Social power, privilege and inclusion in various activities are intertwined with possession of money in capitalist society. Equally, lack of money translates into powerlessness, deprivation and exclusion from several social activities for the 15 majority of the poor in capitalism. In capitalist society, successful participation in social affairs depends less on a person’s abilities and skills, and more on possession of money (p. 64). Therefore, all individual, social-cultural and economic-political factors are collectively directed towards protecting and strengthening the social power of an affluent class of the capitalist or feudal society (Lapavistas, 2003). The economic power afforded by money eventually leads to social power and in turn, social power becomes the fundamental driving force of arbitrary/informal decision making in the banking/finance industry in Sri Lanka. Then, because the powerless is ignored, poor class is neglected. Therefore, opportunities are lost to the society/country as a whole. On the other hand, because powerful class acquires more power through such informal decisions, it can be concluded that, underdevelopment and preferential lending processes are mutually reinforcing. This is illustrated in Figure II below. 16 Figure II: Illustrated Integrated Research Problem and Proposition with Research Conclusions WHY ? Power-strengthening YES NO CREDIT HOW ? Using Masks Money WHY ? Avoid competition Consciousness Economic Power Social Power CYCLE Propensity ropensity to make informal decisions FIGURE I HOW ? Strict application of rules REINFORCING ROAD BLOCKS TO EMPLOYMENT GENERATION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT This case research study provide solid evidence that, enterprise financing decisions are made without following appropriate lending policies and procedures. These power-driven decision-making systems not only restrict the availability of financial capital for feasible projects but also blatantly deny credit applications of potential enterprise and, create internal road blocks (Goulet, 2002) which are detrimental to the economic development especially in the Less Developed Countries like Sri Lanka. Therefore, the findings of this research strongly emphasize the need for radical changes in the financial mobility system to remove road blocks of economic development and to make the environment conducive for entrepreneurs to start, grow and achieve economies of scale and generate employment opportunities towards economic development in Sri Lanka and beyond. Future Research The findings of this research open many doors for further research and could be extended to other developing countries as well. On the other hand, they may be appropriate to conduct a quantitative research on to find: To what extent these types of decisions are made and to assess their impact on the financial market/system of a country? To what extent this inappropriate lending is correlated to the economic development? To what extent these inappropriate lending decisions and socioeconomic power are mutually reinforcing? What is the correlation between socioeconomic power of individuals and their inclination to protect/strengthen the class net work in the society? etc. Further research of the findings could also be extended to find suitable systems, policies and infrastructure frameworks to eliminate or minimize road blocks of economic development of developing countries. 17 References Aguilera, R. V., & Vadera, A. K. (2008). The Dark Side of Authority: Antecedents, Mechanisms, and Outcomes of Organizational Corruption. Journal of Business Ethics(77), 431-49. Bank of England. (1999). 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