CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE
CHARACTERISTICS
OF
YOUNG PREGNANT ADOLESCENT GIRLS
A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the
requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in
Education, Educational Psychology, Counseling
by
Stacey Lucille Moore
May 1988
The Thesis of Stacey Lucille Moore is approved:
California State University, Northridge
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
List of Tables • .
iv
v
Abstract.
Chapter
INTRODUCTION . • . . . .
Statement of the Problem
Purpose of the study . .
Major Assumptions. . . •
Definition of Terms. . .
Scope apd Limitations of
1.
• .
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. .
the
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. . .
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. . .
study
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1
1
5
6
7
8
2.
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE .
10
3.
METHODOLOGY . . . . . . .
Needs Assessment . . • .
. . . . . .
Administration of Survey Instrument. . .
Analysis of Survey Data. • . . • . . . .
32
32
RESULTS. . . • • . . . . . .
Five Vignettes . . . • • • .
General Findings • .
38
53
4.
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND
RECOMMENDATIONS .
. . . .
Summary . • . .
Conclusions . •
Recommendations for Further Research.
Recommendations for Professional Practice
5.
References.
34
36
91
94
94
95
98
100
105
Appendix
A.
B.
Interview Schedule. . . . . .
Consent Form . . . • . . . . .
iii
109
115
LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table
1. Breakdown of Pregnant Adolescents by
Age and Marital Status . • . . . . .
41
2. Breakdown of Pregnant Adolescents by
Age and Ethnicity • . . . . . . . . . .
41
3. Menarche Ages Compared to Age at First
Intercourse. . . . . . . . .
. . .
42
4. Subjects Claiming Possession of Some
Birth Control Knowledge Prior to Their
Pregnancy. • • . . . . • • . . . .
43
5. Religious Affiliation and Pregnant
Adolescent's Self-Described Degree of
Religiousness. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6. Plans of the Pregnant Adolescent for
Herself and Her Baby's Child Care . .
iv
.
43
_52
ABSTRACT
CHARACTERISTICS OF YOUNG PREGNANT ADOLESCENT GIRLS
by
Stacey Lucille Moore
Master of Arts in Education, Educational Psychology,
Counseling
The rate of unmarried teenage pregnancy in the
u.s.
is increasing (over one million each year) despite
efforts by educators and other helping professionals to
curtail this trend.
This study examines the major
health and social issues of teenage pregnancy by
identifying and describing the "shared characteristics"
of a small target population.
Specific methodological steps were carried out to
achieve this study's goals.
Initially, a review of the
literature from three major areas was carried out.
In
order to elicit appropriate data, interviews with 14
pregnant adolescents were then conducted.
present the results,
To help
five vignettes were created.
The major findings generated from this study tend
to indicate that the subjects' "shared characteristics"
are numerous.
A composite portrait reveals a 15 year-
v
old, unmarried, hispanic, ninth-grader who is pregnant
for the first time.
She comes from a single-parent
workingjlower middle class home with no male father
figure present.
Although she had attended a health/sex
education class prior to her pregnancy, she fails to
fully comprehend how pregnancy is successfully
prevented.
Sexual desire was not a motivator for her
when she became sexually active.
Instead, she seems to
possess inadequate assertive skillsjself-esteem to
prevent her partner from "pushing" her into "sex" with
him.
She states that her pregnancy was accidental, and
once pregnant, expresses that it, the pregnancy, raised
her status to adulthood within her family.
The recommendations in this study identified and
focus on the need to redesign sex education curriculum
to fit the perceived needs of this population.
One
innovative example that is offered is to incorporate
these teens' peers, who are teen mothers, as share
teachers.
vi
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
statement of the Problem
During the past twenty years, increasing attention
has been paid to the number of adolescents who
experience pregnancy and parenthood.
In the United
States, more than one in every ten young girls become
pregnant at least once during their teenage years.
Each year over one million of the teenaged girls in the
United States become pregnant and about five percent of
the total female
u.s.
teenage population gives birth
(Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1981).
According to the
Guttmacher Institute, only four percent of the
teenagers who become mothers in the United States do
not keep their babies.
Virtually all of the mothers
who are black decide to keep their babies as compared
to the 90% rate in the white population.
Teenagers only represent one-fifth of the sexually
active female population who are capable of becoming
.
pregnant yet, they account for nearly half of the "outof-wedlock" births and for one-third of all abortions
in the United States.
Adolescent pregnancy is a major health problem
which is compounded by the many adverse consequences of
teenage childbearing.
Adolescent pregnancy has been
shown to negatively affect the health, social, and
1
,, .
economic aspects of the teenage female and of her baby.
The health risks associated with teenage pregnancy have
been well-documented and indicate that: 1.) for women
under the age of 2 0 years there is a much higher rate
of fetal and maternal mortality, approximately two and
one-half times greater than that of babies who are born
to mothers who are in their twenties; 2.) there is also
a higher likelihood of the baby being premature; 3.)
andjor having a low birth weight especially when
adequate prenatal care is not given (Furstenberg,
Lincoln, & Menken, 1981).
Jr.,
Researchers have found that
a large percentage of adolescent pregnancies occur
among females from low-income households and that they
are more likely to receive poor health care (Mednick,
Baker, & Sutton-Smith, 1979).
As a result, these
pregnant teenagers are more suseptible to certain
secondary complications such as toxemia and are more
likely to have a higher perinatal mortality rate
(Battaglia,
Frazier,
& Hellegers, 1963).
Negative social outcomes, for both the teenage
mothers and their children, have been associated with
adolescent pregnancy.
Adolescent mothers, in
comparison to their nulliparous peers, have been shown
to have:
"sooner" subsequent pregnancies (Furstenberg,
Jr., 1976, p. 164); and less than average occupational
adjustment (Furstenberg,
Jr.,
2
1976).
Furstenberg (1976) in his study,
identified a
delayed cognitive development in the children of
adolescent mothers.
While, Oppel and Royston (1971)
found that as many as six to eight years after birth,
children born to adolescent mothers had; significantly
lower intelligence quotients, lower reading levels, and
lower body weights than that of children born to older
mothers.
Research substantiates that welfare dependency is
increased and family income is reduced as a result of
teenage motherhood (Card & Wise, 1978; Hofferth &
Moore, 1979; Trussel, 1976; Trussel & Menken, 1978). A
study completed by Moore (1978) found a
disproportionately high number of adolescent mothers
who were the recipients of welfare, Aid to Families
with Dependent Children (AFDC).
The income of
adolescent mothers is only half of that earned by those
women who are in their twenties when they give birth to
their first child (Suchidram, 1978).
Consequently, a
child born to a teenage mother begins life in a home
where social and economic conditions are relatively
unfavorable.
The negative economic consequences
of adolescent parenthood have been identified as a
direct result of poor education and a high probability
that teenage mothers will bring up their children in a
home where there is no breadwinning father present
3
(Alan Guttmacher Institute,
1981).
Research has shown that women who first give birth
as teenagers have 50% more births than women whose
first birth occurs after their teenage years (Trussell
& Menken, 1978).
Not only do these teenage mothers
have a lower income but they are also more likely to
have a need to stretch their income to feed more
mouths.
A problem exists with the approach that most
researchers have taken as they attempted to compile
data about this population.
Researchers in the field
of adolescent sexuality have seldom taken a
developmental view in the context of the feelings of
teenagers about themselves, their families, and their
society (Chilman, 1979).
Few studies have
sufficiently examined the characteristics of young
pregnant adolescent females as they see themselves.
Recognizing this scarcity in the literature, this
study was conceived as a way to begin to fill that gap.
Before we can realistically expect
t~
have an impact on
this specific population as educators and counselors,
we must first do the groundwork by building a solid
foundation upon which to formulate and implement
effective programs.
Without this important fundamental
knowledge and awareness of our target population, we
will continue to operate in the dark, not knowing what
4
is myth and what is reality concerning this population.
Purpose of the study
This study attempts to obtain information that
will enable the identification of commonalities/shared
characteristics among the pregnant adolescent
population.
A holistic approach was taken so that the
reader will be able to form a more complete picture of
these teenage pregnant females as individual human
beings with thoughts, feelings, ideas, strengths, and
weaknesses.
This investigation was designed to
specifically ascertain the answers to the following
important questions regarding this adolescent
population: Did these pregnant adolescent females
consciously choosejdecide to put themselves at risk for
conception?
or did they become pregnant purely by
accident? What and how much do these teenaged females
know about human sexuality?
How do they describe the
quality of their relationship with family members,
their baby's father, their peers, and so forth.
What
kinds of emotional and sexual experiences have they had
as
their bodies began to mature physically and
hormonally (sexually)?
How do they view school?
What,
if any, are their plans for the future?
In addition, this study attempts to ascertain the
self-perceived characteristics of the adolescent
5
pregnant female by specifically identifying and
describing characteristics of a small target population
representative of the young pregnant adolescent females
enrolled in an alternative school program for pregnant
minors.
This study intends to generate data that will
enable teachers and therapists, as well as schools and
counseling agencies to develop and implement more
effective programs and services for these young
pregnant adolescents.
Major Assumptions
Five major assumptions have been identified that
pertain to this investigation.
Teenagers who become
pregnant have been given the information of how human
beings become pregnant but they haven't integrated it
into their daily life practices.
Not only are
resources for birth control not readily available for
this population but they personally do not feel
comfortable using birth control methods; partly because
it is not commonly practiced among their peers within
their culture.
Even though this population has been given
accurate information regarding sex education and
pregnancy prevention, i t is not given to them in a way
that is meaningful to them.
The format and the style
which this information is presented does not make it
6
real to them so that they will integrate it into their
lives and not become pregnant.
Given that appropriate
information is presented in a meaningful way, more
teenagers will practice birth control effectively
which might decrease the probability of the high
teenage pregnancy rate.
Also, researchers tend to
collect only demographic information regarding the
characteristics of this population, they do not attend
to the self-perceived needs of the teenaged population;
therefore the method of instruction is not meaningful.
Operational Definitions
Adolescence refers to the chronological span of time
during which a young person is between the ages of 13
and 19.
outcome of Pregnancy refers to the final
decision made or the resolution of pregnancy once
conception is confirmed.
The following is a listing
of the various possible outcomes:
1. inducement or spontaneous abortion;
2. giving birth and placing the child up for
adoption;
3. keeping the child after birth with the
teenager raising the child herself (usually the
adolescent mother's parents assume the main
financial responsibility for her baby and
herself).
Nulliparous refers to a female who has never given
7
' .
birth to a child.
Primiparous refers to a female who is bearing
offspring for the first time.
Multiparous refers to a female who has given birth
to more than one live child.
Boyfriend refers to the male person who is the
biological father of the unborn child.
Latino/HispanicjMexican-American terms refers to all
people who are of Mexican, Spanish, or Latin descent,
including those who are and are not American citizens,
illegal and non-illegal aliens that are presently
residing in the United States.
Menarche refers to the time when a female incurs her
first menstrual period.
Scope and Limitations of the study
This exploratory study will include:
a. A literature review, limited to the available
literature, and therefore, the entire spectrum
of material available on the subject may not
•
be presented .
b. The collection of data in the field will be
limited to the survey method.
One approach will
be utilized, that of personal, face-to-face
8
Q '
interviews.
The instrument will be a blend of
both, a scheduled-structured and non-scheduledstructured forced interview.
c. The on-site observations will be limited to those
made during the times of the field interviews.
Data collected in this exploratory study will be
limited to analysis by descriptive statistical
techniques. The self-selected interviewees chosen to
fulfill the pregnant adolescent category were limited
to those females enrolled in a specific alternative
school program for pregnant minors which was comprised
primarily of teenaged primiparous hispanic females who
remained in their hispanic communities during pregnancy
and child-raising periods.
The number of individuals to be interviewed in
this exploratory study is small.
This limitation is
due to the time involved in conducting the in-depth
personal interviews, as well as the limited number and
willingness of potential interviewees to allocate their
time to the interview process in this study.
9
Chapter 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
The primary purpose of this study was to ascertain
if it would be advantageous to identify specific
characteristics of the teenage population and
incorporate them into the educational and counseling
programs developed for this population.
This chapter
reviews pertinent literature about adolescent
pregnancies which was drawn from the following fields:
1.
Literature within the field of sociologyjsocial
work that related to teenage pregnancy programs,
counseling pregnant teenagers, and that
population's psycho-social make-up.
2.
Literature within and related to the fields of
medicine and psychology that addressed and
identified the various psycho-social variables of
teenagers who are at risk of becoming pregnant or
either are already pregnant.
3.
Literature specifically within the fields of
adolescent sexuality and family planning.
Twelve distinct issuesjareas were repeatedly
encountered throughout the literature reviewed.
These
issues will be utilized in order to organize, review,
and present the literature discussed in this chapter.
10
They are as follows:
1.
CURRENT STATUS
2.
TEENAGE SEXUAL BEHAVIOR
3.
BIRTH CONTROL KNOWLEDGE AND CONTRACEPTIVE USE
4.
PREGNANT ADOLESCENT PROFILES
5.
COMPARISON BETWEEN PREGNANT AND NON-PREGNANT
ADOLESCENTS
6.
ROLE OF THE FAMILY
7.
PREGNANCY AS A SOCIAL STATUS ENHANCER
8.
COMPARISON OF PREGNANT ADOLESCENTS IN THE 1960s TO
THOSE IN THE 1970s
9.
ABORTION VERSES CARRYING TO TERM
10.
CULTURAL COMPARISONS OF PREGNANT ADOLESCENTS
11.
ADOLESCENT PREGNANCY: IN THE U.S. VERSES OTHER
COUNTRIES
12.
PROBLEMS FOUND IN THE EXISTING LITERATURE
CURRENT STATUS
Each year more than one million American teens
become pregnant.
Four out of five of them are
unmarried and nearly 3 0, 00 0 of them are under the age
of 15.
It has been estimated, by researchers, that if
the present trends continues, nearly 40% of today's 14
year-old girls will become pregnant at least once
before they reach their 20th birthday (Wallis, 1985).
It has been estimated that overall, the
u.s.
spends 8.5 billion dollars on income support for
teenagers who are either pregnant or who have given
11
birth to a child ("Failure to curb", 1986).
A survey
conducted in 1986 by Thomas David, director of the Bush
Program at UCLA, on the birth rate among teenage girls
showed that Los Angeles County rated among the highest
in the nation and that the number of pregnancies among
girls under the age of 15 in this region is on the
rise.
It also showed that this county's black and
Latino teenagers are three to four times more likely to
have a child as compared to teenagers from other
groups.
What do we know about these girls?
go about studying this population?
How does one
Many studies in the
literature reviewed attempted to describe the pregnant
adolescent girl.
Unfortunately, not many of them
offered an in-depth, comprehensive look at this
population.
Instead, most tended to limit their
studies by using only self-esteem or self-concept
measures.
These methods rarely created a full picture
of these girls as complex individuals.
TEENAGE SEXUAL BEHAVIOR
Probably the most ambitious study to date in its
demographic scope is the work of Zelnik and Kantner
(1972).
These researchers began with a 1971
probability sample of 4,600 females between the ages of
15 and 19, living at home or in college dorms. Their
12
focus was largely demographic and sociological in
approach and had little theoretical basis (Chilman,
1979).
The results of their study only looked at
specific aspects of adolescent female sexual and
contraceptive behaviors, psychological and attitudinal
factors were not included.
Some of their most
significant findings were presented in several
subsequent studies (Zelnik and Kantner, 1972, 1974,
1975,
1977).
Zelnik and Kantner's research focused on
such areas as:
1.
Contraceptive experience of young females in the
U.S.
They specifically looked at;
- the types of birth control methods used, if
any;
- frequency of use of contraception measures;
- reasons for non-use of contraceptive
methods;
2.
Pregnancy intent of unmarried females aged 15-19
years;
- second pregnancies to premaritally pregnant
teens; and the percentage of teenagers
(aged 13-18 years) who said they had some
formal sex education in school.
Some of their major findings included the following:
- Less than 40% of those surveyed knew the time of the
month when pregnancy was most likely to occur.
- The majority of the sexually active teenagers, 3/4 of
a million, stated that they "do not want to get
pregnant" (Zelnik & Kantner, 1977, p. 76), even
though they indicated they do not use any form of
birth control.
13
- Of the pregnant teenagers between the ages of 13 and
19 years who had never been married, 69% indicated
that they had had a sexual education course.
Yet,
only 54% were able to correctly identify the time of
greatest risk of pregnancy during a woman's menstrual
cycle (Zelnik & Kantner, 1977).
BIRTH CONTROL KNOWLEDGE AND CONTRACEPTIVE USE
In one of the few fairly intensive studies,
Babikian and Goldman (1971) investigated the
characteristics of thirty pregnant adolescent girls who
were patients at a prenatal clinic in New York City.
Of the 30 girls; 13 were black and 17 were Puerto
Rican.
Six were under the age of fourteen, while seven
were fifteen years or older.
These researchers elicited information during one
hour psychiatric interviews with the girls which
covered: their family background; relationships with
peers and with the baby's father; as well as their
personal attitudes toward pregnancy.
Babikian and
Goldman (1971) found that half of the girls "were very
happy when they discovered they were pregnant" (p.
114) and stated that they in fact, had wanted to have a
baby.
Most of these girls indicated that they made no
attempt to use any form of contraception.
While the
other half of the girls stated that they had not wanted
to become pregnant.
Yet, only three of them had made
any attempt to prevent conception.
But, when
contraceptive devices were used, it seemed to be done
14
.I
v '
on an irregular basis and most
o~
the girls who did use
them had little knowledge as to their correct usage.
For example, the girl who used an oral contraceptive
took it only at the time she engaged in sexual
intercourse.
Nine of the girls who did not use contraceptives
were surprised when they became pregnant, saying they
thought it would never happen to them.
In some girls
this belief was so well-entrenched that they felt they
would not become_pregnant again, even if they continued
to fail to employ a reliable means of contraception.
Babikian and Goldman (1971) also found that the girls
had a number of prejudices, misconceptions, and
inaccurate information concerning all methods of
contraception.
The majority thought that the most
fertile period for a woman coincided with menstruation
and that the safest time for intercourse was in midcycle.
When Babikian and Goldman·(1971) looked at the
relationship aspect of these girls, they found that in
seven instances the girls closely identified with other
teenagers, cousins, or friends who were pregnant or who
had just had a baby.
One 15 year-old subject stated
that "all my friends on the block had their first
babies last summer" (p. 114).
Over one-third seemed to
have a strong identification with their mother, "My
15
.I
mother had me before she was married.
I am just like
her" (p. 113) •
These researchers also felt that in a number of
cases, the pregnancy was an attempt to deal with an
unresolved oedipal conflict which was intensified by
the father's seductiveness.
It was described by some
of the girls as a "special relationship"
with their fathers (p.114).
that they had
The authors did not
elaborate, which leads the reader to question why they
did not explore the possibility that these girls may
have been victims of sexual abusejincest.
In a different study, Cobliner (1974) interviewed
411 pregnant adolescents requesting abortions and found
that fully 43% of those interviewed had knowledge of
specific birth control methods but seemed to be "risktakers" (p. 23).
When asked why they did not use
contraception protection, most answered either by
saying,
"I did not think I would get pregnant" or "I
took a chance" (p. 23).
Whereas Lindeman (1974) found
that many adolescents avoided a decision to use birth
control methods by refusing to admit to themselves that
they had become sexually active persons.
Thus, the
possibility that those he interviewed may possess a
strong denial system regarding their sexuality was
offered as one explanation for the widespread occurance
of accidental pregnancy among adolescent girls who have
16
some knowledge of contraception.
Chilman (1977), on the other hand,
feels the
reason why adolescents fail to take the steps necessary
to prevent pregnancy is because they feel there is
little future or reward for them in our society.
She
found that teenagers suffering from low self-esteem,
anxiety, loneliness, and distrust had a higher
incidence of pregnancy.
Social and affective factors associated with
adolescent pregnancy were studied by Smith, Weinman,
and Mumford (1982).
In this study they looked at 104
low-income primiparous adolescents who were between the
ages of 13 and 18 years of age.
They were asked to
respond, anonymously, to a short questionaire while
waiting for their routine prenatal examinations.
Demographic data was obtained and questions were
answered that addressed; birth control information and
its use, coital frequency, desire for pregnancy,
affective states, expected lifestyle changes, and
knowledge of the fertility cycle.
The majority of the adolescents (N=104) in Smith,
Weinman, and Mumford's study (1982), indicated that
although they were experiencing an unplanned pregnancy,
they perceived minimal negative social consequences
associated with the pregnancy.
Eighty-two percent of
them were unable to demonstrate any deep understanding
17
of the menstrual cycle.
contraceptives,
Only 11% had ever used
yet a large majority (82%) of the girls
said they knew how to obtain contraceptive devices.
Seventy-four percent of the girls said they did not
want to get pregnant, in spite of their iack of
utilization of birth control methods.
They were
however, for the most part, surprised at conception
(66%).
These researchers found that the perceived
family reaction to pregnancy was "neutral at worst"
(p. 92) and that in 25% of the cases the family was
perceived as treating the pregnant adolescent "more
positively" (p. 92).
In this study,
pregnancy
presented neither a social nor a moral dilemma to those
it affected and was readily accepted among the young
mother-to-be's friends and her family.
The researchers
stated that they believed most of the girls were
operating from an emotional, rather than a logical
perception of the real world.
They based this
statement on the inconsistancy they found between the
pregnant adolescents' attitudes and behaviors (p.
92).
PREGNANT ADOLESCENT PROFILES
Moore and Burt (1982) studied teenage childbearing
and examined characteristics which affect the
probability of unintended pregnancy and being
recipients of AFDC benefits (welfare).
18
They
identified 15 attitudes, motivations, and behaviors
that they found to be connected with the possibility
engaging in sexual activity.
ot
Some of the common
characteristics of these teens who bear children
include that they: are not future goal-oriented and
perceive no or few alternatives in their life choices;
are ignorant of consequences; are unable to plan; and
perceive a world that seems to revolve around their
peers.
The use of contraceptives by this population was
found to be dependent on a number of factors.
These
include such things as:
- the adolescent's level of ignorance or lack of
maturation to understand one's biophysical processes
and how they relate to various contraceptive
techniques or methods;
- their perception and understanding of the
consequences of pregnancy as well as their likelihood
of becoming pregnant;
- if the pregnant state was positively validated within
their own culturejsociety or associated with adult
status;
- did the adolescents have a fear of their parents
finding out;
- was becoming pregnant related to a fear of losing
one's partner; and
- fear of discussing sex with one's partner.
They also found that the retention of and carrying to
term of an "out-of-wedlock" baby was dependent on
numerous variables.
They included such factors as:
19
the teen rivaling for attention with her own mother
or siblings;
- was abortion socially acceptable;
- did the family and community provide a nuturing
environment both for the pregnant and non-pregnant
mother and her child;
- what was the level of involvement by the biological
father;
- did the pregnancy and having a baby bring with it a
positive valuation of motherhood;
- did the baby provide a form of fulfillment, a sense
of being needed for the adolescent, whereby giving a
purpose to life and erasing one's feeling of
loneliness.
Ulvedal and Feeg (1983) conducted a study that
attemp~ed
to identify and describe the common
psychosocial characteristics of the pregnant adolescent
who chooses childbirth.
They utilized a semi-
structured interviewing instrument to gather data on 32
adolescents who were enrolled in an alternative
educational program for pregnant minors.
They measured
demographic variables, family configuration and
relationships, substance use in the family, special
problems (school, court, counseling), and outcome-ofpregnancy plans.
These researchers identified several
common characteristics that included: the absence of a
biological father; the presence of heavy alcohol use
within the family; and a familial pattern of pregnancy
in adolescence.
Ireson (1982) measured the sex-role orientation
20
and other related variables of young women aged 13-18
years-old.
She found that in comparison with
adolescents utilizing birth control techniques, the
pregnant girls perceived themselves as:
- being competent in more highly sex-typed activities;
- having lower school grades and aspirations in life;
and
- having a sense of less personal control in their
lives.
Ireson (1984) found that one's socioeconomic
status (SES) was the strongest discriminator between
the pregnant and birth control-seeking adolescents.
The pregnant teenagers had a much lower SES.
Also, it
was noted that the pregnant adolescents, in comparison
with those who had experienced a negative pregnancy
test, were younger and were more likely to rely on God
to determine the course of their personal lives.
The reaction of unmarried girls to pregnancy was
studied by Claman, Williams, and Wogan (1969) in
Vancouver, British Columbia.
They analyzed 316 clinic
patients' responses to questions asked during
interviews. Eighty-five percent were between the ages
of 16 and 25 years-old.
The researchers concluded that
initially when the girls first missed a period they
became extremely upset and confused.
Their chief
concern was that their parents would reject them.
This
study found that most of the unwed mothers interviewed
21
i'
were of average intelligence and that many took a
considerable amount of time before confiding in someone
about their pregnancy.
Even though their greatest fear
was that their parents would reject them, in most cases
the parents became supportive when they were told.
Rosenstock (1981) surveyed patients at the
Adolescent Center at Houston International Hospital.
The average age of those surveyed was 15.7 years-old,
frightened, and from an unstable home.
COMPARISON BETWEEN PREGNANT AND NON-PREGNANT
ADOLESCENTS
Ralph, Lechman, and Thomas (1984) conducted a
study to assess and compare pregnant adolescents' selfimage, locus of control, and their personal/family
history with a nulliparous adolescent control group.
What they found was that the pregnant group was more
likely to have both a lower educational level and
poorer vocational/educational adjustment than the
comparison group.
They also found that not only did
the pregnant group have more brothers in their
families, but that they also scored higher than the
comparison group with regards to "family adjustment"
(p. 289).
Zenger (1974) also studied the self-concept of
pregnant adolescent girls.
He used the Tennessee Self
22
'
concept Scale.
His population consisted of 88 pregnant
high school students (88% black) in Northern Florida
who were enrolled in an alternative educational program
for pregnant girls and a comparison group.
He found
that in contrast with the comparison group, the
pregnant adolescents had a decidedly lower selfconcept.
He concluded that even though conception may
have been accidental, the girls he studied seemed to
have had sufficient emotional deficits to cause an
intensive need for fulfillment, meaning, status,
importance, and love-- all of which he felt they could
have envisioned as coming about through having a child.
A study conducted by Curtis (1974) looked at
Puerto Rican and black adolescent clients of 12-17
years of age who attended the Adolescent Guidance
Clinic at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York City.
What
she found out was that less than half of the pregnant
girls (N=30) had stated that they had a close
relationship with someone in their immediate family.
Whereas,
95% of the non-pregnant control group (N=20)
identified family member relationships as their closest
relationships.
ROLE OF THE FAMILY
The role of the family has been identified by
Furstenberg (1980) as an important factor in resolving
23
the outcome of a pregnancy.
In this study he found
that the adolescent's pregnancy seemed to benefit the
entire family.
It increased closeness, especially
between the mother and the daughter.
This latter
happening occured as they collaborated in raising the
child.
He also found that the pregnancy provided a
gain in status for the adolescent as well as filling
the "empty nest for the grandma-to-be" (p. 84).
PREGNANCY AS A SOCIAL STATUS ENHANCER
Two separate studies of unmarried pregnant
adolescents found that motherhood could be a vehicle
that transports these girls from a less desirable
social status position to a more desirable one among
their social groups (Kaplan, Smith, & Pokorny, 1978;
Dougherty, 1979).
Kaplan, Smith, and Pokorny (1978) studied seventhgraders in a large urban school system, by comparing
three groups of subjects.
They took a baseline survey
and matched 82 females, who had given birth at least
one year after the survey, with 164 pre-unwed mother
controls.
Their results showed that the pre-unwed
mothers had significantly more violent behavior and
more trouble with the authorities than their controls.
It was identified that this was due to the positions in
the social structure that the pre-unwed mothers
24
occupied.
This was interpreted as predisposing them to
deviant responses such as unwed motherhood.
Whereas, Dougherty (1979) found that traditional,
dominant subculture values remain inimical to family
planning efforts focused on teenagers.
Her study
specifically looked at the local subculture of a small
town in Northern Florida.
In this study approximately
50% of all unmarried non-white births occured typically
in women under the age of 19 years.
Dougherty believes
that, for the the population she examined, teenage
pregnancy provides a rite of passage.
COMPARISON OF PREGNANT TEENS IN THE 1960s TO THOSE IN
THE 1970s
Patten (1979) conducted a study using the
Tennessee Self Concept Scale and the Rosenberg Self
Esteem Scale on single pregnant women between the ages
of 13 and 24 years who were residing at a Florence
Crittenton Home in a large city in Tennessee.
She
compared her results with a similar study conducted by
Boston and Kew (1963).
She noted that there was a statistically
significant difference between the responses given in
1963 as compared to those in her study regarding;
"where the single pregnant woman placed primary
responsibility for their pregnancy" and "was sex
25
necessary to keep one's boyfriend" (p. 772).
In 1963
only 26% of the single pregnant women claimed
responsibility for their pregnancy as compared to the
81% who did the same in 1979.
keep one's boyfriend",
"Was sex necessary to
in 1963, 3% of those surveyed
indicated that i t was necessary as compared to the 27%
in 1979 who felt it was also necessary.
ABORTION VERSES CARRYING TO TERM: A COMPARISON OF
CHARACTERISTICS
Olson's (1981) summary of the research in this
area revealed that some studies suggest that those
girls who choose abortion are more likely to come from
two-parent families and have fewer siblings than those
who choose to carry to term.
Those who do choose to go
to term, more often than not, come from larger singleparent families.
She also found that those girls from
a lower socioeconomic level were more likely to deliver
their babies, whereas the girls from the higher
socioeconomic level more often chose abortion as their
option.
Of the girls who do deliver, most tend to earn
worse grades and have more academic difficulty than
those who choose to terminate their pregnancies.
Olson
(1981) concluded that:
Some researchers suggest teenage motherhood may be
an alternative to school and the middle class
26
experience. Single parenthood may be symptomatic
of alienation and disengagement from Middle Class
America, it may also be an effective
legitimazation of another lifestyle and other
values (i.e. lower class). (p. 444)
CULTURAL COMPARISON OF PREGNANT ADOLESCENTS
Becerra and de Anda (1984) recently reported the
results of their exploratory study that looked at
Mexican-American adolecents who either were pregnant
or mothers who had delivered within the previous 12
months.
Their sample (N=122) was comprised of 82
Mexican-American and 40 white, non-hispanic adolescent
girls between the ages of 13 and 20 years.
Of the
Mexican-American subjects in their study, 43 spoke
English and the remaining 39 spoke only Spanish.
Their study not only assessed; the subjects'
social networks, perceptions of attitudes held by their
families and their own, of themselves, but also their
level of knowledge about human reproduction and
contraception.
It also examined the girls' level of
acculturation as it related to: the probability of
marriage; the availability of a peer network; the selfperception as a wife and mother; and their level of
knowledge about fertility and contraception.
They found that the Mexican-American adolescent
mother, in contrast to the white, non-hispanic, seems
to be caught between two cultural forces, that of her
27
ethnic heritage and that of Anglo-American society.
The Mexican-American subjects in this study were less
likely to use contraception even though,as agroup,
they were more likely to know when they were at highest
risk for conceiving.
This group was also more likely
to state that their pregnancy was unplanned.
Becerra and de Anda (1984) concluded that the
English-speaking Mexican-American adolescents are
potentially at higher risk for unwanted pregnancy and
illegitimate births than other adolescents.
They
cited, as a part of their rationale, that the MexicanAmerican adolescents may not only be caught between the
mores of two cultures but also between different
acculturation levels that separate their generation
from that of their parents.
Yet, these authors felt
encouraged by the fact that the support system for
these girls seems to be strong.
ADOLESCENT PREGNANCY IN THE U.S. VERSES OTHER COUNTRIES
According to statistics published by the Alan
Guttmacher Institute (1981), approximately 5% of the
teens in the United States give birth each year.
This
rate is higher than many of the developed and
undeveloped countries in the world today.
Only
Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Yugoslavia, Romania,
Hungary, and Bulgaria have a higher rate of teenage
28
(l
pregnancy than the
u.s.
These researchers studied different cultures in
the world and found that the highest teenage pregnancy
rate seems to occur where the societal attitudes are
less open toward sex and birth control.
They based
this belief partly on the research they conducted in
Europe and Canada.
They found that even though Swedish
adolescents tend to become sexually active at a younger
age than their U.S. counterparts, the teen pregnancy
rate in Sweden is less than half of the rate in the
u.s.
The striking difference between teenage pregnancy
rates in these two countries may be due in part, to
the vastly different ways in which young people are
taught reproductive biology and contraception,
according to Wallis (1985).
She investigated
adolescent pregnancy by interviewing researchers and
educators connected with sex education programs in the
U.S. and several European countries as well.
Wallis
(1985) found that it seems that Americans in general,
have been slow, compared to other countries, in
recognizing sexual development as a normal part of
human development.
This researcher also proposed that
the puritanical attitude about sex combined with the
over-emphasis American society puts on sex may be
creating confusion in
u.s.
teens.
29
Wallis presents this
•
reason as a possible explanation for the widely
differing rates of pregnancy among adolescents in the
u.s.
compared to other countries.
PROBLEMS FOUND IN THE EXISTING LITERATURE
Smith and Mumford (1980) reviewed earlier
conventional works on adolescent pregnancy and found
the research to come from an overwhelmingly negative
stance.
This author also identified similar problems
in the existing literature.
Other investigators
(Hatcher, 1973; Chilman, 1979) found that many authors
of adolescent pregnancy and sexuality studies have not
been able to put their theoretical and personal biases
aside when conducting their research on these topics.
Because of this, few of the existing writings in the
literature today have actually been based upon· a
through analysis of objective data.
This lack of
useful research seems to stem from widespread personal
prejudices and feelings aroused by the "phenomenon"
itself (Chilman, 1979 p. 277).
There are other problems with the existing
literature.
Many researchers do not make the clear
distinction between separate concepts such as;
conception, pregnancy, carrying baby to term, live·
birth, placing child up for adoption, or retaining
child.
Some tended to use the term "pregnancy" when
30
"giving birth" or "becoming a mother" was in actuality
what they were attempting to say.
Some of the researchers that cite specific reasons
why adolescents become pregnant fail to demonstrate how
they arrived at their conclusions.
This only leads one
to question if their conclusions have actually been
based on unproven assumptions.
one of the most important conclusions to be drawn
from this review is that our insight and knowledge of
"who these girls are" is only just beginning to appear
in the literature and that the nature of the research
studies in this area is slowly changing.
Also, there
is reason to suspect that this issue is a much more
complex problem than was once perceived to be and that
there is no single theory or answer that exists that
can explain why the rate of young adolescent pregnancy
is on the rise in this country.
/
31
Chapter 3
METHODOLOGY
The primary purpose of this chapter is to describe
the methodological steps that were used to conduct the
exploratory study on young pregnant adolescents.
methodology involved three phases.
The
The first phase was
a review of the literature and the development of the
survey instrument.
Phase 2 involved the implementation
of the survey instrument.
Phase 3 consisted of the
development and presentation of the vignettes generated
from the interviews conducted.
PHASE ONE: NEEDS ASSESSMENT
Literature Review
This review encompasses pertinent literature about
adolescent pregnancy drawn from three major areas;
- Literature within the field of socialogyjsocial work
that relate to teenage pregnancy programs, counseling
pregnant teenagers, and the psycho-social make-up of
pregnant teenagers;
- Literature within the fields of medicine and
psychology that addressed and identified the various
psycho-social variables of teenagers who are at risk
of becoming pregnant or either are already pregnant;
- Literature within the fields of adolescent
sexuality and family planning.
32
Development of the Survey Instrument
A semi-structured interview questionaire was
constructed to elicit demographic and descriptive data
from pregnant adolescents (see Appendix A).
The
following are the reasons that this format was chosen:
a. A semi-structured interview permitted a greater
degree of flexibility to clarify terms, to control
the order of the questions, and to probe for more
detailed information.
b. This format allowed for greater control of the
interview situation.
This approach provided a
form of environmental standardization which
insured time and privacy of the interviews.
c. This method allows for the generating of
supplementary information (supportive data from
the respondents that can aid the researcher with
the analysis and interpretation, as well as
lending substance to the results found and the
recommendations made).
d. The method allows for the gathering of
perceptions, attitudes, and motivations of the
interviewees.
e. This method provides a possible source for
hypothesis generation that can later be submitted
33
to a systematic test by a more quantitative
method.
f. This method enables the researcher to discover
what the basic issues are, what terminology is
used by the interviewees, and what seems to be
their level of understanding.
g. The non-scheduled/semi-structured interview allows
the interviewer to focus on the subjective
experiences of those interviewed regarding the
situation under study.
Final Approval
The survey instrument administered in the study
was approved by a member of the thesis committee prior
to its implementation.
PHASE TWO: ADMINISTRATION OF SURVEY INSTRUMENT
Selection of Respondents
Their selection was based on a combination of
"investigator-selected" and recommendation from thesis
committee members of individuals who met the following
operationally-defined criteria: pregnant females
enrolled in a special public high school program for
pregnant minors.
This step involved the identification,
selection of, and approval from a school program for
34
,,
pregnant minors.
This investigator initially contacted
both the principal then the program teacher by
telephone which was then followed up by written
correspondence in order to obtain permission to conduct
this study.
Next, this investigator visited the classjprogram,
at the invitation of the school's teacher, to introduce
oneself and explain the purpose of this study to it's
students. At this time the investigator requested
volunteers, self-selected, from the class to
participate in this study.
This process proved totally
unsuccessful, not one student came forward and
volunteered.
Consequently, the following two
incentives were developed and offered: a J.C. Penney
$10.00 gift certificate; and class credit from the
teacher to each girl who participated in and completed
the interviewing process.
Each self-selected interviewee was then given a
consent form (see Appendix B) which was read to them
by this investigator.
The consent form not only
explained the purpose of the study, but also the
voluntary nature of the participation by the subjects.
It assured that each participant's identity would not
be revealed and confidentially would be maintained·.
Logistical Aspects
All of the fourteen interviews were conducted
35
'
,, .
face-to-face.
Each interview took place at school in
the teacher's private office which was adjacent to the
classroom.
The times and dates, most convenient for
the teacher and the class, of the interviews were
identified and scheduled by the class' teacher.
The Interview Process
After the interviewer formally introduced
herself, a standardized introduction was given.
Its
was to re-explain the purpose of the study, the method
of response selection, and to reaffirm the confidential
nature of the taped interviews.
given a consent form to re-read.
All interviewees were
After which they were
asked to sign the form in the presence of their teacher
(witness).
All interviews were tape recorded, having obtained
prior consent.
The taping of the interview was done
for a bifold purpose. First, to create a nondistracting, comfortable environment which would enable
the students to freely express themselves.
And
secondly, to insure that nothing was lost, overlooked,
or misinterpreted during the data analysis process.
PHASE THREE: ANALYSIS OF SURVEY DATA
Each of the taped interviews was listened to
twice.
The first time was on the same day of the
interview.
The second listening took place within two
36
weeks of the initial interview.
transcribed verbatim.
The information was
The sequencing of the semi-
scheduled, structured questionaire and the order of the
responses given by the interviewees was not changed,
since their natural sequencing might be reflective of
that person's unstated, subconscious priorities or
perceptions.
Some of the responses given in the
various survey categories will be presented and
illustrated in table form.
This investigator feels one way to present a
fuller and more comprehensive picture of these subjects
is to use vignettes, therefore she will present five
vignettes in the following chapter.
The five subjects
selected to be presented in the vignettes were
investigator-selected based on the fact that these case
studies seemed to be more representative of those
interviewed.
Please note, in order to protect the
subjects' true identities the names of those
interviewed were changed.
37
Chapter 4
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This chapter will present and discuss the results
of the 14 in-depth, face-to-face interviews which were
conducted by this investigator.
All interviews were
tape recorded (with permission of the interviewees).
Those interviewed represented pregnant adolescents who
were enrolled in a special high school program for
pregnant minors.
The program, one classroom, was
located on the campus of a public Los Angeles high
school which was situated in a low-income urban area.
Each of the questions asked during the field
interviews will not be individually presented but some
of the data generated from their responses will be
presented and illustrated in table form (see page iv)
in appropriate categories.
The information presented
in the five vignettes is sequenced in the same order as
the semi-scheduled, structured questionaire.
This
investigator chose not to change the order of the
responses given by the interviewees since the natural
sequencing might be reflective of the person's
unstated/unconscious priorities.
Socioeconomic Profiles/Overview
Of the subjects (N=l4) interviewed: ten were of
hispanic descent (five were born in the United States
38
and five were immigrants); three were Anglo, and one
was black.
Eleven subjects indicated that Catholicism
was their religious affiliation, whereas only one cited
"Baptist", and two stated they were "Christians."
The majority of those interviewed were in the
ninth-grade, having a median age of fifteen years.
Only four of the subjects reported their family's major
source of income was welfare, specifically citing Aid
to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC).
Family History
Eighty-six percent of the students had a family
history of teenage pregnancy.
Fifty percent had
mothers who had been pregnant between the ages of 15
and 17 years.
While 42% indicated that they had
sisters who were or had been pregnant as teenagers.
Only 28% of those interviewed stated they had
grandmothers who were pregnant as a teen, whereas 64%
stated they had cousins andjor aunts who were pregnant
in their teens.
Family Configuration and Relationships
Of those interviewed, 71% of the students
indicated that their biological fathers were absent due
to either death, divorce, or abandonment.
Most
interviewees reported an absence of a male figure
residing in the home.
Most, 71%, reported that the
39
quality of the relationship
good" or "close."
~ith
their mother was "very
Whereas, two of the subjects stated
that their relationship with their mother had become
better since they became pregnant.
The quality of relationship
other hand was not as close.
~ith
the father on the
Seventy percent indicated
some form of relationship with a father figure and of
those, most (80%) described it as poor to fair.
Regarding the length of relationship these girls
had with their boyfriends (the biological father of
their baby) prior to becoming pregnant; over half of
them indicated that they had maintained that
relationship for more than one year.
Whereas, the
other half, had briefer relationships ranging from
three to seven months (prior to becoming pregnant) .
Table 1 depicts the ages and marital status of the
pregnant adolescents who participated in this study.
Table 2 presents a breakdown of the subjects by
ethnicity.
40
Table 1
Breakdown of Pregnant Adolescents
Status
EY
Age and Marital
Marital status
Single Engaged Married
Age in Years
14
15
16
17
Totals
Total
4
5
2
1
0
0
0
1
3
1
0
2
12
1
1
14
4
5
0
0
Table 2
Breakdown of Pregnant Adolescents
Age in Years
Totals
and Ethnicity
Ethnicity
Black
14
15
16
17
~Age
1
0
0
0
1
MexicanAmerican
2
2
1
Immigrant
Hispanic
Anglo
Total
0
1
4
1
1
0
5
0
2
1
2
2
5
5
3
14
3
.I
41
I
Table 3 presents both the age at which these
subjects experienced menarche and sexual intercourse
for the first time.
The youngest age reported for
experiencing menarche was eight years-old while the
oldest was 14 years-old.
Nearly half of the subjects
reported that they were unprepared for menstruation
when it firt occured and that they felt "scared" when
it happened.
Table 3
Menarche Ages Compared to Age at First Intercourse
Age
in
Years
8
9
10
Total Number of
Adolescents who
had Begun
Menstruation by
that Age
1
2
5
6
Total Number of
Adolescents who
had Experienced
Sexual Intercourse
by that Age
0
0
0
0
1
4
7
11
12
13
14
15
16
12
13
14
14
14
12
14
Totals
14
14
42
•
,, .
Table 4 shows that most of those interviewed felt
they had some knowledge of birth control prior to
becoming pregnant.
Table 4
Subjects Claiming Possession of Some Birth Control
Knowledge Prior to Their-pregnancy
Age in Years
Birth Control Knowledge
Yes
No
14
15
4
5
16
17
2
2
0
0
1
0
13
1
Totals
A breakdown of the subjects by religious
affiliation and the degree of self-perceived
religiousness is depicted in Table 5.
Not one of those
interviewed (N=14) considered themselves "very
religious."
Only 35% considered themselves to possess
"medium" religiousness.
Whereas, 50% described
themselves as "not very religious at all."
Table 5
Religious Affiliation and Pregnant Adolescents' selfDescribed Degree of Religiousness
Religious
Affiliation
Baptist
Catholic
Christian
Totals
Degree of Reported Religiousness
Not at all Not Very Medium Very
0
0
2
6
0
2
43
Total
0
0
0
1
11
1
1
3
1
7
5
0
14
2
Knowledge of Human Sexuality and Sexual Behavior
While all but one of the subjects claimed to have
some knowledge of birth control before becoming
pregnant,
(mostly regarding the birth control "pill") ,
only three of those interviewed had stated that they
had ever used some form of birth control.
Of those who
had never used any form of birth control, five cited
the following reasons; "I never thought about it" or "I
didn't think it would happen to me."
One of the
subjects said she "didn't believe in birth control."
Another said she did not know where to get
contraceptives and was "scared to ask anyone."
The
remaining three subjects that had indicated that they
had some prior knowledge of birth control before they
became pregnant, yet never used any, gave no reason for
their nonuse.
(N=14),
It was noted that all of the subjects
reported that they had had no other sexual
partners other than the fathers of their babies.
When asked to cite the reasons that had motivated
them to become sexually active the following responses
were given:
three said, "it just happened";
three also said,
whereas
"I did it because I loved him";
three others stated they just "didn't know."
Yet,
two stated that "my boyfriend pushed me into it."
The last two reasons given by the subjects were;
44
"Curiosity, peer pressure" and
"I thought that I was ready."
Yet, when these same subjects were asked if they "were
pressured to have sex", almost all of the subjects (13)
stated they only consented to engage in sexual
intercourse because their boyfriends had "pressured"
them; because they believed they had to in order to
"hold on" to their boyfriends.
Feelings About Pregnancy
When the subjects were asked what their initial
reaction was to their pregnancy, most replied that they
were afraid to tell their parents.
included:
Other reactions
"being happy and scared"; "mad at boyfriend";
"happy and shocked."
According to the interviewees,
their boyfriend's reactions to their pregnancies varied
greatly.
Three of those interviewed reported that
their boyfriends became angry and wanted them to get
abortions.
Whereas, six said their boyfriends
basically were happy while still feeling some form of
shock or confusion.
"it's okay."
One boyfriend seemed neutral,
While one of the last interviewees stated
that her boyfriend was in total denial, "it's not my
baby", and the last adolescent reported that her
partner just "didn't care."
When the subjects were asked how the members of
45
their families reacted to the news of their pregnancy,
most of those interviewed said that their families
either were shocked, angry, or saddened.
However, it
was noted that most of the subjects also stated that
their families felt "happy and excited" regarding the
impending birth.
The following answers were given when
the subjects were asked, "Why do you think you became
pregnant; was it planned or accidental?"
Almost all of
those interviewed indicated that their pregnancy was an
accident; only two said it was not an accident.
Some
of their explanations included:
"I don't know what caused it";
"··· I thought having a baby was a way I could
keep him (her boyfriend), but I wasn't expecting
to get pregnant";
"because we didn't worry about the future";
" . . . he was pushy" ;
{second baby) "I was taking pills but I messed
up one day. I forgot to take my pill; I didn't
know I could take two the next day. so I waited
for my period to start and didn't take any more."
Of the 14 pregnant adolescents interviewed, 11
stated they did fantasize about being pregnant prior to
their pregnancy.
Some of their fantasies dealt with:
how i t would feel to take care of their own baby
instead of other people's; happiness; the fufillment of
a childhood dream, to have their own children; and as
an answer to their curiosity.
46
For example,
"I
fantasized about what I was gonna look like •.• I felt
happy because I like babies but sad because what were
my parents gonna say?"
Regarding the issue of how the subjects actually
felt,
in general, about babies/children; all of the
interviewees responded with a positive answer:
Twelve
(N=14) stated they either "liked, felt good about, or
loved" babiesjchildren.
The remaining two voiced an,
"okay."
When assessing this population's response to other
possible options regarding their pregnancy,
specifically that of abortion or adoption, the
following information was generated.
Seventy-one
percent of the subjects indicated they never once
considered having an abortion, "because it's like
killing an innocent human being."
The remaining three
subjects reported that they initially considered having
an abortion and when asked why they changed their
minds, all three indicated that they too, felt
"abortion was murder."
On the issue of adoption, only one of the
adolescents said she had once considered it but decided
not to because she "just can't give part of me away."
All of the other subjects stated a firm "no."
following are some of their personal reasons:
"I wanted to have him";
47
The
-
"no because why go through all that pain and
stuff and then give it up?";
"If I was gonna give up the baby then I probably
would've had an abortion."
Status of Relationship with Boyfriend and current
Attitude Towards Sex
Of the 14 subjects interviewed, 50% (seven) were
still seeing their original boyfriends, while three
stated they were actually living with their boyfriends.
Only four of the subjects said that they were no longer
in contact with the baby's father.
Half (57%) of those interviewed said they "don't
know how they feel about sex."
okay."
While two said, "it's
Of the remaining subjects: one said she was
"confused"; two said they were "not interested in it 11 ;
and one said she "hated i t. 11
General Appraisal of Self and Emotional State
In order to solicit information regarding the
subjects• seLf-appraisal and emotional status, the
following questions were asked:
What do you feel happy
about?; sad about?; most fearful of?; and what do you
like most and least about yourself?
They were also
asked: what they felt they were good at doing; and what
were the areas they felt they needed or would like
improvement.
When the respondents were asked what they
felt happy about, half of them (N=14) gave responses
48
0 '
that were directly related to either their pregnancy or
their baby.
They included such answers as: "being
pregnant and thinking about the life in me ... "; and
"decorating my room •.• "
Other answers that were given
varied greatly from addressing such factors as the
interviewee's boyfriend and their ongoing relationship
to family support regarding vehicle transportation to
school.
One subject stated that, "at this moment I
don't feel happy about nothing."
The question "_!!hat do you feel sad about?"
elicited many different answers that ranged from
disliking their present appearance and sadness at
disappointing their mothers: to the fact that the
baby's biological father does not want anything to
do with the baby.
Responses to "_!!hat do you feel !!!Ost afraid of?"
mainly focused on the possibility of having a
miscarriage or that the baby would not be "normal."
Three of the 14 respondents said they were not afraid
of anything.
Whereas, one subject specifically said
she was afraid of not finishing high school.
"What do you like about yourself?", was the most
difficult question for nearly all of the girls to
answer.
Many of the interviewees initially stated~ "I
don't know" and then giggled.
But, after pausing for a
short time, most were able to come up with a response.
49
@ '
their responses ranged from statements of selfconfidence regarding new roles as mothers to that of
pride in planning for the future through the
continuation of their education.
When the interviewees were asked,
they were good at? 11 ,
"~hat
they felt
their answers ranged from various
sports and household/mothering tasks to skills needed
to do well in school.
One subject specifically
answered, "everything a woman has to do.
11
Most of the subjects said that what they did not
like about themselves was that they were fat; did not
like the way their hair looked; were grouchy, often in
a bad mood, and had bad tempers; cried too much and
were "too lazy."
While one interviewee specifically
said, "What I did!",
(small laugh), "I ruined a little
bit of my career and there's so much stuff that I don't
know."
The responses given by the subjects,
"~hat
~egarding
they need or !!7:0Uld like to improve on?" seemed to
fall into three major categories.
They were that of:
school problems; self-control issues (emotional and
adult living skills); and family dynamics.
The
following are some examples of the answers that they
gave:
-School Problems; "my attitude about my school
assignments", "schoolwork, English
and history",
50
-Self-Control Issues; "my moods", "getting upset
real easy",
-Family Dynamics; "to try and understand the way my
mom and dad feel and don't get
pregnant again", and "getting
along with my brother."
Future Plans
When the subjects were asked,
aspirations
~ere"
"~hat
their career
their responses included; a
beautician, a law-enforcement dispatcher, a clerktypist, a vetrinarian, a fashion designer, a bank
worker, and a cashier.
In fact, three stated they
wanted to be secretaries.
While two separate groups of
two cited becoming counselors and nursing assistants as
their career goals.
The responses to the following two questions, "Do
born?" and "What are your plans for child care?" are
both depicted in Table 6.
51
Table 6
Plans of the Pregnant Adolescent for Herself and Her
Babys' Child Care
Do You Plan to Work
andjor Attend School
Plans for Child Care
Yes
5
4
2
"continuation"
"regular high school"
"school"
mother
sister
aunt
baby's father
grandmother
friend
daycare center
2
2
2
1
2
1
1
Subtotal 11
11
Maybe
"regular school"
"school"
1
2
Subtotal 3
Total
mother
"not sure"j"don't
know yet"
1
2
3
11
11
Postpartum Contraception Plans
When each of the respondents were asked,"Do you
plan to prevent another presnancy after this baby is
born; if so how?"
All interviewees (N=14) not only
responded with a firm yes but also cited the birth
control "pill" as their method of choice.
But four of
those interviewed (N=14) did voice specific concerns
regarding the side effects related to the birth
co~trol
"pill."
When the subjects were asked,
52
"!i~
they beca!!!.§.
Sexually active
~hen
they did", nearly all (13) of the
respondents stated it was either because their
boyfriends had pressured them into it; or it was
because they believed they had to consent to sexual
intercourse in order to "hold on" to their boyfriends.
Effect of Pregnancy on Adolescents
Each of the pregnant adolescents were asked,
"How has this pregnancy changed you?"
Responses
ranged from that of forcing one to "grow up fast" to
total denial and disbelief regarding their present
pregnant condition.
Many responses related to the new,
important information/knowledge that they had gained
regarding babies, mothering skills, and contraception
as well as an expressed realization that they needed to
think about and practically plan their futures.
Vignettes
In order to, present a fuller and more
comprehensive picture of the subjects interviewed
in this study, this investigator will present the
following five vignettes.
Please note, all subjects
profiled in the vignettes have been given fictitious
names in order to protect their identities and some
data considered inconsequential to the results of this
study have been altered for that same purpose.
53
Vignette .!
Diane, is a single white, primiparous adolescent
who is six months pregnant.
She was born in the mid-
West but has been living with her family in the San
Fernando Valley for the past seven years.
The family
is comprised of: a mother; a fatner; two brothers, ages
10 and 14; and her maternal grandmother who came to
live with them several years ago when her husband died.
Both of Diane's parents work outside the home.
Her father is a cook and her mother is a retail sales
clerk.
The family's religious preference is Baptist
and Diane states she is "moderately religious."
She
reported she has had no street gang involvement nor
illicit drug use but once tried cigarettes at the age
of 10.
She also said she drank beer once.
Educational Performance:
Presently, Diane is in the tenth grade and has
reported that her grades had dropped "real low" prior
to becoming pregnant but now are improving have "come
up" again.
states,
Her attendance is "pretty good" so she
except when, "I don't go to school because I
feel sick."
Work Experience and Career Goals:
Diane's
~ork
experience has been limited to
.
babysitting and paper routes because, "My parents won't
54
.
let me go out and look for a job because I'm too
young."
She states that her career goals include,
first, graduating from high school and then attending a
beauty college to become a beautician.
At this time
she stated that her grandmother will take care of her
baby while she attends school.
Family History of Teen Pregnancy:
Diane reported that both her mother and her
maternal grandmother had become pregnant while in their
teens; both gave birth and were adolescent mothers.
Quality of Family Relationships:
Diane described her relationship with her mother
as, "very good, she's like my best friend.
But we were
not this close before I got pregnant."
Diane described her relationship
~ith
her father,
"It's okay, but not as close as with my mom."
Regarding her siblings, "pretty good."
When asked if
anyone·treated her differently now that she was
pregnant, she said, "yes my family is spoiling me."
Feelings about and Reactions to Pregnancy:
Diane stated that her initial reaction to her
pregnancy was fear,
"I was scared to tell my parents."
When asked how her family reacted to the news, she
said, "They were barely disappointed; not even mad
55
'
because my mom and dad were thinking of adopting a baby
anyway."
Diane added that her "mom is kind of excited"
but that her "dad is skeptical about the father of the
baby • 11
Upon being asked how she felt about being
pregnant,
me.
Diane said,
" ... all right,
it doesn't bother
Just my size bothers me; I can't wait to have it."
This pregnancy has changed Diane by " ... making me grow
up faster."
She expressed that she believes she "cares
more about what she does with her life now."
Boyfriend/Biological Father Profile:
Her boyfriend, the biological father, who she knew
seven months prior to becoming pregnant, is a white, 15
year-old student. He has a marijuana addiction problem
and therefore resides in a special home which is part
of his "drug rehabilitation program."
Diane explained
that they are no longer seeing each other.
In fact,
the relationship had ended before she realized she was
pregnant.
When asked what his initial reaction to her
pregnancy was, she reported that he wanted her to get
an abortion because he was afraid of how their parents
would react.
She also said that, "he just wanted to
fool around with other girls after I told him I was
pregnant."
Birth Control Prior to Pregnancy:
Diane stated that when she was 12 years-old she
56
{.l
had not only learned about the "pill" and "condoms" in
school, but that her mother had also explained the
"facts of life" to her at that time.
She added that
her mother repeatedly told her, "Don't make the same
mistake I did, tell me if you are going to try
something like that."
Sexual History and Reasons Given for Pregnancy:
Diane reported that she was 15 years-old at the
time she experienced sexual intercourse for the first
time.
She states that she became pregnant after her
second sexual experience even though her boyfriend used
condoms.
She describes the first time as "scary, I was
nervous and did not enjoy it.
He sort of pushed me."
Diane said initially when she said "no" to sex her
boyfriend just kept saying "come on, come on!
conning me, so I finally gave in.
He kept
Maybe it's better to
say no the first time so they won't bug you all the
time."
Regarding her reason for her pregnancy, Diane
said, "it was an accident" and that it happened because
she "wasn't worrying about the future."
When asked
"How she felt about sex now?" she replied, "IIm not
that interested in it."
Diane stated, regarding her peers, that "some of
my friends are sexually active",
57
in fact,
"one has a
'
baby."
Diane also shared that "one of my girlfriends
takes chances and I worry because her parents wouldn't
help her much if she got pregnant."
Prior Fantasy:
Diane reported she had fantasized about having a
baby prior to becoming pregnant, "I used to think
about how it would feel to take care of my own baby
instead of other people's.
It made me have happy
feelings."
Pregnancy .outcome Decisions:
Diane said she had never considered having an
abortion,
"I couldn't see killing a baby."
She felt
her religion did not really influence her attitude
towards abortion.
baby
~
of it."
She also never considered giving her
for adoption because, "I knew I could take care
She also expressed that she "wanted a girl
because their clothes are prettier."
Emotional Aspects and Feelings About Self:
Diane said she felt happy about a lot of things,
"decorating my room for it" and that, "my mom bought me
a $500.00 high chair-bassinette."
She also expressed
sadness about her appearance and the fact that "my
parents have to pay for everything 'til I can pay them
back."
Most of Diane's fear focused on "the baby not
58
coming out regular (normal)."
When asked
Diane replied,
~hat
she liked
"I don't know.
~ost
about herself,
I probably like that I
get along with other people."
Regarding
"~hat
she
didn't like about herself", she replied, "When I treat
my brother badly" and that, "I need to improve my
attitude about my school assignments."
When asked
"what are you good at?" Diane said, "softball, well, I
"~hat
was."
like?"
do you think being
~
mother
~ill
feel
Diane said, "The same as babysitting; taking
care of it and the house."
Postpartum Birth Control Plans:
When asked if
~he
£lans
:!:~do ~~~ethi!!9: :!:~ ~~~~!!:!:
another pregnancy, Diane responded with a "yes, I won't
have sex for a really long time.
But if I do get into
a really strong relationship and decide to, I'd go to
the doctor.
I was thinking about taking the pill, but
I heard it makes you dizzy.
Since I'm also anemic, I'd
want to talk to my doctor first.
I think I could be
strong though."
Advice to Other Teens:
Diane expressed that most teens get pregnant
because birth control methods are not readily
available.
Also because teens do not seem to think
about the consequences of their actions.
59
She expressed
if she had the opportunity to give advice to presexually active teens it would be to think about the
possible ramifications of their actions.
Yet, if they
were to become sexually active, at least use a highly
effective contraceptive method.
She said she "became
pregnant while using the condom, which is only 87%
effective."
Summary:
This first-time pregnant, 15 year-old, white
female comes from a lower middle-class Baptist, twoparent home with a family history of teenage pregnancy.
This young adolescent seems to identify closely with
her mother.
Even though Diane received sex education
in school prior to her pregnancy, she was still unable
to correctly identify when, during the menstrual cycle,
a woman would be most fertile.
She stated she became sexually active due to
pressure from her boyfriend and even though they used
condoms,
she still "got pregnant."
It seems many of
Diane's peers are also sexually active and "take
chances."
Diane believes that her pregnancy was an
accident which happened because her boyfriend "pushed
her into it."
She states that she presently has little
interest in sex.
This adolescent states that before
she became pregnant and while she babysat she had
60
fantasized about having her own baby which made her
feel "happy • 11
Diane seems to be a very young 15 year-old female
with an unsophisticated/childlike outlook on life.
She
seemed to put little thought into her responses and was
unable to elaborate upon request.
This gives the
impression, rightly or wrongly, that Diane is not
particularily insighttul or intellectually bright.
She
seemed to have simple life goals which were motivated
by what others wanted and expected of her.
This seems
substantiated by the folowing comments: "my boyfriend
pushed me into having sex" and that her parents "were
thinking of adopting a baby anyway."
Diane seems to
be an inexperienced young girl who is not only excited
at the idea of having her own baby but who also seems
totally unaware of any possible negative consequences
that may lie ahead for both herself and her unborn
child.
Vignette
~
Olivia, is a single, Mexican-American, 14 year-old
primiparous adolescent who is six months pregnant.
She
was born in Southern California and has lived with her
'\,
family in the San Fernando Valley all of her life.
The
family is comprised of: a mother; and three sisters,
ages 10, 15, and 17 years-old.
61
Olivia's
17 year-old
sister is married and lives nearby with her husband and
baby.
Olivia's parents have been separated for the
past six years.
jobs.
Neither of her parents currently hold
Her mother is an AFDC recipient and her
father lives with and is supported by his own parents.
The family's religious preference is Catholic and
Olivia states she is "moderately religious."
Olivia states that she has been involved with
street gangs "all of her life."
She was able to
elaborate greatly about that experience. Her face
appeared to light up when she told stories of
"shootings, hangings and others' boyfriends being
physically mutilated (emasculated) by rival gang
members.
Olivia also states that she was once arrested
for burglary along with two other girls when she was 10
years-old.
She explains, "I didn't know what we were
doing, I thought we were helping one of them move.
I
got sent to Juvenile Hall only for three months because
they found out I wasn't guilty of it."
It was unclear
to this investigator how much of Olivia's statements
were actually true.
She described her experiences with
illicit drugs, alcohol, and cigarettes, "I tried weed
and beer once and didn't like it.
I used to smoke
cigarettes, but I quit because of my pregnancy."
62
(l
Educational Performance:
Now an eighth-grader, Olivia reported that her
grades prior to her pregnancy were "good, I only got a
fail in one class," and are about the same now.
Presently, her attendance has improved, "I used
to ditch (skip school) a lot."
Work Experience and Career Goals:
Olivia's
~ork
experience was comprised of;
babysitting, helping her mother at a liquor store
(where her mother once worked as a clerk), and helping
two of her sisters when they worked "in offices."
She
states that her career goals include first, graduating
from high school and then becoming a "police
dispatcher."
At this time she states that her mother
will take care of her baby while Olivia attends school.
Family History of Teen Pregnancy:
Olivia reported that many females in her family
had become pregnant when they were in their teens: her
mother; her oldest sister; her maternal grandmother;
and three aunts.
Quality of Family Relationships:
Olivia described her relationship
as,
"better since I got pregnant.
like a little kid anymore.
~ith
her mother
She doesn't treat me
She helps me out a lot and
63
•
I can depend on her."
responded,
With her father, Olivia
"we're not that close because he's an
alcoholic and they take everything the wrong way.
mother helps us understand.
My
He used to take money from
her purse and he likes to be with other women."
Regarding her siblings,
"we're close."
When asked if
anyone treated her differently now that she was
pregnant, she said, "yes they (the adult members of her
family) treat me with more respect.
They let me make
my own decisions and talk to me as if I were a grown
up, I like it ..• "
Feelings About and Reaction to Pregnancy:
Olivia stated that her initial reaction to her
pregnancy was both happiness and fear, "I was worried
what my parents would say."
!:~acte~
When asked how her fa!!!ily
to the news, she said, "my mom was surprised,
sad, shocked, and happy,
in a way."
But that "my dad
was shocked and he said, 'what can we do? What's done
is done.'"
pregnant,
Upon being asked
she said "happy."
ho~
she felt about being
This pregnancy has changed
Olivia by, "I matured more-- I know I have to save
money.
I can't be going out doing this and that, I
have to be responsible now."
Boyfriend/Biological Father Profile:
Her boyfriend, which she knew five years prior to
64
becoming pregnant was a 24 year-old Mexican man.
When
asked what his initial reaction to her pregnancy was,
she said, "happy he was going to be a daddy, but
worried about how we would tell my mom and dad."
Olivia described her relationship with him as "a good
one, he helps me out a lot.
It's better that he's
older because because he can support me ... "
Birth Control Prior to Pregnancy:
Olivia stated that she learned about the "facts
of life" and about the "pill" from the school nurse
when she was 10 years-old.
However, when asked what
she knew about the "pill," Olivia stated the following
incorrect information; "If you use the pill there's a
50% chance you could get pregnant and if you do,
there's a 50% chance the baby will come out with
something wrong with it."
Olivia said she has never used any kind of birth
control because "we don't believe in it.
Our families
are from Mexico and over there they say if God wants
you to have kids, you have them."
Sexual History and Reasons Given for Pregnancy:
Olivia said that she was 13 years-old when she
engaged in sexual intercourse for the first time.
She
states that she became pregnant after she and her
boyfriend engaged in unprotected sex "many" times over
65
the course of seven months.
She describes the first
time as "scary" and "it hurt a lot, but after a while
you just get used to it."
Olivia said her boyfriend
was caring, "he's different, not like other men who say
'it's your problem if it hurts you or if you come out
pregnant."'
Olivia described why she liked "being
intimate" with her boyfriend, "I feel love and warm and
protected, like nothing else in the world can hurt me
and that he really loves me."
Regarding her reason for her pregnancy, Olivia
said "it was accidental" and that it happened because
"we loved each other and we tried something we
shouldn't have, we should've waited,"
she felt about sex,
now?"
When asked "How
She replied. "it's okay."
Regarding her peers, Olivia stated that, "about half of
them are sexually active", in fact, "a lot of them have
babies."
Prior Fantasy:
Olivia reported that she had fantasized about
being pregnant prior to becoming pregnant, although
apparently it was not a positive experience because she
said she "just thought how I would get fat."
Pregnancy Outcome Decisions:
Olivia said she had never considered having an
abortion,
because "then a baby can't go to heaven or
66
hell... it has to walk the Earth because it was never
born."
She also shared her interpretation of what the
Bible teaches about abortion by mimicking the voice of
a baby in the womb who is speaking to its mother, "why
couldn't you have me?
I would've made you happy.
could've loved you and cared for you .•. "
I
She felt her
religion influenced her attitude regarding abortion,
"in a way,"
~
She also never considered giving her baby
for adoption.
Emotional Aspects and Feelings About Self:
Olivia reported she felt happy about "being
pregnant ... that I have a life in me that I started
inside me."
She also expressed sadness about being
pregnant so young.
Most of Olivia's fear focused on
"having a miscarriage."
When Olivia was asked what she like most about
herself,
she replied, "I don't know.
It's hard to
answer that question... I don't want to sound
conceited ••• "
Regarding
"~hat
she didn't like about
herself" and "needs to improve"; she responded, "my
little moods.
it.
I can be sad and cry and not think about
My grandmother in Mexico says if you cry a lot it
hurts your baby, so now I think about it first and
don't cry."
said,
When asked, "what are you good at?" Olivia
"baseball,
cleaning,
cooking ... "
67
"What do you
think being a mother
~ill
feel like?"
Olivia said,
"more responsibility."
Postpartum Birth Control Plans:
Olivia plans to prevent another pregnancy although
she explained,
happens,
"I don't know how yet.
it happens.
But if it
I know I'm gonna have to prevent
another life so it won't come out like the life I've
had.
I really don •t 1 ike to, but I'm going to have to
take those pills."
Advice to Other Teens:
Olivia expressed that some teens get pregnant
because birth control methods are not readily
available.
Also because teens don't have "places to go
or anyone to talk to at home about their problems."
She expressed if she had the opportunity to give advice
to pre-sexually active teens it would be to be careful
and be sure they really loved their partners before
they had sexual intercourse or they might regret it
later on in life.
Summary:
This first-time pregnant, 14 year-old, MexicanAmerican female comes from a working class, Catholic,
single-parent home with an extensive familial history
of teenage pregnancy.
This young adolescent seems to
68
have strong moral beliefs based upon her interpretation
of the Bible.
Olivia comes from an alcoholic home.
She readily shares tales of violence and brutality in
connection with her involvement in street gang life.
These statements suggest to this investigator that
Olivia may hav a distorted, unhealthy, and frightening
perception of the world through her experience of it.
Olivia's possession of inaccurate knowledge about the
birth control "pill" and her lack of initiative to seek
out accurate information demonstrate that at least
within the scope of human sexuality, she seems to be
misinformed and unwilling to solicit correct answers
from others.
This investigator was unable to form a very clear
impression of Olivia.
Olivia seemed to be looking for,
and perhaps to have found, a reason to "make a better
life for herself" and be more responsible-- by having a
baby.
Olivia's need to be seen as grown-up by her own
family is extremely strong.
Her pregnancy (and
impending motherhood) could represent to her, her
ticket into that highly-prized adult arena.
Vignette
l
Yvonne, is a single, Mexican-American, 15 yearold, primiparous adolescent who is seven months
pregnant.
She was born in Southern California and has
69
0
been living in the San Fernando Valley for the past ten
years.
The family is comprised of: a mother; two
sisters. ages six and fifteen years-old; and a brother,
age eleven years-old.
nearby,
Yvonne's twin sister lives
with her boyfriend and their baby.
parents have been divorced for twelve years.
mother remarried eight years ago.
Yvonne's
Her
Yvonne's mother and
step-father have been separated for three months.
Her
mother recently returned to her clerical job in a
factory office.
Her mother had been on a leave of
absence from her job and was receiving diability
benefits.
Yvonne's step-father is in the automotive
repair business.
The family's religious preference is
Catholic and Yvonne states she is "not very religious."
Yvonne explained that she was never a member of a
street gang but,
said,
she used to "hang around them."
She
"I was never 'jumped in' (the phrase used by the
gang community to describe how a person becomes an
actual gang member); I never wanted to.
My cousin
wouldn't let me because he told me only bitches are in
gangs.
I'm glad he didn't let me."
She described her
experiences with illicit drugs, alcohol, and
cigarettes: "Before I was pregnant, I used to smoke
marijuana and drink beer every weekend.
in the seventh grade.
This started
I used to smoke cigarettes a
lot; now I don't smoke or use drugs at all."
70
'
Educational Performance:
Now a ninth-grader, Yvonne reported that her
grades prior to her pregnancy were "terrible," but have
"come up" now.
Presently, her attendance has improved
also, "I used to ditch a lot."
Work Experience and Career Goals:
Yvonne's
work.
~ork
experience was comprised of office
She states that her career goals include first,
graduation from high school, and then becoming a clerktypist, "like mt mom."
At this time she states that
her maternal grandmother may take care of her baby
while Yvonne attends school.
Family History of Teen Pregnancy:
Yvonne reported that several females in her family
had become pregnant when they were in their teens: her
twin sister, her maternal grandmother, three cousins,
and an aunt.
Quality of Family Relationships:
Yvonne described her relationship
~ith
as, "very close, I tell her everything;"
father,
her mother
~ith
her
Yvonne responded, "I haven't seen him since I
was seven or eight years-old.
His wife doesn't like me
and my sister so we don't see him."
She talked about
her relationship with her step-father, "he's nice, but
71
yells a lot."
Regarding her siblings,
"close."
When
asked if anyone treated her differently now that she
was pregnant, she said, "yes, my family pays more
attention to me; they say 'come in, sit down; how are
you? eat; how are you feeling?'"
Feelings About and Reactions to Pregnancy:
Yvonne stated that her initial reaction to her
pregnancy was anger, "I blamed him.
kissing me or touching me."
I didn't want him
When asked
ho~
her
fa~ily
reacted to the news, she said, "They were just shocked.
My mom told me there's nothing she can do but, help me
now."
Upon being asked how she felt about being
pregnant,
she said, "different, happy.
I think it's
better that I got pregnant because I was getting too
crazy, going out too much.
My mom didn't like me to;
she's scared to be by herself.
I'm at home more now."
This pregnancy has changed Yvonne in the following way,
"I don't go out with my friends anymore."
Boyfriend/Biological Father Profile:
Her boyfriend, which she knew six months prior to
becoming pregnant was a 16 year-old high school
student, originally from El Salvador.
When asked what
his initial reaction to her pregnancy was, she said,
"He was shocked.
He cried because he was so happy but
he said he didn't know what to do because he was so
72
young."
Yvonne reported that her relationship with him
was, "good, but right now I'm mad at him because he was
seeing another girl so, I haven't seen him for two
weeks.
He looks for me but I hide.
But before this,
we used to get along real good."
Birth Control Prior to Pregnancy:
Yvonne stated that she learned about the "pill"
and the "facts of life" from her mother and in her sex
education class in school when she was eleven yearsold.
However, she was unable to identify the most
fertile time during a woman's menstrual cycle.
She
explained that she and her boyfriend discussed birth
control before her pregnancy once, "he asked me if I
was taking care of myself and I said no."
Yvonne
explained that that was the extent of their discussion.
Sexual History and Reasons Given for Pregnancy:
Yvonne said that she was 14 years-old when she
engaged in sexual intercourse for the first time.
She
states that she became pregnant after she and her
boyfriend engaged in unprotected sexual intercourse
"many" times over the course of six months.
She
describes her first time this way, "I was scared and
afterwards I was scared my mom would find out."
Yvonne
said her boyfriend was "gentle" and treated her nicely.
73
Regarding her reason for her pregnancy, Yvonne said,
"it was an accident" and that it happened because "he
was pushy; he kept bugging me about it until I gave
in."
When asked,
replied,
"Ho~
she felt about sex, now?"
She
"I hate it now because I got pregnant."
Regarding her peers, Yvonne states that, "none are
virgins," and only one uses any kind of contraceptive
method, the "pill."
She added that several say "they
want to get pregnant."
Prior Fantasy:
Yvonne reported that when she had fantasized about
being pregnant prior to becoming pregnant she would
usually stop herself and say to herself, "I'm stupid,
better shut up before I do get pregnant!"
Pregnancy Outcome Decisions:
Yvonne said she had never considered having an
abortion, "because we don •t believe in abortions"
although, she did not attribute this belief to her
religious background.
She also never considered giving
.Q~r ba~ ~E. fo~ ad~E.!ion
because, "It's mine, I don't
want to give it away."
Emotional aspects and Feelings About Self:
Yvonne reported she felt happy about "having the
baby."
She expressed sadness when she imagined "losing
74
the baby."
When asked what she liked most about
herself, Yvonne replied, "that I take care of myself
and my baby.
I used to go with him to parties.
told me to stay home.
I trust him now."
He
Regarding
what she didn't like about herself and needs to improve
she responded, "that I get lazy and grouchy and fight a
lot with my brother. 11
When asked
~gat ~re
you
good~.!:_?
Yvonne said, "cooking, I like to clean a lot and go
shopping."
like?
~hat
do you think being
~
mother
~ill
be
Yvonne said, "fine; a new experience, giving a
baby an education."
Postpartum Birth Control Plans:
Yvonne plans to prevent another pregnancy, "I'm
going to tell him we can't do anything for 80 days,
respecting God!
And then I'm going to take pills."
Advice to Other Teens
Yvonne expressed that some teens become pregnant
because birth control methods are not readily
available.
She explained if she had the
opport~nity
to
give advice to pre-sexually active teens, it would be
to "not get pregnant because they don't know what
they're going to get themselves into.
I tell my
friends but they don't take care of themselves, two are
trying to get pregnant."
75
summary:
This first-time pregnant, 15 year-old, MexicanAmerican female comes from a working-class, catholic,
single-parent home with an extensive familial history
of teenage pregnancy, not unlike Olivia, described
previously.
This young adolescent was soft-spoken and
candid during the interviewing session.
She said her
pregnancy was an accident and seems to blame her
boyfriend for "pushing" her into sex with him but at
the same time, Yvonne takes responsibility for her
pregnancy by saying that she did not use birth control
because she "didn't think she would get pregnant" but
now feels that attitude is "stupid."
Yvonne reports that some of her friends say they
want to become pregnant.
However, she believes that if
information about birth control was more readily
available to teens, fewer teens would become pregnant.
She states that she has used illicit drugs
(marijuana) and alcohol in the past but since she
discovered she was pregnant, she stopped engaging in
those activities.
Yvonne seems to be a bright and sensitive young
girl who is still very young with an immature image of
the world around her.
She claimed her pregnancy was
unplanned but that it has affected her positively.
said,
She
"I think it•s better I got pregnant because I was
76
Q
getting too crazy wanting to go out (to parties)."
Yvonne seems to be a a young adolescent who has a
reason to take care of herself by not abusing drugs or
alcohol now because she has someone else she is
responsible for-- her baby.
Vignette 4
Julie,
is a single, Mexican, 16 year-old, second-
time pregnant adolescent who is eight months pregnant.
She was born in Mexico city and has been living in
Southern California for the past nine years.
The
family is comprised of: a mother; three sisters, ages
twelve,
thirteen,
and fourteen years-old.
Julie's
parents have been separated for the past four years.
Her father lives on the area and works at an automotive
body shop.
Her mother was previously employed as a
factory worker, but at the present time does not work
outside the
home.
Their income is comprised of AFDC
benefits (welfare).
The family's religious preference is Catholic and
Julie states
she is "not very religious."
Although
Julie's primary language is Spanish, she seems to speak
English with no apparent problems.
Julie told the interviewer that she was involved
in street gang activities in the past but that she
stopped those types of activities after she discovered
77
'
she was pregnant with her first child.
She explains
why, "It's something that's no good for you ..•
accidents, killings,
fightings, and drugs."
The father
of Julie's first child was a member of a street gang
and Julie told the interviewer that he had been killed
in a gang fight shortly before she gave birth to their
child.
She expressed anxiety about her boyfriend's
gang membership, explaining, "I tell him to keep away
from them 'cause I'm afraid I'll lose him too."
Julie said she had smoked marijuana occasionally
"on the weekends" for about two months until she
realized she was pregnant when she was 13 years-old.
She also used to smoke cigarettes at that time and has
since stopped.
Her alcohol usage began at age 13 with
"beer at parties" but Julie states she has "never been
drunk."
Educational Performance:
Now a tenth-grader, Julie reported that her grades
prior to her current pregnancy were "not very good" but
are "okay" now.
Presently, her attendance has
improved, "after the birth of my first baby I dropped
out because I don't like school, it's boring."
Work Experience and Career Goals:
Julie's
~ork
experience was comprised of
babysitting for neighbors and relatives.
78
She states
that her career goals include first, graduation from
high school and then becoming a nurse's assistant.
At
this time she states that her mother will continue to
take care of her babies while she attends school.
Family History of Teen Pregnancy:
Julie reported that she was aware of no other
members of her family who were pregnant while in their
teens.
Quality of Family Relationships:
Julie described her relationship
as, "close;" with her father,
siblings,
"we get along well."
~ith
her mother
"not close;" with her
When asked if anyone
treated her differently now that she was pregnant (for
the second time), she said, "No, just when I get
cravings, then they'll go and get me food."
Feelings about and Reaction to Pregnancy:
Julie stated that her initial reaction to her
E.!:~9:_!!ancy
was mixed, "At times I felt happy when I
remembered when my first one was real little."
When
asked how her fa!!!.!..!.Y !:eacted to the news, she said, "My
father got mad.
That's the reason I don't see him.
My
mother was surprised at the first one but since the
baby's father was killed a few weeks before, she felt
bad for me.
She got mad about this one and told me to
79
get an abortion because I was too young and already had
one.
Now she helps me out a lot.
My sisters tease me
about getting fat."
When the interviewer asked Julie how she felt
about being pregnant, she responded sadly, "I don't
know •.• what happened,
happened."
Both of Julie's
pregnancies have changed her in the following way; "I
guess I became more mature- it wasn't what I expected.
It's harder because little ones get into everything.
It's going to be very hard for me."
Profile of Biological Father/Boyfriend:
Her boyfriend, which she knew three months prior
to becoming pregnant, was a 20 year-old unemployed
factory worker, originally from Mexico.
When asked
what his initial reaction to her pregnancy was, Julie
replied, "He was happy about it and wanted us to keep
it."
Julie reported that her relationship with him at
the present time was "close."
Birth Control Knowledge Prior to Pregnancy:
Julie stated that she learned about the "pill" at
this school after she gave birth to her first child.
She also said that her first boyfriend had used condoms
a few times with her. Julie reported that she first
learned about the "facts of life" from her mother at
age 13, "I was told to be careful, not to do anything
80
I
because I would get pregnant and my mother said that
was not right."
Julie was unable to correctly identify
the most fertile period during a woman's menstrual
cycle.
She reported that she discussed birth control
with her current boyfriend by telling him they should
wait until she was "on the pill."
Sexual History and Reasons Given for Pregnancy:
Julie states that she was 14 year-old when she
engaged in sexual intercourse for the first time. She
reports that she became pregnant the first time
because, "he wanted me to get pregnant.
I never took care of myself."
I said no but
She told the interviewer
that she became pregnant this time after she and her
boyfriend engaged in sexual intercourse about ''once a
week for a few months."
She describes her first time
as "scary, but he was gentle."
Regarding her reason
for her current pregnancy, Julie said, "I was taking
pills, but I messed up-- one day I forgot to take one.
I didn't know I could take two the next day so I
stopped taking pills and waited for my period to
start."
She also stated that she became sexually
active when she did because she "loved him."
When
asked "ho!! she felt about sex no!!?" she responded, "I
don't know." Regarding her peers, Julie reported,
"I
don't see my friends anymore because I want to keep
81
'
away from gang relations.
'
Some of them already have
kids, I guess they were accidents."
Prior Fantasy:
Julie stated that she never fantasized about
becoming pregnant before either one of her pregnancies.
Pregnancy Outcome Decisions:
Julie said she never considered having an abortion
when she was pregnant the first time but did consider
it when she was pregnant the second time.
She
explained why she decided not to have an abortion,
"It's not right, it's not the baby's fault."
But she
felt her religious background did not influence her
decision.
She also was against giving her baby
~
for
adoption because, "it would be hard for me because
they're mine."
Emotional Aspects and Feelings About Self:
Julie reported she felt happy "that I'm with the
baby's father."
anything.
She did not express sadness about
Most of Julie's fear focused on not
finishing high school.
When asked what she liked most
about herself, Julie replied, "that I'm a good mom
because I care for my child."
What she didn't like
abou:!:_ herself was the way her hair looked and she said
she needs to improve on "school."
When asked "what are
,I
82
you good at?"
Julie said "cleaning."
think being a mother of two children
~hat
~ill
do you
be like?
Julie answered "very hard."
Postpartum Birth Control Plans:
Julie reported that she plans to take birth
control "pills" after she gives birth to this baby.
Advice to Other Teens:
Julie would tell pre-sexually active teenagers to
"take care of themselves and not get pregnant."
She
would also explain to them "what it's like to have a
baby and how hard it is."
She stated that if someone
could have said something like that to her before she
became pregnant that it would have made a difference.
Summary:
This second-time pregnant, 16 year-old, Mexican
female comes from a working-class, Catholic, singleparent home without a familial history of teenage
pregnancy, much unlike the previously discussed
females.
Julie was a quiet, polite young girl who smiled
shyly at times during the interviewing session.
She
offered only brief answers and appeared somewhat
nervous and embarrassed while being interviewed.
The
one topic that Julie did seem to be quite interested in
83
talking about was how much she wanted to keep herself
and her boyfriend (the father of the baby she was
pregnant with) away from gangs.
This stemmed from the
I
fact that the father of her first child had been killed
in a gang-related incident only a few weeks before
their baby was born.
Julie was afraid that the same
thing would happen to the father of this baby, so she
was trying hard to keep the two of them away from gangs
and gang activities.
Julie appeared to be a slower-thinking, placid
young girl who said she tried to prevent this pregnancy
by taking birth control "pills."
When she forgot to
take a pill one day she stopped taking them entirely,
which seemed to show that Julie failed to understand
how this birth control method actually works.
Her
"carelessness" coupled with the need to make up for the
tragic loss of her first baby's father may have been
one of the primary reasons she is now preparing to give
birth to her second baby.
Vignette
~
Liz is a single, Central-American, 17 year-old,
primiparous adolescent who is eight months pregnant.
She was born in El Salvador and has been living in
Southern California for the past six years.
The family
is comprised of: a mother; two brothers, ages 11 and 16
84
'I
years-old; and one sister, age 19 years-old.
Her
sister and 16 year-old brother presently reside in El
Salvador with an aunt.
Liz's parents were never married but her mother
subsequently married the man who fathered Liz's oldest
sister.
Liz reported that her mother married and
divorced twice after that and has since remained single
for the past eight years.
Liz's father lives in El
Salvador with his wife and their two children.
reported that he sells insurance there.
Liz
Her mother is
a self-employed salesperson who caters to the Hispanic
population in Los Angeles.
She buys products from
Mexico and then re-sells them at local swap meets (flea
markets) .
The family's religious preference is Catholic and
Liz stated she is "not religious at all."
Although
Liz's primary language is Spanish she seem to speak
English with no apparent problems.
Liz stated that she
has never been involved with street gangs and has never
experimented with illicit drugs.
However,
she admits
she had "tried cigarettes two years ago and didn't like
them."
Liz's alcohol usage consisted of "a mixed drink
on special occasions"
approximately "once every two
months."
85
Educational Performance:
Now a tenth grader, Liz reported that her grades
were "fails" prior to her pregnancy but are now
"better."
Presently her attendance has improved,
although she reported that sometimes "I don't come to
school because my mother needs me to help her."
Work Experience and Career Goals:
Liz's
~ork
experience was comprised of selling
candy door-to-door and helping her mother sell at swap
meets.
She states that her career goals include first,
graduation from high school and then becoming a
vetrinarian although, she stated that since she will
not have as much time to devote to her career after
the baby is born, she thinks she will probably become a
vetrinarian's assistant instead.
At this time she
states that she has made day care arrangements for her
baby while she attends school.
Family History of Teen Pregnancy:
Liz reported that she was not aware of any other
female family members that had been pregnant in their
teens.
Quality of Family Relationships:
Liz described her relationship
"okay,
now;" with her father,
86
~ith
her mother as,
"not close at all;" with
her siblings; "not close."
When asked if anyone
treated her differently now that she was pregnant, she
said, "yes, my mother makes me decide things I wasn't
supposed to before.
She trusts me more.
more of her problems now.
She tells me
I can go out and not tell
her anything now."
Feelings About and Reaction to Pregnancy:
Liz stated that her initial reaction to her
pregnancy was fear of rejection by her mother, "I ran
away from home when I found out I was pregnant.
I
rented a room and worked at a fast food restaurant
because my mom always said if any of her daughters got
pregnant she would throw us out, so I left."
asked gow ger
f.~mily
When
reacted to the news, she said,
"When I finally called my mom she was not angry.
said she missed me and wanted me to come home.
brother is happy, waiting for his nephew."
asked
She
My
Upon being
how she felt about being pregnant she said, "I'm
not sure."
This pregnancy has changed Liz in the
following way, "It made me more mature.
It made me
think more about my future than ever before."
Profile of Biological Father/Boyfriend:
Her boyfriend, which she knew one year prior to
becoming pregnant, was a 31 year-old, self-employed
salesman. originally from Colombia.
87
When asked what
his initial reaction to her pregnancy was, she said,
"He didn •t believe it was his because I stopped seeing
him before I knew I was pregnant."
Liz reported that
her relationship with him is "not close, he's a jerk."
Birth Control Knowledge Prior to Pregnancy:
Liz reported that she learned about the "facts of
life" and about the "pill" from her mother at age 14,
"she said when a girl had her period she could become a
mother."
Liz was unable to correctly identify the most
fertile period during a woman's menstrual cycle.
She
reported that she and her boyfriend discussed birth
control and went to a "clinic" for birth control
"pills" because,
"he said I was too young to have kids
and I should take care of myself because he didn't want
any babies."
Sexual History and Reasons Given for Pregnancy:
Liz said that she was 16 years-old when she
engaged in sexual intercourse for the first time.
She
states that she became pregnant after she and her
boyfriend engaged in sexual intercourse "a few times"
and that he was "real good to me."
Regarding her
reason for her pregnancy, Liz said, "It was an
accident, I was too careless.
I was on the pill then I
got mad at my boyfriend, stopped seeing him, and went
off of the pill for one month.
88
Then we got back
together and I hadn't gone back on the pill because I
was waiting for my period to start."
She also stated
that she became sexually active when she did because,
"maybe I was too curious, wondering what it would be
like, because when I was 16 almost all of the girls had
had sexual relations and they'd say,
'Oh, you haven't
had any?'"
When asked how she felt about sex now?
responded,
"I don't know."
Regarding her peers,
She
Liz
reported that nearly all were sexually active, most did
not use any form of contraceptive and if they do become
pregnant, they have an abortion.
Prior Fantasy:
Liz stated that she has often fantasized about
being pregnant, "Ever since I was a little girl I
wanted to have kids."
Pregnancy Outcome Decision:
Liz said she once considered having an abortion,
made the appointment and then "couldn't, I thought that
would be killing another person."
Unlike the other
interviewees, she felt her religious background did
have much influence on her decision.
considered giving her baby
~
Liz also
for adoption but decided
not to because "I can't give away a part of me."
89
Emotional Aspects and Feelings About Self:
Liz reported she felt happy "that my mother helped
buy me a car so I could go to school."
She expressed
sadness about disappointing her mother and said she was
"not afraid of anything right now."
When asked what
she liked most about herself, Liz replied, "almost
everything."
What she didn't like about herself was
that "I'm fat and I don't like my hair."
she needs to improve on "saving money."
Liz said,
She states
When asked
"studying."
"What
answered "A hard responsibility; teaching someone
something new; trying to be the best at it."
Postpartum Birth Control Plans:
When asked if she plans to prevent another
pregnancy,
Liz reported she will "use everything! The
pill and I'll tell him if he really loves me he can
wait until I'm on the pill."
Advice to Other Teens:
Liz would tell other teenagers before they became
pregnant that "they should study more and finish high
school and listen more to their mother because their
mother knows best."
But then Liz said, "Everybody told
me that but I wouldn't listen, I hope they would listen
to me."
90
summary:
This first-time pregnant, 17 year-old, Central
American female comes from a working-class, Catholic
single-parent home with no previous familial history of
teenage pregnancy.
Liz, one of the oldest participants
interviewed, seemed to be a very bright, verbal young
lady who displayed the most insight into her own
behavior.
She had worked at various jobs since her
early teen years and seems to have always had to be
responsible, helping her mother support and take care
of their family.
Apparently, her mother needed Liz'
help so much that she required Liz to miss school at
times, consequently, Liz began failing her classes
before she became pregnant.
When asked why she became
sexually active when she did, Liz talked about her
curiousity about sex and the peer pressure she felt.
The interviewer got the impression that Liz was a very
bright, hardworking, lonely young girl who allowed
herself to become involved with an older man and then
became careless-- resulting in her current pregnancy.
General Findings
Even though each of these young females'
possession of personal experiences and life events were
unique, all seem to share numerous characteristics and
91
perceptions.
Most of the subjects come from a single-
family home with their mothers having primary
responsibility as head of household.
All of the
subjects seem to have a strong religious background
yet, their self-perceptions were that their religion
did not have an influence on their decision regarding
this pregnancy andjor its outcome.
Only one of the subjects knew when was their most
fertile period during their menstrual cycle while all
seemed to lack a full/comprehensive understanding of
how (for example) the "pill" conceptually worked.
They
had no idea how it was intricately related to their
'
menstrual cycle. Even though they had attended health
classes in school, there appears to be a conceptual
(lack of connection/denial) between the non-use of
contraceptives and the subsequent conception.
Most of the girls received little sex education
from within their families; it was mainly limited to
their mothers saying "be careful" while religiously,
their beliefs were stating that it is "not okay" to use
birth control devices or methods.
Most of the
interviewees felt that they were pressured into having
sexual relations and/or powerless regarding their
boyfriends' sexual aggression.
And most were not
personally, specifically interested in sex itself but
did view i t as a submissive way to "hold on to their
92
boyfriends."
Most of the students felt that birth control
methods were not readily available to them while all
expressed that it, the pregnancy, raised their status
within their family to adulthood.
And finally,
all of
the subjects stated that they plan to use some form of
birth control in the future to prevent unwanted
pregnancies.
93
Chapter 5
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
summary
The number of teenagers, over one million each
year, who not only become pregnant but also experience
parenthood has been ever-increasing here in the United
States.
This has happened in spite of the integration
of "sex education" classes into school programs, as
well as the availability and easy access to modern
birth control methods.
The pregnant adolescent represents only one-fifth
of the sexually active female population who are
capable of becoming pregnant.
Yet, they account for
nearly half of the "out of wedlock" births and for onethird of all the abortions in the United States.
The six major objectives that this study attempted
to accomplish were: to ascertain the shared
characteristics/commonalities that adolescent pregnant
girls possess; to reveal, document, and preserve (in
their
original form) some of the thoughts, feelings,
and beliefs held and expressed by a small group of
young pregnant adolescents; to generate answers to
major category questions from this specific population;
to enumerate, organize, and compare some of the selfperceived characteristics of pregnant adolescents; to
94
present, examine, and summarize the specific
characteristics of a small target population
representative of the young pregnant adolescent female
enrolled in an alternative school program for pregnant
minors; and lastly, to generate data that researchers
and others directly involved with this population
(educators and counselors, for example) can use as a
base to build upon in their work.
Conclusions
The majority of young adolescent females who do
become pregnant share many of the same characteristics.
Even though these teenagers had received formal
education in school regarding human sexuality,
reproduction, and birth control, most did not seem to
fully understand nor integrate this knowledge into
their daily lives and sexual activities.
The majority
of the subjects in these studies did not utilize any
form of birth control even though they
knowledge of contraception {usually the
"pill").
had some
birth control
Most of the subjects have a familial history
of teenage pregnancy.
The male father figure is absent
from the home in the majority of cases.
And most of
the subjects tended to share the perception of a low
to moderate degree of religiousness in the home (on
their part).
95
,,
.
These girls generally, possessed a history of poor
educational performance in addition to limited
educational aspirations such as "just graduating from
high school."
Most of the adolescents interviewed feel
that resources for birth control are not readily
.I
available to them and that this contributed, to some
degree, to the reason why they failed to prevent their
own pregnancy.
Most of the subjects who became
pregnant expressed an intense desire to be held in a
caring way by a male.
These pregnant adolescent girls, reflectively and
self-analytically, have much difficulty in identifying
what they particularily like about themselves and what
they perceive as their best skills.
Once they become
pregnant, the majority of these adolescent females do
I
not choose abortion.
They make this choice while
stating religion is not a strong factor in their
belief system.
Yet, they describe abortion as "murder"
and give it as the reason they
did not choose that
option.
Virtually all of the subjects could not consider
putting their babies up for adoption because it would
be "giving a part of themselves away" and therefore it
was not seen as a viable option for this particular
population.
Even though this study was small in number
and therefore limited, the results gleened seem to
96
,,
'
agree with much of the research that has been done on
teenage pregnant females: most were not delinquent in
behavior and
most had limited experience with drugs
including marijuana and alcohol. These pregnant teenage
girls expressed that becoming pregnant and carrying
I
their babies made them more mature.
Most of the mothers of these pregnant adolescent
females limited their teaching of human sexuality,
reproduction, and birth control to a warning, "to be
careful."
However, the religious background of most of
these girls communicated to them that using
contraceptive devices was morally wrong.
Thus, these
girls seemed to be receiving conflicting messages, "be
careful but remember it's wrong to use birth control."
In addition, the mothers of these young pregnant
adolescent girls might not be knowledgable in "how
pregnancy comes about" therefore, they may not be able
to educate their daughters or sons successfully.
These
pregnant adolescent girls also seem to identify with
siblings who either were or are pregnant.
The data collected from the individual girls in
this study led the author to hold suspect the current
trend of thinking that is becoming prevalent; that
young girls become pregnant for status, acceptance, and
identity.
Instead, it appears that these girls became
pregnant for reasons such as "not thinking about the
97
I
future."
They seem to carry their pregnancies to term
because they believe abortion is "murder."
They keep
their child because they have a sense of responsibility
to it, they identify with it, and feel that the child
is a part of them.
Recommendations for Further Research
The following recommendations are based upon the
analysis of data from the literature reviewed and the
information gathered from the interviewees in this
study. In the existing body of literature many terms
are confusing, in that they need to be more exactly
defined.
Researchers need to communicate in the same
jargon as those involved in program development so that
the measures undertaken might be more effective.
Teenagers in general, but especially teens who
become pregnant, are laden with misinformation about
the scientific facts regarding human reproduction and
contraception.
This situation exists in spite of the
exposure to sex education classes and the availability
of health clinics that offer this same type of
information (at no cost).
They also have mistaken
notions about the health risks related to
contraception,
especially the "pill."
Yet,
even
though educational programs seem to be disseminating
more information than ever about human sexuality, the
98
methods utilized to educate this population do not seem
to be effective.
The teaching methods by the health
education community need to be examined on all levels;
clinics, colleges, high schools, grade schools, and
training programs have to be reassessed for effective
pedagogy as it relates to this population.
An area that needs to be investigated is the
possibility/relationship that young adolescent females
who at an early age become sexually active could have
been sexually abused children/incest victims.
There
seems to be enough reason to believe that this theory
could be valid and it ought to be examined further.
More research efforts should focus on identifying the
factors which influence adolescents to delay not only a
first pregnancy but also subsequent ones.
Research that will provide valuable information to
help us assess the impact of programs designed to aid
in the prevention of adolescent pregnancy is needed.
More studies of the effectiveness of sex education
program outcomes such as; responsible sexual behavior
and effective use of contraception.
Studies that would
measure the need for sex education among parents of
young adults and identify how best these needs might be
met also appear warranted.
How adolescents view the welfare system is another
question that needs to be considered by researchers.
99
There seems to be an absence of studies in the existing
literature that measure if the possibility of receiving
AFDC (Welfare) benefits poses an economic incentive to
young adolescent girls to either have a baby or remain
unmarried.
And lastly, more studies need to focus on the
perceptions that teens have about their own behavior,
relationships, and choices in order for program
developers to be able to design more effective
pregnancy prevention programs.
Recommendations for Professional Practice
The following recommendations for professional
practice are based upon the data compiled from the
present study and the conclusions found in the
literature reviewed.
Since these girls do seem to
identify with their peers andjor siblings who have been
or who are pregnant, curriculum planners might consider
using them in an educational, reality-based, less
judgemental teaching opportunity.
For example, in the
development of sex education programs one innovative
strategy might be to involve the peers and siblings of
this population who are already mothers.
This
investigator recommends having them come in and
actually do some of the share-teaching regarding the
reality of teenage motherhood and the consequences of
100
the decisions of being sexually active; not using
contraceptives and the impact that these consequences
have had on their lives and futures.
The subjects that participated in this study did
not seem interested in or derive much pleasure from
sexual intercourse yet, some of the theories in the
literature seem to state that adolescent females are
motivated to become sexually active by their strong
sexual desires.
Educators need to take into
consideration that this theory does not seem relevant.
If adolescent females do not derive pleasure from the
"sex act," then·there must be other reasons why they
became sexually active.
Programs that are developed must recognize and
take into account students• perceptions.
In this study
the underlying reasons given were that: they did not
know how to deal with their boyfriend's sexual
aggression andjor that they needed to comply with their
boyfriend's demands in order to remain in that
relationship with him.
The threat of losing their
status as "this boy's girlfriend" also appears to be of
tremendous importance to these girls.
Therefore, the
educational efforts in schools to prevent early sexual
activity andjor unwanted pregnancy among young
adolescent females ought to address the self-perceived
priorities/motivators of this population.
101
If these girls do not possess the assertive skills
necessary to not become involved sexually or not to
become pregnant because they value their relationship
with their boyfriends above and at the expense of their
personal futures, then sex education programs need to
address this/these issues appropriately.
Educators
should incorporate assertiveness training along with
experiences that are designed to enhance self-esteem
into their programs for pre-sexually active young
adults.
sex educators should consider directing more of
their attention to the young male population. One
perspective would be to assess if it is possible to
teach andjor modify their existing value of
another
person'~
11
respecting
wishes."
There seems to be an increased acceptability of
early sexual activity and of early unwed motherhood
today.
The advertising arena and the media in general,
use sex and sexuality in numerous ways which seem to
have a great impact on our youth.
In addition, the
configuration of the family in our society has changed
tremendously over the past several decades; many
children are being reared in single-parent or blended
family homes.
there are many
and anxiety.
This creates a society in which it seems
members who experience much confusion
It is this investigator's opinion that
102
the rapid and vast changes that have occurred in our
society have only helped create an environment that
supports and perpetuates the increased numbers of our
youth who are "unable to think in relationship to and
plan for their future."
Therefore, it is imperative
that we, as health professionals, find a way to improve
communication and build understanding between helping
professionals and their young clientele.
Beginning
from preschool and beyond, we need to integrate selfesteem factors and basic life skills into the public
education curriculum.
The lack of a father figure in the home for these
girls cannot be easily remedied.
This investigator
recommends that this problem be approached from a
developmental perspective.
Young boys need help if
they are to grow and develop into loving, responsible
fathers.
The schools could contribute by having many
more male teachers as male role models for all young
children.
This study provides researchers and practitioners
alike, with important data that gives them a new
insight and allows them a "glimpse" into the inner
world of the pregnant teenager.
Hopefully, this will
enable them to view and relate differently to the
"problem" of teenage pregnancy.
Perhaps a more
reality-based/less judgemental perspective would be
103
'
advantageous.
Hopefully, the findings and
recommendations from this study will help create the
opportunity for better and more effective communication
between "these girls" and all helping professions. This
study was designed to be the beginning, in a long
series of steps, that would move "us," to a new and in
a more effective direction when dealing with the
problems of teenage pregnancy.
People with innovative
and global perspectives need to become involved in the
designing and implementation of more appropriate;
effective programs and services for this population.
Whereby, addressing the multitudinous needs of both the
young female adolescent and the larger society that
encompasses her.
104
.
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Dougherty, M.
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{1986,
February) •
Furstenberg, Jr., F.
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Furstenberg, Jr., F.
(1980).
Teen pregnancy:
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Menken, J., Trussell, J., & Watkins, s. (1981). The
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108
Appendix A
Interview Schedule
1. Name:
2. Age:
3. Date of birth:
4. Place of birth:
5. How long in the
u.s.:
6. Primary language:
7. Ethnic background:
B. City presently residing in:
9. How long:
10. Where lived previously:
11. How long at each location:
12. Living with (who, ages):
13. Where other family members are living:
14. Type of housing living in:
15. How is family supported financially:
16. Do parents work:
17. If yes, what kind of work:
18. How far along are you in your pregnancy:
19. Due date:
20. Health status:
21. Marital status:
22. Religious preference:
23. Degree of religiousness:
109
0
24. Age at and reaction to Menarche:
25. Any previous pregnancies, abortions, miscarriages,
or births:
26. Any involvement in street gangs:
27. If yes, tell me about that:
28. Ever experimented with drugs before:
29. If yes, what kind(s), how often:
30. Cigarettes:
31. If yes, what kind, how often:
32. Alcohol usage:
33. If yes, what kind, how often:
34. Grade level in school:
35. School performance history:
36. Attendance record history:
37. If grades or attendance have changed since
pregnancy, reason:
38. Educational plans:
39. Work Experience:
40. Career Goals:
41. Child care plans:
42. Is there any history of teen pregnancy in your
family:
43. Describe what your relationship with your mother
is like:
44. Your father:
45. Your siblings:
46. Your initial reaction to your pregnancy:
47. Your current feelings:
110
•
0
48. Your family's reaction to your pregnancy:
49. Age of the baby's father:
50. His occupation:
51. Is he from the
u.s.:
52. If no, where:
53. How long has he been in the
u.s.:
54. How long have you known him:
55. Do you still see him:
56. If no, reason:
57. His initial reaction to your pregnancy:
58. His current feelings about it:
59. How old were you when you first learned about the
"facts of life:"·
60. Who told you:
61. What do you remember they said:
62. Did you have any prior knowledge of birth control
methods before you became pregnant:
63. If yes, what:
64. If no, when and where did you learn about birth
control methods:
65. Do you know when during a woman's menstrual cycle
she is most likely to become pregnant if she has
unprotected sex:
66. If correct, did you know this before you became
pregnant:
67. Did you and the baby's father ever discuss birth
control:
68. Have you ever used any kind of birth control
method:
69. If yes, what kind, how often:
111
'
70. If no, why not:
71. Why do you think you became pregnant:
72. If planned, reason:
73. If accidental, cause:
7 4. How old were you when you had sexual intercourse
for the first time:
75. Why do you think you became sexually active when
you did, at that particular time, with that
particular person:
76. Whose idea was it:
77. What was your first time like:
78. What was your partner's attitude:
79. How did he treat you:
80. Have you ever been molested or raped:
81. If yes, what happened:
82. How do you feel about sex now:
83. About how many times did you engage in unprotected
sexual intercourse before you became pregnant:
84. Was the baby's father the first person you ever
had sex with:
85. If no, how many different partners have you had:
86. What about your friends, do you tell one another
about your sexual experiences:
87. If yes, what do they say they've experienced:
88. If no, could you guess what their level of
experience is: ·
89. Are they sexually active:
90. How many would you say are virgins:
91. Do the sexually active ones use birth control
methods:
112
92. If yes, which method(s):
93. If no, why not:
94. Before you became pregnant, did you ever fantasize
about being pregnant:
95. If yes, tell me about it, what feelings did you
have at those times:
96. How do you feel about babies and children in
general:
97. Any experience with them:
98. Do you think many girls consent to have sex with
their boyfriends under pressure because they are
afraid their boyfriends won't stay with them if
they don't:
99. How about you:
100. What part of being intimate with your boyfriend do
you enjoy most:
101. How do you feel about women who have abortions:
102. Did you ever consider having an abortion:
103. If yes, why didn't you have one:
104. If no, why not:
105. Do you think your religious background had very
much influence on your decision not to have an
abortion:
106. Did you ever consider giving your baby up for
adoption:
107. Why/ why not:
108. Have you ever gotten into any serious trouble with
the law:
109. If yes, what happened:
110. If you had a miscarriage, how would you feel:
111. What do you think being a mother will be like:
113
112. What do you feel happy about:
113. What do you feel sad about:
114. What do you feel most afraid of:
115. What do you like most about yourself:
116. Tell me what you don't like about yourself:
117. What do you think you need to improve about
yourself:
118. What are you good at:
119. Do you think most teens become pregnant because
birth control information andjor devices are not
as available as they could be:
120. Would less teens become pregnant if more
information about birth control methods was given
to them:
121. If you could talk to teenagers before they became
sexually active, what would you say to them:
122. If someone could've said something like that to
you before you became pregnant, do you think it
would have made a difference:
123. Do you plan to prevent another pregnancy after
this baby is born:
124. If yes, how will you do that:
125. If no, why not:
114
Appendix B
CONSENT FORM
I,
(Interviewee's name), hereby willingly consent
to participate in the Master's Thesis project as
described to me by Stacey Moore of California State
University, Northridge.
I understand that everything I
say during this study will be kept confidential, even
from my teacher.
I understand that my participation is
voluntary and that I may withdraw from the study at
any time, should I decide to.
I understand that this
study may be published and that at no time will my
anonymity be violated without express written consent
by me.
I understand that Stacey Moore will be
conducting a face-to-face interview with me privately
and that she will tape record our interview.
I
understand that I may refuse to answer anything I wish
to and that these tapes will be used only for the
purpose of this study.
I understand that the purpose
of this study is to help others better understand and
better serve young women in my position and that
everything will be kept strictly confidential.
Date
Interviewee's Signature
Witness
115