CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE
SELF-HATE
IN BLACKS, WHITES AND CHICANOS
A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the
requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in
Community/Clinical Psychology
~
Maria Louise Rohde
August, 1988
The Thesis of Maria Louise Rohde is approved:
Luis Rubalcava
James Fleming
Benj~jin Mehlman,
Chair
California State University, Northridge
ii
Table of Contents
iv
List of Tables
Abstract
v
INTRODUCTION
1
Blacks
5
Mexican-Americans . • . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • • . . . . • . . • • • • 36
Whites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . • . . • . . . . . . • • 72
Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 2
Results . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . • • . . . . • • • • . . . . • . . . . • . 77
Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Summary and Conclusion .•..•.. -_ . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . • . . . . . • • . . . . . • . . . . . . . . 90
Tables . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • • . . • • . . • • . . 103
Appendices • • . . • . . . • . • . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . 106
iii
List of Tables
Table 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Table 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
Table ·3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . 79
Table 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
iv
ABSTRACT
SELF HATE
IN BLACKS, WHITES AND CHICANOS
by
Maria Louise Rohde
Master of Arts in Community/Clinical Psychology
The present study was designed to test self-hate in
three ethnic groups; blacks, whites and chicanes.
Self-hate
was studied from three perspectives; ethnic esteem (one's
descriptions of one's ethnic group), self-esteem (one's
feelings about oneself), and ethnic identification (one's
preference for and identification with one's own ethnic
group).
A modified version of the Adjective Check List (ACL)
was used to measure ethnic esteem.
The Rosenberg Self-Esteem
Scale was used to measure self-esteem.
The Ethnic/Racial
Identity Scale was used to measure ethnic identification.
The results showed whites to have greater ethnic esteem than
blacks (p<.Ol).
Blacks were found to have greater
self-esteem than whites (p<.Ol).
More blacks identified with
their own ethnic group than did whites and chicanes (p<.005).
Chicanos described themselves more favorably than whites
described them, while whites described chicanes less
favorably than whites described themselves.
The lower ethnic
esteem in blacks coupled with high self-esteem and high group
identification suggest much complexity in ethnic self-hate.
v
Introduction
Allport {1958} defines self-hate as "one's sense of
shame for possessing the despised qualities of one's group
--whether these qualities be real or imaginary".
{p.152}
Self-hate may also consist of "repugnance for other members
of one's group because they "possess" these qualities"
{Allport, 1958, p. 152}.
Allport theorizes that how the
individual reacts to prejudice depends on whether he is
basically extropunitive--directing his aggression outward
or intropunitive--directing his aggression inward.
While the
extropunitive individual blames the source of the prejudice
for his problems, it is the intropunitive individual who is
led to self-hate through self-blame.
Allport {1958} contends
that in the intropunitive individual, frustration due to
discrimination and disparagement leads to sensitization and
concern, which then leads the individual to deny group
membership, clown, become passive and withdrawn, direct
aggression toward his own group, have sympathy for all
victims, strive for symbolic status, and become a self-hater.
Gilman {1986} contends that self-hate arises when the
outsider accepts the illusory reflection of herself produced
by the majority group as being real--or when the outsider
accepts the myths (stereotypes) regarding her group as real,
thus accepting herself as "different".
The dominant group, fearing it's own loss of power,
projects its own insecurities onto the world in the form of
the outsider through whom it imagines itself threatened.
This projection of "difference'' is accepted by the outsiders
1
as what they are, and also what they should not be and a
guide as to what they should become (Gilman, 1986, p. 3).
The acceptance of this illusion creates for the
outsider a double bind situation.
On the one hand, she is
led to believe that if she conforms to the majority group,
then she will be accepted by that group.
However, on the
other hand, the more the outsider attempts to conform to the
majority group, the more the majority group is aware of her
difference (Gilman, 1986, p.3).
In attempting to conform,
the outsider has admitted she is different.
Thus, approval
is once again withheld.
Gilman (1986) believes that the outsider reacts to this
conflict by repressing it, and by seeing the problem as lying
within herself, since she has idealized the majority group
she wishes to become a member of.
accepting her
11
Upon unconsciously
difference", and thus integrating her
rejection into her definition of herself, the outsider then
proceeds to project onto the world the negative ''bad" aspects
of her "difference", while the "good" aspects are taken in as
her new definition of herself (Gilman, 1986, p. 4).
The
portion of the world onto whom these negative stereotypes are
projected is actually an extension of herself (i.e., another
outsider who "really" possesses the despised qualities).
this way she resolves the double bind she is in.
In
As a
self-hater, she will either claim special abilities in the
discourse of the majority group, or reject it completely and
create what she believes to be a new discourse, but which is
still defined within the framework of the old one (Gilman,
2
1986).
Demakovsky (1978) discusses disturbances in the
self-representation which may account for self-hate.
The
infant has many methods of fending off anxiety and
maintaining a tolerable relationship with her good objects.
During times of conflict with her good objects, her
self-esteem may suffer, as she is no longer being
narcissistically rewarded for approved behavior by her ego
ideal.
Therefore, during these times, she may rely on
narcisstic defenses such as idealization, splitting, denial,
and projective identification to protect herself from
narcissistic injury.
Demokovsky discusses Kernberg's (1975) view of the role
the ego-ideal plays in this dynamic.
As a result of her
narcissistic rage, the child may unconsciously split off the
"bad" parts of herself and project them into someone else.
The child may then imagine that she has divested herself of
those parts of herself which made her unworthy of love to
begin with.
This allows her to then attack and attempt to
destroy the "bad" parts without risking destroying the good
parts of the self as well.
In adults this self-rejecting
dynamic can be seen in groups who criticize and reject other
members of their group.
This is exemplified by the German
Jews of the late nineteenth century who openly criticized the
language, dress, and religious practices of the Russian
Jewish immigrants (Rischkin, 1962).
Vita Sommers (1964) argues for a number of factors
which contribute to self-hate in minorities.
3
One possible
path toward later self-hate, she argues, is as follows:
First, self-haters frequently come from a familial
environment in which their needs were not met as children.
Often, one or both parents were cold, strict, hostile or
rejecting.
Secondly, and along with the above factor, as a
child, the self-hater perceives the low status of his
parents in American society, and judges them physically,
emotionally or culturally inferior.
As he gets older, the
self-hater, having been rejected by (or rejecting of) both
his parents and society, begins to feel isolated and
inadequate.
To get away from these uncomfortable feelings,
he rejects and denies his inferior parental heritage, and
takes on the values and characteristics of the ideal
"all-American" male or female.
This may be accomplished
through such means as marrying a white spouse, joining the
u.s.
army, or majoring in English.
Sommers argues that the foundation of one's identity
lies in the way his basic personal needs were met in the
early family environment.
If one's needs were not met
adequately, the child will be highly affected by later
social rejection.
Sommers also contends that a primary element underlying
self-rejection is the perceived discrepancy between what one
is and what one ought to be.
For example, some black persons
feel "I am not white, but I ought to be", or "I am not
valued, but I ought to be".
It is this perceived discrepancy
which leads to feelings of doubt and confusion.
Another means by which self-hate in minorities may come
4
about is through introjection and identification with the
aggressor (Freud, 1953).
With this mechanism of defense, the
.
individual assimilates the anxiety-producing object through
physical imitation or through imitation of the aggressor's
behavior.
In doing this, he transforms himself from the
person threatened to the person who makes the threat, thus
moving from a passive to an active role.
Thus when a
minority is confronted with the anxiety-producing experiences
that go along with being an outsider, he may attempt to
alleviate it by uncritically accepting, or "swallowing" the
values and standards of the majority group.
He may attempt
to become "one of them" in order to master his anxiety.
This paper will look at self-hate in blacks, chicanos,
and whites from a multi-systems perspective, examining the
role of society, the family, and the psyche.
Blacks:
A Socio-Cultural Perspective
To examine the socio-cultural context of self-hate in
blacks, we will begin with the institution of slavery.
Frazier (1951) writes:
"Probably never before in
history has a people been so nearly stripped of it's social
heritage as the Negroes who were brought to America" (p.
15).
Many slaves were brought over as children, and
retained only faint memories of their life in Africa.
Upon
reaching America, the slaves were typically separated from
their tribesmen, sold, and shipped in small numbers to
different plantations (Frazier, 1951).
On reaching the
plantation, the slaves were put with others who had all but
forgotten their lives in Africa.
5
Behaviors and attitudes
which marked them as foreign were greeted with ridicule and
disdain by the slaves who had become assimilated to the
plantation life (Frazier, 1951).
Therefore, it was
difficult for slaves who did retain any memory of their
African heritage to find or create a suitable atmosphere in
which to practice their customs.
Frazier believes that the same disorganization which
permeated the black family under slavery also showed up in
black social life.
Since there was no existing social
organization among the slaves to sustain their African
customs, behavior, e.g. sexual conduct, was freed from
social control (Frazier, 1951).
The result was often a
series of casual relationships and informal marriages.
Furthermore, when a high degree of social organization was
attained, Frazier (1951) believed it to be derived from "the
folkways and mores of the white race" (p. 267).
Gutman (1976) refutes Frazier's allegations of a
disorganized social life among slaves with evidence that
there indeed was social organization among the slaves, and
that it was not solely derived from American culture.
To
begin with, young slaves were socialized by older slaves as
well as whites (Gutman, 1976).
Louisiana cotton planter
Bennet Barrow {Davis (ed.), 1943, cited in Gutman, 1976, p.
263) complained in his diary that one of his older slaves,
Big Lucy; "corrupts every young negro in her power". Big
Lucy was socializing the slaves in a manner which Barrow
found unacceptable, and which caused him immense
frustration.
6
.P
Slaves also developed unique non-legal marital rituals
(Gutman, 1976, p. 275).
The most common of these rituals
involved jumping over a bromstick.
This act transformed a
free slave alliance into a legitimate marriage.
The couple
had to be careful to jump high over the broomstick, because
if they stubbed their toe, it meant there was trouble ahead.
The slave marital practice of jumping the broomstick
has also been seen among some poor southern whites,
nineteenth century British railroad workers, and gypsies.
It is not known where this practice originated.
However,
Gutman (1976, p. 277-278} believes it to be related to
Afro-American magical and religious practices.
Other social practices included unique means to detect
thieves (Stroyer, 1879, cited in Gutman, 1976, p. 279}.
The
origins of these and other rituals have been traced back to
West African magical beliefs and practices (Gutman, 1976, p.
281}.
They were also found among African slaves in Mexico,
and Dutch and French Guinea.
It has been suggested that such
rituals often serve as sanctions against anti-social behavior
by reinforcing virtue and proper conduct (Gutman, 1976, p.
282}.
It therefore appears that slaves did evolve their own
culture and mores, and that these were not necessarily an
offshoot of American culture.
Furthermore, some of these
cultural practices may have been retained from their African
heritage.
Frazier (1951} also contends that slavery had the
effect of creating divisions among the slaves themselves.
There was a pronounced status difference between the
7
household servants and the field hands.
The household
servants were given the old clothing of their master and
mistress, along with better food, and a number other
privileges.
During gatherings among the slaves, the
household servants could be seen "swelling out and putting
on airs in imitation of those they were forced to obey from
day to day" (Steward, 1857, cited in Frazier, 1951, p. 25).
Frazier contends that these servants were generally looked
up to by the field hands to provide the standards of
behavior which were considered proper and civilized, and
were often envied and hated.
Frazier (1951) gives further evidence of division among
the black community by arguing that many mulattos attempted
to define themselves as a race separate and distinct from the
black race.
They often formed isolated communities in which
they attempted to pursue a way of life which involved
personal restraint uncharacteristic of the larger black
population.
He states that many mulattos chose to allow
their children to grow up illiterate rather than send them to
a school provided for black children.
During the period of slavery, blacks were generally
considered intellectually inferior to whites.
Many mental
health professionals and politicians argued that slavery was
actually beneficial for blacks (Deutsch, 1944, p. 473).
It
was reported that free blacks living in the North suffered
from higher rates of mental illness than slaves in the South
(Deutsch, 1944, p. 472).
The sixth
u.s.
Census in 1840 found
that one of every 144.5 blacks in the north were insane or
8
idiotic, while one of every 1,558 blacks in the slave states
were insane or idiotic (Deutsch, 1944, p. 472}.
In other
words, the rate of mental illness among free blacks was 11
times higher than it was among enslaved blacks.
These
findings were used to argue that blacks were incapable of
self care, and that slavery was thus a necessity.
Frazier contends that following the abolition of
slavery, many black communities in rural areas achieved a
high degree of social organization.
This typically revolved
around the family, church, and the neighborhood.
Following
emancipation, however, many blacks migrated to southern urban
centers in search of better jobs.
During the first and second World Wars, there was again
a mass migration of blacks to four urban areas:
Philadelphia, Detroit and Chicago.
New York,
This was due to the
demand for industrial workers to f i l l the jobs left behind by
the lower class European immigrants who had gone to fight, or
been promoted to higher ranks.
These new black migrants
tended to settle in the deteriorating slum areas of the city.
Frazier (1951, p. 98} believes that while they often
felt isolated and lonely in the city, the new migrants also
found themselves freed from the social controls of the small
rural community.
They no longer feared the disgrace of the
church or the community for violating social norms.
One of
the consequences of this freedom from social controls was a
general trend toward promiscuous sexual behavior, resulting
in extremely high rates of family desertion on the part of
black men, and illegitimate births on the part of black
9
women.
Frazier states that these problems were worse in the
more central areas of the community (which were usually the
poorest and most disorganized), and declined as one moved to
the periphery of the community.
Again, Gutman contradicts these assertions with
evidence that, at least as of 1925, there was not widespread
disorganization among blacks, but in fact felt they had
adapted quite well to life in the city.
Whatever the past, it is widely agreed that the
socio-cultural life of blacks today is characterized by
lower education, higher unemployment, and lower earned
income as compared to the general population.
In the
educational setting, only 51.2 percent of blacks 25 and over
graduated from high school in 1980, while 68.8 percent of
whites 25 and over graduated from high school in 1980 (U.S.
Bureau of the Census, 1983).
The median number of years
schooling for black males 25 and older is 12 years; in the
white population this figure is 12.5 years (U.S. Bureau of
the Census, 1983).
Only 11.1 percent of blacks have
completed four or more years of college, as compared to 19.4
percent of the general population.
Explanations for the low
scholastic achievement of blacks have centered on everything
from genetic inferiority (Eysenck, 1972), genetic differences
(Jensen, 1969), to cultural deprivation (Riessman, 1962).
Eysenck (1972) argues that blacks' inferior scores on the IQ
tests are due to genetic differences between whites and
blacks.
He supports this assertion by quoting a study on
aborigine children in Australia, which found that black
10
Q .
children with white ancestry scored significantly higher on a
Piagetian type intelligence test.
Riessman (1962) maintains
that blacks exhibit lower scholastic achievement due to
problems within their culture, such as lack of intellectual
stimulation.
Thus the legacy of black inferiority has been
carried over from slavery, and still thrives today.
As a result of intelligence testing in the 1960's and
early 1970's, many black children were labelled mentally
retarded and placed in special education programs.
However,
many people began to protest this practice, arguing that IQ
tests discriminate against minorities through the inclusion
of unfair items (Cronbach, 1975; Tyler, 1972).
As a result
of a civil rights suit in 1971, the California State Board of
Education imposed a moratorium in 1975 on the use of IQ tests
for placing children in special education classes for the
mildly retarded.
This resulted in a ban on the use of I.Q.
tests for these purposes (Phares, 1984).
High unemployment is an additional problem which
plagues the black community.
The unemployment rate among
blacks during 1984 was 15.9 percent, as compared to the
national level of 7.5 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census,
1983).
The median income for black households in 1979 was
$10,943 per year, as compared to $17,680 for the whites
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983).
In addition, 26.5
percent of black families fell below the poverty level in
1979, as compared to 7 percent of whites.
However, an
astounding 65.9 percent of blacks at all income levels were
living in poverty areas in 1979, as compared to 32.6 percent
11
of the general population and 17.3 percent of whites (U.S.
Bureau of the Census, 1983).
The pattern of oppression and
domination of blacks has continued from slavery right down
into the present day.
To examine the effects of the socio-cultural life of
blacks in the United States on self-hate, we will turn to
Erikson's (1950) theory of personality development.
Erikson argues that personality development proceeds
through a series of stages, and that in each stage there is
a central problem to be solved before the child can proceed
to the next stage of development.
Erikson's first stage of
personality involves gaining a sense of trust in one's
environment.
His second stage of personality development
involves gaining a sense of autonomy, while his third stage
involves gaining a sense of initiative.
These first three
stages of personality development will be discussed later on
in this paper, when the familial context of blacks is
examined.
Erikson believes that the first three stages of
development are the most important, and that personality is
fairly well established by the age of six.
However, the
personality may still be influenced by events which occur
after the age of six.
The fourth stage in Erikson's theory of personality
involves acquiring a sense of industry, or
accomplishment~
(Erikson, 1950).
~duty
and
Unsuccessful resolution of
this stage may result in feelings of inadequacy and
inferiority.
At this stage, the child wants to be involved
12
in tasks which she can complete on her own (Witmer
& Kotinsky, 1952).
The primary arena in which this stage is
completed is the school environment.
Children need
scholastic tasks which they find challenging and rewarding,
and which they can succeed at.
Black children who are
discouraged in school (such as Malcolm X was (1965, p. 36)),
or who are labelled mentally retarded and put in remedial
classes are likely to find school neither challenging nor
rewarding.
The act of being discouraged or labelled retarded
most likely increases the black child's sense of inferiority
and inadequacy.
It has also been argued (Ogbu & Matute-Bianchi, 1986)
that minority children are schooled in white cultural
values.
These authors assert that school prepares children
to participate in the market economy as workers and
consumers by instilling such values as punctuality,
obedience, and maintaining order--in short, qualities which
are valued by employers.
Minority groups who have been
incorporated into this society involuntarily and permanently
(in the blacks' case, through slavery) may seek to define
their identity in opposition to that of whites, since they no
longer have a distinct reference group (i.e., homeland) to
return to, and since they are oppressed by white society.
Thus, practices which are valued by whites may be judged as
inappropriate for themselves.
Ogbu & Matute-Bianchi propose
that school failure is one means by which blacks oppose white
society, and gain a sense of identity.
These authors encourage the development of an identity
13
separate and distinct from that of whites, but opposing
white culture through acts such as school failure probably
ultimately leaves many black children with a sense of
inadequacy.
Ogbu & Matute-Bianchi are correct in stating
that school prepares people to participate in the market
economy.
Those who fail in school frequently end up with
low paying, menial jobs, barely able to support themselves
or their families--a situation not likely to enhance
self-worth.
This creates a unique dilemma for the black person.
Does he identify with the black race, and define his
identity by opposing whites through such means as school
failure (which may also ultimately lead to lowered
self-worth and even self-hate), or does he conform to the
majority by succeeding at tasks (e.g. school) valued by that
majority?
(Erikson's fifth stage of personality development begins
in adolescence, and involves acquiring a sense of identity.
During this period, the adolescent seeks to define who she is
and what her role in society will be (Erikson, 1950).
This
is often initially done through conformity to one another in
behavior and attitudes, while displaying intolerance toward
authority figures and those labelled "different".
Unsuccessful resolution of this stage results in feelings of
self-diffusion.
Adolescents who already feel inferior and
untrusting, and/or who belong to a denigrated racial group
may seek to feel better about themselves and gain an
"acceptable" identity by denying their past and conforming to
14
the values and beliefs of the white majority.
Erikson's sixth stage of personality development
involves the ability to achieve intimacy with others.
Individuals who failed to successfully resolve the previous
stages of development may isolate themselves, or keep
relationships at a superficial level.
Erikson's seventh stage of personality development
involves acquiring a
1952).
This
11
11
parental sense 11 (Witmer & Kotinsky,
parental sense 11 is expressed in
11
•••
the
desire to nourish and nurture in its essence what has been
produced 11 (Witmer & Kotinsky, 1952, p. 51).
Failure to
develop an adequate parental sense may result from
inadequate resolution of the previous stages, or from the
cultural values and economic arrangements of the society.
The roles of mother and father must be valued and respected
in a society for individuals to fully develop the parental
sense (Witmer & Kotinsky, 1952).
Also, the economic
situation must be one in which an individual feels secure in
the fact that they have a meaningful and respected part to
play, thus freeing them from worrying about money, and
allowing them to participate in and shape the lives of their
children.
The nature of the slavery system did not allow parents
to
11
nourish and nurture 11 their children adequately.
Parents
were sent out to the fields to work, and were forced to leave
older children to care for the young.
On the economic level,
judging by the inordinately high unemployment level, black
parents cannot feel too secure in the fact that they will be
15
able to obtain or maintain jobs.
This may have repercussions
for their children, who may fail to develop a sense of trust
in their environment.
The child knows his needs are not
being met by his parents, and as he gets older, he begins to
realize that his parents needs are not being met by society.
The black child may begin to feel that he can trust neither
his parents nor society.
Also, due to his economic
situation, the black parent in this society may be simply too
worried about making ends meet to try to "nourish and
nurture" his child emotionally.
Furthermore, having never
been "nourished and nurtured" adequately by his parents, the
black adult may have difficulty providing these things to his
children.
Erikson's final stage of healthy personality
development involves the sense of integrity.
The individual
comes to accept her life cycle, and begins to accept her
parents for what they are.
her own responsibility.
In short, she accepts her life as
The individual who fails to develop
a sense of integrity may wish she could live her life again.
Witmer & Kotinsky (1952) state that in order for
children and youth to develop a healthy personality, a large
number of adults in the society must attain a considerable
sense of integrity.
This may be difficult for many black
adults to attain, having lived a life of poverty and
oppression.
Thus, if black adults perceive the world to be
an undependable and untrustworthy place (which has been the
case for many of them), they are likely to communicate this
to their children.
16
The social science and psychiatric literature has shown
that environments characterized by ethnicity, poverty, and
rapid social and cultural change (such as forced migration of
slaves, and migration to urban centers) frequently
demonstrate a high degree of social disorganization and
personal pathology (Fabrega, 1969; Favazza, 1980; Srole et
al. 1978).
Srole et al., in their study of 1,660 midtown
Manhattan residents, assigned each subject to one of four
mental health categories, ranging from "well" (with no
significant symptom formation) to "impaired" (with moderate
to severe symptom formation, and interference in life
adjustment).
Subjects and their parents were also divided
into one of six socioeconomic status (SES) levels, with A
being the highest and F the lowest.
Data comparing SES origin (the SES of the subject's
parents when he or she was 18 years of age) and mental
health status found that frequencies in the two middle
categories were fairly uniform across the range of
SES-origin.
However, the "well" and "impaired" frequencies
varied in diametrically opposite directions along the SES
origin scale.
From the highest (A) to the lowest (F) SES
groups, the percentage of well individuals began at 24.4
percent and gradually dropped to 9.7 percent.
The
proportion of impaired individuals began at 17.5 percent in
the highest SES origin group and increased to 32.7 percent
in the lowest SES origin group.
The relationship between subjects' own SES and mental
health was even more sharply accentuated.
17
The proportion of
well individuals in the highest SES stratum was 30 percent:
This figure dropped to 4.6 percent in the lowest stratum.
The proportion of impaired individuals in the highest SES
stratum began at 12.5 percent and rose to 47.3 percent in the
lowest SES stratum.
Since almost one third of all blacks inhabit the lower
socio-economic stratum in this society, they are clearly at
risk for developing mental illness.
A Familial Perspective
Many authors (Clark, 1972; Frazier, 1951) argue that
slavery has had a profound influence upon the mental and
social lives of blacks today. _This section will examine
the familial context of blacks during slavery and the
present day.
The Black Woman
According to Frazier (1951) and Akbar (1984), the slave
woman's value was defined by her capacity to breed children
for the master.
As a result, she might be forced into
copulation with the master or with one of the plantation's
strongest "studs", regardless of her feelings.
Pregnant or
nursing women who could not keep up with their work in the
fields were subject to beatings.
Once her child was born,
the mother was required to return to the fields as soon as
she was able (Frazier, 1951).
She might take her child with
her if the fields were far away, or, if they were nearby, she
might leave her child in the cabin (alone or attended by
another child), and return periodically to nurse it.
After
three or four weeks, the infant was typically left to be
18
nursed and cared for by an older child.
As an example of
this "care" provided by children to children, John Brown
(1855, cited in Frazier, 1951, p. 38) states:
At this period, my principal occupation was to nurse
my little brother whilst my mother worked in the
field.
Almost all the slave children have to do the
nursing; the big taking care of the small, who often
come poorly
off in consequence.
little brother's case.
I know this was my
I used to lay him in the
shade, under a tree, sometimes, and go to play, or
curl myself up under a hedge, and take a sleep.
In contemporary American society, the black woman finds
herself devalued by both her family and society.
The black
woman's first sense of self-worth is given to her by her
mother.
However, the black mother probably has little
self-worth herself, and so finds her daughter representative
of the negative, disowned aspects of herself (Grier & Cobbs,
1968, p. 40).
Her daughter, being black, will never be
perfect, but always found lacking in some important way.
In American society, the standard for physical
attractiveness is the thin, blond, blue-eyed, light skinned
woman.
This ideal is spread by the media through movies,
t.v., and magazines.
Grier & Cobbs (1968, p. 41) state that
the black woman, with her dark skin, small breasts, kinky
hair, and large lips, is the antithesis of American beauty.
These authors argue that since she has no chance of attaining
value or attractiveness by American standards, the black
woman has no basis on which to build a sound sense of
19
feminine narcissism or self-worth.
The Black Man
The black man under slavery was valued primarily for
his ability to work hard and produce children (Akbar, 1984).
He was virtually stripped of the ability to protect and
support his wife and children.
To attempt to do so was to be
labelled a troublemaker, and either punished or killed.
A
moving example of his plight is given by Hensen (Steward,
1857, cited in Frazier, 1951, p. 48), who writes:
The only incident I can remember, which occurred while
my mother continued on N. •s farm, was the appearance
of my father one day, with his head bloody and his
back lacerated.
He was in a state of great
excitement, and though it was all a mystery to me at
the age of three or four years, it was explained at a
later period, and I understood that he had been
suffering the cruel penalty of the Maryland law for
beating a white man.
His right ear had been cut off
close to his head, and he had received a hundred
lashes on his back.
He had beaten the overseer for a
brutal assault on my mother, and this was his
punishment.
Furious at such treatment, my father
became a different man, and was so morose,
disobedient, and intractable, that Mr. N. determined
to sell him.
He accordingly parted with him, not
long after, to his son, who lived in Alabama; and
neither mother nor I ever heard of him again.
Today, the black man•s life in America is characterized
20
by a similar lack of power and accomplishment (Grier & Cobbs,
1968).
In school, the black man's ambitions are discouraged.
Malcolm X (Haley & X, 1964, p. 36), upon sharing with his
English teacher that he would like to become a lawyer, was
told that becoming a lawyer was unrealistic for a nigger.
The teacher recommended that Malcolm concentrate on something
he could be, such as a carpenter.
Malcolm X recalled that
this same teacher encouraged the white students in whatever
they wanted to become, although almost none of them had
grades equal to his.
Grier & Cobbs (1968) argue that in time, the black man
comes to feel that society has joined against him, and,
rather than encouraging his growth, views it with hostility.
In adulthood, masculinity in this society is largely
associated with the ability to make money (Grier & Cobbs,
1968).
Generally, the more money a man makes the more power
he has over both his own and others' lives.
In this
society, however, black men are generally found in lower
paying blue collar and menial jobs.
difficulty finding a job at all.
The black man may have
According to the U.S.
Census, the unemployment rate for black men in 1984 was 15.9
percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983).
Therefore, both
individual and collective power are denied the black man in
this society.
As a result, while he may become a man
physically, it is a struggle for him to feel like a man
(Grier & Cobbs, 1968).
Since he is denied power through
access to the economic system, the black man may seek a
masculine identity through physical, violent or sexual feats
21
(Akbar, 1984).
Ossie Davis (Haley & X, 1964, p. 457), when asked why
he eulogized Malcolm X, replied that" ... Malcolm--whatever
else he was or was not--Malcolm was a man!
White folks do
not need anybody to remind them that they are men.
Davis went on to say that "
We do!".
you always left his presence
with the sneaky suspicion that maybe, after all, you
~
a
man!"
The Black Family
Frazier (1951) characterizes the black family as a
disorganized entity.
He argues that the basis of this
familial disorganization is unrestrained sexual behavior,
urban migration, and the nature of the slavery system
itself.
With regard to the sexual behavior of the slaves,
Frazier (1951) writes:
When the sexual taboos and restraints imposed by their
original culture were lost, the behavior of the slaves
in this regard was subject at first only to the
control of the masters and the wishes of those
selected for mates.
Hence ... sexual relations were
likely to be dissociated on the whole from human
sentiments and feelings"
(p. 360-361).
The result was often a series of marriages taken
lightly on the part of the slaves, family desertion of the
part of husbands and fathers, and illegitimate births on the
part of women.
According to Frazier (1951) and Akbar (1984), the
institution of marriage for slaves went unrecognized by
22
slave holders.
Marriage between slaves was essentially a
farce, since the legal relationship between master and slave
prevented the true fulfillment of the marriage vows as
envisioned by this society.
The master had full control
over the slave woman, and might legally copulate with her if
he so desired.
The slave man was prohibited from protecting
her, on pain of punishment or death.
Furthermore, their
relationship might be terminated at any point through sale on
the auction block (Sowell, 1930, p. 186).
Frazier (1951) also believed the slave family to be
matriarchal in nature.
He suggested that the emotional ties
between mother and child caused her to have a more permanent
interest in the family than the father.
Following emancipation, masses of blacks migrated to
urban centers--first to southern cities, then during World
Wars I and II to northern industrial centers.
Frazier
argues that the urbanization of the black had a profound
effect upon family life.
Thousands of these migrants were
single men and women who engaged in promiscuous sexual
behavior during migration.
Furthermore, the black families
who migrated were often forced to settle down in slum areas,
due to their lack of education or training as skilled
laborers.
This led to economic insecurity (except during
wars), which in turn, led to the disintegration of the
family.
This took the form of family desertion on the part
of husbands and fathers, increased illegitimacy, and rising
juvenile delinquency.
Frazier (1951) states that " ... the
bonds of sympathy and community interests that held .. .
23
@ '
parents together in the rural environment have been unable to
withstand the disintegrating forces in the city 11 (p. 363).
Following World War II, there was an increase in
opportunities for employment for black men and women.
Frazier believes that this caused the economic basis of
family life to become more secure, which ultimately
contributed to the emergence of a black middle class.
Frazier also felt that the drafting of large numbers of
black men into the armed services created a more serious
attitude toward legal marriage on their part.
(1951) states;
11
Frazier
The legal and institutional meaning of
marital relations became meaningful for thousands of Negro
men for the first time when they were faced with the problem
of making allowances for their wives and children 11 (p.
366-367).
While Frazier does acknowledge that some black people
developed their own folk culture following emancipation, as
a result of their
11
isolation 11 from whites,
he felt that
values and customs such as marriage were acquired through
imitation of whites, and that these values were conveyed to
the average black through the mulattos and artisans.
These
people acquired white customs through being taken into the
whites homes as servants, or being educated by their white
forefathers--and then passed white customs on to the average
black.
Frazier contends that it was only among the mulattos
and artisans that family traditions became firmly
established prior to the Civil War.
Moynihan (1965), drawing upon the work of Frazier, and
24
others, concluded in his controversial Report on the Negro
Family in America, that "the deterioration of the Negro
family" was a result of a historical process which had it's
origin in slavery.
Moynihan asserts that slavery caused
deep seated distortions in the lives of black Americans,
resulting in a "tangle of pathology", with the disorganized
black family at the center.
Gutman (1976) takes issue with this view of the black
family.
Gutman studied the black family during the period
1750-1925.
He reasoned that if slavery was at the root of
the fatherless, matriarchal, disorganized black family, then
surely this condition would be more in evidence among blacks
closer in time to slavery.
Gutman (1976) studied the registered marriages of
ex-slaves in seventeen counties of North Carolina in 1866.
Approximately 50 percent of all ex-slave couples in each of
the seventeen counties had been married ten or more years.
These counties ranged from the state's foremost plantation
county to its most heavily urbanized county.
The diversity
of these counties reveals that settled slave marriages and
domestic arrangements existed across a wide range of
circumstances.
Gutman also studied ex-slaves registering marriages in
Mississippi who gave information about previous marriages as
well.
Among couples in which one or both partners were at
least 40 years old, 29 percent reported no earlier
terminated marriage.
Four percent reported an earlier
marriage terminated by mutual consent.
25
A mere five percent
reported an earlier marriage terminated by desertion, while
35 percent reported an earlier marriage terminated by force
(sale).
Lastly, 41 percent of the couples reported an
earlier marriage terminated by death.
(These figures add up
to more than 100 percent because some couples had more than
one earlier marriage).
Another local study of four Virginia counties in 1866
reveals that almost two-thirds of ex-slave couples in their
forties had been together for 20 or more years.
Furthermore, approximately 90 percent of the slaves
registering their marriages in these counties were unskilled
laborers and farm hands, and not servants and artisans--a
fact which directly contradicts Frazier's assertion that it
was only among the elite slaves that double-headed households
existed.
Yet another local study of ex-slave families during
this period found that all the children had the same mother
and father in three-fourths of those families studied.
When
slaves were sold, it was usually during the teenage years.
Gutman's review of southern rural and urban ex-slave
households in the 1880's found that nine in ten blacks lived
in households containing two or more members of a nuclear
family--that is, a husband and wife, parents and their
children, or a single parent (usually mother) and children.
Therefore, it appears that slave families were at least as
stable as the slaves could keep them, and that Frazier's
charges of widespread desertion following emancipation are
unfounded.
Although slave marriages were fairly stable, this
did not necessarily hold true for the slave family, since the
26
children were often sold, especially as they grew older.
Furthermore, it also appears that young slaves had the
opportunity to learn about marital and family roles not only
from whites and free blacks, but from other slaves as well.
To turn to the period of the early twentieth century,
Gutman (1976) contends that migration during this period did
not shatter the black family.
already moved to New York.
By 1905, many blacks had
Gutman examined black families
in the economically depressed San Juan Hill and Tenderloin
districts of New York in 1905.
He found that these blacks
did not live in disorganized households.
percent lived alone or in boarding houses.
Less than ten
About six in
seven of these blacks lived in a household that had at it's
center two or more persons related by blood or marriage.
Nearly half of the households contained just members of a
nuclear family.
lodgers.
Most of these families took in one or two
About one-sixth of the households contained
members of the extended family, usually consisting of
members of the family of origin.
It also appears that migration to urban centers in 1905
had not caused fathers to be absent from households any more
than in the 1880's (Gutman, 1976).
Eighty-three percent of
these families contained a husband or father. Only one in ten
households was headed by a single woman.
The typical black
household in New York City in 1905 had at it's head a poor
male unskilled laborer or service worker.
The familial organization of blacks in New York had
changed somewhat by 1925.
By 1925, Manhattan's black
27
population had increased greatly, and was estimated at
around 250,000.
Most blacks now lived in Central Harlem.
The nuclear household had declined in number, with just two
in five black households consisting solely of a nuclear
family.
By 1925, about half of all black families contained
lodgers, and about one-fifth of the households contained
members of the extended family.
The changing composition of the black family was not
accompanied by an increase in fatherless or male-absent
households (Gutman, 1976).
In 1925, approximately 86
percent of black New York families contained a husband or
father.
Households headed by a single mother had not
changed significantly.
Black men in 1925 were still
typically employed as unskilled laborers or service workers.
Gutman (1976) contends that there is absolutely no
evidence to support the assertion that the black family was
disorganized during the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries.
He states that the black migrants in the early
twentieth century" ... had adapted familial and kin
ties--rooted in their prior historical experiences first as
slaves and afterward as free rural southern workers and
farmers--to life in the emerging ghetto" (p. 455).
In recent years, the structure of the black family has
been viewed by some as an adaptive reaction to an oppressive
society (Hays & Mindel, 1973).
Hays & Mindel (1973) found
the extended kin network to be much more prominent among
black families than white families.
Black families saw all
relatives except parents more often than did white families.
28
In addition, black relatives were more likely to help with
the care of children than white families.
It was also found
that black families had kin other than their own children
living in their home more often than white families.
Stack (1974) also studied black families, and found
them to exhibit large extended kin networks which provide
domestic services.
These kin ties often revolved around the
women, and consisted of reciprocal obligations to help.
It
was expected that kin help would be given to an individual in
times of need and that that individual would provide help for
others when needed.
Stack (1974) believes that this trading
of goods and services is important to this group due to the
limited resources available to them.
She states that this
cooperative kin network often works against new marriages,
since a newly married kin will presumably use their available
resources on their nuclear family, rather than their kinsmen.
Stack contends that the extended kin network provides blacks
the equivalent of savings and insurance in a society which
has traditionally been oppressive and discriminating to them.
Some authors (McQueen, 1971, cited in McAdoo, 1978) believe
that they would not survive without this help.
Stack states
that it is due to this need to provide a system equivalent to
that of savings and insurance that the black family has
evolved along an extended pattern instead of a nuclear
pattern.
In fact, in the last 20 years, the black family has
become even less nuclear in nature.
During the last 20
years, there has been a trend among blacks toward increasing
29
divorce rates, with women more often heading their own
families, which include dependent children (Bianchi & Farley,
1979).
While these changes in living arrangements parallel
those in the white community, they have been more pronounced
among blacks.
In 1960, 86 percent of all whites lived in a
nuclear family consisting of a husband and a wife.
this figure had dropped to 80 percent.
By 1976,
Among blacks, in
1960, 72 percent lived in husband-wife families; in 1980 only
56 percent did (Bianchi & Farley, 1979; U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 1983).
As for women heads of families; between 1960
and 1977 there was a 14 percent increase (from 14 percent to
28 percent) in black women heading families (Bianchi
& Farley, 1979).
By 1980 this figure had risen to 38 percent
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983).
families,
Among white women heading
there was only a three percent increase (from five
percent to eight percent) between 1960 and 1977.
By 1980,
this figure was 11 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983).
Furthermore, about two-thirds of black children lived with
both parents in 1960, while in 1977 only one-half did.
Among whites, about 90 percent lived with both parents in
1960, while by 1977 85 percent lived with both parents.
According to Grier and Cobbs (1968), marriage between
blacks today may involve navigating complex waters unknown
to whites.
Central to the success of a marriage is the
maturity of both partners.
However, it is just this
maturity which may be difficult to attain.
The black man
must find a way to feel a man in a way which does not
jeopardize his safety or that of his new family.
30
The black
,,
woman must find a way to express her femininity which
complements her mate rather than threatens him, and which
she can maintain in spite of her economic burden (Grier
& Cobbs, 1968).
The complexities involved in maintaining
such a balance may simply be too difficult for many couples
to sustain.
To investigate the contribution of the black family
life to self-hate, we will again turn to Erikson's (1950)
theory of personality development, this time examining the
first three stages in his theory, as these largely take
place in the context of the family.
The first stage in Erikson's theory of personality
development involves gaining (or failing to gain) a sense of
trust that one's basic needs will be consistently met.
The
earliest sense of trust probably evolves out of experiences
associated with feeding.
The infant who learns she will be
fed when she cries out of hunger is gaining a sense of trust
in the world around her (Erikson, 1950).
Studies on the deprivation of maternal care, and
assumed failure to develop an adequate sense of trust,
reveal that infants so deprived are likely to suffer from
high rates of mental illness as adults (Witmer & Kotinsky,
1952), and as children, are likely to exhibit listlessness,
emaciation, relative immobility, failure to gain weight,
unresponsiveness, and the appearance of unhappiness (Bakwin,
1949).
Although children on the slave plantation were not
completely deprived of maternal care, it seems that the
mother was usually not there to care for them, and that they
31
'
were not provided with an adequate maternal substitute.
The second stage in Erikson's theory of personality
development involves gaining a sense of autonomy.
In this
stage, the child begins to perceive herself as an
independent being who is also able to accept the direction
and assistance of adults when necessary (Erikson, 1950).
Successful completion of this stage results in self control
without loss of self-esteem.
Unsuccessful resolution of
this stage results in enduring feelings of shame and doubt.
For the child to successfully navigate this stage, the
role of the parents must be to encourage her in her attempts
at independence, yet prevent her from engaging in activities
which have a potential for harm.
Again, in the absence of an
adequate parental figure or parental substitute, successful
resolution of this stage is likely to be difficult.
A
relatively unsophisticated child caring for another child may
find it difficult to master the nuances of the parental role
necessary for this stage.
Erikson's third stage of personality development
involves gaining a sense of initiative--that is, finding out
what one can do (Erikson, 1950; Witmer & Kotinsky, 1952).
The successful completion of this stage involves developing a
sense of initiative, regulated by one's conscience.
The
unsuccessful resolution of this stage results in excessive
guilt.
During this stage, children need to be provided with
many examples of adult roles, and given the opportunity to
experiment with these roles in play.
32
It is necessary for
parents to provide encouragement for the child's
undertakings in this stage, while also protecting the child
from harming herself.
Problems in this stage result from children caring for
children, and therefore providing inadequate parenting.
To
begin with, there may be very little chance for children in
this stage to observe adults in their roles.
Secondly, the
older children (caretakers} may not have the skills
necessary to maintain the fine balance between encouraging
the younger child in her undertakings, while still
preventing her from engaging in behavior with the potential
for harm.
Children learn how to be parents based on the feelings
they develop about themselves from their own upbringing and
from their own place in society (Witmer & Kotinsky, 1952}.
In this way, patterns of behaving and feeling are passed
from generation to generation and maintained until an agent
of change acts upon them.
An Intrapsychic Perspective
Perhaps the most widely cited example of self-rejection
in blacks is given by Clark & Clark (1947}, who found that
black pre-school children preferred white dolls over black
dolls.
A number of additional studies prior to the 1960's
support this conclusion (Moreland, 1958; Radke & Traeger,
1950; Stevenson & Stewart, 1958}.
Studies since the 1960's, however, have found
conflicting results with regard to self-hate in blacks.
In
general, there has been a shift toward own race preference
33
and identification among black children (Epstein, Krupat,
& Obudho, 1976; Fox & Jordan, 1973; Katz & Zalk, 1974;
Simon, 1974).
Some studies, however, still show a
preference for and identification with the white race among
black children (Asher & Allen, 1969; Crooks, 1970).
Malcolm X's (1964, p. 53) early self-hate is
exemplified by his physical imitation of whites.
He had his
hair "conked" (straightened) to more closely resemble the
white man's hair.
Straightening the hair was a very painful
process which involved applying lye, among other things, to
the scalp.
Many other blacks also attempt to look and act like
whites (Akbar, 1984).
Large sums of money are spent each
year to straighten out black hair.
Light skin is considered
superior to dark skin, and in fact many mulattos consider
themselves a separate race (Frazier, 1951).
Anglo features,
such a small lips and nose, are considered more appealing
than their black counterparts.
Many black men prefer anglo
women over black women as romantic and sexual partners.
According to Malcolm X (1964), the utmost status symbol for a
black man is to sexually posses a white woman (p. 67).
Many blacks also attempt to conform to whites by
purchasing expensive clothes, large cars, or otherwise
attempting to appear more cultured or dignified than the
average black person.
Malcolm X (1964) states that those
blacks living in the Hill section of Roxbury considered
themselves incomparably more cultured than their black
counterparts living in the ghetto.
34
These "Hill negroes••, as
Malcolm X called them, gave impressive sounding titles to
their jobs.
A cafeteria worker labeled herself a
"dietitian".
banking".
Bank janitors would state they were "in
Cooks and maids of white families would say they
were "with an old family".
Malcolm X rejected the white image of blacks, and
attempted to establish a new image of blacks within the
Moslem religion.
The leader of the black Moslems in the
United States taught that Original Man was black--that
blacks were the first human beings on earth.
Malcolm X
believed this man's teachings, that the "devil", "savage"
white race was created by an angry black man as revenge
against Allah.
When Malcolm X became a Moslem, he moved
from introjecting society's negative stereotypes about
blacks, to reversing this and projecting them onto the
"devil" whites.
Malcolm X kept the idealized image whites
have of themselves (as Original Man) for blacks, while
projecting the "bad" aspects of blacks (as devils, savages)
onto whites.
Thus, the "new" image he created of blacks was
not new at all, but merely an application of the white
framework to blacks, reversing the roles of blacks and whites.
With regard to personal self-esteem (defined as one's
sense of personal worth regardless of race), the recent
findings have also been contradictory.
One group of studies
has found lower self-esteem among black children as compared
to whites (Long & Henderson, 1968; McClain, 1967; Peterson
& Ramirez, 1971; Samuels, 1973).
However, the
recent literature more strongly supports findings of equal
35
or greater self-esteem among black children (Circirilli,
1977; Davids, 1973; Rosenberg & Simmons, 1971; Trowbridge,
Trowbridge & Trowbridge, 1972).
This shift toward own race preference and
identification has taken place since the civil rights
movement, a period which facilitated group, pride and group
unity among blacks.
To understand this shift, Nobles (1973)
has expanded Mead's (1934) theory of self concept.
Mead
postulates that self concept derives from two sources; the
11
Me 11
,
or the incorporated attitudes and feelings of others,
and the
11
organized
!
11
11
,
or one's perception or feeling about the
Me 11
•
Nobles adds to this the
11
We 11
,
which states
that group membership, or the feeling of being a member of a
particular group, and group status, or the interactions one
has with others as a member of that group, constitute an
additional and important referent for the self.
The
attitudes of the particular group one is a member of are
incorporated into the
11
We 11
,
as well as the group's ideas in
their interaction with others.
Nobles sees the notion of
self as a social process within the individual comprising of
these three referents for self.
He argues that the group as a referent for self is
especially important for blacks, since the African
world-view conceives of the self as coming in to being as a
consequence of the group's existence, as opposed to the
western world-view, which conceives of the self as unique
and different from other selves.
Thus, as the reference
group (we) for blacks shifted from the negative image put
36
forth by white society to the more positive image in the
black community, a corresponding shift toward positive self
concept among blacks has emerged.
Support for this theory is given by Wright (1985) who
found a positive correlation between personal self-esteem
and racial self-esteem (group pride) among black high school
seniors.
Wright likewise found that black youth with high
racial self-esteem had significantly higher personal
self-esteem than those who had low racial self-esteem.
Wright contends that self esteem is a reflection of group
pride and own group preference.
Parham & Helms (1985) however, found the relationship
between racial identity and self-esteem to be somewhat more
complicated.
Cross'
Racial identity was studied according to
(1971} model, which proposes a series of four stages
through which blacks progress in the development of racial
identity.
The four stages are: 1} The pre-encounter stage,
in which individuals think of the world as anti-black,
non-black, and the opposite of black.
They operate from a
Euro-American frame of reference, and devalue what is black.
2) The encounter stage, in which individuals experience a
personal or social event that motivates them to challenge
their previous frame of reference.
Individuals begin to
obsessively search for a black identity.
3) The
immersion-emersion stage, in which individuals totally
immerse themselves in black life-styles, denigrating whites.
The level of black awareness is high, but the degree of
positive internalized attitudes about being black is low.
37
4)
The internalization stage, in which the individual
internalizes feelings about being black, resulting in inner
security and feelings of satisfaction.
It was predicted that the pre-encounter stage would be
associated with low self-regard, while the remaining stages
would be associated with high self-regard.
The results
showed that pre-encounter attitudes were inversely related
to self-regard.
Encounter attitudes were positively related
to self-regard.
However, immersion attitudes were inversely
related to self-regard.
Internalization attitudes were
positively but not significantly related to
self~regard.
It appears, then, that the relationship between racial
identity and self-esteem may not progress in a linear
fashion.
Rather, the black individual in the process of
developing a positive racial identity may at certain points
be confronted with feelings of doubt, confusion and shame.
However, it does appear that the development of a positive
racial identity generally corresponds with higher self
esteem.
Smith (in Sue, 1981) has described the emerging
positive racial identity among blacks as a massive dose of
"sociotherapy".
Mexican-Americans:
The
A Socio-cultural Perspective
Me:~dcan-American
today is made up of
mi~ced
Indian,
Spanish, and MeJcican ancestry (Alvarez, in Wagner (ed.),
1976; McWilliams, 1968).
as the 'mestizo'.
This blend has been referred to
The creation of the mestizo began when
the Spaniards arrived in Mexico in the early sixteenth
century in search of fortunes.
38
At the time Mexico gained
independence from Spain, the mestizo's comprised the largest
segment of Mexican society.
Mexico originally consisted of what is now the
Southwestern United States and the country of Mexico.
For a
variety of reasons, however, this area was never really
successfully settled by the Spanish in the sense of having
been an integrated part of the older settlements in Mexico
(McWilliams, 1968).
This situation facilitated the anglo
Americans' movement westward into New Mexico, Texas, and
California.
The blending of these different cultures
provided a breeding ground for conflict.
The conflict
initially arose in Texas in 1835, and was finally resolved
12 years later, following a war between the U.S. and Mexico.
On February 2, 1848, a treaty between the two countries was
signed at Guadalupe Hildago, a suburb of Mexico City.
The
treaty stipulated that Mexico would approve the prior U.S.
annexation of Texas, and that Mexico would cede to the United
States the territory now known as California, Arizona, New
Mexico, Nevada, Colorado, Utah, and some of Wyoming.
In
i5
return, the United States agreed to pay Mexico a sum of
million dollars (this figure was later reduced to 10 million
dollars).
The Treaty also bound the U.S. to protect the
newly acquired citizens living in the conquered territory,
and to ensure their civil rights.
This included a guarantee
of the right to own the property they were living on.
The animosity between the Mexicans and Americans
following the war was immense (Samora & Simon, 1977).
animosity within the U.S. was soon directed at the new
39
The
American citizens of Mexican descent.
Americans considered
the Mexicans backward, degenerate, and uncivilized--and the
Mexicans soon found themselves discriminated against in what
they felt to be their own land {Simon & Samora, 1977).
A variety of laws discriminating against
Mexican-Americans were passed.
This included the Foreign
Miners Tax Law, passed in 1850, which required all foreign
citizens to pay heavier taxes on their claims--essentially
driving the Mexican-Americans from the mines.
The new Mexican-Americans were driven off their land as
well.
The guarantee of civil rights was ignored, and they
were forced to verify their title to their land {Samora
& Simon, 1977).
This was often difficult, since land had
usually been in a family for generations.
Those who survived
this process were then subjected to a series of new laws
passed in the early 1870's designed to force them off the
land {Samora & Simon, 1977).
The end result was that most
eventually lost their land, and were left destitute and
defeated.
Most of these Mexican-Americans subsequently
drifted into jobs in agricultural labor and railroad
construction.
By 1900, the societal structure of the New Southwest
was solidly in place.
The society was largely agricultural,
and was managed by angles--with Mexican-Americans relegated
to low-paying, menial tasks {Samora & Simon, 1977).
The
Mexican-Americans provided the cheap labor necessary to
maintain the commercial farms.
However, the commercial
agriculture business was prevented from expanding due to a
40
severe labor shortage.
This factor, coupled with the Mexican
Revolution around the turn of the century marked the
beginning of the mass migrations of Mexicans to America
between 1900 and 1964 (Samora & Simon, 1977; McWilliams,
1968) .
It is estimated that approximately 1.3 million Mexicans
entered the southwest between 1900 and 1964 (McWilliams,
1968).
The first great wave of 224,706 occurred between 1910
and 1920.
The next wave, of approximately 436,733 took place
between 1920 and 1930 (McWilliams, 1968).
Yet another wave
of 293,000 came across between 1950 and 1960.
However,
between 1930 and 1940, only 27,937 immigrants crossed the
border, and between 1940 and 1950 this figure was 54,290
(McWilliams, 1968).
The 1930's marked the U.S. Depression,
and many people from Oklahoma and Arkansas displaced the
Mexican from certain types of labor.
However, in the 1940's,
the demand for labor again greatly increased, and a large
number of Mexicans crossed the border illegally.
The
illegal entrants were not included in the immigration
totals.
In fact, the demand for labor became so great
during World War II that the U.S. and Mexico entered into
the Bracero Agreement.
Under this agreement, Mexican
workers were imported to work certain crops, and then
returned to Mexico once the crops were harvested
(McWilliams, 1968).
This program was terminated in 1964.
The termination of the bracero agreement in 1964
greatly stabilized the Mexican-American labor market
(McWilliams, 1968).
The farm workers soon began to
41
organize, and under the leadership of Cesar Chavez, staged a
"grape pickers" strike and a march upon Sacramento which
gained national attention.
In the following year, the
Mexican farm workers in Texas called a strike which also
ended in a long (400 mile) march upon the state capitol.
McWilliams (1968, p. 16) states that Mexican-Americans
in the
groups.
u.s.
today are one of the least "Americanized" ethnic
In his opinion they have largely failed to
"acculturate" and "assimilate" into American society.
Many
Mexican-Americans have retained their language and
traditions.
They are the least educated minority group in
the United States (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983), and are
largely concentrated in the lower socio-economic class.
McWilliams explains this situation by stating that
Euro-American concepts of acculturation and assimilation are
different from and not entirely applicable to the Mexican
experience.
The Euro-American model of acculturation assumes
that the European, being cut off from his own roots, has no
choice but to assimilate.
The European immigrant traveled a
great distance (two weeks by boat) to a very different
physical terrain.
Mexican immigrant.
However, this is not the case for the
Mexicans have been able to travel to the
U.S. Southwest (where they are mostly concentrated) while
remaining within a familiar physical and cultural
environment.
Many Mexicans (100,000 then) had families
living in the U.S. Southwest at the time it was annexed
during the Mexican American War--and in fact considered the
border an arbitrary line over which they were able to pas
42
freely.
Another factor which McWilliams (1968) believes may
have contributed to Mexican Americans' relative failure to
acculturate is the fact that the agricultural jobs which
Mexicans have long worked at imply a relative degree of
group isolation.
Mexican-Americans have worked in large
migrant farm labor pools.
Their constant mobility blocks
opportunities for acculturation.
Also, Mexicans have tended
to work in "gangs", which has meant working with
Mexican-Americans under the supervision of Mexican-Americans
(McWilliams, 1968; Samora & Simon, 1977).
Furthermore, most
Mexican employment has been seasonal in nature, with little
opportunity for advancement.
In addition, Mexicans who
migrated to the Southwest came from areas where little
education was available, and found the situation to be very
similar in the Southwest for many years.
McWilliams (1968) states:
"Social and economic
discrimination, as well as geographic isolation, have held
the Spanish-speaking together, strengthened family ties, and
preserved traditiorial ways of doing things" (p. 19).
Ironically, it is just this isolation which may
contribute to a positive sense of self among
Mexican-Americans.
Dworkin (1965) studied the self-images
of native-born and foreign-born Mexican Americans, and found
foreign-born Mexican Americans to exhibit more positive
self-images than native-born Mexican Americans.
Native born
Mexican Americans described themselves as; 1)emotional;
2)unscientific; 3)authoritarian; 4)materiall~tic;
",, ''-,
43
5)old-fashioned; 6)poor and of a low social class;
7)uneducated or poorly educated; S)short, fat and dark;
9)having little care for education; 10)mistrusted; 11)proud;
and 12)lazy, indifferent and unambitious.
Foreign born
Mexican Americans described themselves as 1)proud;
2)religious; 3)having strong family ties; 4)athletic;
5)gregarious; 6)friendly; 7)happy; S)field workers;
9)racially tolerant; 10)short, fat and dark; 11)practical;
and 12)well-adjusted.
Among the native-born Mexican
Americans, 11 of the 12 self-images may be considered as
negative, with only one being positive.
However, among the
foreign-born Mexican Americans, ten of the 12 self-images may
be considered positive, with only two being negative.
Dworkin attributes these findings to the fact that the
native~born
Mexican American compares his socioeconomic
status with Anglos, and so feels disadvantaged, while the
foreign-born Mexican American compares his socioeconomic
status to conditions in Mexico, and feels he is at an
advantage.
Farris & Brymer (1970) found that Mexican-American
youth who are not integrated into school social systems are
most successful in school, while those who are integrated
tend to drop out.
Gecas (in Wagner (ed.), 1976) studied "migrant"
(transients who followed the crops) and "settled" (having
lived in the area at least one year) Mexican-Americans.
findings support those of Farris & Brymer (1970).
He found
migrant Mexican-Americans to have a higher conception of
44
His
themselves than settled Mexican-Americans.
They were more
optimistic, and expressed a greater sense of personal
competence.
Gecas hypothesizes that these findings may
result from the settled Mexican-Americans adopting new
expectations and frames of reference, while at the same time
living in unchanged economic and social conditions.
The
migrants, however, probably retain the Mexican homeland as
their frame of reference.
Additional characteristics of the Mexican experience in
the U.S. which have affected their mental health are
explored by Alvarez (in Wagner (ed.), 1976).
Alvarez'
article is particularily useful because it is distinctive.
He terms the Mexican-Americans living in the period
following the incorporation of the Southwest into the
the "Creation Generation".
u.s.
Their experience was one of
economic subjugation, followed by race and ethnic prejudice.
Alvarez states that as a result of the military defeat,
Mexico had to accept whatever terms it could.
Therefore,
Alvarez (in Wagner (ed.), 1976 p. 47) states:
Mexico lost any respect it might have had in the eyes
of the Mexicans living on the lands annexed by the
United States.
This rapid change must, certainly,
have given them a different social-psychological view
of self than they had prior to the break . . . They
thought, spoke, dressed, acted, and had all of the
characteristics of the defeated Mexicans.
Alvarez (in Wagner (ed), 1976) labels the
Mexican-Americans living between 1900 and World War II the
45
"Migrant Generation".
These people left a lower class
status in Mexico, and entered a lower caste status in the
U.S., without being aware of it.
Their position upon
entering the U.S. " ... was predefined by the well
estab~ished
social position of pre-1900 Mexican Americans as
a conquered people (politically, socially, culturally,
economically and in every other respect)" (p. 48).
The
reason they never realized they belonged to a caste was that
they never tried to escape in great numbers.
Alvarez (in
Wagner {ed.), 1976, p. 48) states:
Social-psychologically, the migrants, too, were a
conquered people, both because the land of origin had
been conquered by the United States and because the
Mexican-Americans, with whom they were completely
comingled, had been treated as a lower caste of
conquered people inside the now expanded version of
the United States.
As such, they were powerless
appendages of the regional economy.
Alvarez {in Wagner {ed.), 1976) labels the period
between the second World War and the Vietnam War the
"Mexican-American Generation''.
The members of this
generation increasingly turned their loyalty to the United
States, and away from Mexico.
However, these
Mexican-Americans were still far behind angles and blacks in
education, income, and political power, and retained their
caste-like status.
Many Mexican-Americans attempted to escape their
caste-like status by leaving the Southwest to seek
46
employment in the northern industrial centers.
Alvarez (in
Wagner (ed.), 1976) argues that in order to differentiate
themselves from those Mexican-Americans subjugated into a
lower caste, many of" ... the so-called Hispanos in New
Mexico started calling themselves Spanish Americans sometime
around the First World War, despite the fact that their
anatomical features were those of Mexican mestizaje and did
not resemble Spaniards" (p. 49).
Alvarez contends that the
Mexican Americans in New Mexico altered their identity out of
self-protection, and in fact were able to maintain the
semblance of a class position.
Alvarez (in Wagner (ed.),
1976, p. 49) states:
It is in New Mexico more than in any of the other
southwestern states that Mexican Americans have
participated in the society as people who have had the
freedom and possibility of social mobility to become
mempers of various social classes.
However, in order to acquire this economic and psychic
"security 11
,
the Mexican-American of this generation was
forced to abandon his own language and culture.
contends that;
11
Alvarez
The greater security that the
Mexican-American Generation achieved was a falsely based
sense of self-worth.
11
(p. 49)
Alvarez (in Wagner (ed.), 1976) describes the
consciousness existing among the Mexican-Americans beginning
in the late 1960's as the
11
Chicano Generation ...
This group
had achieved a primarily urban and working underclass status.
The Chicano Generation became aware that although they were
47
more acculturated than the previous generation, it was still
highly unlikely they would be able to escape their lower
class status--due to discrimination and lack of education.
Alvarez (P. 50) states:
The Chicano generation has experienced the pain of
social rejection in essentially the same fashion (in
the abstract) that it was experienced by the Creation
Generation.
That is, having been ideologically
prepared to expect egalitarian coparticipation in the
society in which it exists, it had instead been
confronted with the practical fact of exclusion from
the benefits of society.
Alvarez contends that this realization led many
Mexican-Americans to reclaim their identity as one of a
unique mix between Mexican culture and American
culture--and, most importantly, as tied up in the contested
lands of the Southwest.
A Familial Perspective
The 1980 U.S. Census estimates that there are 8,678,632
Mexican-Americans living in the U.S.
are living in urban areas.
Most of these people
The average family of Hispanic
origin in 1980 contained 3.45 persons, as compared to 2.66
for whites, and 3.05 for blacks (U.S. Bureau of the Census,
1983).
Furthermore, approximately 21 percent of chicano
families contain six or more persons, while this figure is
eight percent for white families (Ramriez & Arce, in Baron
( ed. ) , 19 81 ) .
The presence of minor children also occurs more
48
frequently in chicano families.
Over 76 percent of chicano
families have minors living in the home, while only 54
percent of non-chicanos do.
Chicano families have a mean
number of three minor children in the home, while
non-chicanos only have two (Ramirez & Arce, in Baron (ed.),
1981).
Furthermore, approximately 16 percent of chicano
families are headed by a woman, compared to 11 percent of
white families, and 35 percent of black families (Ramirez
& Arce, in Baron (ed.), 1981).
With regard to marriage and childbearing, chicanos
marry earlier in their lives and bear children at a younger
age than blacks and whites.
By age 19, 40 percent of all
chicanos have married, in contrast to 23 percent of white
women at this age.
The median income of Hispanic origin households in 1980
was $13,502, while whites earned $17,680 (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 1983).
Approximately 21.3 percent of Hispanic origin
households fell below the poverty level in 1979, in contrast
to seven percent of whites, and 26.5 percent of blacks.
The
unemployment rate for persons of Hispanic origin in 1980 was
8.9 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983).
In 1980, only
44 percent of males and females 25 and over of Hispanic
origin graduated from high school, while this figure is 68.8
percent among whites, and 51.2 percent among blacks (U.S.
Bureau of the Census, 1983).
Furthermore, only 7.6 percent
of males and females 25 and over of Hispanic origin have
completed four or more years of college (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 1983), while 19.4 percent of the general population
49
has.
The median number of years schooling for persons of
Hispanic origin 25 years and older in 1980 was 10.8 years
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983).
Thus, the same cycle of
poverty and oppression found among blacks can be seen in
chicanos.
Much literature on the Mexican-American family has
centered around the idea that it is a rigid, authoritarian,
paternally-dominated entity (Madsen, 1973; Penalosa, 1968).
The father's machismo is seen to be the cause of the
Mexican-American family's pathology (Sotomayer, 1971).
·Ramos (1962) contends that the Mexican-American's "neurotic"
character is due to feelings of inferiority, which result
from Mexico's historical experiences of conquest and
domination.
Machismo then, he argues, is a compensation for
national powerlessness.
Mexican-American fathers have been depicted in the
literature as being omnipotent, power-hungry and cruel
(Madsen, 1973; Sotomayer, 1971).
Madsen (1973) contends
that the Mexican-American male is overly concerned with
proving his masculinity and sexual prowess.
Following is
Madsen's description of the typical Mexican-American male:
The better man is the one who can drink more, defend
himself the best, have more sex relations, and have
more sons borne by his wife.
If unmarried, the better
man is the one who has the most girlfriends; if
married, the one who deceives his wife most.
(p.22).
In comparison to the male, the Mexican-American female
is often depicted as quiet, saintly, and submissive (Madsen,
50
1973; Padilla, 1971).
Madsen (1973) describes the
Mexican-American woman as follows:
is weak.
"Where he is strong, she
Where he is aggressive, she is submissive.
While
he is condescending toward her, she is respectful toward
him." (p.22).
Madsen (1973) further states: "She is
supposed to accept abuse without complaint and avoid
resentment of his pastimes and extramarital affairs.
Her
in-laws may criticize her and her husband may beat her for
demanding that he spend too much time at home." (p.50).
Empirical research regarding marital roles in the
Mexican-American family has failed to confirm these
assertions.
In fact, empirical studies of marital decision
making among Mexican-Americans indicate that this process is
largely egalitarian.
Ybarra-Sorriano (1977) studied 100 married couples in
Fresno, CA.
She uncovered a range of marital role
relationships which ranged from patriarchal to egalitarian.
The most common marital pattern was one in which both
husband and wife shared in the decision making.
She found
that a large number of Mexican-American husbands
participated in child care and household chores.
Furthermore, Ybarra states:
"The overwhelming majority of
Chicano husbands preferred to participate in social and
recreational activities with their wives and children."
Ybarra-Sorriano (1977) found factors such as level of
acculturation, income, and education to be unrelated to the
type of role relationship present in the family.
The only
factor which was significantly related to role relationship
51
was the wife's working outside the home.
Marriages in which
the wife worked outside the home were found to be more
egalitarian in nature.
Hawkes & Taylor,
(1975} studied the marital role
relationships of migrant farm families.
Familial power
structure was explored by a standardized interview.
Decision-making in the majority of Mexican-Ameican farm
labor families was found to be egalitarian.
Furthermore,
acculturation and urbanization were found to be unrelated to
marital patterns.
II
Hawkes & Taylor (1975, p. 810} state:
dominance-submission patterns are much less universal
than previously assumed.
Either they never
e~cisted
but were
an ideal or they are undergoing radical change".
Cromwell & Cromwell (1978} also studied marital roles
in decision making and conflict resolution, and found the
most common pattern among Chicanos to be egalitarianism, as
opposed to male dominance.
Me~cican-Americans
having an
e~ctended
strong and
family.
have also been characterized as
family system, consisting of relatively
e~ttensive
bonds with kin beyond the nuclear
To measure this concept, Keefe et al.
devised an
e~ctended
(1978}
family integration scale that measured
the number of local related households, the frequency of
visiting kin, and the extent of mutual aid from relatives.
The results showed angles to be low in extended family
integration compared to chicanes, who tended to be high in
extended family integration.
U.S. born chicanes.
This was particularly true for
The findings remained significant even
52
when occupation level, years of education, and years of
residence in town were controlled for.
The authors also
found that Mexican-Americans relied more often for emotional
support on relatives than did angles, regardless of their
geographic accessibility.
Mindel (1980) studied extended familialism among
blacks, Mexican-Americans, and angles.
measures of extended familialism;
He utilized four
"extensity of presence",
as measured by the total number of households of kin living
in the area; "intensity of presence", as measured by the
extent to which subjects had both nuclear and extended kin
in the area; "interaction", as measured by the number of
households of kin interacted with at least monthly; and
"functionality", as measured by the extent to which subjects
were involved in exchange relationships (i.e., mutual aid and
support with kin).
Mindel found chicanes showed the highest levels of
extended familialism on three of the four measures
(extensity of presence, intensity of presence, and intensity
of interaction), with angles showing the lowest extended
familialism.
Blacks were found to exhibit the most
functional relationships, followed by chicanes, and then
angles.
Wagner & Schaffer (1980) found that Mexican-American
mothers reported turning to relatives more often than
friends for social and emotional support, while black
mothers were more dependent on friends for these things.
Thus, the literature indicates that angles tend to have
53
very limited extended family contact, while chicanes have
large kin groups that are well integrated and maintained, and
who are relied upon for social and emotional support.
Many researchers (e.g. Baca Zinn, 1977, cited in
Ramirez & Arce, 1981) contend that the extended family
reduces the level of stress involved in major social
transitions, such as migration.
This is done by providing
the emotional support and material resources necessary to
stabilize the immediate life situation.
In fact, Baca Zinn
(1977, cited in Ramirez & Arce, 1981, p. 25) goes so far as
to assert that
11
Urban kinship may·well be the most crucial
processing mechanism in the migration, settlement, and
emerging way of life of Chicanos in the Midwest.
11
Ruiz (in Sue (ed.), 1981) however, takes issue with the
suggestion that the extended family structure helps resist
stress and the formation of emotional problems.
He states:
Other than using vague generalizations such as
"emotional support systems 11
,
no notions have been
forwarded to explain with any precision how family
structure can offset the destructive influences of the
poverty cycle and societal discrimination.
Furthermore, this approach ignores factors that
discourage Hispanic self-referral, the most obvious
being geographic distance of the service agencies,
inadequate transportation, and service delivery
personnel who lack Spanish fluency or familiarity with
any of the Hispanic cultures.
(p. 193)
This underutilization of mental health services on the
54
part of Hispanics creates the illusion that this population
has stress resistant qualities built into it's
cultural/familial structures which help maintain mental
health.
This idea simply promotes and justifies the
continued ignoring of the very real mental health problems
and needs of Hispanics.
An Intrapsychic Perspective
Studies on the personal self-esteem of chicanes
(defined as one's feelings of personal worth regardless of
ethnicity) have yielded conflicting results.
One group of
studies has found chicanes to be lower on personal
self-esteem than angles.
Fu, Korslund & Hinkle (1980)
studied middle and lower income anglo, chicano and black ten
year old girls, and found among the middle income girls that
angles had significantly higher self-esteem than the
chicanes.
They found no significant differences among the
lower income girls.
Petersen & Ramirez (1971) found that chicanes scored
significantly higher on real-ideal self disparity than
angles, thus indicating lower self-esteem.
In addition,
Grossman, Wirt & Davids (1985) found chicano adolescents to
be low in self-esteem compared to whites.
However, another group of studies (Carter, 1968; Muller
& Leonetti, 1974; Samuels & Griffore, 1979) have found no
significant differences in self concept among chicanes and
angles.
Studies on the ethnic self-esteem of chicanes (defined
as one's descriptions of one's ethnic group), and ethnic
55
identification {defined as degree of preference for and
identification with one's own race) have generally found
them to be high in ethnic esteem and ethnic identification
compared to angles.
Rice, Ruiz & Padilla {1974) studied
ethnic group preference in anglo, black and chicano
pre-school and third grade children.
Among the
pre-schoolers, none of the chicano subjects' ethnic group
preference choices reached significance.
{These results
must be interpreted cautiously, however, as the chicano
pre-schoolers were unable to discriminate between angles and
chicanes in the photographs used in the study).
Anglo
pre-school subjects indicated a preference for their own
ethnic group as the photo the liked most, and would like for
a big brother.
Among the third graders, only the chicanes showed a
clear preference for their own ethnic group, selecting the
chicano photograph as the one they liked most, was the
nicest color, would like for a big brother, and would like
to grow up to be like.
Research by Levine {1976), who conducted a study on
ethnic preference among blacks, whites and chicanes, found
that blacks had the highest own group preference, followed
by chicanes, then angles.
Grossman, Wirt & Davids {1985) found chicanes to be
high in ethnic esteem compared to angles, as measured by the
semantic differential.
It appears then, on the basis of this research, that
some aspects of the chicano enviornment create among this
56
group a strong sense of
gr~up
pride.
One explanation for
this group pride may be the arguement that due to the
continuity of physical terrain and cultural products, along
with fairly permeable borders which allow for frequent
travel back and forth (McWilliams, 1968), chicanes may have
largely retained the Mexicans in Mexico as their reference
group, rather than accepting middle class anglos as their
reference group, with the resulting expectations (Gecas, in
Wagner (ed.), 1976).
McWilliams (1968) contends that
Mexican-Americans have largely failed to ''acculturate" and
''assimilate", which implies that they have failed to accept
mainstrea~
'
anglos as referents.
Research by Farris & Brymer
J
(
(1970), Gecas (in Wagner (ed.), 1976), and Dworkin (1965) has
shown that chicanes who integrate show lower school
achievement, lower self-concept, and less optimism than their
non-integrated peers.
Another reason for the group pride of chicanes may be
that, as with the blacks, the mobilizaton of chicano
political and social awareness may have fostered group
pride.
McWilliams (1968) contends that the chicano reaction
to the Sleepy Lagoon case in 1942 marked the begining of the
development of chicano political awareness.
Political
organizations such as the Community Service Organization
began to mobilize widespread political activism among
chicanes.
McWilliams (1968) also felt that the farm labor
strikes in California and Texas were a significant landmark
in Mexican-American political awareness.
states:
McWilliams (1968)
" -La Marcha' in Texas, is said to have awakened the
57
{J
conscience of the one and a half million Mexicans in that
state as nothing has done in their history" (p. 27).
Whites:
A Socio-cultural Perspective
The British
The early British settlers were largely motivated to
leave England as a result of religious and political
dissatisfaction.
Many groups dissented with the Elizabethan
settlement of the Church question.
These groups included the
Roman Catholics, who wanted to maintain the tie with Rome;
the "Separatists", who wanted each religious congregation to
be able to control itself; and the Puritans, who wanted to
reform the Established Church from within, bringing it closer
to continental Protestantism (Holmes, 1950).
The Puritans
were the most numerous of the religious dissenters.
The flood of emigration by religious dissenters began
about 1630 and continued for a decade (Holmes, 1950).
At
its peak, approximately 15,000 people migrated yearly.
This
migration dropped off sharply in 1640.
The Puritans were the first great wave of migrants to
America.
They established themselves in New England, first
in the colony of Massachusetts Bay--and eventually founding
Rhode Island, Connecticut and New Hampshire (Holmes, 1950).
They left England with the double purpose of both escaping
religious persecution, and with the idea of building up a
new Canaan in which the state, the church and the schools
would promote the type of living they believed worthy
(Holmes, 1950).
In the Puritan colony of Massachusetts, a religious
58
'
oligarchy of holy men exercised absolute power.
This group
imposed rules of conduct and belief upon everyone, and
regulated dress, diet, drink and behavior (Holmes, 1950).
Order and conformity were valued highly, while frivolity and
lack of seriousness were looked down upon.
Toleration in any
area was never pretended, and in fact, dissenters such as
Anne Hutchinson were driven out of the colony.
The Puritans
prided themselves on being inflexible (Holmes, 1950).
The
justification for the sternness of the Puritan life was a
fundamental belief
in
the depravity of human nature.
of the fall from grace, man deserved damnation.
Because
However,
through the mercy of God, a few elect persons could be saved.
Men could only search the scriptures in hopes of finding
assurance of their salvation.
The problem of salvation led to a strong emphasis on
education among the Puritans.
They founded the first
university in English America, Harvard College, in 1636.
The Puritans also laid the foundation for the public school
system by requiring that every town of fifty householders
employ a teacher, and that towns with 100 families maintain
a grammar school (Holmes, 1950).
The Anglicans made up the next great wave of migrants
from England.
This group began migrating to America in 1640
and settled primarily in the southern colonies.
Life in the
southern colonies revolved mainly around agriculture.
By 1700 there were 250,000 people living in the 12
American colonies (Holmes, 1950).
The large majority of
these people were townspeople of English descent.
59
The
colonial American social structure generally found the
original settlers at the top, usually in order of their
wealth and education.
These people were generally wealthy
merchants and large planters.
Below this group was a
growing middle class consisting of small merchants,
well-to-do farmers, tradesmen, and lesser professionals.
Below this group were found the more recent immigrants,
often of alien descent.
At the bottom were found the
colored peoples (Holmes, 1950).
By the close of the colonial period in the early
nineteenth century, America had well established it's system
of government, constitutional form, and it's international
relationships (Holmes, 1950).
The total population was 2 1/2
to 3 million, and those of English descent still made up the
majority (Holmes, 1950).
The cultural foundations of English
law, language and political practice were also well
established.
The idea of freedom of religion had also taken
hold, and came to be a distinct feature of life in America.
The Irish
While they began arriving in the 1820's, the Irish did
not begin immigrating in massive numbers until the 1840's
and 1850's.
This immigration came about as a result of
famine and two centuries of oppression under British rule
(Sowell, 1981).
This group made up the first great ethnic
"minority" in America.
The immigrant Irish typically arrived in the U.S.
without any skills of use in an urban economy, or any
knowledge pertaining to the fundamentals of urban living
60
(Sowell, 1981).
However, most of them did speak English,
more than half were probably literate, and they had
developed a keen ability to organize politically (Sowell,
1981).
The male Irish immigrants typically took jobs
building roads, canals, and railroads, while women took jobs
as domestic servants and washerwomen.
In 1855,
approximately one-fourth of the Irish working in New York
City were employed as domestic servants, while another
one-fourth were laborers and other unskilled workers
(Sowell, 1981).
Due to the unsteadiness of this work, the
Irish immigrants relied on charity when hard times hit.
As
a result, they were often described as thriftless and lazy
(Sowell, 1981).
The Irish did, however, gradually begin to move up the
socio-economic ladder.
The first great rise of the Irish
occured in politics (Potter, 1960).
In the 1880's, Irish
politicians began gaining control of the munincipal
political machinery in many cities across the U.S.
Many
second generation Irishmen moved up from the unskilled
positions their fathers held to become white collar workers
(Sowell, 1981).
One result of Irish immigration was the creation of a
new political party called the "Know-Nothings".
This
political party was based on a nativist sentiment which was
opposed to foreign immigrants in general and to the Irish in
particular (Sowell, 1981; Potter, 1960, p. 241-242).
The
Know-Nothings argued that the particular characteristics of
the Irish--including their political corruption, religion,
61
poor standard of living, and over representation among people
in jail and on charity--caused them to be not merely
foreigners, but an unassimilible group (Potter, 1960).
The
Know-Nothings advocated tighter controls on immigration and
naturalization, and they achieved considerable political
success--including six elected governors in 1855, and the
control of several state legislatures (Sowell, 1981).
The Germans
There are more people of German ancestry in America
today than any other ethnic group except descendants of
those from the British Isles (Sowell, 1981).
Germans were
the largest group to immigrate to America.
Many German immigrants originally arrived in America as
indentured servants.
The German immigrants of the
eighteenth century settled in Pennsylvania and along the
Appalachians, while the immigrants of the nineteenth century
concentrated in the upper Mississippi and Ohio valleys.
They
quickly established themselves as successful, hardworking
farmers who were known for "Discipline, thoroughness and
perseverance" (Sowell, 1981).
For many years, the Germans were isolated from other
Americans both culturally and residentially (Sowell, 1981).
This helped perpetuate the German language and culture for
many generations.
Many features of the German culture--such
as frankfurters, hamburgers, beer and Christmas trees--were
eventually absorbed into American culture (Sowell, 1981).
Another important aspect of German cultural life, the
cultivation of family fun, was also assimilated into American
62
culture.
Activities such as music, dancing, swimming,
gymnastics, card playing, and picnics--although originally
regarded with suspicion--eventually became an important part
of American life {Sowell, 1981; Wittke, 1967).
While appreciable aspects of the German culture were
absorbed into American culture, the German people were also
denigrated and made targets of the nativist political
attacks of the Know-Nothings during the 1820's {Sowell,
1981).
However, this movement was fairly short-lived and
directed primarily at the Irish.
By the early 1900's the German Americans had earned a
degree of acceptance and respec.t {Sowell, 1981) .
However,
this was to change drastically during the first World War.
Even before the U.S. became involved in the war,
anti-German propaganda inundated the American public.
The
anti-German sentiment quickly spread to German Americans and
the German culture as a whole (Sowell, 1981).
German books
were taken off library shelves, German American newspapers
were boycotted, and German language courses were cancelled in
the public schools (Sowell, 1981).
The derogatory label
"Hun" was applied to all Germans, and President Woodrow
Wilson dubbed the German Americans "hyphenated Americans",
implying divided loyalty on their part (Sowell, 1981).
Some Germans reacted to this hostility by changing
their names.
For instance, General John J. Pershing's
family name was once spelled Pfoerschin (Sowell, 1981).
Many German American organizations and companies also
changed their names.
For example, the Germania Life
63
Insurance Company changed its name to the Guardian Life
Insurance Company.
Germany.
Many companies dropped any reference to
Many German Americans attempted to defend
themselves against these attacks by proclaiming loyalty to
the U.S.
(Sowell, 1981).
Despite the hostility, German Americans did slowly
begin to assimilate during the twentieth century.
can be seen in their rates of intermarriage.
This fact
Between 1908
and 1912, more than two-thirds of Germans in New York City
married other Germans, while in Nebraska and Wisconsin
four-fifths of Germans married other Germans (Sowell, 1981).
By 1969, one-third of Germans married other Germans
nationally (Sowell, 1981).
The Jews
The Jews emigrated to America from many different
countries.
These included Spain, Portugal, Germany, Russia,
and Eastern Europe.
Most Jewish Americans today are of
Russian and Eastern European descent (Sowell, 1981).
Among the features of Jewish culture in Europe which
would play a prominent role in American life were
cleanliness, philanthropy, low rates of alcoholism, and a
high regard for learning (Sowell, 1981).
The first Jews to arrive in America were the Sephardic
Jews from Spain.
Their immigration came about as a result
of their expulsion from Spain in 1492.
Many Jews who
arrived in America at this time became converts to
Christianity to escape persecution (Sowell, 1981).
By the
time of the American Revolution, most Sephardic Jews were
64
prospering.
Some ethnic self-hate may be seen in the fact
that they denigrated their later arriving co-religionists,
the Ashkenazic Jews.
The Sephardic Jews took pains to
distinguish themselves from the Ashkenazic Jews, and in fact
Sephardic Jews who married Ashkenazic Jews risked being
disowned by their families (Sowell, 1981; Wirth, 1956).
The next group of Jews to arrive in America were the
German Jews.
This group began arriving soon after the
Sephardic Jews.
At first they entered the existing Jewish
communities, but as their numbers grew, they broke off and
formed their own communities.
By the mid-nineteenth
century, the bulk of the American Jewish population was
German (Sowell, 1981).
The next great wave of immigration originated in Russia
in the late nineteenth century.
The Russian Jewish
immigrants overwhelmed the existing German Jewish
communities in America.
The German Jews, also, evidenced
ethnic self-hate by judging disdainfully the lifestyle of
the Russian Jews.
The German Jewish press was openly
critical of the new immigrants' language, dress and
religious practices.
One Jewish newspaper went so far as to
claim that German Jews had more in common with Christians
than with their "miserable darkened" co-religionists
(Rischin, 1962, p. 97).
The Russian Jews generally arrived
in America destitute, poorly educated, and with rougher
manners than the German Jews.
They wore skull caps, beards,
old fashioned clothing, and spoke in a folk dialect scorned
by the more educated German Jews.
65
Their lifestyle provoked
vivid reminders of the painful past the Germans had endured
and left behind (Sowell, 1981).
The caste-like divisions between the German and Russian
Jews remained for many years to come.
In Philadelphia in
1940, the Jewish upper class consisted almost entirely of
Germans (Sowell, 1981).
In New York and Chicago,
intermarriage between the two groups was almost non-existent
at this time.
On their way up the economic ladder, the Jews
encountered much hostility.
Jews were barred from holding
executive positions in corporations, law firms and banks.
The Jews partially circumvented these barriers by creating
their own job opportunities in such places as the clothing
and motion picture industries (Sowell, 1981).
The Italians
The Italian Americans today are mostly descended from
people who came from southern Italy during the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
The Italian
immigration came about in large part because of the scarcity
of available land and the resulting grievous poverty in
southern Italy (Sowell, 1981; Iorizzo & Mondello, 1971).
Upon their arrival in the U.S., the southern Italians
were openly rejected by the northern Italians.
The northern
Italians insisted that they were a different race from the
southern Italians, and in fact were so successful at it that
they convinced the U.S. government to keep separate
statistics on the two groups (Sowell, 1981).
Many northern
Italians attempted to pass for Americans to avoid the
66
nativist reaction to the southern Italians (Iorizzo
& Mondello, 1971).
Like other immigrant groups, the Italians also began at
the bottom of the economic ladder (Sowell, 1981).
In New
York, half of the Italians who migrated in the late
nineteenth century were laborers in 1916, while only
one-third of the Irish and one-seventh of the Germans were
laborers at this time.
Italians also worked as factory
hands, miners, and pick and shovel workers on construction
projects.
In 1910, the yearly income of the Italian male
was lower than both the native white and black males
(Sowell, 1981).
The Italians did, however, gradually make their way up
the economic ladder.
By 1931, only 31 percent of Italian
workers in New York were laborers (Sowell, 1981).
The
Italians began moving into jobs such as painters,
electricians, plumbers, contractors, and foremen.
They also
became municipal employees, such as policemen, firemen and
teachers.
By 1915 in New York, there were just over 400
Italian teachers, as compared to 200 in 1905 (Sowell, 1981).
A Familial Perspective
The U.S. Bureau of the Census (1983) estimates that the
average white family contained 3.19 persons in 1980, with
only eight percent of white families containing six or more
persons.
Approximately 54 percent of white families have
minors living in the home, with a mean number of two
children (Ramirez & Arce, in Baron (ed.), 1981).
During the past 20 years, there has been a trend among
67
whites toward increasing divorce rates, with women more
often heading their own families, which include dependent
children (Bianchi & Farley, 1979).
In 1960, 86 percent of
all whites lived in a nuclear family consisting of a husband
and a wife.
By 1976 this figure had dropped to 80 percent
(Bianchi & Farley, 1979).
Between 1960 and 1977, there was a
three percent increase (from five to eight percent) in white
women heading their own families.
By 1980, 11 percent of
white women were heading their own families (U.S. Bureau of
the Census, 1983).
Furthermore, in 1960, approximately 90
percent of white children lived with both parents, while by
1977 85 percent did (Bianchi & Farley, 1979).
The mean income for white households in 1980 was
$17,680 (U.
s. Bureau of the Census, 1983).
Approximately
seven percent of white families fell below the poverty level
in 1979, with about 17.3 percent living in poverty areas
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1983).
Appro}timately 69 percent
of whites 25 and over graduated from high school in 1980,
with the median number of years schooling being 12.5 (U.S.
Bureau of the Census, 1983).
The white family has been depicted in the literature as
being nuclear in nature, and this is the standard by which
minority families have been compared.
Hays & Mindel (1973)
studied black and white families matched by sex and SES.
These authors found a non-significant trend among whites to
see their parents more often than blacks; however, blacks saw
siblings, aunts, uncles, and grandparents more often than did
68
whites.
Whites also reported perceiving their parents and
siblings as most important to them, while blacks felt that
their siblings were most important, followed by secondary
relatives (aunts, uncles, grandparents), then cousins, and
with parents being perceived as the least important to them.
The authors conclude that:
The recurring importance of the parents for white
families seems to indicate that a lineal, nuclear
model is more appropriate to white families than it is
to blacks.
The kinship system of white families
appears to be organized around the parent-child
relationship to a much greater degree than it is among
the black families."
(Hays & Mindel, 1973, p. 55).
This limited kinship system among whites also holds up
when compared to Mexican-Americans (Mindel, 1980).
Parsons
(1943) asserts that the nuclear white family structure is
adaptive to mobility in American society.
An Intrapsychic Perspective
Gilman (1986) gives an excellent analysis of Erik
Erikson's ethnic self-hate as exemplified in his book
Childhood and Society (1950).
Erikson, born Jewish, fled
Austria to escape the Nazis, and also changed his identity
from a Hamburger to Erikson.
Gilman points out that while
Erikson thoroughly rejects the negative image of Jews
propagated by nineteenth and early twentieth century racial
theories, he (Erikson) then proceeds to conduct his own
analysis of Jews in which he accepts the two stereotypical
images of the Jew which dominate the anti-Semitic writings of
69
the time.
Erikson believed that the Jew was either a
dogmatic, illogical Eastern Jew, or a rootless
wheeler-dealer, without morals or goals.
Erikson then
continued by outlining what he was not, within the framework
of this model of the Jewish image.
Erikson emphasized that
he himself was not either one of these types of Jews.
Rather, Erikson imagined himself the creator of a new Jewish
discourse, in the same fashion as his three ideal Jews; Marx,
Freud and Einstein.
Gilman (1986) states that Erikson sees
himself within the framework of the German image of the Jew.
He then ••projects his inner anxiety concerning his potential
weakness, that weakness ascribed to him by the Germans as a
Jew, onto the Jewish other 11
•
(p.10).
Thus, Erikson formed
his image of the Jew within the framework of the anti-Semitic
language regarding the Jewish nature, completely swallowing
the stereotype of the majority group.
In his image of the
Jew are various aspects which label the Jew
11
different 11
•
Those images Erikson saw as positive he applied to himself,
while the negative images were projected onto the real Jews
(Gilman, 1986).
Research studying the ethnic esteem (defined as one's
descriptions of one's ethnic group) and ethnic
identification (defined as preference for and identification
with one's own race) of whites have generally found them to
be low in ethnic esteem and ethnic identification when
compared with other ethnic groups.
Rice, Ruiz & Padilla
(1974) studied ethnic group preference in anglo, black and
chicano pre-school and third grade children.
70
Among the
,,
pre-schoolers, only anglo subjects indicated a preference for
their own ethnic group as the photo they liked most, and
would most like for a big brother.
However, these results
must be interpreted cautiously, as the chicano pre-schoolers
were unable to distinguish the difference between anglo and
chicano photographs.
Among the third graders, only the
chicanes showed a clear preference for their own ethnic
group.
Levine (1976) conducted a study on ethnic preference in
blacks, whites and chicanes, and found that blacks had the
highest own group preference, followed by chicanes, with
whites having the least own group preference.
In addition, Grossman, Wirt & Davids (1985) found
chicanes to be high in ethnic esteem compared to angles, as
measured by the semantic differential.
Studies on the personal self-esteem of whites (defined
as one's feelings of personal worth regardless of ethnicity)
have generally found whites to have similar or higher levels
of self-esteem when compared with other ethnic groups.
Fu,
Korslund & Hinkle (1980) studied middle and lower income
white, chicano and black ten year old girls, and found among
the middle income girls that angles had significantly higher
self-esteem than the chicanes.
There were no significant
differences among the lower income girls.
Petersen & Ramirez (1971) found that whites scored
significantly lower on real-ideal self disparity than
chicanes and blacks, thus indicating higher self-esteem.
addition, Grossman, Wirt & Davids (1985) found chicano
71
In
'
adolescents to be low in self-esteem compared to whites.
Many studies have also found higher self-esteem among white
children as compared to blacks (Hauser, 1971; Long
& Henderson, 1968; Porter, 1971; Samuels, 1973).
However, another group of studies (Carter, 1968; Muller
& Leonetti, 1974) have found no significant differences in
self concept among whites and chicanes, and have found equal
or greater self-esteem among whites and blacks (Baughman
& Dahlstrom, 1968; Brand, Ruiz & Padilla, 1974; Circirilli,
1977; Davids, 1973; Rosenberg & Simmons, 1971; Trowbridge,
Trowbridge & Trowbridge, 1972).
Hypotheses
H1: Chicanos and blacks will score higher on ethnic esteem
than whites.
H2: Blacks will score highest in personal self-esteem,
followed by whites, with chicanes scoring lowest.
H3: Subjects who score high on ethnic identification will
also score higher on self-esteem than subjects who score low
on ethnic identification (there will be a significant
correlaton between ethnic identification and self-esteem).
Method
Subjects
Subjects consisted of 46 whites, 40 blacks, and 37
chicanes who were students at c'alifornia State University,
Northridge.
Some subjects participated in the study as an
option in the requirements for an introductory psychology
course.
The remaining subjects were taken from courses in
72
pan-African studies and Chicano studies, and participated in
the study voluntarily.
Materials
Ethnic esteem is defined as one's description of one's
ethnic group.
The measure used to rate ethnic esteem was a
modified version of The Adjective Check List (ACL}.
Fifty of
the 300 adjectives on the ACL were selected by the author for
the purposes of this study.
These adjectives were then rated
by a panel of thirteen graduate students in psychology on a
five point scale ranging from strongly favorable to strongly
unfavorable, as descriptors of a mentally healthy,
self-actualized, productive, happy individual.
The scores
were then averaged for male and female judges separately,
resulting in a "favorability score" for each adjective for
each sex.
The ACL contains 37 scales consisting of 300 adjectives
commonly used to describe personal qualities.
Tests of
reliability with males have yielded test-retest correlations
ranging from .34 to .77 on the various scales.
was .65 (Gough & Heilbrun, 1983}.
The median
Tests of reliability with
females have yielded test-retest correlations ranging from
.45 to .77 on the various scales. The median was .71 (Gough
& Heilbrun, 1983).
Using the multitrait-multimethod matrix design, Bessmer
& Ramanaiah (1981) studied nine scales contained in the ACL
and Personality Research form. The scales were; achievement,
affiliation, aggression, autonomy, dominance, endurance,
exhibition, nurturance, and order.
73
The results showed strong
support for convergent and discriminant validity for the
scales of achievement, dominance, exhibition, and order for
men, and for the scales of aggression, dominance, exhibition,
and order for women.
All scales were found to have
significant convergent validity.
Heilbrun (1962) found that five of six need scales
studied (achievement, heterosexuality, endurance, order and
change) significantly predicted first year college dropout
in females.
Heilbrun {1959) also assessed the validity of five ACL
need scales (achievement, exhibition, affiliation,
nurturance, and abasement) by relating test results to
external criteria.
The criterion for achievement need was
college grade point average (GPA), with estimated
intelligence held constant.
The criterion for exhibition
need was the number of group activities (social, academic,
athletic etc.) to which the subject had belonged beginning
at the time he entered high school until the present.
The
criterion for affiliation need was the number of "good"
friends the subject had.
A "good" friend was described as
"A person whose company you seek and enjoy and with whom you
would be willing to discuss important personal experiences".
The criterion for nurturance need was the number of
charitable, medical research, rehabilitation, church, or
educational activities to which the subject had volunteered
time, money, or personal effects within the past two years.
The criterion for abasement was the course grade subjects
predicted they would get at the end of the semester.
74
This
prediction was made at the first class meeting.
The
predicted grade was compared to the subject's current grade
point average, with the difference between these two
providing the criterion measure.
The author predicted that
subjects who estimated a course grade markedly above their
current GPA would show lower scores on the abasement scale.
Using the above criterion, all scales studied demonstrated
significant validity.
Ethnic identification is defined as the degree of
preference for and identification with one's own race.
The
measure used to rate ethnic identification was The
Ethnic-Racial Identity Scale (ERIS), developed by Benjamin
Mehlman, Ph.D.
(1987).
The scale contains 14 questions each
on five different ethnic/racial groups:
Blacks,
Mexican-Americans, whites, Jews, and gays.
The scale is
scored on a five point scale ranging from strongly disagree
to strongly agree.
High agreement indicates identification
with the ethnic/racial group in question.
Personal self-esteem is defined as one's feelings of
personal worth regardless of race.
The measure used to rate
personal self-esteem was the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
(RSE).
The RSE consists of ten self-evaluative statements
answered on a four point scale from strongly agree to
strongly disagree.
Tests of reliability on the RSE have yielded a
test-retest correlation over two weeks of .85 (Tippett
& Silber, 1965).
In addition, Rosenberg (1965) obtained a
Guttman Scale coefficient of reproductibility of .92 on the
75
scale.
Tests of validity on the RSE have revealed a convergent
validity of .67 with the Kelley Repertory Test;
.83 with the
Health Self-Image Questionnaire; and .56 with interviewers
ratings of self-esteem (Tippett & Silber, 1965).
Tests of construct validity on the RSE have found that
subjects with low RSE scores were significantly more often
rated by nurses as gloomy and frequently disappointed
(Rosenberg, 1965).
Kaplan & Pokorny (1969) found that low
RSE scores were significantly associated with a larger
number of reported psychosomatic symptoms.
Procedure
Subjects were told they were participating in a study
on personality and ethnicity.
On the modified version of
the ACL, all male subjects were asked to describe, in turn,
the typical urban 30 year old black, white, and chicano
male.
All female subjects were asked to describe, in turn,
the typical urban 30 year old black, white and chicano
female.
Subjects were also asked to identify the five
adjectives most descriptive currently in each of the
categories studied.
The three tests (the modified ACL, the ERIS, and the
RSE), as well as the three ethnic descriptions within the
modified ACL, were counterbalanced in approximately equal
distributions across the different positions in the sequence
of the testing materials.
All subjects were debriefed after
completing the experiment.
76
Results
A one-way multivariate analysis of variance was
performed on the three dependent variables: ethnic esteem,
self-esteem, and ethnic identification.
The independent
variable was ethnicity, with three levels:
Black, Chicano,
and White.
SPSSX was used for the analyses.
BMDPAM was used to
check for univariate and multivariate outliers.
Results of
evaluation of assumptions of normality, linearity, and
multicollinearity were satisfactory.
outliers.
There were no
Because of questionable homogeneity of
variance-covariance matrices, Pillai's criterion was used
for the multivariate effect.
With the use of Pillai's criterion, the combined DVs
were significantly affected by ethnicity, f(6, 238)= 4.76,
2<.001.
The results reflected a reasonably strong
association between ethnicity and the combined DVs, partial
t'l_2= .21.
To investigate the effects of each main effect on the
combined DVs a stepdown analysis was performed, on the basis
of a priori ordering of the importance of the DVs.
Thus,
each DV was analyzed, in turn, with higher priority DV's
treated as covariates and with the highest priority DV
tested in a univariate ANOVA.
The order of priority was;
1) ethnic esteem, 2) self-esteem, 3) ethnic identification.
Homogeneity of regression was achieved for all components of
the stepdown analysis.
The reliability of the Rosenberg
Self-Esteem Scale was judged sufficient to warrant a
77
(l
stepdown analysis.
However, the reliability of the modified
Adjective Check List and the ERIS are undetermined.
The
modified Adjective Check List is expected to be reliable
because it was taken from the Adjective Check List, which is
a reliable tool of measurement.
However, the reliability of
the ERIS is unknown at this time.
Results of the stepdown
analysis are summarized in Table 1.
An experimentwise error
rate of 5% was achieved by the apportionment of alpha at
.016.
A unique contribution to predicting differences on
ethnicity was made by ethnic esteem, stepdown
6.28, 2<.003, FL2=09.
~(2,
120) =
Whites showed the highest ethnic
esteem (as measured by the ACL:
mean ethnic esteem= 3.69),
followed by chicanes (mean ethnic esteem= 3.62), with blacks
showing the lowest ethnic esteem (mean ethnic esteem= 3.37).
After the pattern of differences measured by ethnic esteem
was entered, a difference was also found on self-esteem (as
measured by the Rosenberg), stepdown
2<.016, ~2 =.07.
~(2,
119) = 4.30,
Blacks showed the highest self-esteem
(adjusted mean self-esteem= 34.32), followed by chicanes
(adjusted mean self-esteem= 32.99), with whites showing the
lowest self-esteem (adjusted mean self-esteem= 31.35).
Although a difference in ethnic identification was found in
the univariate comparison, this difference was already
represented by higher priority DVs in the stepdown analysis.
However, this DV approached statistical significance in the
stepdown analysis as well, stepdown
~(2,
118) = 4.05, 2<.02.
Pairwise comparisons among the three groups showed that
78
'
whites had significantly higher ethnic esteem than blacks,
Duncan's New Multiple Range Test
~(1,
120) = 11.83, £<.01.
With regard to self esteem, pairwise comparisons showed
blacks to have significantly greater self-esteem than whites,
Duncans New Multiple Range Test
119) = 8.48, £<.01.
~(1,
Pooled within cell correlations among DVs are shown in
Table 2.
Means and standard deviations are presented in
Table 3 below.
Table 3: Means and standard deviations on three variables
for blacks, whites and chicanes.
Ethnic Esteem
Self-esteem
Ethnic Identification
mean Standard adjusted Standard
deviation
mean
deviation
adjusted Standard
mean
deviation
Group
Blacks
3.3
.52
34.32
4.5
42.45
7.8
Whites
3.75
.43
31.35
3.8
37.36
12.6
Chicanos
3.6
.36
32.99
5.1
35.86
8.7
A Pearson Product Moment Correlation was used to test
the association between ethnic identification and
self-esteem.
The results showed a non-significant
correlation between the two,
~=.04,
p>.05.
As can be seen
in Table 2, all DV's were uncorrelated with one another.
As another measure of differences in ethnic
identification, a Chi-square test of independence was
performed on the ERIS.
Subjects whose highest score among
the five groups on the ERIS was on their own ethnic group
were classified as high identifiers; subjects whose highest
79
score among the five groups on the ERIS was on an ethnic
group other than their own were classified as Other.
Using
Chi-square, a significant difference was found among the
three ethnic groups on ethnic identification, ~L (2) = 11.84,
p<.005.
A greater number of blacks identified with their own
ethnic group than whites; a greater number of whites
identified with their own ethnic group than chicanos (blacks
n = 26, whites n = 17, chicanos n = 11).
These findings are consistent with an additional
measure used; the MANOVA, where subjects scores on their own
ethnic group scale only were compared, i.e., chicanos scores
on the chicano subscale , blacks scores on the black
subscale, and whites scores on the white subscale.
The
MANOVA found blacks scored highest on their own subscale
(adjusted mean ethnic identification= 42.45), followed by
whites (adjusted mean ethnic identification= 37.36), and
then chicanos (adjusted mean ethnic identification= 35.86).
A two way mixed analysis of variance was run to
determine whether subjects described their own ethnic group
any differently than they described the other two ethnic
groups, and whether subjects perceived their own ethnic
group the same way the other two ethnic groups perceived
them (as measured by the modified ACL).
The independent
variables were: 1)the subject's ethnicity, and 2) the
ethnicity of the group the subject described.
The dependent
variable was how they described the ethnic group in question.
BMDP4V was used for the analysis.
Results of
evaluation of assumptions of normality and linearity were
80
satisfactory.
There were no outliers.
The assumption of
homogeneity of covariance was not met, so an adjusted F
using greenhouse geisser was used.
Using this criterion,
the main effects were not significant; description of own
group versus description of other groups greenhouse geisser
E(2, 117) = .63, E>.05; subject's description of own group
versus others description of subject's group greenhouse
geisser E(2, 118) = 1.59, E>.05.
However, the interaction
of these two variables was significant, greenhouse geisser
The results are summarized in
F(4, 234) = 10.19, 2<.001.
Table 4.
To investigate the interaction, pairwise comparisons
among both the between- and within-subject variables were
conducted.
With regard to the between-subject variable,
pairwise comparisons revealed that blacks described
themselves no differently than chicanos described them,
Scheffe's f(1, 120) = .19, E>.05, and no differently than
whites described them, Sheffe's f(1, 120) = .29, E>.05.
Blacks described whites lower than whites described
themselves at a level approaching statistical significance,
=
Sheffe's f(1,120)= 1.42, f*
1.46.
Chicanos also
described whites no diferently than whites described
themselves, Sheffe's F(1, 120)
=
1.73, E>.05,
Chicanos
described themselves no differently than blacks described
them, Sheffe's f(1, 120) = .74, E>.05.
However, chicanos
described themselves more favorably than whites described
them, Sheffe's f(l, 120)
=
1.73,
~<.05.
In addition, chicanos described themselves no
81
differently than they described blacks, Sheffe's E(l, 36)
1.27, £>.05.
Chicanos also described themselves no
differently than they described whites, Sheffe's E(l, 36)
.70, £>.05.
=
=
Blacks described themselves no differently than
they described whites, Sheffe's E(l, 39)
=
.037, £>.05.
Blacks also described themselves no differently than they
described chicanes, Sheffe's K(l, 39)
=
Whites
.022, £>.05.
described themselves no differently than they described
blacks, Scheffe's E(l, 45)
=
However, whites
.22, E>.05.
described chicanes significantly less favorably than whites
described themselves, Sheffe's K(l, 45)
=
2.70, £<.05.
Scores on the ERIS, a measure of ethnic identification
used for the first time in this study, were used in a two
way Chi square test of independence along with four self
descriptive statements of ethnic identity.
The self
descriptive statements were self ratings of commitment of
self to one's religion, commitment of family to one's
religion, commitment of self to one's racial/ethnic group,
commitment of family to their racial/ethnic group.
were five levels of commitment:
There
intensely committed,
moderately committed, occasionally involved, indifferent,
and reject.
SPSSX Crosstabs was used for the analysis.
Rank order
correlations were used, with gamma being reported.
Because
of zero cells in the 'reject' category, this category was
dropped, and the analysis was run using the remaining four
levels of committment.
Ethnic identification on the ERIS
was unrelated to commitment of self to one's religion, gamma
82
2>.05, unrelated to commitment of self to one's
racial/ethnic group, gamma 2>.05, unrelated to commitment of
family to their religion, gamma 2>.05, and unrelated to
commitment of family to their racial/ethnic group, gamma 2>.05.
Discussion
The present study found that whites describe (Adjective
Checklist) their ethnic group more positively than blacks do
theirs.
However, while blacks showed lower ratings of their
ethnic group (ethnic esteem, as measured by the Adjective
Check List) than whites, they showed higher personal selfesteem (Rosenberg) than whites, and higher own group
identification (ERIS) than whites and chicanes.
Paradoxically, while blacks may not describe as positively
their own ethnic group as whites do theirs, they still feel
better about themselves and identify with their own group in
greater numbers than the other two groups studied here.
In
addition, since there was no statistically significant
correlation between ethnic identification and personal selfesteem, or ethnic esteem and personal self-esteem, it appears
that positive self-esteem is not necessarily a reflection of
group pride or group preference, as Nobles (1973) and Wright
(1985) have contended.
In fact, the overall description
blacks gave of their ethnic group fell into the "neutral"
range, while the overall description whites gave of their
ethnic group fell into the ''moderately favorable" range.
Logically, a neutral description of one's group does not
provide much evidence of group pride, and yet blacks identify
with their own group in greater numbers than whites, who do
83
evidence group pride (if a moderately favorable description
is taken as evidence of group pride).
This author found only one study in the literature
which looked exclusively at ethnic esteem (defined here as
one's descriptions of one's ethnic group) among different
ethnic groups (Grossman, Wirt & Davids, 1985).
Self-hate
has been defined by many authors as accepting the negative
stereotypes regarding one's group as being real (Gilman,
1986), and as one's sense of shame for possessing these
despised stereotypes (Allport, 1958).
However, generally,
self-hate has been regarded in the literature as evidenced
through identification or rejection of one's ethnic group.
Many authors assume that high own group identification and
preference is an indication of group pride (Wright, 1985;
McCombs, 1985; Hraba & Grant, 1971).
However, the relationship between ethnic identification
and ethnic esteem may be more complicated.
Certainly, the
evidence from doll preference studies among children in
different racial groups suggests a complicated relationship
(Katz & Zalk, 1974).
complicated.
Ethnic esteem among adults may
be~
It appears that blacks prefer their own ethnic
group, but nonetheless they have internalized some negative
views of blacks, and believe that they are not as "worthy" as
whites.
However, a generally negative view of ethnic groups may
characterize blacks.
Blacks described whites less favorably
than whites describe themselves at a level approaching
statistical significance, but were described by whites no
84
differently {regarding "favorability") than whites described
themselves.
It appears that the blacks studied here would fall into
Stage 3 of Cross'
(1971) model of racial identification--the
immersion-emersion stage, in which the level of black
awareness is high, but the degree of positive internalized
attitudes about being black is low.
From their scores on the
ERIS, it would appear that the blacks studied here do have a
high level of awareness about being black, as the ERIS
measures sensitivity to black issues {as well as sensitivity
to the issues of other ethnic groups).
From their scores on
the modified Adjective Check List, it would also appear that
the blacks studied here have not internalized positive
attitudes about their ethnic group.
These findings are
congruent with the immersion-emersion stage of racial
identity.
However, the blacks studied here showed high
self-esteem relative to whites, while Parham & Helms'
{1985)
study found the blacks in Cross' Stage 3 to be low in
sel£-esteem relative to blacks in the other stages.
Whether
these two findings are contradictory or not needs to be
explored further.
One additional attitude which Cross contends blacks
exhibit during Stage 3 is the denigration of whites.
Although this contention was not supported in the present
study, the finding that blacks describe whites less
favorably than whites describe themselves did approach
statistical significance.
This hypothesis needs to be
explored further in another study as an a priori hypotheses,
85
,,
so that a more powerful test of the hypothesis may be made.
Chicanos had a mid-rank among the three groups studied
here with regard to favorable description of their own group
and personal self-esteem, but they identified with their own
group least of the three groups.
Their description of
themselves was statistically significantly more favorable
than whites' description of them.
Whites, to a statistically
significant degree, described chicanes less favorably than
whites described themselves.
With regard to the ERIS, it was found that ethnic
identification was not associated with self-reported
religious commitment of self, religious commitment of
family, ethnic/racial commitment of self, or ethnic/racial
commitment of family.
These findings appear to be due to
the fact that there is not much variability on the ERIS when
subjects are placed into a limited number of categories which
are then rank ordered, as they were in this particular
analysis.
The overwhelming majority of subjects fell into
two of the four categories--medium low (score on their own
ethnic group subscale of 28-42) and medium high (score on
their own ethnic group subscale of 43-56).
possible scores was 14-70.
The range of
The loss of variability due to
the use of the rank order correlation provided a less
sensitive measure of the relationship than if actual scores
on the ERIS had been used.
It is not entirely clear that when dealing with a
socially sensitive issue that subjects will respond the same
way on overt and covert measures.
86
The self-ratings called
'
for on the Personal Data sheet are more likely to be
responsive to known, public group pressures; the responses
on a multi-item questionaire are not as clearly dictated by
the group.
Summary and Conclusion
Self-hate was examined in three ethnic groups; blacks,
whites and chicanos.
For the purposes of this study,
self-hate was conceived of as a sense of shame for
possessing the contemptuous qualities of one's ethnic group,
or dislike of other members of one's ethnic group in whom
these qualities are seen (Allport, 1958).
Self-hate is
theorized to develop in a variety of ways--through
self-blame (Allport, 1958), through internalization of the
negative stereotypes of one's ethnic group (Gilman, 1986),
through splitting, projection, and then attack on the
projections (Kernberg, 1975), and through introjection and
identificaion with the aggressor (Freud, 1953).
Self-hate was examined from three perspectives:
Ethnic
esteem (defined as one's descriptions of one's ethnic group),
self-esteem
(defined as one's feelings about oneself
regardless of ethnicity), and ethnic identification (defined
as one's preference for and identification with one's own
ethnic group) .
A modified version of the Adjective Check List (ACL)
was used to test ethnic esteem.
Fifty of the 300 adjectives
on the ACL were selected by the author for the purposes of
this study.
These adjectives were then rated by a panel of
13 graduate students in
~s~chology
87
on a five point scale
ranging from strongly favorable to strongly unfavorable, as
descriptors of a mentally healthy, self-actualized,
productive, happy individual.
The scores were then averaged
for male and female judges separately, resulting in a
"favorability weight" for each adjective for each sex.
On
the ACL all male subjects were asked to describe, in turn,
the typical urban 30 year old black, white and chilcano male.
All female subjects were asked to describe, in turn, the
typical 30 year old black, white and chicano female.
The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale was used to test
self-esteem.
The scale consists of ten self-evaluative
statements answered on a four point scale from strongly
agree to strongly disagree.
The measure used to rate ethnic identification was the
Ethnic/Racial Identity Scale developed by Benjamin Mehlman,
Ph.D.
The scale contains questions on five different ethnic
groups; blacks, whites, chicanos, Jews and gays.
Forty-five whites, 39 blacks, and 37 chicanos were
tested.
The subjects were undergraduate students at
California State University, Northridge.
The results showed
whites to be higher in ethnic esteem than blacks (p<.Ol).
Blacks were found to be higher in self-esteem than whites
(p<.Ol).
More blacks also identified with their own ethnic
group than did whites and chicanos (p<.005).
It was also found that whites described chicanos less
favorably than whites described themselves, and chicanos
described themselves more favorably than whites described
them.
88
It appears that while blacks may not describe as
positively their own ethnic group as whites do theirs, they
still feel better about themselves and identify with their
own group in greater numbers than the other two groups
studied here.
Thus, the relationship between ethnic
identification and ethnic esteem appears to be a complicated
one.
Cross'
The blacks in this study appear to fit into Stage 3 of
(1971) model of racial identification--the immersion-
emersion stage.
In this stage, the level of black awareness
is high, but the degree of positive internalized attitudes
about being black is low.
89
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(1971). Negro I.Q. deficit: Failure of a
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99
Silber, E. & Tippett, J.
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~.
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~.
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100
"
'
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~.
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101
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7812832).
102
(University Microfilms No.
Table 1
Tests of Ethnicity
IV
DV
Ethnicity
Univariate F
df
Stepdown F
df
6.28
2/120
6.28*
2/120
4.48
2/120
4.30*
2/119
2/120
4.05
2/118
Ethnic
Esteem
Self
esteem
Ethnic
Identification 4.32a
a: Significance level cannot be evaluated but would reach
p<.05 if univariate
*
in context.
p<.016
103
Table 2
Pooled within-cell correlations among three variables.
Ethnic Esteem
Ethnic
Self-esteem
Ethnic Identification
.44148
Esteem
Self-esteem
.02536
4.48040
.02448
-.00630
Ethnic
Identification
104
10.11149
Table 4
Source Table
Source
Describer's ethnicity
Error
Target's ethnicity
Target
Error
Jt
Describer
ss
MS
1. 36
.68
2
50.04
.43
118
.38
.19
....,
9.41
5.61
2.35
.24
105
df
A
-z
234
F
p
1. 59
n.s.
.63
n.s .
10.19
.001
Appendix A
Personal Information Sheet
Name _________________
RELIGION
Catholicism
Protestant
which?-----Judaism
Buddhism
Islam
None
Other
Sex: M
F--~Highest Level Education
Age _ _ __
ETHNIC IDENTITY
American Indian
Black
Chicano
Other Hispanic
Asian
Pacific Islander ___
White
Filipino
Other (specify)
COMMITMENT:
FREQUENCY ATTEND SERVICES
once a week
once a month
other(specify)
Religious
Self
Family
Ethnic/Racial
Self
Family
intensely committed
moderately committed
occasionally involved
indifferent
reject
Indicate the percentages who are of your racial/ethnic
group:
Intimate friends
Fellow employees
People in my neighborhood
People I admire most
People I talk to most
106
Appendix B
Rosenberg self-esteem scale
Please check whether you strongly agree, agree, disagree,
or strongly disagree with the following statements.
1. On the whole, I am
satisfied with myself.
Strongly Agree Disagree Strongly
Agree
Disaqree
2. At times I think I am
no good at all.
3. I feel that I have a
number of good qualities.
4. I am able to do things
as well as most other
people.
5. I feel I do not have
much to be proud of.
6. I certainly feel
useless at times.
7. I feel that I am a
person of worth, at
least on an even plane
with others.
-
8. I wish I could have
more respect for myself.
9. All in all, I am
inclined to feel that I
am a failure.
'
10. I take a positive
attitude toward myself.
107
Appendix C
ERIS
This is an attempt to measure your knowledge and
understanding of different groups.
A number of statements
appear on the pages to follow.
Please read each statement carefully.
the sheet provided the
statements.
e~ctent
Then indicate on
of your agreement with these
Use the scale below:
Agreement
5
high
Disagreement
4
3
moderate
neutral
2
moderate
1
high
If you agree with the statement completely or very much,
write 5 for that item.
write 3.
If you neither agree nor disagree,
If you disagree completely or very much with that
particulat item, write 1.
Answer quickly; do not spend too
much time on any single statement.
108
01. What happened to the Jews during the Nazi period in
Germany can happen to them here in the United States too.
02. Being gay is decided at birth by our genes and/or other
biological factors.
03. Clearly, the United States is one of the most racist
countries in the world.
04. Those of Chicano backround should live with other
Chicanos in the same neighborhoods to help preserve their
identity.
05. The image of blacks on American t.v. is negative, more
negative than the image of other ethnic/racial groups.
06. Whites should have sex with and marry only other
whites.
07. People who come from the Mexican culture must always
remain true to this tradition.
08. Minorities and women have suffered, yes, but they
exaggerate the prejudice and discrimination they have
suffered.
09. Less qualified gays should be given preference in
hiring and promotion over heterosexuals because of past and
current prejudice against gays.
10. It is morally right for lesser qualified blacks to be
hired and promoted over better qualified persons from other
ethnic/racial groups because of the past history of
oppression against blacks in this counrty.
11. Prejudice against people from Mexico is greater than
prejudice toward other ethnic/racial groups.
12. If we aren't careful, whites will be rounded up and
109
persecuted simply because they are white.
13. Gays should have equal representation with other
ethnic/racial groups during "Multi-Cultural week".
14. Everything else being equal, I would vote for a white
candidate.
15. Immigration quotas should strongly favor whites.
16. When American blacks are spies for other countries it
makes me feel defensive and anxious for blacks.
17. I feel defensive and anltious when I hear of American
Jews spying for other countries.
18. There is a distinct gay culture in the United States.
19. Deep in every believing Christian is a tendency toward
anti-Semitism waiting to come out.
20. Whites should be very mindful of what they do and say
for their behavior reflects on other whites.
21. Less qualified Jews should be hired and promoted over
better qualified persons from other ethnic/racial groups
because of past prejudice to Jews.
22. Blacks should always be aware that their behavior
reflects on other blacks.
23. I tend to vote mainly for candidates who are favorable
to black people.
24. Black men and black women should have sex with and
marry only with each other.
25. The single most important thing about a gay individual
is his or her "gayness".
26. Employees of the police and fire departments should be
required to speak Spanish fluently.
110
27. Media attention to problems in the black family {e.g.,
a high rate of teen-age pregnancies) is an eJrample of
racism.
28. Whites have welcomed and been a lot more tolerant of
other ethnic and racial groups than is generally
appreciated.
29. Those with Mexican heritage should have sex with and
marry only others from Mexican backrounds.
30. Ballots, business contracts, public speeches--all
should be given in Spanish as well as English.
31. There was slow scientific research attention to AIDS
and only limited budgets because it was associated with
gays in the public's mind.
32. Everything else being equal, job and other preferences
should be given to whites.
33. The depressed economy of MeJtico is mostly due to
exploitation by the United States.
34. Jews tend to be more intelligent than members of other
racial/ethnic groups.
35. The image of Jews on t.v. and in the media is generally
negative, more so than the image of other ethnic/racial
groups.
36. The media image of the Mexican-American tends to be
negative, more so than the image of other ethnic/racial
groups.
37. Whites should live in their own neighborhoods so as
preserve their customs.
38. Homosexuals generally tend to be more intelligent than
111
heterosexuals.
39. A very good case can be made for unlimited immigration
from Mexico.
There should be no quotas for Mexicans who
wish to come to the United States.
40. I tend to vote mostly for candidates who are for Jewish
causes.
41. The United States was slow to impose sanctions on South
Africa mostly because of racism in the United States.
42. When Mexican-Americans spy for other countries, it
makes me feel defensive and anJtious.
43. I generally vote for candidates who have
Spanish-sounding names.
44. A Jew is somebody who was born of a Jewish mother; his
own beliefs do not matter.
45. Blacks tend to be more intelligent than the members of
other ethnic/racial groups.
46. By far the greatest emphasis in the public schools
should be on the history and contributions of European
civilization.
47. Jews should have sex with and marry only other Jews.
48. No other culture is as highly developed as Western
(white) culture.
49. Those whites who oppose affirmative action tend to be
racists.
50. Isreal is attacked so much by the American press
because of underlying anti-Semitism.
51. When gays get unfavorable media attention it is usually
because of underlying prejudice against gays.
112
52. Clearly, the image of whites on American t.v. is
negative, more so than for other ethnic and racial groups.
53. Homosexuals should have seJt and intimate relationships
only with other homoseJmals.
54. Jews should always be aware that their behavior
reflects on other Jews.
55. This country is great mostly because of the
contributions of European whites.
56. It may not be nice to say it, but whites are more
intelligent than people from other races.
57. No gay should serve in the military until there is no
longer discrimination in the United States against gays.
58. Israel is often unfairly attacked by the American
media.
59. I prefer to vote for a candidate who has a favorable
attitude and record toward gays.
60. There is a suprisingly large number of anti-Semitic
reporters and newscasters.
61. It is an act of prejudice to call a homosexual
"mentally ill" simply because the person is homosexual.
62. Until racism is ended in the United States every black
person should resist service in the military.
63.
11
Jewish 11 refers to a distinctive culture in the United
States.
64. Mexican-Americans tend to be more intelligent than
people from other ethnic/racial groups.
65. Even if not as well qualified, persons with Spanish
surnames should be hired and promoted over better qualified
113
persons from other ethnic/racial groups because of past
prejudice against Mexicans and Hispanics.
66. Blacks in the United States have a distinctive and
different culture from other Americans.
67. Whites can never fully repay the moral debt they have
to American blacks because of slavery.
68. The t.v. and other media image of gays is negative,
more so than the image of other groups.
69. Schools should teach that the "gay "to-Jay" is equal in
value to the heterosexual way of doing things.
70. Native born white children should be taught Spanish
along with English.
114
Appendix D
Modified Adjective Checklist
Black Female
Please make a check mark neJtt to each adjective that
you believe describes the typical 30 year old Black urban
female.
Do this quickly; do not spend much time on any
particular adjective. After you have completed this,
please go back and identify the five most important of the
adjectives, assigning 1 to the most important, 2 to the
neJtt most important, etc. until you reach the fifth.
1. Affectionate
2 Aggressive
- -3 Ambitious
- -4 Argumentative
- - 5 Assertive
--- Attractive
- -6.
Bitter
--- 87. Calm
-Cheerful
-9.
__
lO.Complaining
ll.Conscientious
_ _ 12.Courageous
13.Crue1
14.Curious
_ _ 15.Dependent
16.Effeminate
17.Emotional
18.Feminine
19.Generous
___ 20.Impulsive
_ _ 21.Independent
22.Inhibited
___ 23.Insightfu1
_ _ 24.Intelligent
___ 25.Irresponsible
0
0
0
0
0
Lazy
Loud
Masculine
Optimistic
Persistent
Pleasure-seeking
Rational
Responsible
Rigid
Self-centered
Self-controlled
Self-denying
Self-pitying
Sensitive
Sexy
Show-off
Shy
Sincere
Stable
Stingy
Stubborn
...,A7
Submissive
48.
Suggestible
-49. Superstitious
- - 50. Warm
26.
27.
- - 28.
29.
30.
- -31.
32.
33.
-34.
35.
36.
- -37.
38.
39.
40.
- -41.
42.
- -43.
44.
45.
46.
--
..
115
Appendix E
Modified Adjective Checklist
White Female
Please make a check mark next to each adjective that
you believe describes the typical 30 year old white urban
female.
Do this quickly; do not spend much time on any
particular adjective. After you have completed this,
please go back and identify the five most important of the
adjectives, assigning 1 to the most important, 2 to the
next most important, etc. until you reach the fifth.
Affectionate
- -3. Aggressive
Ambitious
- -4. Argumentative
- -5 . Assertive
-Attractive
- - 6.
'7
Bitter
Calm
8.
- -9. Cheerful
_ _ 10.Complaining
ll.Conscientious
_ _ 12.Courageous
13.Cruel
14.Curious
_ _ 15.Dependent
16.Effeminate
17.Emotional
18.Feminine
19.Generous
_ _ 20.Impulsive
_ _ 21.Independent
22.Inhibited
_ _ 23.Insightful
_ _ 24.Intelligent
_ _ 25.Irresponsible
- -,1.
... .
..
- - 26.
- -27.
28.
- -29.
Lazy
Loud
Masculine
- - 30. Optimistic
Persistent
Pleasure-seeking
- -31.
32 . Rational
- -33.
Responsible
34. Rigid
Self-centered
- -35.
36.
- -37. Self-controlled
Self-denying
-38.
Self-pitying
- -39. Sensitive
40. Sexy
- -41.
- -42. Show-off
Shy
- -43. Sincere
- -44. Stable
-Stingy
- -45.
46.
- -47. Stubborn
Submissive
Suggestible
48.
_ _ 49 .. Superstitious
- - 50. Warm
--
116
Appendix F
Modified Adjective Checklist
Chicano Female
Please make a check mark next to each adjective that
you believe describes the typical 30 year old chicano urban
female.
Do this quickly; do not spend much time on any
particular adjective. After you have completed this,
please go back and identify the five most important of the
adjectives, assigning 1 to the most important, 2 to the
next most important, etc. until you reach the fifth.
- -...1..
- -3.
- -4.
Affectionate
Aggressive
Ambitious
Argumentative
- -5. Assertive
- - Attractive
- -6.
7. Bitter
- -8.
- - 9 . Calm
Cheerful
-10.Complaining
__
11.Conscientious
_ _ 12.Courageous
13.Cruel
14.Curious
_ _ 15.Dependent
16.Effeminate
17.Emotional
18.Feminine
19.Generous
_ _ 20.Impulsive
_ _ 21.Independent
22.Inhibited
__ 23.Insightful
_ _ 24.Intelligent
_ _ 25.Irresponsible
I)
--
26.
- -27.
- -28.
- -29.
- -30.
- -31.
- -32.
-- -33.
34.
- -35.
- -36.
-- -37.
38.
- -39.
- -40.
-- -41.
- -42.
- -44.
- -45.
- -46.
-- -47.
48.
- -49.
- -50.
-11-:l
-zu •
117
Lazy
Loud
Masculine
Optimistic
Persistent
Pleasure-seeking
Rational
Responsible
Rigid
Self-centered
Self-controlled
Self-denying
Self-pitying
Sensitive
Sexy
Show-off
Shy
Sincere
Stable
Stingy
Stubborn
Submissive
Suggestible
Superstitious
Warm
Appendix G
Modified Adjective Checklist
Black Male
Please make a check mark next to each adjective that
you believe describes the typical 30 year old black urban
male. Do this quickly; do not spend much time on any
particular adjective. After you have completed this,
please go back and identify the five most important of the
adjectives, assigning 1 to the most important, 2 to the
next most important, etc. until you reach the fifth.
.
...
Affectionate
2
.
- -3 . Aggressive
Ambitious
- -4. Argumentative
- -5. Assertive
- - Attractive
- -6.
7. Bitter
- -8.
Calm
- -9. Cheerful
- lO.Complaining
__
-11.Conscientious
_ _ 12.Courageous
- -13.Cruel
14.Curious
_ _ 15.Dependent
16.Effeminate
17.Emotional
18.Feminine
- -19.Generous
_ _ 20.Impulsive
_ _ 21.Independent
22.Inhibited
_ _ 23.Insightful
_ _ 24.Intelligent
_ _ 25.Irresponsible
1
26.
- - 27.
28.
- -29.
- -30.
-- -31.
32.
- -33.
-34.
- -35.
- -36.
-- -37.
38.
- -39.
-- -40.
- -41.
--
Jtf)
.... £.
•
43.
44.
- -45.
- -46.
- -47.
- -48.
- -49.
50.
118
Lazy
Loud
Masculine
Optimistic
Persistent
Pleasure-seeking
Rational
Responsible
Rigid
Self-centered
Self-controlled
Self-denying
Self-pitying
Sensitive
Sexy
Show-off
Shy
Sincere
Stable
Stingy
Stubborn
Submissive
Suggestible
Superstitious
Warm
Appendix H
Modified Adjective Checklist
White Male
Please make a check mark next to each adjective that
you believe describes the typical 30 year old white urban
male.
Do this quickly; do not spend much time on any
particular adjective. After you have completed this,
please go back and identify the five most important of the
adjectives, assigning 1 to the most important, 2 to the
next most important, etc. until you reach the fifth.
Affectionate
- -3. Aggressive
Ambitious
- -4. Argumentative
- -5. Assertive
- - Attractive
- -6.
7. Bitter
- -8.
Calm
- -9. Cheerful
_ _ 10.Complaining
-11.Conscientious
__
12.Courageous
13.Cruel
14.Curious
_ _ 15.Dependent
- -16.Effeminate
17.Emotional
18.Feminine
- -19.Generous
_ _ 20.Impulsive
_ _ 21.Independent
22.Inhibited
_ _ 23.Insightful
_ _ 24.Intelligent
_ _ 25.Irresponsible
,1.
c.. •
- - 26.
27.
- -28.
29.
- -30.
-- -31.
32.
- -33.
- -34.
-- -35.
36.
- -37.
- -38.
- -39.
- -40.
- -41....
- -42.
- -43.
- -44.
- -45.
- -46.
- -47.
- -48.
- -49.
- -50.
--
119
Lazy
Loud
Masculine
Optimistic
Persistent
Pleasure-seeking
Rational
Responsible
Rigid
Self-centered
Self-controlled
Self-denying
Self-pitying
Sensitive
Se·x.y
Show-off
Shy
Sincere
Stable
Stingy
Stubborn
Submissive
Suggestible
Superstitious
Warm
Appendix I
Modified Adjective Checklist
Chicano Male
Please make a check mark next to each adjective that
you believe describes the typical 30 year old chicano urban
male.
Do this quickly; do not spend much time on any
particular adjective. After you have completed this,
please go back and identify the five most important of the
adjectives, assigning 1 to the most important, 2 to the
next most important, etc. until you reach the fifth.
Affectionate
- -1.
Aggressive
2.
- -3. Ambitious
- - Argumentative
- -4.
5 . Assertive
- -6.
- -7. Attractive
Bitter
- -8. Calm
- -9. Cheerful
-10.Complaining
__
11.Conscientious
_ _ 12.Courageous
13.Cruel
14.Curious
_ _ 15.Dependent
16.Effeminate
- -17.Emotional
18.Feminine
19.Generous
_ _ 20.Impulsive
_ _ 21.Independent
-22.Inhibited
_ _ 23.Insightful
_ _ 24.Intelligent
_ _ 25.Irresponsible
- - 26.
27.
--
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
"l"l
OJ OJ
•
34.
- -35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
- -46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
120
Lazy
Loud
Masculine
Optimistic
Persistent
Pleasure-seeking
Rational
Responsible
Rigid
Self-centered
Self-controlled
Self-denying
Self-pitying
Sensitive
Sexy
Show-off
Shy
Sincere
Stable
Stingy
Stubborn
Submissive
Suggestible
Superstitious
Warm
Appendix J
Adjectives and their
11
favorability 11 ratings
by male and female graduate students
1
strongly
unfavorable
2
3
moderately
neutral
unfavorable
Adjective
5
4
moderately
favorable
weight
male
female
Affectionate
4.8
4.875
Aggressive
3
1. 75
Ambitious
4.4
3.625
Argumentative
...,.,
1.625
Assertive
4.6
4.75
Attractive
3.6
3.75
Bitter
1.4
1.125
Calm
3.6
4.375
Cheerful
4.2
4.25
Complaining
1.8
1.25
Conscientious
4.6
4.75
Courageous
4.2
4.125
Cruel
1
1
Curious
4.2
4.25
Dependent
...,.,
1.875
Effeminate
2.4
3
Emotional
3.6
...,
Feminine
2.4
3.875
Generous
4
4.125
.,
121
strongly
favorable
Impulsive
2.4
2.375
Independent
4.2
4.125
Inhibited
2.4
1.625
Insightful
4.6
5
Intelligent
4.6
4.375
Irresponsible
1.4
1
Lazy
1.2
1.125
Loud
2.6
1. 75
Masculine
3.8
2.5
Optimistic
3.8
4.125
Persistent
4.6
4.125
Pleasure-seeking
3.6
3.5
Rational
4.2
4.25
Responsible
4.6
4.625
Rigid
2
1.5
Self-centered
2.2
1.625
Self-controlled
3.4
3.5
Self-denying
3
1.625
Self-pitying
1.4
1.125
Sensitive
4.6
4.375
Sexy
3.8
3.625
Shm~-off
2.4
1.625
Shy
2.6
2.5
Sincere
4.6
4.75
Stable
4.6
4.5
Stingy
1.8
1.125
Stubborn
.....
2.125
Submissive
2
1.5
')
')
122
Suggestible
2.6
2.375
Superstitious
2
1. 75
Warm
4.6
4.375
123