Learning and Personal Growth in a ‘Foreign’ Context: Intercultural
Experiences of International Students
Co-authors:
Dr Qing Gu
School of Education, University of Nottingham, Jubilee Campus, Nottingham NG8
1BB
[email protected]
Dr Michele Schweisfurth
Centre for International Education and Research, University of Birmingham,
Edgbaston, Birmingham B15 2TT
[email protected]
Professor Christopher Day
School of Education, University of Nottingham, Jubilee Campus, Nottingham NG8
1BB
[email protected]
Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
Learning and Personal Growth in a ‘Foreign’ Context: Intercultural
Experiences of International Students
Abstract
This paper discusses the background and key findings of a two-year Economic
and Social Research Council (ESRC) funded mixed method research project
(2006-2008) which was designed, within the context of university
internationalisation, to provide an investigation of the experiences of first-year
international students during their undergraduate study at four UK higher
education institutions.
The research explored the complexities of international students’ transitional
experiences both in terms of their maturation and human development and their
intercultural adaptation within a different educational environment and a different
culture and society. These two types of transition interactively influenced the
nature and process of students’ change and development over time.
Findings of the research challenge the psychological model of international
students’ linear intercultural adaptation and point to the presence of a complex
set of shifting associations between language mastery, social interaction, personal
development and academic outcomes. It is the management of this amalgam
which results in intercultural adaptation, and the successful reconfiguration of
‘identity’. Moreover, this research suggests that personal, pedagogical and
psychological factors are as important as organizational and social cultures in
influencing students’ adaptation, identity change and ultimate success. The
extent and nature of successful change and development can be restricted by the
availability of support and the conditions of contact within the environments in
which they are engaged.
1.0
Introduction
This paper reports the findings of a two-year research project, funded by the UK
Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), which investigated the
experiences of international1 undergraduate students at four UK universities. The
research explored critical influences on their intercultural adaptation, examined
how these influences impacted differently on them during their stay in the UK,
International students are for the purposes of this study and paper defined as all students from
outside the UK, including those from the EU who do not pay ‘international’ level fees.
1
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and identified the contributing factors to different levels and forms of adaptation,
change and development. It made comparisons within and across different
student groups in transition, aiming to identify similarities and differences
between students from different cultural and academic backgrounds.
The late 20th and early 21st centuries have witnessed unprecedented change as
the scope and complexity of the internationalisation of higher education have
expanded and deepened exponentially. This may be best represented in the
dramatic rise in the mobility of students, academics and knowledge (OECD, 2007,
Uvalić-Trumbić et al., 2007). Statistics on student mobility show that in 2004,
more than 2.5 million tertiary students studied outside their home countries
compared to 1.75 million in 1999 – a 41% increase (UNESCO, 2006). The Global
Student Mobility 2025 Report (Bohm et al., 2002) predicts that the demand for
international education will increase to 7.2 million in 2025.
In the UK, both Government and Universities have been engaged in a push to
improve the international competitiveness of the higher education offering
(Guardian, 8th March 2006; also Blair, 1999; UKCISA, 2004 and 2007; UUK,
2006). The then Prime Minister Tony Blair in 1999 called upon universities to
‘open a window on the world’ (Blair 1999). One of the key aims of the second of
the second Prime Minister’s Initiative (PMI), launched in 2006, was to consolidate
the success of the PMI 1 through understanding the expectations of international
students and improving the quality of all aspects of their experience whilst
studying and living in the UK (British Council, 2007). International students are
seen as vital to the current and future health of UK further and higher education
and their contribution is perceived to be academic and cultural as well as financial
(Burslem, 2004). The UK national economy benefits from considerable earnings of
£12.5 billion per year (British Council, 2008).
Given this policy context, there has been a growing level of concern over the
extent to which British universities are continuing to provide appropriate and
responsive levels of academic and personal support for international students (De
Vita and Case, 2003; Guardian, 2005; UUK, 2006; British Council 2007). Whilst
there is a growing literature on the experiences of international students in the
UK, this tends to take the form either of surveys reporting broad trends (e.g.
UKCISA 2004 and 2007), or of smaller-scale qualitative studies concerned with
only one group (such as Chinese students) or with a narrow focus (such as
motivations for studying abroad). This research, located in current policy contexts
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and grounded in the ethics of educational practices, was designed to provide a
more nuanced, differentiated account of ways in which different students at
different stages in their studies adapt to their academic and social environments
than was previously available.
2.0
Conceptualising the Context
2.1
The international dimension of higher education: the policy context
Internationalisation is perceived by some as the most revolutionary development
of higher education in the 21st century (Seddoh, 2001). It has been claimed that
in the contemporary era of globalisation, when technological transformation has
increased the volume and speed of global flows of people, information and images,
investments, policies, and knowledge at an unprecedented pace and scale
(Appadurai, 1996, Friedman, 2005; Rizvi, 2008), developing, broadening and
deepening the international and global connectivity of higher education is no
longer an option, but a necessity. It is argued, however, that such change must
be accompanied by and embedded in respect for the history, traditions, culture
and priorities of each individual nation (Knight and de Wit, 1997; Knight, 1999).
Thus, like globalisation, internationalisation is not a phenomenon that is neutral
or value free.
In higher education, the concepts, forms, focus and movement of the
internationalisation agenda have changed profoundly over time. According to de
Wit (2008), Britain and Australia introduced differential fees for international
students at the end of 1970s which marked the first move from ‘aid to trade’. In
the mid 1980s, driven by the European Commission, continental Europe shifted
its focus from aid to cooperation and exchange. By the end of the 20th century, de
Wit (2008) observed that economic rationales, together with the academic and
political rationales, had begun to drive the move of internationalisation from
cooperation and exchange to trade, primarily in terms of international student
recruitment. Now, at the end of the first decade of the 21st century, the
competition for international students, particularly in the form of the provision of
cross-border education in the developed world, has increased significantly (de Wit,
2008; OECD, 2008). In her report for the OECD (2007), Knight states that ‘the
last decade has clearly been a hotbed of innovation and new developments in
international academic mobility’ (2007: 23). As new forms of cross-border
education emerge and grow, so too has the complexity of the internationalisation
of higher education increased. Rizvi (2008) concludes that in the past two
decades, the idea of internationalisation of higher education has become so
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ubiquitous that ‘it can now be regarded as part of a global slogan system
designed to steer educational reform in a particular direction’ (2008: 20).
Knight (1999, 2004), in particular, has been engaged in an endeavour to clarify
the meaning of internationalisation. She (2004) broadened the concept by
highlighting i) the importance of the national/sector level in the realities of
today’s political, cultural and economic context, and ii) the growing diversity of
education providers and their different interests and approaches to the
international, intercultural, and global dimensions of internationalisation. Her
latest working definition describes the internationalisation of higher education as
‘the process of integrating an international, intercultural or global dimension into
the purpose, functions (teaching, research, service) and the delivery of higher
education’ (Knight, 2004; OECD, 2007: 23).
More recently, Sanderson (2008) extended Knight’s framework of
internationalisation, arguing that two additional dimensions should also be taken
into account in defining the dynamic processes of internationalisation, i.e. the
supranational dimension and the within-institutional dimension (Figure 1). In
agreement with Knight, his extended framework also proposes that different
forces of internationalisation interact across a local-global continuum and ‘reflect,
reinforce, express and create internationalisation outcomes in a dynamic fashion’
(Sanderson, 2008: 279).
Figure 1: The actual extent of the depth and breadth dimensions of the
reach of internationalisation (Sanderson, 2008: 280)
Global level
Supranational level
Regional level
Intercultural,
international,
and global
flows of
technology,
economy,
knowledge,
people, values,
and ideas
National level
Sector level
Depth dimension of
the reach of
internationalisation
Extent of
Knight’s
(2004)
depth
dimension
Institutional level
Faculty/Department level
Within-institution level
Individual level
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Breadth dimension of the reach of internationalisation
Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
In contrast to Knight’s organisational approach to the conceptualisation of
internationalisation, Sanderson adopted a phenomenological approach by
investigating the dynamics and impacts of internationalisation, not on the
organisation but on the professional and personal outlooks of individuals, in this
case, the teachers. He described Knight’s organisational approach as ‘a beacon of
explanation’ which shed light on the processes, approaches, rationales and
strategies of internationalisation in the 1990s when the rapid engagement with
internationalisation of activities was ‘more chaotic and less understood’ (2008:
281). However, as internationalisation is developing into a more mature phase in
the 21st century, Sanderson (2008) reminded us that the capacity of an
organisational approach to inform the minutiae of internationalisation at the level
of individuals was limited.
He suggested, therefore, that in order to understand processes and the effects of
internationalisation, it is essential to investigate the purposes, practices and
experiences of key stakeholders at all levels and the dynamic interactions
between these. This research, therefore, investigated the nature and quality of
the experiences of international students as one key group in this phenomenon.
The internationalisation of higher education is not an end itself, but a means to
an end, ‘with the end being the improvement of the quality of education’ (Knight,
1999: 20). Experiences of international students, to a greater or lesser extent,
provide an indicator of the quality of the provision of education.
2.2
The nature of intercultural experience: the research context
Interest in what constitutes culture, its deep-rootedness and its unspoken
assumptions has increased over recent decades as the phenomenon of
‘sojourning’ (taking up temporary residence in another culture) has become more
common. The study is contextualised in different research literatures concerning
the nature of intercultural as well as cross-cultural experience, the stresses of
studying abroad, and the interaction between home and host cultures in student
adaptation.
Cross-cultural experience and intercultural experience tend to be used
interchangeably in the literature. Although they are not mutually exclusive, they
embrace different focuses. The notion of cross-cultural experience inherently
stresses boundary crossing, differences and diversity; intercultural experience, on
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the other hand, “encompasses both domestic and international contexts and
implies cultures interacting” (Landreman, 2003, cited in King and Baxter Magolda,
2005: 572). This study takes the view that cross-cultural is embedded within the
intercultural experience. Its primary focus is, therefore, upon the latter.
Although individuals may experience both cross- and inter-cultural experiences
simultaneously when they are exposed to different cultural environments and in
encounters with different people, the tensions caused by their attempts to
manage cultural differences tend to be more overwhelming in the initial phase of
their border crossing. As they adapt to the new environment, they may gradually
notice that they have, either consciously or subconsciously, become ‘one of them’.
However, as some writers note (Berger and Luckman, 1966; Paulston, 1992;
Byram, 2003), certain aspects of cultural beliefs and values may be beyond
modification or ‘integration’ and will never be completely abandoned for others.
Thus, individuals may develop ‘proficiency in self-expression and in fulfilling their
various social needs’ in the host culture (Kim, 2005: 391), whilst continuing to
experience a sense of boundary or ‘otherness’ when confronted with conflicting
values and beliefs. This area of tension between the locus of self (belonging) and
simultaneous sense of otherness (alienation) requires further systematic,
empirical research in the context of internationalisation.
Ward and Kennedy (1993: 222) suggest that there are two major types of
reactions to intercultural stress: psychological adjustment (i.e. psychological wellbeing or satisfaction that is interwoven with stress and coping process) and
sociocultural adaptation (i.e. relating to social skills and predicted on cultural
learning) (see also Leung, et al., 2006, Li and Gasser, 2005, Mori, 2000, Searle
and Ward, 1990, Ward and Kennedy, 1999). Other research also shows that
intercultural experience can be a transformative learning process which leads to a
journey of personal growth and development (Adler, 1975, Anderson, 1994,
Byrnes, 1965; Furnham, 2004).
Whilst the above studies are valuable as a means of identifying key issues in
intercultural education, most are predominantly quantitative and ‘objectivistic in
nature’ (Gudykunst, 2005: 25) and attempt to predict patterns of adaptation and
factors that determine the observed patterns. Thus they fail to explain and
present the ‘richness and fragmentation’ of intercultural adaptation (Kim, 2005:
376) processes in which international students are engaged in continuous
negotiation and mediation with the surrounding environment, self-analysis (of
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their values and beliefs), self-reflection, and self-reorientation. The development
of each component of their intercultural competence – attitude, knowledge, skills
and critical cultural awareness (Byram et al., 2001) – influences and is influenced
by the development of the others, and is moderated by the environment in which
the individual is engaged. The degrees of adaptation – the process through which
students change (or do not change) to fit in with the host culture – differ
depending upon personal and situational factors and their interaction.
Coleman (2004) argues that as a result of the ‘huge range’ of internal and
external factors, many of which are not associated with culture, the outcomes of
study abroad vary considerably from one individual to another:
In each individual case, biographical, affective, cognitive and
circumstantial variables come into play, with students’ previous
language learning and aptitude impacted upon by their motivation,
attitudes, anxiety, learning style and strategies, as well as by
unpredictable elements such as location, type of accommodation, and
degree of contact with native speakers.
(2004: 583)
However important it may be, culture is not the only determinant of teaching and
learning practices, preferences and experiences. In an earlier study - a mixed
method comparative pilot study on Chinese learners’ experiences in the UK and in
British projects in China, Gu and Schweisfurth (2006) found that in addition to
culture, factors such as the identities and motivations of the learners and the
power relationships between them and their teachers were also significant issues
in the strategic adaptations made by Chinese students. The study showed that
despite various intercultural challenges and struggles, most students managed to
survive the demands of the learning and living environment, and to change and
develop.
In Lost in Translation, Eva Hoffman concluded that her Polish insights could not
be regained in their purity because ‘there is something I know in English too’
(1989: 273). The Polish and English languages and cultures had been blended
into her sense of self in creation of the ‘new woman’.
No, there’s no returning to the point of origin, no regaining of
childhood unity. Experience creates style, and style, in turn, creates
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a new woman. … Polish insights cannot be regained in their purity;
there’s something I know in English too. … When I speak Polish now,
it is infiltrated, permeated, and inflected by the English in my head.
Each language modified the other, crossbreeds with it, fertilizes it …
(Eva Hoffman, 1989: 273)
Therein lies the power of intercultural experience.
3.0 Methodology
The combined quantitative and qualitative methodologies. The first stage, carried
out in November 2006, was a questionnaire survey to all 1,288 first-year
international undergraduates at four UK universities – two ‘old’ universities
(institutions which pre-date 1992) and two ‘new’ ones (former polytechnics).
Working with the International Offices at the universities, both paper and
electronic versions were distributed to all new entrants, and resulted in a 19%
rate of return. The survey provided a baseline description of the sample students’
purposes for their overseas studies, expectations and initial impressions and a
range of personal, social and academic challenges that they had experienced in
the initial phase of their studies. Preliminary findings informed the design of the
case studies in the second stage of the research.
In the second stage, from among those who volunteered, ten students from
different countries and studying different disciplines were chosen as case studies
for a series of individual interviews to explore their experiences over a fifteenmonth period. The selection of the case study students took into account their
ethnicity, gender, and the contents of their responses to the first round survey.
The qualitative data were gathered using:
i)
four semi-structured interviews which investigated narratives of the
histories of the students and the key issues shaping their experiences
over time;
ii)
narrative interviews with assistance of an instrument adapted from the
VITAE study (Day et al., 2006) which required students to recall peaks
and troughs during their studying and living in the UK and to identify
‘turning points’ (Strauss, 1959), i.e. key moments and experiences
that had had a significantly positive or negative impact on their
perceptions of their effective management of their study, lives and
communication with the others. They related how these were managed
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(or not managed) over time (Appendix I: Managing the Ups and Downs
of Living and Studying (MUDLS));
iii)
diaries and email exchanges over time; and
iv)
one focus group meeting among the case study students, employed to
consolidate themes and verify findings.
The final data gathering took the form of a second survey designed to examine
the extent to which the qualitative findings may be extrapolated to the larger
population from which the case study samples were originally drawn. Despite
some practical difficulties (e.g. a number of students changed their addresses and
contact details without informing their universities), with support of the
International Offices of the participating universities, the second survey achieved
a satisfactory response rate of 10% (N=126).
Synthesis of data analysis
The quantitative analysis was conducted in parallel with the initial qualitative data
collection and analysis and informed the design of the latter. Findings from the
qualitative analysis provided bases for the second-round questionnaire survey.
The comparison, integration and synthesis of findings of both analyses
established the validity and reliability of the study and enabled emerging theories
of intercultural adaptation to be developed over the research period. Thus, the
interplay between different analytic procedures progressively integrated and
triangulated various forms of data, provided grounds for continuing problem
reformulation, and, most importantly, extended understandings and knowledge
relating to the essence of intercultural adaptation over the course of the study.
4.0 Learning and Personal Growth in a ‘Foreign’ Context: Key Themes
The research revealed the complexities of international students’ experiences
both in terms of i) their maturation and human development and ii) their
intercultural and academic adaptation to different educational environments,
cultures and societies. These two experiences influenced students’ perceptions of
their change over time.
Key findings will be presented under four related themes: (1) Change influences;
(2) Conditions for change; (3) Change as achievement and (4) A locus of self:
identity, agency and resilience.
Theme 1: Change influences
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The design enabled the research to take into account a wide range of influences
upon international students’ experiences, including those embedded within their
present study location, their personal and professional lives in their home
countries, and the personal and academic qualities of the student themselves
(Figure 1). The data positioned the students as active agents or participants
(Blumer, 1969; Goffman, 1959) in a holistic four-dimension framework (Figure 1).
The extent of their change, adaptation and development influences, and is
influenced by, the relative strength of their personal histories, their interactions
with others and the current educational and societal environments which they
experience. It was not the influences themselves, therefore, but the management
of the interaction between these in different phases of their studies which
contributed strongly to the positive or negative nature of their intercultural
experiences.
Figure 1: Four-dimension change influences on the nature of
international students’ intercultural experiences
At University
(e.g. lecturers’
support, ways of
teaching, learning
resources etc.)
At Hom e
(e.g. parents,
fam ily
relationships,
etc.)
Nature of
student
intercultural
experience
Student Life
(e.g. friendship
patterns,
accomm odation
finance, etc.)
In Yourself
(e.g. level of
English; positive
attitude to life;
internal states
etc.)
Initial ‘shock’: student life and academic studies
For most respondents to the Wave 1 survey, the challenges of adapting to a
different academic culture appeared to be more acute than adapting to a different
cultural and social environment. As indicated by Figures 2 and 3 below which
compare their expected adaptation issues with those that they reported
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experiencing, students were surprised at the extent to which adaptation to the
academic environment became the greater preoccupation.
Student Life
Prior to their departure for the UK, survey respondents were most worried about
i) their financial situations (61%); ii) feeling lonely (44%) and iii) homesick
(35%). Three months into their undergraduate study, financial worries remained
as the dominant concern for the large majority of the students (59%), with food a
distant second (32%) and loneliness third (30%) (Figure 2).
Academic Studies
Worrying about failing exams and essays remained a constant concern for the
large majority of the survey respondents – both before their arrival in the UK and
in the first term of their undergraduate study (Figure 3).
Exposure to new pedagogies was reported as a challenge for over a third of the
survey students. The most unexpected concern was “feeling embarrassed if
unable to answer questions in class”: a marginal 7% before arrival in the UK,
compared with 44% by the time of the first survey, reported such worries.
Moreover, 18% worried about speaking up in class discussions before arrival,
while 36% did after arrival. In addition, more than one in five reported that
establishing relationships with lecturers (3% pre-departure versus 23% after
arrival) and understanding their expectations (10% pre-departure and 27% after
arrival) were major unexpected challenges.
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Figure 2: A comparison of ‘worries’ before and after students’ arrival in
the UK: student life
70%
61%
59%
60%
50%
44%
Prior to
departure
40%
35%
30%
30%
29%
32%
29%
20%
32%
17%
after
arrival
19%
18%
16%
12%
10%
12%
9%
14%
14%
8%
7%
4%
4%
2%
2%
0%
financial
worries
lonely
homesickrelat ionship
wit h UK
students
food
personal
safet y
health
keeping in accom. mixing with study
touch with
students
family
from home
country
1%
religious weat her mixing with
needs
int ernational
students
from ot her
countries
Figure 3: A comparison of ‘worries’ before and after students’ arrival in
the UK: academic studies
70%
60%
50%
54%
50%
51%
44%
40%
38%
36%
30%
23%
20% 20%
20%
23%
19%
18%
15%
12%
10%
Prior to
departure
After
arrival
27%
27%
10%
11%
8%
7%
7%
5%
18%
3%
3%
2%
0%
f ailing
exams
f ailing underst andingmanaging speaking upacademic help
expect at ion access
unable t o English working witrelat
h ions wit h
Underst andsmall group
essays
course independent in class & support of lect urers learning
answer
abilit y UK st udents lect urers lect ures discussions
study discussions
resources quest ions in
class
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Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
These reported ‘unexpected’ worries point to areas in which early university
support is mostly required. Moreover, targeted university training on predeparture preparations could help smooth international students’ initial transition
into their new learning and living environments.
Language Use and Understanding
Most students (over 80%) in the first survey reported that they were confident
about using the English language both inside and outside the classroom. The
distribution of their views was positively skewed in relation to all five items on
language use. Students were particularly happy with their command of English for
understanding lectures (N=194, 91%) and for social and practical use outside of
the classroom (N=171, 80%). Evidence from the second survey and case studies
indicates, as might be expected, a marked growth in students’ confidence in using
the English language for academic purposes over the first two years of their
studies.
Teaching staff’s feedback on students’ work was perceived as particularly
important for those who needed an English language certificate for their studies
(75% versus 56%). However, the research also suggests that academic concerns
were broadly similar between those who needed an English language certificate
(where English may not be their native language) and those who did not. For
example, there was no statistically significant difference in the perceived level of
academic confidence and adjustment between these two groups of students.
With regard to communication for social purposes, evidence suggests that a
mastery of the form of the English language and an understanding of the ‘hidden’
societal and cultural values and norms attached to the language are equally
important. For example, Tristan from Trinidad stated,
I was sort of expecting … well coming from a background where I was
being exposed to American culture and I thought that British culture
and American culture were the same thing and I didn’t realise that
they weren’t so similar. Just minor things like humour basically – I
don’t get British humour that much. I sort of identify more with
American humour.
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Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
Theme 2: Conditions for Change
A previous paper has reported on findings which related to initial uncertainties,
patterns and influences of organisational and academic tutor support, friendship
patterns and peer culture (Schweisfurth and Gu, 2009). These showed,
In terms of academic conditions:
i)
Although these were major issues early in international students’
studies, placing them on a perceived unequal footing with other
students, most experienced a marked growth in intercultural and
academic confidence over time.
ii)
While university support was perceived as positive overall, it was clear
that much depended on the commitment of particular individuals and
departments. This resulted in a rather ‘patchy’ set of experiences.
In terms of social conditions:
iii)
Beyond the university, there was much appreciation among the
students of the multicultural nature of the wider British society;
however, the opportunities to experience the UK culture were
perceived by case study students as limited.
iv)
Cultural bonds with culturally similar to themselves appeared to have
an important role to play in the formation of students’ friendship
patterns, despite their willingness and efforts to integrate with British
and international students from countries other than their own.
v)
Arguably, what these students were experiencing was a youth
subculture which was not broadly representative of the wider culture,
but contextualised within the unique university environment. In this
study in particular, the campus-based universities constituted a
‘bubble’ in which most students lived, studied, socialised, and in some
cases worked: very convenient, but also potentially isolating.
This paper draws attention to two other academic and social conditions:
(1) Academic conditions
Integration with UK students
In both surveys, there were different views regarding integrating and working
with UK students. Whilst half of the respondents found it difficult to get to know
and work with the UK students, the other half reported otherwise. However,
amongst those who required a language certificate for their studies in the second
survey (N=64), the majority felt that it was particularly difficult for them to mix
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Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
with UK students (63% versus 37%), suggesting that language confidence may
have been an issue for these students. Case study data also indicated gaps in
cultural values and behaviours between home students and international students
which posed challenges for academic and social integration.
(2) Social Conditions
Feelings of ‘powerlessness’ and ‘lack of a sense of belonging’
In both surveys close to half of the respondents (49% and 48%) indicated that
they were unhappy with their social life. In addition, almost a third (approx. 32%
in both surveys) reported that they often felt lonely while studying in the UK.
Some students provided a detailed account of their feelings of ‘powerless’ and
‘lack of a sense of belonging’ while living in the UK:
Back home I had a career and a future. I was in control of my own life,
but I’ve lost track of that now. Because I had authority [as a hotel
manager]. Here I’m virtually powerless. … Sometimes I miss “home”.
Sometimes I miss my parents. Sometimes I miss my mum.
Sometimes I just miss being a manager in the hotel. I miss my
workplace.
(Doris, Cameroon)
I was just wondering why I didn’t feel lonely at all when I first came
here – because I didn’t know what was going to happen. So every day
was a new day. … But this time I came back [after Easter break] … I
know I’m going to have a presentation and lots of study … and every
day is normal. To be honest I don’t like my personal life here. I enjoy
my study life but my personal life is kind of boring. … I just felt that I
didn’t belong here. It’s not my place. I’m the guest and the guest is
always less powerful…
(Jiayi, China)
The above accounts support Furnham’s (2004: 17) argument that, ‘foreign
students face several difficulties, some exclusive to them (as opposed to native
students)’. In our study, these particular difficulties were shown to be caused by
challenges to students’ social and professional identities (as in the case of Doris
who had a professional career in her home country) and unfamiliarity with
societal values, structures and systems and the associated feelings of ‘being
rejected by, or rejecting, members of the new culture’ and the new environment
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Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
(Oberg, 1960, cited in Furnham, 2004: 17) (as in the case of Jiayi). As
Lewthwaite (1986) observed in his study, “the differences in values, attitudes and
beliefs between home and host cultures were seen as great and coupled with the
sense of loss of the familiar (including food) put considerable pressure on the
student.” Twenty years on, his observation continues, it seems, to apply.
Theme 3: Change as Achievement
Academic achievement
The most prominent academic achievements were related to students’ perceived
management of the ‘new’ pedagogy and learning styles. Towards the end of their
second academic year, the large majority of the second survey students reported
that they had become more:
i)
organised in managing their time for studies (73%)
ii)
committed to their course of study (82%)
iii)
confident about using a greater range of study skills (77%)
iv)
comfortable in small group discussion (71% versus 29%)
v)
confident about managing independent studies (72% versus 28%)
In addition, the large majority of the students had begun to appreciate the role of
class discussion in their learning. In total, 85% agreed that student discussion in
class was helpful for their learning, and within this, 16% strongly agreed.
Perceptions of cultures and acceptance of differences
Over half (54%) of the second survey respondents reported that their
understanding of the host (UK) culture had improved. In addition, 93% indicated
that they had become more appreciative of their home cultural values. However,
ample evidence suggests that the consequences of the international students’
intercultural experiences transcend their improved perceptions of the host culture.
They had become more accepting of people with different attitudes and values.
This was confirmed by 70% of respondents in the second survey.
“It’s an interesting experience and you can see how different the
countries in the world are and how different people behave and for
them that is the natural way and that is how you should behave. … It’s
a very valuable learning experience ...”
(Maxwell from Germany)
16
Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
Personal achievement
In addition to their academic achievement, the research findings also point to the
importance of personal achievement for the large majority of the students
involved. The three greatest personal achievements reported by students in the
second survey were: i) personal independence (67%); ii) broadened life
experiences and interests (56%) and iii) improved interpersonal and
communication skills (41%).
All case study students shared these personal achievements and rated their ‘selfdetermination’ as the key factor in sustaining their achievements in the host
country. For example,
I am planning to push myself to do things that I don’t really like to
do…push myself outside this comfort area…at first you are not
confident but then time will pass you feel yourself saying: yeah, I’ve
done a good job, actually.
(Guzal, Kyrgystan)
Results of the second survey confirmed the case study findings. The top three
highly rated factors which were perceived as having contributed to students’
academic and personal achievements included: i) self-determination (64%); ii)
support from parents (21%) and iii) support from friends here (12%).
Taken together, findings of the research strongly suggest that, despite various
social, cultural, academic and personal challenges which international students
may experience during their stay in the UK, most manage to change and develop
– not because of their dependence upon others, but the exercise of their own
agency and resilience to achieve and succeed.
Theme 4: A Locus of Self: Identity, Agency and Resilience
Murphy-Lejeune (2003: 113) describes the experience of adaptation and learning
abroad as ‘a maturing process’ – ‘Rather than a total personality change, this
process takes on the shape of a personal expansion, an opening of one’s potential
universe.’ We argue that the driving force and essential qualities learners require
to achieve such ‘personal expansion’ are more significant and go well beyond
cultural models. The findings indicate that it is the interaction of these
international students with their particular living and studying environments that
facilitates change. This suggests not only that constructs shaped by culture can
17
Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
be changed, but that the nature of each individual’s motivations and experiences
can be major factors. This is in contrast to deterministic notions of culture and
learner. For example,
‘I’ve got two sets of values: one is for here and one is for China. …
think they are just natural. … I’m a grown-up here. When I went back
to China, I just went back to being the same – who I was – before I
came here.’
(Jiayi from China)
The situation is quite strange because for me I am not good in either
Chinese or English accent. I am just in the middle.
(Alanna from Macau)
I’ll always be changed by what I experienced here, and by other
cultures I saw here.
(Nadia, Slovakian student)
The case studies in particular reveal the students as active social actors, with
proactive, positive attitudes towards the host society and their abilities to take
control of their own process of adaptation. There is evidence of a strong sense of
agency and resilience in their process of self-determined and purposeful strategic
adaptation:
… each of us – you have an idea of what sort of person you want to be
and we have a million reasons not to be that person, like ‘doing that is
not such a big deal’, and things like that. Well, I found not thinking
about it has this effect: it sounds interesting; I want to do it; I want to
do better. … I guess being older you sort of realise … I mean not that
you can’t be happy as a child, but you have to become responsible for
your actions.
(Rina, Malaysia)
For most students, going to university is a further step on a journey of self
discovery in which they are able to assess themselves and hear themselves being
assessed by others in a range of personal, social and academic settings. They
must rely upon themselves to survive and flourish. New skills are learned and
qualities developed which enable them to construct new identities where
appropriate. For international students these processes are more complex and
challenging, since they must also adapt to new and sometimes threatening norms
18
Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
of behaviour, languages and academic pedagogies on a number of personal,
social and emotional levels. Establishing a “locus of self” in such circumstances is
likely to require a different order of change competencies and resilience.
It’s [studying in England] opened up my thinking processes ... When
you are born and brought up in a restrictive environment, everything
is family and you only have a very limited view on things. But when
you go to another country and study and you meet people from other
countries, then it opens up your perspective and you realise that
everything in the world is not the same. … You are so torn between
being yourself and what they want you to do – what others want you
to do…
(Raveena, India)
Conclusions: Managing Transitions
The research suggests that despite the challenges embedded in the academic and
social conditions, most international students managed to change, adapt, develop
and achieve. It also shows that international students’ intercultural learning
experiences are both transitional and transformational and necessitate identity
change to a greater or lesser extent. There are two types of transition: one is
related to students’ own maturation and the other is related to their improved
intercultural understanding and competence. As they interact within different
educational environments, cultures and society, they continue to experience
improved knowledge, awareness, skills and attitudes which enable them to
function effectively within both their host and home countries. The process of
identity change is, therefore, interwoven with the growth of their maturity and
interculturality.
The research findings challenge the notion that international students’
intercultural adaptation is linear and passive (in the sense that it is externally
expected) and point to the presence of a complex set of shifting associations
between language mastery, social interaction, personal development and
academic outcomes. It is the management of this amalgam, as well as the
availability of differentiated and timely support which results in intercultural
adaptation, and the successful reconfiguration of ‘identity’. Moreover, this
research suggests that personal, pedagogical and psychological factors are as
important as organizational and social cultures in influencing students’ adaptation,
and ultimate success.
19
Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
A final note: Although some differences in students’ perceptions of their
experiences by country of origin, subjects of study and length of stay were
identified in both surveys, the limited number of questionnaire returns did not
allow statistically robust conclusions. Nonetheless, ample evidence from both the
surveys and the case studies suggests that there are more common patterns of
challenges, change and development amongst the undergraduate international
students than differences.
It is perhaps appropriate to close with the quote below from a case study student,
which indicates more profound change, or perhaps more appropriately, growth, of
his own choosing:
But at the end of the day, your experience depends mostly on you.
What you put in, you get back out, and so I would advise any fresher,
or any person living away thinking of going away to study, or even if
any of you are thinking of going away to study something… Keep an
open mind, try new things, and be friendly. You have nothing to lose,
and everything to gain … I actually have had the most amazing
experience over the past couple of years. I’ve seen and done things I
would never have dreamt of, and I know I made the most important
decision of my life to come to England.
(Tristan from Trinidad)
20
Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
Appendix I: Managing the Ups and Downs of Living and Studying (MUDLS)
Managing the Ups and Downs of Living and Studying (MUDLS)
Managing
Well
(most
satisfied)
New friends, social
life, exploring
Official job
contract
Final presentations
Looking for
jobs
Came to NTV
Satisfied
Study pressure
for finals
Graduation +
new job
Met family & old
friends
Stress with work
+ need raise
New job
All friends
gone
Not
Managing
Well
(least
satisfied)
Previous
Years
Jan – Sep
2006
Oct – Dec
2006
Jan – Mar
2007
Apr – Jun
2007
Jul – Sep
2007
Oct – Dec
2007
Jan – Mar
2008
Apr – Jun
2008
21
Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
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Output 2: Compare (forthcoming)
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26