San Fernando Val ley State C ollege
HEALTH REASONS FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT
'1
OF MINIMUM ROOM SIZE STANDARDS
A
thes i s submitted in partial satis faction
of the requiremen·ts for the degree of
Mas te r of S c ience in
Health Sc ience
by
Thomas
w.
Barnett
June 1972
The thesis of Thomas W.
Barnett is approved:
Committee Chairman
San Fernando Valley
May,l972
ii
State College
Dedicated
to
Patricia
and
Two Very Special Daughters
Eileen and Sheila
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am grateful to my wife,
Patricia,
for the many
subtle ways in which she guided me in this study.
For source assistance I wish to thank Charles L.
Senn,
University of California Lecturer and Professor at
San Fernando Valley State College.
I
appreciate the review of the draft and the
advice of Dr. Dennis L. Kelly of the Health Science De­
partment Staff and Dr. Claude T.
Cook, Chairman of the
Health Science Department.
I am especially grateful to Dr.
Lennin H.
Glass,
my academic advisor and thesis committee chairman for his
guidance and almost endless patience.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT PAGE
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ABSTRACT
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Chapter
I.
INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM
Statement of the Problem
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Importance of the Study
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Limitations of the Study
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Definitions of Significant Terms Used
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VARIATIONS IN SPACE REQUIREMENTS
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HOW STANDARDS ARE FORMED
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A BRIEF HISTORY OF CODES� OVERCROWDING
AND ROOM SIZE STANDARDS
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VENTILATION AND SPACE STANDARDS
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CURRENT ATTITUDES ON SPACE STANDARDS
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SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
in this Study
III-�
IV;.·
VII�
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Recommendations
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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v
ABSTRACT
HEALTH REASONS
FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF
MINIMUM ROOM S IZE STANDARDS
by
Thomas
w.
Barnett
Mas ter of Scienc e in
Health Sc ience
June , 1972
This s tudy was an inquiry into the his tory of
hous ing c odes in s earch of the health reas ons which led
t o the es tablishment of minimum room s ize and occupancy
s tandard s .
standards and the relevance of exi s ting standards were
als o cons idered .
It was found that the early hous ing s tandards
were borne out of a ris ing s ocial c oncern about the inc reased disease and death ass oc iated with the living
c onditions of the poor .
The early s pac e , occupancy and
ventilation s tandards preceded the development of the
germ theory .
I
The re lationship between ventilation and space;
The germ theory apparently validated the
early beliefs that respired air c ontained s ome harmful
vi
subs tanc e .
The impact o f modern medic ine and improved
sanitary measures have caused s ome hous ing experts to
que s tion the c ontinued use of the early health rationale
as a bas i s for the en forc ement of s ome oc cupancy s tandards .
The behavior of occupants rather than the number
of occupants might be a more s ignificant fac tor in the
transmis s ion of diseas e .
The functional use of space and
the influence of a variety of sub jective fac tors were
found to be of more c oncern t o s ome hous ing inves tigators .
Hous ing offi c ials might als o be influenced by
sub jec tive fac tors such as their own cultural , s oc ial and
e c onomic backgrounds .
This may acc ount for the opinion ,
I
needs . !
by s ome experts , that hous ing s tandards tend t o reflect
a middle c lass response to the low inc ome families•
The author accepted the use o f spac e s tandards
for c ons truc tion but re jected the use of fixed s tandards
for occupancy .
He promoted the c oncept that the s oc ial
health and wel fare of occupants s hould be the prime fac t or in e stablishing occupancy limits .
vii
1
Chapter I
INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM
In the last thirty years there has been an
increased awareness of the soc ial and health problems
Many government programs
assoc iated with bad housingo
designed t o improve poor living conditions have been
proposed and in some cases implemented .
These programs
invariably start by defining what c onditions will be c on sidered substandard .
such.de finitions involve items related to deterioration ,
d ilapidati on , the lack of certain features such as plumb ing , or the presence of s ome hazardous feature such as
unsafe wiring .
One measure of an inadequate or substandard
bui lding is when rooms do not mee t c ertain required minimum room and space dimensions .
For example , bedrooms in
p rivate single family dwellings may be required to have
at least ninety square fee t and be not less than seven
feet wide .
I f the room is t o be occupied by more than
two people , the minimum floor spac� requirement is in­
c reased t o one hundred and forty square feet ( 61 ) .
Some
health c odes also c ontain certain volumetric require ments .
I
Usually the c riteria used for making!
For instanc e , i f there are two occupants , a
sleeping room must c ontain six hundred and thirty cubic
1
2
feet of air s pace .
For three people the minimum
requirement is increased to e leven hundred and thirty
cubic feet of air space ( 36 ) .
Mos t room and space requirements utilized today
have been in exis tence for many years .
The reas ons for
e s tablishing these minimum standards seem to be vague .
Practitioners in the field of hous ing en force these s tan­
dards , yet have little or no understanding as to why they
exist .
S tatement of the Problem
The ob jective of this s tudy was to determine the
health reas ons for the es tablishment of minimum room size
s tandard s .
The relationship between ventilation and space
s tandards was als o c ons idered .
Importance of the S tudy
The rati onale for establishing room s ize and
s pace s tandards has been to promote healthful living by
preventing overcrowding in dwelling units .
However ,
s tandards may bec ome obs olete and they should be reviewed
periodically to see if they are s till appropriate ( 28 ) o
This study was c onc erned with how s tandards in
general were e s tablished and the his torical development
o f room s ize s tandards .
In addition s ome c ons ideration
was given to current attitudes about the relevance of
3
room s ize s tandards in use today .
Ultimate ly , this
information can be utilized by members of the Los Angeles
C ounty Health Department when reviewing exis ting s tandards or deve l oping new ones .
Limitations of the S tudy
Thi s s tudy was limited to a review of existing
and available literature on hous ing as well as interviews
with experts in the field of hous ing .
A review of other
l iterature might lead t o different observati ons and con­
c lus ions .
No attempt was made t o dis tinguish between the
s leeping room s ize requirements of hotels , apartment
houses or dwel lings .
The room s ize s tandards of ins titu­
t i ons such as mental fac ilitie s , hospitals , jails and
b oarding homes were n ot c ons idered .
De finitions of S igni ficant Terms
Used in This S tudy
Bui lding C ode :
those laws which deal with the
c ons truc tion or c onvers ion of a
s tructure; the c orrec t as semblage
of proper materials to promote fire
safety and to produc e a s ound building .
C e i ling He ight:
the vertical dis tanc e from the
finished floor to the finished ceiling .
4
Code :
a body of laws of a nation, s tate ,
county or city , arranged sys temati­
cally for easy reference .
C ubic Air Space :
see room volume
Floor Area :
s ee superfic ial floor area
F loor Spac e :
see superfic ial floor area
Habitable Room :
a room which meets the requirements
for s leeping or living purpos es , ex­
c luding such enc losed places as
c losets , toilet rooms , hallways ,
c ellars , attics and s imi lar spaces .
Housing Code :
the laws which deal with how people
live in and around a s tructure , that
is , the maintenance , san itation , ventilation , use and occupancy of living
units .
Minimum Room S i ze :
the legal minimum floor area
permitted by rules or regulations of
a governmental body .
Performanc e
S tandard :·
the criteria e s tablished to achieve
a certain goal , such as , an adequate
amount of floor area for the proper
pos itioning of a bed , che s t of
drawers , chair and beds ide table .
Room Volume :
the produc t of the floor area and
average ceiling height .
5
Room Width :
the les s er distance from one finished
wall to the other finished wall .
S leeping Room :
a room which is des igned and intended
to serve as a bedroom .
· Spec ification
S tandard :
a detailed enumeration of particular
i tems such as the exact minimum
acceptable floor area of a s leeping
room.
S tandard :
an es tablished rule , a bas is of
c omparis on with c ertain predetermined
c ri teria .
Subs tandard :
n ot measuring up to the es tab lished
rule .
Superfic ial
Floor Area :
the usable floor area within the
enc los ing walls of the room , exclud­
ing built-in equipment such as wardrobes , cabinets and fixtures .
Chapter II
VARIATIONS IN S PACE REQUIREMENTS
S tandards in general are used as guides by
administrators in policy making .
The polic ies derived
from s tandards are directed at c ontrolling either indi­
vidual or group behavior .
There i s an as sumpti on that such c ontrols are
bene fic ial to s oc ie ty .
This assumption is linked to the
s o�ial forces that led to the c onc eption of·the s tandards .
When the s tandards are deve loped by technical ,
e c onomic , legal and political expert s , they may take on
new attribute s .
Tebbens ( 58 ) has pointed out that by
s etting s tandards you can permit an otherwis e unwanted
ac tivity to exi s t, at leas t up to the maximum acceptable
leve lo
Pollution s tandards tend t o allow pollution and
occupancy s tandards tend to allow c rowding , at leas t up
t o a certain poin t .
S tandards may be expres s ed in terms of performance
criteria or based on exac t s pe c ifications .
When the quan-
t i tative c riteria that makes up the . s tandard is used as a
policy rule , it i s s ometimes called an advis ory s tandard .
Advis ory s tandards are better in s ome cases because they
are easier t o revi s e as needs change .
Advis ory s tandards
usually d o n ot have the same legal s tatus as the
6
1
.1
I
7
s tandards that are adopted officially and bec ome an
integral part of a legal c ode .
Building and hous ing c odes
for the mos t part c ons i s t of offic ially adopted s tandards .
The space requirements es tab lished in building
and hous ing codes vary greatly .
Grad and Hack have exam­
ined the hous ing s tandards of twenty c ities and found that
the minimum floor area for s leeping rooms ranged from
fi fty square feet for one pers on , with thirty additional
s quare fee t for each pers on thereafter , to as much as one
hundred s quare fee t for the first pers on and forty square
feet for each additi onal pers on .
Minimum c e iling heights
varied from s even fee t to eight feet .
S ome of the cities
required that the minimum width o f s leeping rooms be at
least s even fee t .
Their inquiry into s even s tate-adopted
hous ing codes revealed a range of minimum s leeping room
size of from " more than fifty-nine s quare feet to a mini­
mum of one hundred s quare feet for one pers on " ( 26 : 24 , 27 ) .
Beyer also c ited an example of a c on flic t in
regulations that existed within the c ity of Washington in
which
the building c ode of the c ity of
Washington requires a ceiling height of eight
fee t for res idential buildings; the old Hous ­
ing Divis i on of the Public Works Adminis tration ,
in its hous ing s tandards , fixed a minimum ceil­
ing height of e ight feet s ix inches; ( and ) the
United States Hous ing Authority set a minimum
height of s even fee t ten inches (6).
•
•
•
Senn has c ompared four of the maj or building c odes
8
in us e today with a federal hous ing guide and a recently
deve loped model hous ing ordinance .
He found that the
requirements for minimum ceiling heights were c onsis tent
in the building c odes at s even feet .
But , acc ording t o Senn , there were s ome gaps and
variations in other areas .
This s tudy o f c odes indicates that two of
the four c odes. require habitable rooms to c on­
tain at least s eventy s quare fee t and the other
two s pec i fy ninety s quare feet minimum . All
spec if¥ a minimum room width of s even feet
(50 :11).
None of the building c odes spec ifically
es tablishes a minimum area for l iving or
dining rooms , or requires such rooms . The
Uni form Building C ode provides that each
dwelling sha l l have ·o ne room of at leas t one
hundred and twenty s quare fee t . The s i z e of
s leeping rooms mus t be inc reased by fifty
square fee t for each occupant over two .
•
(50:11).
•
•
The American Pub l ic Health A s s oc iation-Public
Hea lth Service Rec ommended Hous ing, Maintenance and Occu­
Eancy Ordinanc e
(2:11),
hereafter des ignated as APHA-PHS ,
has required s eventy s quare fee t for the firs t occupant
plus fifty s quare fee t for each additional occupant in a
s leeping room .
In addition , four square fee t of c loset
s pace were to be provided for each occupant or the s leeping room requirement is increased by the de ficiency .
This appeared t o be a minimal s tandard at firs t glance ,
but the ordinanc e also required a one hundred and fifty
square foot minimum t otal floor space in the dwelling for
9
each occupant .
This is increased one hundred s quare feet
for each additional occupan t , thus making this c ode ' s
s tandard more generous in space requirements and inc ons is tent with s everal of the ma j or building c odes .
Performance s tandards on room s ize are recently
proposed for us e in a new federa l guide .
Senn ( 50 : 20 )
examined a Review Dra ft of the Hous ing and Urban Develop- '
ment Guide and felt that the federal practice of bas ing
room s ize on furnishability had merit .
He pointed out
that the c oncept was als o being rec ommended by severa l
European hous ing offic ials .
But mos t of the other c oun­
tries have c ontinued to use spec i fication s tandards .
The room s ize standards of a few selected
countries were gathered by Karunaratne and Ganewatte ( 33 ) .
Minimum Floor
Area of Habitable Room
( s q . ft . )
Minimum Height
of Habitable
Room
8o
9
New Zealand
150
8
Phi lippines
107 . 6
9 . 83
United Kingdom o f Great
Britain and Northern
Ireland
1 10
8
70
9
100
10
India
S outhern Rhodes ia
Tanganyika
Thai land
97
9 . 83
10
Minimum Floor
Area of Habit­
able Room
( sq. ft. )
Ceylon,
7
7
7
1 20
100
90
1st room
2nd room
3rd room
Havranek
Minimum Height
of Habitable
Room
( 27 )
also found that the minimum size and
height of dwelling rooms in Czechoslovakia did not compare
well with the standards of such countries as The German
Democratic Republic,
Poland, Sweden,
Belgium,
Netherlands
and England.
Senn
(50:A3)
has summarized the range of
recommended minimum room sizes of eight countries, including Sweden,
England and the USSR:
Living Room
Parents Bedroom
Room with Two Beds
Room with One Bed
165 - 220
110 - 150
100 - 132
66 - 110
square
square
square
square
feet
feet
feet
feet
These studies all showed that there is
considerable variation in minimum room size standards.
These variations were found to exist in local as well as
national codes and the diversity also extended to the
international sphere.
The divergence of standards found
in these codes suggested that the codes were all derived
independently.
The question of how and for what reason
remains to be examined.
·
Chapter III
HOW S TANDARDS ARE FORMED
S tandards are promulgated by government b odies in
the form of legis lation .
Apparently the legal c ontrols
vary from place to place because the need for s tandards in
one area is different from another area .
More often the
s tandards are adopted from a bas ic model .
An examination of one model hous ing c ode in use
today revealed how the c ode was produced .
The APHA-PHS
Ordinance of 1969 was the produc t of a subc ommittee of
hous ing experts c o-chaired by F . A . Jac ocks and
Mood .
E. w.
The s tandards, acc ording to Mood, represented no
s ingle point of view, but were based on a c onsensus of
opinion .
Thes e opinions came from not only the subc ommit­
tee members but many pers ons affil iated with such agenc ies
and organizations as l ocal, s tate and federa l government,
profe s s ional organizations, trade as s oc iations and tech­
nical groups .
Mood a l s o pointed out that the c ode was a
revis ion o f A Proposed Hous ing Ordinance prepared in 1952
under the joint leadership of
E.
c. Eo
A . Wins low and Dr .
R . Krumbiege l .
A Proposed Hous ing Ordinanc e was also a produc t of
a group of experts called the " C ommittee on the Hygiene of
Hous ing, of the American Public Health As s oc iation. "
11
The
12
ordinance was des igned to be used a s a legis lative model
and " i s the foundation of many hous ing c odes that have
been used in the United S tates " ( 2 : 7 ) .
Many of the re -
quirements found in A Propos ed Housing Ordinance were
s imilar to those found in the model c odes that were produced as early as
1910.
Thes e c odes were a l s o developed
by expert c ommittees ( 62 ) .
The Revised New· c ode of the APHA-PHS has been
/
adopted in New York and Pennsylvania .
In time it may
bec ome as widely used as its predeces s or .
Why was the old c ode revised ?
Mood explained
that
In the fifteen years since A Proposed Housing
Ordinance was first published , the s cience and
art o f the c ontrol of housing through admini­
s trative law have devel oped to the point where
the original document is in need of revision
(2 : 4) .
The enforcement procedures needed updating .
Apparently
there was l ittle or no reas on to change many of the stan­
dards , except that the c onsensus of opinion on hous ing
s tandards had changed .
Grad and Hack have del ved into the modification
o f standards in genera l and have suggested that changes
in s tandards are usua l ly born out of a rising level of .
public expectations .
S ometimes a change in standards is applied
retroactive ly to existing c onditions .
When such a change
13
inv olves the occupancy or s ize of a room then the owner
or tenants may feel that the new standard is being un­
fairly en forced . Grad and Hack pointed out that be ing
"caught retroactively " by standards has been upheld by
most c ourtso
There i s no real legal obstac le to changing and rais ing - minimum standards for hous ing , in­
c luding standards of occupancy des igned to avoid
overc rowding . C ourts , on the whole , will acc ept
the legis lative and administrative judgement on
what the minimum standards should be , as long as
the proposed minimum standards do not exc eed the
normal expectations and experience of the times
( 26 : 4 2 ) .
.
To a s s e s s what are " the normal expectations and
experience of the times " seems s imple but in reality may
involve the us e of every tool that a hous ing re former can
muster .
First o f a l l , there is the need to get data and
opinions from all of the experts of many different spe ­
cialtieso
In the APHA -PHS Ord inance ( 2 : 1-8 ) the c onsult-
ing experts inc luded c ity planners , architects , s oc ial
and behavioral s c ientists , lawyers , ec onomists , wel fare
workers , hous ing offic ia l s , health and fire department
administrators and safety s pec ialists .
S e c ondly , there are many f�deral programs that
.
make use of housing standards .
These programs usual ly
require a certain measure of c itizen partic ipation .
This
means that there is a need to deve lop ways to reach those
who fee l the greatest impact of the new standards .
'·"
--
14
The use of c itizen advis ory groups has been very
s ucces s ful in the past in the establishment o f many stan­
dards ( 5 1 ) , ( 41 ) .
The advis ory groups are usually c orn­
posed of involved and knowledgeable pe ople .
For example ,
l eaders from bus ine s s groups or the industry to be regu­
lated are often wel l represente d .
But a c itizens group
on housing standards would now be c ons idered inc omplete
unles s it inc luded representation from not only the
owners of structures but the occupants as we l l.
Getting an occupants group together may pres ent
s ome difficulties for the hous ing re former o
The low in­
c ome l i fe style of the occupants s o often leaves little
time or energy for anything other than the immediate day
to day needs (19 ) .
The best means of s olving this prob ­
l em is currently being examined , but is beyond the s c ope
of this thes is ( 18 ) .
�
--
Chapter IV
A BRIEF HISTORY OF C ODES
OVERCROWDING AND ROOM SIZE STANDARDS
The us e of advis ory and expert c ommittees to
exchange opinions on criteria probab ly goes back to the
b eginning of c ivil ization .
It seems likely that early
man forced s ome o f his att itudes on other members of his
c ommunity .
Perhaps a s imple pre ferenc e such as the plac e -,
ment o f bodily waste might have led to early agreements
on how to l ive .
Pos s ib ly other c ommon annoyanc es created
unders tandings which , when violated , provoked group ac tion agains t the violator .
The earlies t known c ons truc tion work c on s is ted of
huts put up by hunters who vis ited the shore of the Medi­
t erranean s ome 300 , 000 years ago (12 ) .
The s hapes of the
floor pattern show that there was uni formity in c onstruc ­
tion .
j
Doe s the uniform c ons truc t ion represent an early
building s tandard ?
Such behavior during the prehistoric
days is open to c onjec ture .
One of the earl ie s t rec orded bui lding regulations
appeared about 4000 years ago .
The C ode of Hammurabi
provided that i f faulty c ons truc tion caused a death of a
householde r , then the builder would be put t o death .
the c onstruc tion caused the death o f the hous eholder's
15
If
16
s on , then the s on of the bui lder would be put to death
and in a s imilar manner it went on to c over the death of
s laves , and the rebuilding of any property des troyed by
the collapse of the s truc ture ( 14 ) .
Johns on ( 32 ) c i ted his toric al s tudie s that showed
that hous ing legis lation exis ted in China at about 1000
B . C . and that during the days of the Roman Empire , the
Roman C ode of the Twelve Tables establ ished minimum s tan dards in regard t o fire safety , s truc ture and sanitat ion .
Hobs on ( 29 ) s tated. that the book of Deuteronomy
showed that Mos e s realized the importance of rules for a
healthy way of l i fe .
These rules inc luded an early ad-
monition regarding the need of parapets on rooftops to
prevent s leeping people from falling .
When thou buildes t a new house , then thou shalt
make a battlement for thy roof , that thou bring
not b l ood upon thine house , i f any man fal l from
thence ( 59 ) .
Another early rec orded regulati on appeared when
the Lord Mayor of London , in 1189 A . D . , i s sued a decree ,
The A s s ize of Buildings , which required the use of s t one
party walls , ces spools and other bas ic health needs ( 33 ) .
Overc rowding was noted as the caus e of sanitary
d ifficulties in London as early as the s ixteenth c entury.
Mumford s tated that :
For about fifty years , from 1582 to 1632 ,
there were frequent references t o those evils
and hal f-hearted attempts to c orrec t them
.
( 40 : 122-23 ) .
17
The Lords of the C ounc il in 1583 found that
overcrowded bui ldings had greatly increased the
danger o f pes tilence and riot . Attention was
drawn to the c ongestion that resulted from di­
vid ing up s ingle hous es meant to house a s ingle
family : a prac tice that was to bec ome almos t
universal in every growing town during the next
three c enturies ( 40;122-23 ) .
The tran s formation o f s ingle family dwe l lings to
tenements eventua l ly led to offic ial intere s t in the prob - !
lem.
I
In 1593 the Elizabe than Ac t against overc rowding of
London houses was proc laimed { 20 : 12 ) .
I
But Mumford ex­
plained that even though Parl iament attempted to c ontrol
overc rowding by various proc lamations and e� ic ts " o
•
•
the poultic es s oothed the doc t or ' s c onsc ienc e; they c ould .
not cure the pat ient ' s ache " { 40 : 122-23 ) .
He believed
that upper c lass greed and l ower c la s s nec e s s ity tended
t o fol l ow their own c ours e s .
This was because there was
insuffic ient hous ing to acc ommodate an increas ing population.
Freedman ( 20 : 12 ) fel t that the modern pub l ic
health movement was nourished by s truggles of this type
and he c redited John Howard ' s pris on re forms of 1774 ,
and Edwin Chadwick ' s c las s ic survey of 1842 on the Sani­
tary C onditions of the Labouring Population in England as
hous ing milestones .
Bauer ( 5 ) pointed out that this was a period when
the " lais s e z-faire " doc trine prevailed to jus tify the
misery of the people as a curb to over-population .
�.-
- �·-
Her
1
18
chronology of hous ing law inc luded an increased c oncern
for the rights of the poor .
This s o called " humanitar­
ian " movement res ulted in the establishment of the English
Poor Laws .
S he s tated that the early s oc ia l action which
lead to the formation of s tandards was not based on any
s c ientific proof for the rules .
The s c ientific fac ts
came only after the great disc overies of Pas teur in 1870 .
It was s oc ial c onvic tion , in her view, that established
the princ iple that s ome minimum care had to be provided
for the s ick .
This c oncept , onc e accepted, eventually
led to other laws, suc h as the English Public Health Act
of 1848 and the firs t piec e of nat ional hous ing legis la­
t ion in England, in 185 1 .
S he also c ited Chadwick as the
man who almos t s inglehandedly fathered health and hous ing
reforms .
She pointed out that Chadwick's publis hed s tudy
was s ignificant because it " s old 1 0 , 000 c opies and
s tarted a wave of legis lation all over the c ivilized
world " ( 5 ) .
Hole shared a s imilar v iew and explained how the
population expans ion o f the mid-nineteenth c entury, dur­
ing the indus trial revolution in England , and the atten­
dant overcrowding of s truc tures, led to poor sanitation .
S he suggested that the exces s ive mortality s t imulated in­
terest in the causes of poverty and eventually this led
to the development of hous ing s tandards .
the firs t s tandards for dwel l ings
In her view ,
19
were not embodied in any s tatute; but by
the erection of 'mode l' dwe l lings , the hous ing
reformers offered examples of the ir princ iples
which it was hoped the private bui lder would
c opy ( 30 )
•
•
•
o
S he a l s o explained that the high costs involved in pro­
v iding the better houses kept them out of the reach of .
a l l but highly skilled workers .
Many his torians c oncurred that the awarenes s of
the bad c onditions became so widespread that the changes
were inevitable .
Hobs on
(29)
gave c redit t o John Howard for first
s tirring publ ic c onsc ienc e , and sugges ted that the turn­
i ng point rea l ly came in
c holera epidemic .
1832,
the year of the great
The occurrence and magnitude of this
d i s ease led to a public awakening and s t imulated Chad­
w ick ' s intere s t in the inhabitants of large towns .
He
s tated that Chadwick enc ountered much hos tility due to
his intrans igent personality and many of the re forms did
n ot c ome unti l S ir John S imon pushed them al ong with what
was des cribed as " ski l l, e l oquence and a more tac tful
approach . "
The phi los ophy of the nineteenth century has been
described by s ome historians as Darwinian , .and this ac­
c ounted for the prevalence of overc rowded and un fit c on­
ditions .
Mumford has t old of des erted hous es of uncer-
tain title that were us ed as lodging hous es with as many
a s fifteen or twenty pe ople in a s ingle room .
-.-
--
20
In Manches ter , acc ording to police s tatistics
of 184 1 , there were s ome 109 l odging hous es where
pe ople of both s exes s lept indiscriminate ly; and
there were 91 mendicant lodging hous es { 40 : 166 ) .
The report re flec ted the c onditions under which the
trans ients and beggars l ived .
d id not do much better .
The families of workers
S igerist referred to an early
s tudy related to their plight :
Frederick Engeles , in his s urvey of the
c onditions of the working c las s in England , firs t
published in 1845 , found that in the working c las s
parishes o f S t . Johns and St . Margarets , 5 366 fam­
i l ies of 26 , 830 individuals lived in London in
5 294 rooms and in Little Ire land , a dis tric t of
Manches ter , there was one toilet for every 120
inhabi tant s { 54 ) .
Overcrowding , again , appeared to be the bas ic
underlying caus e of many sanitary problems and this ins pired Chadwick to agitate for licens ing of public lodging hous e s .
He fe l t that by doing s o such matters as
c leanl ine s s , ventilation and " numbers proportioned to
the s pace 11 c ould be c ontrolled ( 45 : 148 ) .
Regarding
dwellings , he n oted the s tench found in poor hous ing and
delved into the reas ons :
the cubic s pac e in the better c lass
h ous es is usually four times greater , occupied
partially ins tead of c onstantly , whil s t the
l ower c lass hous es are occupied night as we ll
as day , by double the number of pers ons { 45 : 181 ) .
•
•
•
He advocated that washable wa lls b e required and
felt that a more sanitary dwe l ling c ould be c ons truc ted .
He s tres sed that houses should be " miasma proof " and als o
be free of " fever produc ing air " when occupied .
In order
,!.
I
!
-1
�------ -----
21
t o do this he propos ed a sanitary spec i fication for
ventilation which s tated in part :
that the c ons truc tion shall be such as to
change the air of each living and s i tting-room
c ompletely, not less frequent ly than three times
an hour
( 45 : 185 ) .
•
•
o
•
•
•
The his t ory o f England inc luded many health and
h ous ing firs ts but the c onditions that led to such ac tion
were not c onfined to England.
By the end of the seventeenth c entury the people
of Manhattan Is land had deve loped hous ing c ontrol meas ­
ures, such as right of entry and the power t o inspec t
( 33 ) .
Thes e t ools have greatly influenc ed subsequent
h ous ing programs.
One of the precur s ors to modern hous ing
l egis lation occurred in the s ec ond hal f of the eighteenth
c entury.
New York C i ty enac ted regulations in 1761 and
1775 which provided for improvements on exis ting build­
ings ( 33 )o
Hous ing c onditions als o received rec ognition
in 1797 as one of the authorized duties of newly appointed
health c ommi s s i oners ( 33 ) .
The firs t offic ial reference to increased death
rates occurring in areas of poor hous ing came in 1834
from a New York C ity health inspec tor , Gerritt Forbes
( 33 ) .
The Offic e of C ity Inspector of New York was not
a
very produc tive pos ition at this time.
But one C ity
22
Inspector, Dr . John H . Gris c om, gained c ons iderable
ins ight into the hea lth problems of the c ity and issued
a ful l report in 1845 that desc ribed the sanitary c ondi­
t i ons of the c i ty .
He also gave in-depth rec ommendations
on c orrections and frequently quoted C hadwick ' s pos ition,
that good public health is a s ound inves tment { 46 ) .
His " Remarks " were d irec ted at avoidable causes
of s ickness and mortality, and ranked crowded and poorly
ventilated hous ing as firs t among his c onc erns .
His work
led to the formation of a group cal led " The A s s oc iation
for Improving the C ondi ti on of the Poor . "
This group and
o thers c onduc ted surveys which eventual ly influenced the
pas s age of the firs t tenement hous ing law of New York
S tate in 1 867 ( 33 ) .
Another public heal th agitator of this period,
Lemue l Shattuck, also derived much of his inspiration
from Chadwick in England { 60 ) .
In 1850, the Report of
the Sanitary C ommi s s ion of Mas sachusetts, of which Shat­
tuc k was s ecretary, inc luded rec ommendations on the c on ­
trol o f " s anitary evils aris ing from over-crowded lodging
h ous es and c e l lar dwel l ings " ( 39 : 7 ) .
The Mas sachuse tts tenement-hous e law of 1868 may
have eventually deve l oped from this c ommission ' s early
rec ommendations .
The New York law of the previous year covered
similar evils in tenements, which were de fined as
'·
.-
23
buildings where three or more families were living .
Friedman ( 22:26 ) believed that this law may be the ances ­
tor of all succeeding tenement and hous ing c odes .
He
implied that the evolutionary root is c onfused by the
exis tence of s tate s tatutory c odes and munic ipal ordi­
nances that have hous ing c ode-like sections , but appeared
in the form of building c ode s , plumbing c odes and the
l ike .
The New York law inc luded many of the c onc epts
found in modern day c odes , s uch as repairs , ventilation ,
occupancy and sanitation .
But the ac t was ful l of loop ­
holes and was n o t we l l enforced .
The c onditions of over­
c rowding in rooms got worse as New York C ity became more
c rowded .
Publ ic awarenes s of the problem was enhanc ed by
the pres s and various inves tigating groups .
The New York
Tenement House C ommittee of 1894 found deplorable c ondi ­
tions involving every type o f sanitary s in inc luding tiny
dark rooms full of people suffering from hunger and dis ­
ease ( 22 : 30 ) .
Mos t of the public ity was promoted by an ardent
h ous ing re former , Lawrenc e Ve ille r .
Vei l ler was secre ­
tary of the New York Tenement Hous e C ommis s i on which
published a report entitled Hous ing C onditions and Tene ­
ment Laws in Leading American C ities ( 39 : 8 ) .
This report
was a critique of the hous ing c ondit ions and c odes in
�
--
24
twenty-seven c ities of the United S tate s , and resulted in
the enac tment of the New York ( S tate ) Tenement Hous e Act
of 1901 .
The New York Tenement Hous e Act was a s tate
measure but it applied to c ities like New York City and
is generally acknowledged to be the mos t s ophis ticated
and imitated hous ing law ever c once ived .
It c ontained
over one hundred sections and made a distinc tion between
what was to be tolerated as exi s ting , and what would be
required of c onverted or newly c ons truc ted tenements .
A lthough the law dealt mainly with the phys ical
c ondition of tenements , the s oc ial needs s uch as light ,
air and space were also spe l led out .
Regarding space :
No room in any tenement house shall be s o
overcrowded that there shall b e afforded les s
than four hundred cubic feet of air to each
adult , and two hundred cubic feet of air to
each child under twelve years of age { 22 : 34 ) .
F or Ve i ller , this law was jus t the beginning .
He
c ontinued t o deve lop other legis lative hous ing " firs ts . "
A Model Tenement House Law was produc ed in 1910 and this
was fol lowed by a Model Housing Law in 19 14 , which applied
t o all dwe l l ings , not jus t tenement hous e s .
I
1
This 1914
l aw may have been inspired by a law with a s imilar feature
e nac ted in C olumbus , Ohio , in 1911 (39 : 8 ) .
Of particular c onc ern to Veiller was the matter
of empirically determined room s i ze s tandards .
He felt
that cubic air s pace requirements were of ques tionable
l
25
value becaus e of variations in the kind of air being
supplied to the room and its rate of dilution .
This led
to a revised s e c tion on overcrowding in both the Model
Tenement Hous e Law and the Model Hous ing Law .
The cubic
a ir requirements were increas ed t o s ix hundred cubic feet
of air to each adult and four hundred cubic feet of air
t o each child under the age of twe lve years .
Ve iller
tempered this c hange with an admonition to the health officer, that a ir s pace is of minor importanc e if the qual i ty of a ir and ventilation are not ac ceptable .
matters vary greatly in individual rooms ( 39 : 1 3 ) .
Mood pointed out that Veiller ' s philos ophy on
overcrowding and other matters was and is being disre­
Numerous hous ing c odes today lack the flexibil­
i ty and c omprehens ivene s s that was proposed by Vei ller
( 39 : 1 3 } .
Thi s is true in spite of the fac t that many of
the c ities, c ount ies and s tates helped thems e lves t o both
the c oncepts and language found in the early New York law
or in Ve iller ' s Model C odes .
Overc rowding laws are s ti l l expres s ed in terms of
c ubic air s pace in many areas, including California .
The
.
California s tate law dates back to a 1905 penal c ode
which required a minimum of five hundred cubic feet of
a ir space per per s on in apartments or lodging hous es
(24 } .
1
He impl iedi
that s ituational judgement should prevai l becaus e these
garded .
.I�
This was increased t o 630 cubic feet of air spac e
I
26
for rooms c ons truc ted a fter August 17 , 1923 ( 57 ) .
However, by Augus t 1963 , air space c riteria gave way to
s uperfic ial floor area as an occupancy l imit ( 8 ) .
The current minimum room s ize requirement for a
s leeping room is ninety square feet of superfic ial floor
area .
If the room is t o be occupied by more than two
people, the minimum floor space requirement is increased
t o one hundred and forty s quare feet ( 61 ) .
The Los Ange les C ounty Public Health C ode s till
c ites cub ic air s pac e as criteria in l imiting occupancy
( 36 ) .
The whole ques t i on of room s ize, cubic air space
and vent ilation is at thi s time being re-examined by
experts in hous ing .
Chapter V
VENTILATION AND S PACE STANDARDS
His t orically, room s ize and occupancy s tandards
appeared to be l inked to ventilation requirements in two
ways .
First, there was the notion that there were certain:
unknown s ubs tance s in respired air that were harmful .
And s ec ond, there were unpleasant odors as s oc iated with
overcrowding .
The harmful feature of respired air was
apparently related to the spread of disease .
For in­
s tance, C hadwick in England noted that along with over­
c r owding there was that " fever produc ing air . "
This led
him to propose a regulation to provide for an air change
o f at lea s t three times an hour { 45 : 185 } .
A t about the
s ame t ime, in this c ountry, there were s imilar c onc erns
expres s ed .
Grisc om of New York
assailed the custom of holding school in
basement rooms, b laming much of the s icknes s
and death among chi ldren on the fac t that they
were crowded t ogether for many hours a day in
small unventilated rooms { 16 }.
There was no real proof of the harmful s ubs tanc es
in respired air .
But it was determined that one way to
find out i f thes e s ubs tances were present was to measure
the leve l of carbonic ac id in the a ir { 63 } .
Even though
c arbonic ac id was intended t o be us ed only a s an indica ­
t or, it s omehow became the s pec ter.o
27
In 1881 , Pettenkofer
28
proposed that 0.07 - 0 . 1 perc ent be regarde.d as a
maximum permis s ib le l imit ( 25 : 41 ) .
The evidence t o prove
that air c ould be c ontaminated by bac teria from the s ick
c ame much later .
One of the early'experiments to measure the
c ontamination in air was done by Huddleson and Hal l in
1920 ( 31 ) .
They reported that during the he ight of an
epidemic of bad c olds and c oughs, a measurement of the
a ir in an amusement hal l c ontained an average of eighty­
two c ol onies per plate after a one minute exposure of
agar plates .
The types of bac teria inc luded S tre2toc occus;
hemolyticus and pneumonia organisms .
Eight days after
the epidemic subs ided, on a rete s t , they found an average
of s ixteen c ol onies per p late under the same c onditions
except that it was necessary t o extend the plate exposure
time to ten minutes .
In
a later experiment, Challinor ( 10 ) attempted
to analyze the air of s leeping quarters with reduc ed
ventilation and found that there were surpris ingly few
organisms in the air of rooms that were overcrowded with
apparently wel l people .
Only when the room was occupied
by hospital patients did the expec ted numbers and types
of organisms appear .
The relati onship between overcrowding and
increas ed disease transmi s s ion appeared to be we l l
e s tablished .
Britten ( 7 ) analyzed the National Health
Survey made in 1935 and 1936 , and found a s trong
a s s oc iation of c ommon c ommunicable diseases of chi ldhood
with overcrowding .
There were also many war-time epi-
demiological s tudies that pointed to overcrowding as a
�ac tor and implied that the reduced air s pace and presumably inadequate vent ilation c ould result in a higher number of c ases of respiratory infec tion .
For example, S tartwe ll and Smith c ompared various
army posts regarding the inc idence o f upper respiratory
disease and meningitis , and found the same fac t ors ap­
peared to play an important role ,
"
•
•
•
namely over­
c rowding and the recepti�n of large numbers of new troops " !
( 56 } .
In Hali fax there was a s imultaneous outbreak of
d iptheria, scarlet fever, meningoc occus meningitis , inf luenza and meas les .
Whel ler and Morton explained that,
The c ommon fac tors underlying this general
increase in the prevalenc e of respiratory dis ­
ease were in large part the result of the im­
pac t of the war on c ivilian l ife . Crowding
and rapid overturn of susceptibles in a popu­
lation are well rec ognized as proper fuel for
the flame of c ontagion ( 64 } .
Regard ing a severe epidemic o f meningoc occus
meningitis in C hi l i , Pizzi ( 4 2 ) revealed that a survey
o� the s lum sec tion of Santiago showed an index of seven
pers ons per room and an index .of 2 . 9 pers ons per bed .
He �el t that the overcrowding and the apparent lack o f
30
immunity agains t the disease were s igni ficant fac tors in
the s everity of the outbreak .
The early obs ervation of
increased disease transmiss ion with overcrowding appears
to be borne out by these and other s imilar reports .
But the early s us pec ted e ffec t s of small amounts
of carbon dioxide buildup ( or carbonic ac id leve l ) in a
s leeping room are now being re-examined .
Goromo s ov
( 25 : 44 ) s tated that inhalation s tudies revealed that res -
·
pirat ion , c irculation and cerebral e lec tric a l activity
were affec ted by c oncentrati ons of carbon dioxide of 0 . 1
perc ent.
He rec ommended that average c onc entrations
s hould be less than 0 . 05 percent .
This c ould mean ( de­
pending on occu2ancx and room s ize s tandards ) that more
than three air changes per hour are needed t o reduce the
exhaled carbon d i oxide of the inhabitants .
The earlier empirical work of Chadwick and
Pettenkofer appears to s ti l l have s ome value .
This helps
I
·
t o explain why s ome of the c urrent requirements for venti -i
lation are s ti l l based on Pet tenkofer ' s early beliefs
( 17 ) .
For a t ime the us e o f carbonic ac id leve l as a
s tandard for the e s tabl ishment of minimum requirements
fel l into dis fav or .
Freedman noted that the carbonic
ac id s tandard as unders tood in 1895 was bas ed on illog­
ical criteria and he emphas ized the removal of odors .
He s tated :
31
air s upply should be changed in rooms
at a rate of about s ix times per hour
ten cubic feet of fresh outs ide air per min­
ute per pers on will keep odors out ( 20 : 905 -06 ) .
e
e
•
•
•
•
•
Freedman ' s rec ommendation apparently goes back to
the works of Yaglov in 1936 .
Yaglov, acc ording to Long­
ley ( 35 : 3 ) , differentiated between types of occupants,
air space per pers on and the needed outdoor air supply
per pers on to remove obje c tional body odor .
As an exam­
ple, for two hundred cubic fee t of air s pace for each
s edentary adult, of average s oc ioec onomic s tatus, he
called for s ixteen cubic fee t of outdoor air ( presumably
fresh a ir ) per minute per pers on .
For laborers with the
s ame air s pace, the air supply was increased to twenty­
three cubic fee t per minute per pers on .
Longley ex-
p lained that the formation of this s tandard was not c lear;
the goal, removal o f objec ti onal body odors, did replace
carbonic ac id as criterion .
Room odor may be caused by a variety of things
s uch as c ooking, heating and various canned aerosol pro­
duc ts .
Goromosov ( 25:44 ) noted that the physiological
reac tion t o odors may inc lude naus ea, headache and de pres s ion of respiration .
He felt that odors can influ-
ence a person ' s emotional s tate and induc e changes in
the skin temperature, b l ood pre s s ure and the ac tivity of
the internal organs .
Pogrund ( 44 ) s tated that odor usually serves as
32
a detec tor to a dangerous or unpleasant s i tuation .
He
pointed out that human odor depends on various fac tors,
such as race and sexj and that inte s t inal flatus,
apocrine sweat and sebum, when undergoing bac terial de ­
c ompos i tion can reach an intolerable level .
Pogrund has
described a variety o f spac e cabin s imulator odor s tudie s
that reinforc e the earlier bel iefs about odors and the
need for venti lation, but these s tudies are not extrap­
olatable to the odor removal problem in a typical urban
dwell ing .
New data sugges ts that many of the old
assumpti ons about air change in s leeping rooms are no
-------l-onger val id .
--
It was original ly thought that the air in a
dwel l ing was renewed onc e or twice every hour through the
inters tices of the d oors and windows and at the junc tures
o f bui lding materials .
This renewal of air, cal led air
c hange, c ould be atta ined by the use of windows in warm
weather and a l s o as a result of leakage, called infil tra­
t ion, i n c old or windy weather .
The quantity of air
believed to be needed t o reduc e odors originally ranged
from about 540 cub ic fee t o f air to 1000 cubic feet of
a ir, depending on whe ther you s e lected the rec ommenda­
tions of the French, German or American ventilation
s pec ialis ts .
.
The American S oc iety of Heating and Ventilating
33
Engineers adopted a 600 cubic feet per hour s tandard
( 63 ) .
This value was e quivalent to 10 cubic feet per
minute per pers on .
Longley ( 35 ) has described how the early fresh
air requirements for reduc tion of body odors ranged from
5 to 25 c ubic feet per minute per pers on .
" •
•
•
He s tated that
in mos t homes this would amount to less than 0 . 5
air changes per hour" ( 35 : 10 ) .
He explained that in
o lder homes this rate was often not achieved .
In addi­
t ion , he s tated , there were s tudies to show that in the
newer homes , where attempts to eliminate infil tration
have been made , only 0 . 2.air changes per hour were found .
In his own s tudy of infiltration rate s , he measured an
average infiltrati on rate of 0 . 1 air c hanges per hour .
He felt that the figure was c ommon for mos t newly c on­
s truc ted homes ( 12 ) .
Longley's data on infiltration rates s eemed to
c onfirm the suspic ions of many h ous ing spec ialis ts .
His
work a l s o appeared to put to res t an old belie f about the
relationship between ventilation , odor c ontrol and room
s ize .
The old- line cubic a ir space c onc ept s tated that
a room volume of at leas t 400 cubic feet is required to
permit adequate infiltration of outs ide air to dilute the
b ody odors of a reas onably c lean pers on .
This notion was
re -eva luated as far back as 1946 by the American Public
3�
Health A s s oc iation C ommittee on the Hygiene of Hous ing .
The c ommittee apparently acc epted 1 0 cubic feet per minute as adequate to dilute the odor of one pers on but
a rgued that the infiltration rate should not be based on
v olume but on the perimeter of window and door openings .
This change in opinion had the added e ffec t of discrediti ng the bas is of mos t of the legal requirements for
occupanc y o
In the words of the c ommittee publication :
On any other grounds than ventilation , floor
area is obvious ly superi or as the tes t of s pace
adequacy , as it is floor spac e on which one wa lks
and p lac es furniture . By what magic does a 10 x
12 foot room have a capac ity ( as it does under
numerous legal c odes ) of two pers ons if the ceil­
ing is nine fee t high , but three pers ons with a
ten foot c e il ing ? (1).
Now that ventilation by infiltration has been
s hown to be reduced by modern technology and materials ,
and in s ome cases prac tically eliminated by homeowners
who prefer a c losed , air c onditioned environment , there
i s real ly no relevance between ventilat ion , s pace s tandards and room s ize.
C hapter VI
CURRENT ATTITUDES ON S PACE STANDARDS
.
There is s ome c onc ern about the relevanc e of
h ousing s tandards .
Bair ( 4 } , an innovator in modular
hous ing , pointed out that s ome of the c ontrols impos ed by
s tandards and c odes have los t the ir pub l ic purpos e .
"Many hous ing c odes and s ome building c odes ignore the
arrival of air c onditioning , artific ial l ight and venti lation " ( 4 ) .
Grad and Hac k ( 26 : 19 ) als o pointed out that s ome
c odes became rigidly ins tituti onalized .
The ir chronology
o f the occupancy and room s ize s tandards and a c omparis on
o f the New York Tenement House Act of 1901 with the A PHA­
PHS Ordinance showed a gain of thirty s quare feet in
s pace and a two foot reduc tion in ceiling heighte
d id not c ons ider this "
•
•
•
They
an overwhelming amount of
progres s in s ixty nine years 11 ( 26 : 19 ) .
Mitte lbach ( 37 ) challenged the premise that
e nforcement of minimum s tandards would d irec t ly produce
ma jor hea l th bene fits , espec ially for the poor .
He be­
l ieved that c ode enforcement s imply reduced the hous ing
s upply and substantial ly raised hous ing c os t s .
This he
c ontended is not l ikely to make a s ignificant c ontribu­
t i on to good phys ical and mental health .
35
I
. .
36
He des c ribed the "danger" of the s lums in terms
of ec onomic blight and s oc ial dis order rather than breed­
ing grounds of disease ( 38 ) .
Wilner and Baer have also ques tioned the
c ontinued us e o f the germ theory as bases for public
intervention .
In c onnec tion with the role o f crowding and
disease we mus t c ons ider the vas t advances in
this c ountry in the c ontrol of c ommunicable dis ­
ease through s anitary proc edures insuring good
water supply , sanitary preparation of food and
milk , s anitary proc edures for disposal of was tes
and advanc e s in various dimens ions of preventa­
tive and curative medic ine .
I n wes tern nations these issues have sure ly
reduced whatever role the dwe l l ing unit once
had in the s pread of infec tion ( 65 : 39 ) .
The s ignificance of behavior in disease
transmi s s ion rather than overc rowding , was brought out
by de Groot .
S inc e the human being pers i s t s in maintaining
such c l os e c ontac t s through interac tion in be ­
havi or sets described as kiss ing , hugging , talk­
ing , s leeping , playing , etc . , the expanding of
s pace around behavioral activities and sets
logically c an have but l ittle e ffec t as such
and in its e l f ( 11 ) .
The s oc ia l aspects of overcrowding have recently
been re -examined .
S ome inves tigators have fe l t that the
lack of s pace and privacy results in "discomfort , dis ­
pleasure , disappointment and dissatis fac tion" ( 43 : 10 ) .
Others have pointed to increased s oc ial s tres s es and a
higher death rate when a family spends a disproportionate
share of their income on better hous ing ins tead of
I
I
37
nutrition ( 48 ) .
This points out another area of c oncern about
hous ing s tandards .
S ol ow s tated that :
In prac tice , s tandards applicable to hous ing
of low-income families have been greatly influ­
enced by the middle c la s s values held by the
profe s s i onals and public offic ials respons ible
for the setting of the s tandards ( 55 ) .
He suggested that the l ow-inc ome families ' needs are
traded away for what s oc iety feel s i s s oc ially des irable ,
economica l ly feas ible and politically acc eptable at any
g iven t ime .
Friedman ( 22 : 159 ) has a l s o described how s table ,
l ow-inc ome neighborhoods are des troyed on the bas is of
c riteria which , if ever equal ly applied , would also in­
volve the des truc tion of middle c las s " quaint fashionable
and expens ive ne ighborhoods " as wel l .
There are no easy answers t o the various problems
of c odifying and enforc ing hous ing s tandards .
In gen­
eral , the more flexible performanc e and advis ory s tandards :
p
d
t
1
r
c
r
:: ::: : :: ::::� ::: ::: �:::::::: ;;�; :: : : :::
s
i
c
e
,
s
c n
dy
of the attitude s of adminis trators revealed a marked
pre ferenc e for the offic ia lly adopted s tandards .
His
findings s eemed to sugges t that s ome admini s trators fee l
more c omfortable with the " s o-called" fac ts that fixed
legal s tandards represent .
I
38
Legal ly , there is a need for s ome ob jective
s tandard .
Ascher explained that :
Only by devel oping ob jec tive s c ientific
criteria t o measure whether a dwe l l ing is sub­
s tandard have we provided any bas is for rais ing
the place of the health officer above that of
another purveyor of ·opinions ( 3 ) .
There i s also the realization that i f a l l
s tandards are e liminated i t would n o doubt lead to exploitat ion by irrespons ib le builders or landlords and the
e ventual increase in the prevalence of poor hous ing .
There has been c ons iderable interest in reduc ing
the amount of bad hous ing by reduc ing the cost of home
c ons truc tion .
This has s timulated the
u. s .
Department
of Housing and Urban Deve lopment ( HUD ) to review many
bui lding and hous ing c odes to determine if changes in the
l ocal c odes to mee t regional s tandards would result in
savings for the home buyer , especially the l ow inc ome
h ome buyer .
Whi l e mos t of the e ffort is direc ted at re­
quiring performance s tandards for materials , there is
a l s o s ome attempt to promote use of performanc e s tandards
on such things as unit des ign .
For ins tanc e , a Review
Draft of the Hous ing and Urban Deve lopment Guide ( 13 )
c ontained c ons iderab le detail about the func tion and
furnishings of rooms but there was no mention of a spec ific minimum room s ize requirement .
The room s ize or
s pace requirements appear t o be determined by antic ipat ­
_j
ing such things a s the type of us e and occupancy , the
39
s i ze of e s s ential furniture , the needs of c irculation
s pac e , and the amount and type of buil t -in furniture and
e quipment .
The c onc ept of performanc e s tandards is not new .
The Americ an Publ ic Health A s s oc iation ' s 195 1 pub lication
P lanning the Home for Occupancy c ontained identical c on­
c epts that HUD now promotes .
What is new is that HUD , in
pushing performance s tandards and uniform c odes , will
e l iminate mos t o f the arbitrary and capric ious l ocal
c odes .
Changes in building and hous ing c odes have
a lways been difficult becaus e there are unwieldy charter
provis ions or enabling legis lation to c ontend with .
There is also a presumption of validity about long estab­
lished regulations that tend to overshadow any new evi­
dence t o jus tify a c hange .
The c ode changes may c reate
local fric tion , but they are occurring because the c ities
d o not want to l os e the mil lions of dollars in HUD c om­
munity development funds .
The performance s tandards us ed on c ons truc tion
materials s eem easy to de fine .
" If
Any material will do .
a wal l is made o f paper but tes ts out as s trong and
dependable as wood , plas ter or partic le board , why not
use it ?
"
( 53 )
•
The performanc e s tandard on room s iz e also s eems
easy t o determine .
The guides c ontain various tables
40
which can be used t o c ompute the needed areas for the
furnishings and the c irculation s pac e .
However , the ob­
jec tive c riteria are to be used only in the des ign and
c onstruc tion of the new unit .
As a family grows and
activities change the room s ize and hous e layout often
remain the same , e spec ially in the l ow income family .
This can result in what is cal led "use crowding . "
The i ssue of "use crowding" or the use of the
s ame spac e or room for different and non-c ompatible pur­
poses is now of more c onc ern to not only American hous ing
experts but Eas t German offic ials as wel l .
Geis ler ap­
proached this problem by ranking the room func tions , such
as in a bedroom for children :
S leeping and res t ing
Working and s tudying
Playing
Rec eiving of friends
S t orage of garments , t oys , etc . ( 23 ) .
He felt that demands for s imple c irculation s pace around
furnishings t o determine minimum floor s pace fai l to give
adequate c onnec ted play area and work s pace .
The n otion of " s eparate use " has also been
e laborated on by Senn and others .
There should be a room or rooms in a living
unit occupied by two or more pers ons as a home ,
where some occupants may enterta in , talk t o
gues ts o r watch televis ion without intrus ion
on or by others { 49 ) .
The use and need for �pace within a dwel l ing
appears to be only partly re lated to objective criteria .
41
There are many sub j ec tive c ons iderations that defy
prec ise measurement .
It s eems that initially , an indi­
v idual ' s ac tivities are related to what Leibman has de s cribed as a "pers onal space c onc ept . "
In general , pers onal space is c onceived as
an expanding and c ontrac ting ring or bubble
surrounding the individual , which de fines the
phys ical s eparation he requires in relation to
others with res pec t to s pec i fic ac tivities and
de fined re lationships
it moves with the
individual , is highly e lastic and rapidly al­
tered , and is not ordinari ly l inked t o perma­
nent phys ica l referents in the environment
( 34 ) .
•
•
•
Wilner and Baer have linked the matter of
pers onal s pace to the is sue of l iving s pace in a spac e
s cale of their own :
Macro-scale
Urban s pace
C ommunity space
Neighborhood s pac e
Micro-scale
Dwel ling Uni t
Environ s pace
Hous ing space
Room space
Pers onal space { 61 : 1 ) .
While this s cale sugges t s an increas e in
c omplexity with actual space dis tanc e there is a l s o the
c onc ept of "perceptual dis tanc e" and "acc e s s ible dis ­
tanc e" to c ons ider .
As Wilner and Baer explained :
" Per- ,
c eptual and acc es s ible distance are s emi-independent of
phys ical distance as measured by ob jec tive s tandards "
(65 ) .
An
example of perceptual dis tanc e m�y be the
42
c l osene s s fel t by a mother to her children when the
plac ement of windows in the kitchen allows a ful l view
of her c hi ldren in the play yard .
The dis tance may not
be eas ily transversed ( not access ible ) becaus e of door or
room arrangement but neverthe les s the perc eptual dis tanc e
i s small .
The l ine-of-s ight objec tive dis tanc e c ould be
greater than the perc eptual dis tance and the acc e s s ible
dis tance c ould be even greater than the ob jective dis tance .
Wilner and Baer have also c ited Hal l ' s
observations that space c an be perce ived in other ways .
A lthough i t varies from culture t o culture " s ome s pac es
are s een as being s oc iofugal ( pull ing people apart )
wherea s others are perceived as s oc iopetal ( forc ing peo­
ple together ) " ( 65 : 8 ) . They have pointed out that this
helps to explain why the Japanese place the ir furniture
in the c enter o f the room and Europeans often place their
furni ture around the periphery .
S pace may symboli ze another form of unpleasant
experienc e .
For example , the fear of small s paces ,
c laus trophobia , or of open s paces , agoraphob ia , are variable depending on a pers on ' s bas ic. psychological make -up
and experienc e s .
Wilner and Baer have also noted that there is the
u�
matter of relative measure to c ons ider .
I
�
I f a fami ly o ;
f our moves from a dwel l ing o f 2 , 500 s quare feet to one
1 , 500 s quare feet , there is a feeling of re lative loss of
s pace despite the fac t that 1 , 500 s quare feet is adequate
by mos t s tandards for a family of four .
On the other
hand , hous ing c ode field workers often encounter low in­
c ome famil ies of many more than four pers ons , who would
g ladly "move up" to a house of 1 , 500 s quare feet of liv­
ing s pac e , even i f i t might be c ons idered inadequate by
o thers .
There is a s oc ial c la s s differenc e in attitudes
t oward hous ing s pace .
Rainwate r , acc ording to Wilner and
Baer ( 65 : 23 ) , sugges ted that s lum dwellers are primarily
intere s ted in the hous e as a shelter whereas the tradi­
tional working c lass and modern working c las s ( suburbans )
have more e laborate expec tation s .
The working c las s , in c omparison with the upper
middle c las s , assumes more of a right to use other space
outs ide of his own house .
Fried and Gleicher { c ited by
Wilner and Baer ; 65 : 19 ) noted that there is less di ffer­
entiation between " • our spac e , 1 ' their s pac e ' and ' public ;
s pac e ' and s o on . " Thus the l iving space of the working
c lass extends wel l beyond the wal l s to the s treet , hal l ­
ways and apartments of others .
The middle c lass appears
t o be more c oncerned about private spac e ; even to the
point of des iring phys ically s eparated hous e s .
But regardles s of c las s , as families increas e in
s ize , relative overc rowding may often become real s patial
44
insuffic iency and require a move t o more s �acious
hous ing .
Where this is not poss ible the eventual result
is what hous ing experts call overc rowding , or high dens ity living .
High dens ity l iving has been said to c aus e a wide
range of s oc ial malais e .
One c ould argue that s oc ial ma­
laise might c ause high dens ity living .
This "chicken and
the egg" argument is tied t o whatever operat ional defini­
tion of s oc ia l s tres s , mental health or high dens ity living is s e lec ted for a bas is for dis cus s i on .
Freedman ( 21 : 58-6 1 ) attempted to isolate the
a ffec ts of dens ity on hwnan behavior , from a l l of the
phys ical fac tors such as high temperature , odor , lack
o f air , phys ical dis c omfort and res tric tion of movement .
The s tudy , involving the performanc e of b oth
s imple and c omplex tasks in both crowded and uncrowded
r ooms , failed to e s tablish any negative effects of high
dens ity .
However Freedman did report a s ex differenc e
in the sub jec tive reac tions .
Men in small rooms found
the experience l e s s pleasant than women .
There are limitations to what inferences can be
drawn from this s tudy because task _ performanc e is not a
.
c omplete measure o f livabi lity and the subjec ts , no
d oubt , had di fferent expectations as tes t sub jects rather
than residents in high dens ity areas .
One important c onc lus ion was brought out by the
inve s t igator :
sugges ting that the number of individuals
who mus t interac t , rather than density , is the
variable that produces subs tantial e ffec t s on
human behavior ( 21 : 86 ) .
•
•
•
The e ffec t of interac tion has been observed in
many c rowded c ities .
One of the bes t examples of high
dens i ty h ous ing i s in Hong Kong .
Samual s reported that
in the
Li C heng UK section of Hong Kong there
were over 7 0 , 000 refugees in small c onc rete
flat s , ten feet by ten fee t , each hous ing
from three t o s even pe ople .
Toilet and water fac ilities are minimal
in the s ec tion , averaging one for each three
hundred pe ople ( 47 ) .
•
•
•
Mitche l l delved into the pers onal , family and
s oc ia l c onsequenc es of Hong Kong ' s high dens ity l iving .
He pointed out that attitudes t oward hous ing , e spec ially
toward the amount of space that one has and toward the
lack of privacy , are only indirec t ly related to dens ities
within the dwel l ings .
He sugges ted that the awarene s s of
a lack of s pace will not have the same s tre s s ful affect
on S outheas t As ians as it would on a member of s ome
other culture .
There were s ome fac tors which tended to c reate
s tres s even for people in Hong Kong but the s e factors
were not as s trongly l inked to the usual l imiting cri­
teria often ass oc iated with poor hous ing .
The numbers
of rooms , amenities , abs olute · amount of area and the
46
number of individuals within a dwe l ling unit were less
important than the forced interac tion with nonre latives
when fami lies are doub led up ..
A s Mitche l l s tated : "
•
•
Large numbers of people in high density hous ing c an be
tolerated more eas ily if the s e people are a l l one s
kinsmen" { 43 : 93-95 ) .
One inve s t igator , acc ording to Wilner and Baer ,
s tated that a Hong Kong Hous ing Authority offic ial be­
lieved that a d oubling of the s tandard a llocation of
thirty-five s quare feet per pers on would induce the
tenants to sub let { 65 : 36 ) .
The people o f Hong Kong have apparently adapted
t o what others would call overcrowded c onditions .
Mitche l l fel t that individuals c ould t olerate very high
dens ities within their own family dwel l ing unit .
He was
not s o opt imis tic about the e f fec t of high dens ity hous ­
ing on the ground den s i ty or the s treet environment .
There appears to be a real need for research on
the use of l iving spac e ; however there are s o many dif­
fering patterns of the us e of spac e , both qualitatively
and quantitatively , that it is hard to know where to
begin .
Cappon { 9 ) believes that hous ing res earch was
hampered by a c omplexity and inter-dependenc e of many
factors .
S ome of the factors . that may c ontribute to a
pers on ' s satis fac tion with a c ertain amount of floor
•
47
s pace inc lude :
owners h ip , c irculat ion , acc e s s to ot
s ignificant environments an d dura t ion o f occ upancy .
�
He
a l s o impl ied tha t the perc e pt ion and a t t itudes ab out
s pace vary greatly , and po in ted out tha t :
man c an adapt t o sma l l s pac e s l ike a
s ubmarin e , or a s pace capsule , or even a
c rowd e d camp in a na t iona l park , for a c on ­
s iderable t ime , without advers e psycholog­
ical e ffec t (9) .
•
•
•
Th is sugge s ts that apart from dura tion , the
mot iva t ion o f the mis s ion , and the symb o l ic s ign ifican t s
o f the environment play a role .
DuBos pointed out tha t :
"
•
throughout
h is tory man has proved h is ab il ity to make adj us tments
that tend to c orre c t the d is turb ing e ffec ts o f the
environmen t " ( 1 5 ) .
But he fe l t tha t there might be a l imit to the
bene fits produc e d by adapt ive res pon s e .
Adapt ion t o c rowd ing may a l s o have un fortunate
res ul ts in the l ong run . Admit ted ly , man is a
gregarious an ima l who c ommo n ly s eeks c rowded en­
v ironmen ts . But this does not mean that man c an
inde fin ite ly inc reas e the dens ity o f h is popula­
t ion ; it means only that the s a fe l imits are not
known .
In an ima l s , crowd ing beyond a c e rtain l imit
results in behaviora l and even phys iolog ical d is turbanc es . Man has gene ral ly avo ided the wors t
o f the s e d is turbances through a variety o f s oc ial
and arch itec tura l c onven t ion s and e s pec ia l ly by
l earn in g t o deve lop psychological unawarene s s o f
h is s urroun d ings .
In ex treme ly c rowded env ironments each o f us
l ives , as it were , in a world o f his own . But
eventua l ly th is adapt ion to c rowd ing dec reas e s
man ' s ab il ity to re la te to other human be ings .
·---- ---
---
!.
i.
1
'j
,1
J
.
48
He may bec ome unaware of the ir pres enc e and
totally antisoc ial ( 15 ) .
CHA PTE R V I I
SUMMA RY A ND C ONCLUS IONS
The early s pac e s tandards for l iv ing un its were
appare n t ly l inked t o the obs e rva t ion tha t the overc rowd ­
ing o f roams was as s oc ia ted with an inc reased inc idence
of d is ea s e and death .
It was s urmis ed tha t re s p ired a ir
carried s ame harmful s ubs tanc e s an d that more s pace and
inc reas ed ven t ilat ion would help to reduce the e ffec t o f
the s ub s tance s .
The s c ien t ific ev idenc e tha t res pired
a ir c ould c on ta in harmful subs tances c ame a fter the d e ­
ve l opment o f s pace , occupancy and ven t i la t ion s tandards .
In genera l early s pace s tandard s and other
h ous ing c ode requirements gra dua l ly evolved out of an in ­
creased awaren e s s o f the l ivin g c ond it ions o f the poor
and a r is ing s o c ia l c onsc ienc e .
Many o f the pre s e n t -day hous ing c odes can be
traced back t o the 1 9 0 1 New York Tenement Hous e A c t .
Th is act re quired a s pec i fic min Dnum roam volume for
each occupant .
The mod e l hous ing laws wh ich fol l owed
this c ode a l s o re quired acce ptab le _ vent ilat ion .
The ea rly New York s pace and ven t ilat ion
s tandards gained va l id ity with the deve lopment o f the
germ the ory .
The s us pec ted harmful e ffec ts o f carb on
d iox ide a l s o playe d a pa rt in the genera l deve l opment o f
49
50
ventilation s tandards .
However , ventilation s tandards
were eventual ly to be bas ed princ ipal ly on the c ontrol
of body odors .
Room s ize and cubic air s pac e s tandards were
linked to ventilation and body odor c ontrol through a be­
l ief that a c ertain s ize room would leak enough air to
reduce the body odors of a s pec i fic number of people .
This c oncept was rec ently re -examined and found to be
faulty becaus e it fai led to c ons ider the various ac tivi­
ties of the occupants , the changes in building materials
and the advanc es of modern technol ogy .
There is a l s o c oncern about the relevance of
o ther c riteria used in the e s tabl ishment of building and
h ous ing c odes .
Many of the old s tandards are still in
use and prohibi t any innovations in materials or the use
of new minimum d imensions which might make the c ons truc ­
tion of l iving units les s c os t ly .
There is now less c ons ideration given t o the
notion that overc rowding promotes phys ical dis eas e , at
leas t in a modern indus trialized nation like the United
S tates .
S ome hous ing experts now s tres s the s oc ial and
e conomic fac tors as rationale for better hous ing .
Others
feel that becaus e hous ing c odes represent midd le -c la s s
va lues they do l ittle to improve the wel l being of the
l ow inc ome families that rece ive the ful l impac t of the
programs .
In genera l , mos t of the hous ing experts believe
that without building and h ous ing s tandards there would
be outright exploitation by irre spons ible builders and
landlord s .
This would re sult in an increased inventory
of low qual ity hous ing .
There is now an attempt to
force hous ing cos ts down s o that s ome new hous ing will be
within the reach of low inc ome families .
The federal
g overnment is ins is ting that c ities adopt uniform re ­
g i onal c odes as a c ondition of receiving hous ing program
financ ing .
Thi s should e l iminate mos t of the arbitrary
and capricious local c odes .
The new uniform c odes c ontain minimum spac e
s pec ification s tandards that are very s imilar to the old
uniform c odes .
The s tandards may have been reta ined be ­
c ause of the lack of good reas ons to change the c ode .
The s e s tandards may als o reflect the needs of the admin­
i s trators for accepted ob jec t ive criteria .
There i s n ow more intere s t in the s oc ial and
func tional use of floor s pac e .
S ome of the recent s tu­
d ies on this subject attempt to e s tablish optimum s tan­
dards rather than minimum s tandards s o that use-crowding
can be reduced .
These inquiries are of interes t becaus e
they point out the various fac tors that impinge upon any
e ffort to e s tablish room s ize s tandards .
These fac tors
inc lude the hidden influences . of such items as ac cess to
o ther us e areas , ownership and duration of occupancy .
52
In general the s e s tudies show that pe ople have
d ifferent perceptions and attitudes about spac e depending
on the ir cultural , s oc ial and economic backgrounds .
Even
their aspirat ions may determine how satis fied they are
with a c ertain amount of spac e .
Hous ing experts are also influenc ed by their own
backgrounds and aspirations when they make judgements
regarding room s ize and other building c ode requirements .
It is c onceivable that if a new room s ize s tandard is
ever proposed , i t will be c ons idered by s ome experts as
idealis tic and imprac tical to enforc e .
Others will re­
gard the s ame room s ize requirement as s etting a sub ­
s tandard requirement .
One reas on for the d i fference o f opinion might
be that the proponents of such a new s tandard might not
be aware of the difficulty in enforc ing s tandards .
The
opponents of such a new s tandard might recognize the en­
forcement problems but be unfamil iar with the need to
c ons ider s oc ial and ec onomic fac t ors .
I t c ould be that the hous ing expert of the future
will have to weigh the unc ertain advantages of larger
rooms or reduced occupancy aga in s t the known disadvan­
tages of increas ed hous ing c os ts for the poor .
On the
other hand , h ous ing experts c ould be jus ti fied in s tand­
ing firm with the princ iple that any failure to e levate
r oom s ize s tandards and reduce occupancy would indicate
53
a
lack o f intere s t in improving the quality of hous ing
for the poor .
ture sugges ts that the needs and s oc ial values of the low
inc ome famil ies are at times c ompromised by the values
and s oc ia l c onsc ience of . the hous ing and bui lding ex­
perts .
The experts , in turn , are influenc ed by ec onomic
fac tors , political c ons iderations and the expectations
of the general pub lic .
A l l fac t ors c ons idered , it seems plaus ible that
young and prosperous c ities would be more inc lined to
accept an optimum space s tandard than an old c ity with
more l ow inc ome inhabitants .
Or , as is the usual case ,
where c omb inati ons exis t there may be new s tandards for
n ew c onstruc tion and old s tandards for the exi s ting
buildings .
Rec onunendat ions
The room s ize s tandards in the future should not
b e bas ed direc t ly on the pas t phys ical health c oncepts ,
but rather on the bas ic func tional needs of the occupants .
There is a c ertain amount of ob jective criteria available
on these needs .
The sub j ec t ive fac-tors c ould also be
c ons idered without adding subs tantially to the costs of
the l iving unit s .
The occupancy s tandards should be bas ed on
s ituational c ons iderations rather than the ob jective
t
54
c riteria o f cub ic a ir s pace and fl oor s pace .
The
�
1.
s itua t ional c on s ide rat ions should inc lude a l l the bas ic
needs o f the occupan t s .
For example , c ons ideration
s hould be given t o the needs o f :
an aged pers on alone on
a fixed inc ome , a newly ma rr ied c ouple without re s ourc es ,
Ij
o r a large family ex pe r ienc ing an economic revers al .
This rec omme ndat ion is s �ply an ex tens ion o f the atti­
tudes and c once rns for the poor tha t led t o the deve lop­
men t of the firs t hous ing s tandards .
Wha t is needed is
the promot ion o f the c oncept tha t s oc ia l hea lth and we l ­
fare , without mid d le c la s s embe l l ishmen ts , be the pr �e
fac t or in the e s tab l is hmen t o f an occupancy performanc e
s tandard .
The admin is tra t ive procedures for such a
s tandard would have t o inc lude a c erta in measure o f s oc ia l s ens itivity on beha l f o f the f ie ld worke r (the ins pec ­
t or) and an acc eptance by the admin is tra tor o f a wide
range of fie ld j udgemen ts .
Th is may pre s en t s ome d iffi­
cul ty for the a dmin is t ra tor who is us ed t o deal ing with
obj ect ive c r iteria .
However , such an a pproach c ould c on ­
c e ivably produc e more bene f its than the b l ind appl icat ion
o f a s e t occupancy rule .
En forc ement o f fixed or r igid
rules may aggrava te an a lready bad s ituat ion .
Th is c oncept o f fie ld j udgement based on
s itua tional c on s idera t ion is , n o d oub t , be ing prac t iced
� s �e
field worke rs who are caught up in the rea l it ies
I
I
J
55
of enforc ing occupancy s tandards in c ommunities that have
less and les s l ow inc ome hous ing .
The pract ice appears
to be jus ti fied and merits inc lus ion in policy guide ­
lines .
Hous ing field workers s hould be genuinely
interes ted in h ow pe ople live within a s truc ture and be
l ess c onc erned ab out how many people live in the
s truc ture .
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...
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