CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE
EFFECT OF ACCULTURATION ON CHICANO AND
1}
MEXICANO SELF-DISCLOSURE
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in
Education - Educational Psychology,
Counseling and Guidance
by
Gilberto Salazar
June, 1978
The thesis of Gilberte Salazar is approved:
Dr.' Nate Murilro - ·
Dr. Arthtir J. Marion
California State University, Northridge
ii
DEDICATION
Dedicated to my dear wife Monica for
her love, patience and understanding
throughout this project.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
. . .
TITLE PAGE
. . .
APPROVAL PAGE
DEDICATION
. .
. . . .
TABLE OF CONTENTS
. . .
. . .
. . .
ii
iii
. . . .
LIST OF TABLES
ABSTRACT
. . .
·i
iv
vi
. . .
vii
CHAPTER
T
J..
INTRODUCTION
1
Background of Problem
Purpose and Importance of the Study
Assumption on ~Ihich the Study is
Based
Hypo·thesis
Definition of Terms
. II.
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
III.
~ffiTHODS
AND PROCEDURES
14
27
Instruments
Instrument I: Acculturation Scale
Instrument II: Scale of Comfortableness in Talking to Others
Procedure
Processing the Data
Reliability of the Instrument
IV.
32
RESULTS . .
Analysis of Data
Hypotheses
Acculturation Findings
Self-Disclosure Findings
Self-Disclosure with Compadre or
Relative
iv
CHAPTER
Page
Self-Disclosure with Priest or
Minister
Self-Disclosure with Counselor or
Psychologist
Other Related Findings on
Self-Disclosure
V.
Sill~Y
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
49
The Problem
Methods and Procedures
Theoretical and Empirical Background
l1ajor Findings
Acculturation Factor
Self-Disclosure Factor
Discussion and Conclusions
Limitations of the Study
REFERENCES
64
APPENDICES
A.
Acculturation Scale
66
B.
Scale of Comfortableness in
Talking to Others
78
Summary of Mean Scores for
Individual Items on
Acculturation . . .
92
C.
v
LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
PAGE
1 - Correlation Between Acculturation and
Self-Disclosure of Chicano Men and
Women . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2 - Correlation Between Acculturation and
Self-Disclosure of Mexicano Men and
Women . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3 - Acculturation Scale t-Values by
Nationality and Gender
. . . .
4 - t-Values for Self-Disclosure with
34
35
36
. . . . . . . . . . . .
38
5 - t-Values for Self-Disclosure for
Compadre or Relative . . . . .
40
6 - t-Values for Self-Disclosure with
Priest or Minister -. . . . . .
42
7 - t-Values for Self-Disclosure with
Parents . . . . . . . . . . . .
43
Friend
·8 - t-Values for Self-Disclosure with
Counselor or Psychologist . . .
45
9 - SUmmary of r-1ean Scores for Self-
Disclosure
. . . . . . . . .
vi
48
ABSTRACT
EFFECT OF ACCULTURATION ON CHICANO AND
MEXICANO SELF-DISCLOSURE
by
Gilberto Salazar
Master of Arts in
Education - Educational Psychology,
Counseling and Guidance
Over two hundred university and community college
students were invited to participate in a study that dealt
with Mexican values and self-disclosure.
From the invited
sample, ·seventy-nine Mexicano and Chicano subjects were
randomly chosen and
pro~essed
according to gender, age,
and nationality.
The purpose of the study was to find out which of
these groups was more disclosing with various persons,
and, to see if self-disclosure correlated with acculturation.
A socio-historical view of the problem was presented,
as well as a review of the literature, the instruments,
the results, conclusions and recormnendations.
vii
Two scales were used, one entitled "Acculturation
Scale," which dealt with Mexican values, and one entitled
"Scale of Comfortableness in Talking to Others," which
dealt with self-disclosure.
The self-disclosure scale
measures self-disclosure with the following people; friend,
compadre or relative, priest or minister, parents and_
psychologist or counselor.
The findings showed that there was no mean difference
between Chicanos and Mexicanos on an acculturation scale
of Mexican values--, thus stating that both Mexicanos and
Chicanos agreed with various Mexican values.
Also, due to
this finding, there was no significant correlation between
acculturation, and self-disclosure.
The second null
hypothesis, however, was strongly rejected: --There is no
me~n
difference between Chicanos and Mexicanos on a
self~
disclosure scale--.
Results show that Chicanos (men and women) are significantly more willing to self-disclose than Mexicanos (men
and women).
Both groups are less willing to self-disclose
with a psychologist or counselor and a priest or minister,
than with parents friend or compadre or relative, however,
Chicano scores were significantly higher than Mexicano
scores.
There was also a similar trend in self-disclosure
with friend, parents and compadre or relative, both groups
viii
(
are more willing to self-disclose with parents and a
friend.
Here again, Chicanos were found to be more willing
to self-disclose.
Conclusions focus on cultural barriers that interfere
with the therapuetic process and self-disclosure.
Also,
suggestions were given in regards to the counseling
approach when dealing with Mexicanos and Chicanos as
counselees.
ix
.
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
\The purpose of this study was to investigate the
cultu,al conflicts that exist when Mexicanos and Chicanos
are involved in the therapeutic process here in the United
States.
Specifically, this study focuses on finding out if
there is any difference between Chicano and Mexicano selfdisclosure.
Also, it investigated how much the assimila-
tion of Chicanos into mainstream Anglo American culture
(acculturated) affects self-disclosure.
In order to accomplish this, a self-disclosure scale
was used based on Dr. Frank Acosta and J.G. Sheehan's
questionnaire on self-disclosure (1976).
Also, an accultu-
ration scale was used that included factors that measure
assimilat.ion, as \vell as Mexican culture, traditions,
values, and personal views of the subject's role in his/her
family life and society at large.
Background of Problem
For quite some time, there has been a need to explore
the belief that the Chicano's lack of participation in
mental health services is due to his cultural values
associated with the role he plays in his family and
society.
The intention of this study is to show that
- 1 -
-
Chicanos indeed have some cultural values that influence
their role in
menta~
health services i.n the Anglo society.
To begin with, Chicanos share some characteristics
with other cultures that are directly attributed to
poverty.
The following are some of such characteristics:
severe chronic unemployment and underemployment, overcrowded·and dilapidated housing, low levels of education
attaiTh~ent,
low levels of health and minimal information
about preventive health practices, and concrete, physical,
interpretations of psychological problems (Boulette, 1975).
Many of the Chicano people live in the lowest substandard conditions of this country which of course,
restricts them from cultivating any ideas about making·
sudden changes in their lives.
Working in factories or
as farmworkers on or below minimum wage offers a depress..;.
ing fatalistic outlook on life, yet, these people are in
desperate need of help.
Ironically, these are the people
who have less services available to them.
In a study
conducted by Armando Horales in 1969, it was reported that
in East Los Angeles, an area numbering close to half a
million people, there were only three psychiatrists in
private practice.
And, in the Westwood Village-Beverly
Hills areas with half the population of East Los Angeles,
there were two hundred and seventy one psychiatrists in
private practice.
This statistic not only reveals an
"
-
- 3 -
unbalanced distribution of wealth, but an unbalanced
distribution of professionals.
There are those who condemn the people on
welf~re
in the East Los Angeles area as lazy parasites of the
government._ Many never stop to think that these people
are victims of racism, oppression, and physical as well
as mental incarceration within their own community.
Over-
whelmed by crowded schools, crowded dilapidated-housing,
few parks and recreation areas, and, many liquor stores,
offer the Chicano a good opportunity to fall into alcoholism, severe depression, schizophrenia and other disorders
in order to escape reality.
The Chicano welfare recipient is perhaps a greater
vict:Lm of depression than the one working in a factory.
The one in the factory aspires to elevate himself by being
a punctual, loyal, and productive employee.
The Chicano
on v1elfare has been stripped from his self-esteem, with
no contributions to himself or society.
Life in the
barrio becomes a monotonous, meaningless cycle that seems
forever lasting.
An early report in 1969 shows some grim statistics
that are just as true today.
Karno and Edgerton, using
California census 1962-3, found that Chicanos make up
nine to ten percent of the state's population, and
Chicanos receiving mental health services range from .09
- 4 -
percent in the Neuropsychiatric Institute, 2.2 percent in
the state hospitals, and 3.4 percent in state mental
hygiene clinics, and 2.3 percent in state-local facilities.
Obviously, the Chicano people are greatly underrepresented
in mental health facilities.
Surely, the sub-standard
living conditions previously mentioned would create more
than two or three percent participation in mental health
services.
Besides having limited psychologists and
.,
limited agencies in the community, Chicanos have other
barriers to confront, such as;· language, cultural values,
and prejudicial attitudes.
\\
Some Chicanos must face daily prejudicial corrnnents
from people who don't speak Spanish; "If they live in
America they should speak English."
Host people don't
realize that Spanish was spoken in the Southwestern United
States long before English.
In the City of Los Angeles
alone, Spanish has been spoken every since its foundation,
more than a century ago.
The Spanish language is more
than just a tradition, it's a natural element of the
environment in the City of Los Angeles.
Perhaps this is
one of the reasons why Chicanos still continue to use
Spanish.
Nevertheless, the dominant·society persistently
inculcates feelings of insecurity and inferiority on those
people who speak Spanish or have a Spanish accent.
Up
until this decade, the media has played a major role in
- 5 -
cultivating racism by mocking the Spanish accent.
The
role of "Jose Jimenez," portrayed by Bill Dana, gave the
general public a dumb Mexican to laugh at.
Other
e~amples
on television went a little further by depicting the
Hexican as lazy, ignorant, and outlaw; the "Frito Bandido"
commercial by Frito Lay Company is a prime example.
In
1968, Vicente Jimenez, Chairman of the Federal Interagency Committee on Mexican American Affairs, scolded the
television industry for its portrayal of the Mexicans as
"lazy, shiftless, gun-toting, guitar playing, and barefoot
sombreroed men and women".
In the early 1940's the news-
papers were responsible for provoking massive riots against
Chicanos by servicemen and civilians in the Los Angeles
area.
The Herald Express, Daily News, Los Angeles Times,
and Eagle Rock Advertiser, tactfully used the symbol
"zoot-suiter" to instigate riots that later resulted in
the persecution of Chicanos, and not just those who wore
the particular garment (the "zoot-suit").
Carey McWilliams
(1968) gave a close account of the headlines in North From
Mexico:
When it finally stopped, the Eagle
Rock Advertiser mournfully editoralized: "It is too bad the servicemen
were called off before they were
able to complete the job ... Most of
the citizens of the city have been
delighted with what has been going
on. (McWilliams, p. 250)
-
b -
The catastrophe of the "zoot-suit" riots exemplifies the
position of many Chicanos in our society today.
Chicanos who adapt symbols such as the red flag of
the United Farm Workers Union are
ost~acised
with bad
publicity through the media of television and newspapers.
Up until recent times, Chicanos would not be accepted
unless they totally assimilated into the existing culture
in the United States.
This, of course, has been detri-
mental to the Chicano's recognition and acceptance of the
Mexican culture.
Just as the "zoot-suiter'' of the 1940's,
some Chicanos are caught between two cultures without an
identity.
They can not internalize being bicultural
because, on the one hand, they are not totally acculturated, and on the other, what.they know about·Mexican
culture might consist of negative stereotypes.
In order to
develop a positive self-image, for Chicanos in this situation, it would be necessary to identify the characteristics
that are truly components of the Hexican image.
There are certain characteristics that have been
exaggerated to the extent where they have become stereotype concepts that misinterpret the Mexican and Chicano
character and their behavior in society.
In order to
understand the Chicano's role in the counseling process, it
is imperative to accurately define the characteristics that
are true constructs of the Hexican and Chicano character.
'
\
I·
- 7 -
The concept "machismo" (meaning manliness), for
example, has been defined as an integral part of the
Mexican character.
Although this characteristic is not
uniquely Mexican, it can be said that every Mexican has
some spirit of machismo; whether the individual perceives
it as positive or negative is another matter.
Machismo can be positive when it is expressed as
perseverance or a striving force that helps the individual
in times of hardship.
A good example of this accurately
pointed out by Americo Paredes (1967) where he discusses
how machismo was effectively promoted through folklore.
~ ~ .__
'-"-::\\!
Paredes (1967) del,int.ates how at the time of the
. ' '·'fl
Mexican revolution of 1910, the ,.liricists of the corridos
'•", ..... ~~·->·"
(ballards), provided the Mexican with examples of brave
men. and women who fought with dignity and courage for the
proletariat cause.
These examples had a bellowing psycho-
logical effect on the masses because it provided a great
amount of stamina for those who would endure the revolution.
In a sense, machismo became the explanation for
overcoming the struggle of daily life.
Similarly, many
Chicanos today use the feeling of machismo to overcome
suffering.
Suffering becomes a task in daily life that
must be defeated in order to offer their children a better
future .
.
.
- 8 -
Viktor E. Frankl (1975) initiator of the concept of
logotherapy, has stated the following on suffering:
When a man finds that it is his destiny to suffer, he will have to accept
his suffering as his task; his single
and unique task. He will have to
acknowledge the fact that even in suffering he is unique and alone in the
universe. No one can relieve him of
his suffering or suffer in his place.
His unique opportunity lies in the
way in which he bears his burden (p. 123)
Many Chicanos do not find meaning in suffering and
develop a pessimistic outlook in life; thus, their life
becomes meaningless.
In this case, machismo overpowers
the person to the degree where it prevents the individual
from seeking outside help.
This, of course, shows how
machismo can become a meaningless facade that is detrimental to one's character.
Behind the facade of machismo, there are other
important aspects of the Hexican character.
According to
Octavio Paz (1961), prominent author and philosopher of
the Mexican thought, the Mexican hides his fears and feel-:ings of inferiority behind varying masks that protect him
from the outside world.
These masks offer security, res-
pect, and an explanation of one's role in society.
Some-
times these masks are represented by machismo (a stoic,
stern face without expression), at other times, by silence
or
dissimulation~
Octavio Paz (1961) describes the mask
- 9 -
of dissimulation in his narration of the Mexican character.
The Mexican excels at the dissimulation of his passions and himself. He
is afraid of other's looks and thereafter he withdraws, contracts, becomes
a shadow, a phantom, an echo. Instead
of walking, he glides; instead of
stating, he hints; instead of replying,
he mumbles; instead of complaining,
he smiles. (p. 43)
The masks of dissimulation and machismo depict an
extreme view of the Mexican character.
Certainly, these
masks are not uniquely Mexican, and not all Mexicans wear
them; however, these masks are the origin of some of the
values and attitudes of a portion of the Chicano population of today.
For example, from the mask of machismo,
the Chicano has learned self-respect and respect for
others.
From the mask of dissimulation, he has learned to
proceed with caution avoiding hasty decisions.
Other
values, such as, importance of family unity comes from the
concept "capulli", an Aztec term used to stress unity of
the home.
me".
The word "inlaketch" means "you are the other
The Aztecs or Nahuas used this concept to stress
brotherhood and generosity among their people.
These
concepts have endured through the centuries, and have
become the core of the Mexican family.
The roles of the
individuals within the family, however, have also been
influenced by the Spanish culture.
overpowering role of the father.
For example, the
- 10 -
Traditionally, the Mexicano has had definite roles
in the family unit.
The father is head of the household,
breadwinner, and spokesman for.the family; he demands
respect and obedience from his . children and from his wife,
he expects companionship, understanding, and cooperation.
The wife's role, usually in the background, is restricted
to caring for the children, and to house chores.
It is ·
most probable that family roles are and have been changing ·
in the past fifty years or so due to modernization.
Certainly, this is more likely to be true with Chicanos,
since they are affected by acculturation here in the
United States.
It is my contention, however, that many Chicanos and
Mexicanos in the United States have retained their ancestor's cultural values and, because of these cultural
values, their participation in therapy (self-disclosure)
is limited.
Purpose and Importance of the Study
This study was designed to measure the relationship
betv7een acculturation and self-disclosure.
Also, the
purpose of this study was to measure and compare selfdisclosure between Chicanos and Mexicanos.
The study is important because it gives insight into
the reasons why it is necessary to seriously consider
cultural and ethnic differences in the therapeutic process.
-
..L..L
This study will assist non-Chicano educators, counselors,
and psychologists in understanding the cultural differences that might result in lack of participation in
therapy by Chicano and Mexicano people.
The implication
of the study is simply that traditional therapeutic methods
might not apply to distinct ethnic minorities who have
retained some of their ancestors' culture.
This study utilizes two scales: An acculturation
scale that measures how strong a person feels about
certain values, and a self-disclosure scale whereby the
participant may indicate how comfortable he feels talking
to various people about personal matters.
Assumptions on Which the Study is Based
It is assumed that Chicanos are bicultural and thus
share some values and characteristics with Mexicanos.
Therefore, it is assumed that even though Mexicanos would
score higher in the acculturation scale, Chicanos would
not totally disagree with it.
It is also assumed that because Chicanos are more
acculturated into mainstream Anglo. U.S. society, they will
be more self-disclosing than Mexicanos to certain people.
Hypothesis
1.
There is no relationship between degree of
acculturation of Chicano and Mexicano men
and women, and their preference for selfdisclosure with others of consideration:
-
- lZ -
Friend
Compadre or Relative
Priest or Minister
Parents
Counselor or Psychologist
2.
There is no difference on mean scores between
Chicano and Mexicano men and women on an acculturation scale of Mexican values.
3.
There is no difference on mean scores between
Chicano and Mexicano men and women on a selfdisclosure scale to others of consideration:
Friend
Compadre or Relative
Priest U~Minister
\___/
Parents
Counselor or Psychologist
Definition of Terms
The term Chicanos is used in this study to identify
people of Mexican descent born in the United States.
For
practical purposes, this term is used synonymously with
the term Mexican American.
The term Mexicanos is used in this study to identify
people who were born in Mexico.
The term Chicano refers to men of Mexican descent
born in the United States.
- 13 -
The term Chicana or Chicanas gives reference to women
of Hexican descent born in the United States.
The term Compadre refers to someone who sponsO+S one's
son or daughter in baptism.
The term Self-Disclosure is used in this study to
define openness in talking to others about personal
matters.
The term Acculturation as used in this study refers
to adaptation of Anglo American values and customs.
The Acculturation Scale in this study measures how
much one agrees with Mexican values and not mainstream
Anglo American values.
When the term Others of Consideration is used, it
refers to the following group of confid(~ts':
a friend,
,_
compadre or relative, priest or minister, parents, and
counselor or psychologist.
This term is used in reference to the Self-Disclosure
Scale (Instrument I): Scale of Comfortableness in Talking
to Others.
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
The purpose of this chapter is to review the literature that pertains to acculturation and how it relates to
self-disclosure . . First, I will discuss studies that dispute the "melting pot" concept in terms of assimilation
' into the mainstream culture in the United States.
In a study made on American Indians in 1974, it was
found that Indians leaving the reservation get mixed
messages on value systems, support from others, and life~ -\·1.\\'D 7'
s~
as a whole.
It is recommended that therapy should
integrate past history and lifestyle for those (American
Indians) whose life is rapidly changing Meyer (1974).
This study supports the idea that it is most urgent to
recognize how a person's inherited culture affects his
view of the world and how therapists must understand and
work within the boundaries of the individual's inherited
culture in order to attain the trust and respect needed
for self-disclosure.·
Similarly, Bourne (1975) presents six studies where
Chinese Americans were involved.
In his review of the
history of six students, he found that stress and conflict
were created due to current changing attitudes toward
assimilation.
This study also indicates the need for
special care in counseling Chinese Americans.
- 14 -
.Connor (1975) compared third generation Japanese
Americans with Anglo Americans.
Two hundred seventy-five
Japanese Americans were involved and three hundred fortysix Anglo Americans.
The overall results revealed that
Japanese Americans, although they were third generation,
had a high need for order, succorance, humbleness, and
lower need for change and heterosexuality.
Once again,
this study indicates strong.ethnic patterns that are of
vital importance to self-disclosure in the counseling
process.
Another study on Japanese Americans was made by Osakb
Masako Murakami (1976).
In this study, Murakami compared
twelve first generation nissei with forty-six second generation nissei.
The purpose of this study was to find out
what ·patterns were followed by the second generation in
. daily existence.
The results showed that the second gene-
ration nissei had a strong desire to remain close together
geographically as well as emotionally:
This was attributed
to the first generation's belief in the importance of selfsufficiency and the preservation of filial responsibilities
as part of daily existence" (Hurakami, 1976).
In a study involving Chicanos, Vicktor Gecas compared
the migrant, and the settled Chicanos (Mexican American).
His study deals with self-concept of the individual within the family.
Gecas conducted extensive bilingual
-
H> .;..
interviews with four family members of the families chosen.
His study included eighty-five families within small towns
and labor camps in the Yakima Valley in Washington .. Kuhns
and McPartland's scale was used with a modification of the
TST in order to get more accurate results in selfattitudes.
The results showed that the migrant Chicano
appears to be more deeply rooted into structural sources
stemming from inherited culture.
The settled Chicano
families had a better view of themselves in terms of
competence and self-determination.
Both groups, however,
showed similarities in self mooring and the family parentchild bond was similar.
Geca's study_indicates that even
though the settled Chicanos have been more acculturated,
they still preserve cultural bonds from their inherited
Mexican culture.
This, of course, is important because it
~ +te0
relates to the special needs of Chicanos in the counse~~g·
process.
Some of the most outstanding cultural bonds of second
generation Chicanos and other Latino cultures pertain to
the role of the individual within his family.
According
to Diaz-Guerrero (1975), the Mexican family is founded upon
two fundamental propositions: (a) the unquestioned and
absolute self-sacrifice of the mother.
From these two
-
1.1
propositions Diaz-Guerrero composed a questionnaire which
was given to men and women over eighteen years of age in
the city of Mexico.
His findings support his
propo~itions
to the extent whereby he is able to make the following
'S~
state~nts about how the individual is viewed within the
family structure: the mother is primarily responsible for
teaching values to the children such as, religious beliefs
and manners.
The mother is seen as deeply affectionate,
tender, and overprotective toward her infants.
Because of
her love and her self-sacrifice towards her family, she is
highly respected and loved.
The father's main responsi-
bility is to be the provider and disciplinary figure in the
family.
He is to be respected and obeyed· simply because
his role grants him supreme authority.
The infant in the
family is deeply loved, fondled, and admired; he gets
everything he needs.
In essence, he or she is the king or
queen in the family until they are two or three years of
, age.
,,~);¥
0\::."·',.L~
u
At this time they are expected to start their "buena
educ&on", meaning that they are to have good manners and
affectionately greet relatives out of the immediate family.
The teenage daughter in the family is to behave in accordance with the role of a perfect lady.
She should be
"hogarena", which means, of the home.
She should know how
to care for and manage all matters that deal with house
-
- 18 -
chores and homemaking.
She is not expected to seek a pro-
fession or to venture into a job that is male orientated.
As a whole, the l1exican family is united and protect.ive in
terms of providing shelter for extended family.
According to Diaz-Guerrero (1975), the three main
themes in the Mexican
fa~ily
are: (1) the mother is the
family affectional figure to such an extent that later in
life, the love and devotion.to one's mother may interfere.
to the expected degree of love and devotion shown to one's
wife; (2) great emphasis is placed upon children learning
obedience to the will of the father and other authority
figures; and,· (3) there is a sexually-based, dichotomous
set of cultural expectations: boys are accorded higher
status than girls throughout their life.
This pattern of
socialization may cause the following inner problems for
the Mexican male: problems of submission and rebellion in
----. 'Sf'
the area of authority; difficulties in supe(c~~ding depen~
dency upon maternal figures; and, preoccupation and anxiety
regarding the maintenance of sexual potency.
As previously mentioned in Chapter one, some of the
values of the Mexican culture are not unique to Chicanos
and Mexicans.
When the Diaz-Guerrero survey was first
developed in the late nineteen-fifties, it brought about
such interest that people from other countries adopted its
-
use.
li:J -
In 1958,·tbe Puerto Rican Institute of Psychiatry
conducted an extended survey of the Diaz-Guerrero study
with the cooperation of 494 Puerto Rican teenagers
whom were high school graduates and unmarried.
~11
of
The major
results of the survey may be summarized with the following
major statements:
(a)
The Puerto Rican mother appears to be held
in higher affectional esteem than does the
Puerto Rican father.
(b)
Puerto Ricans along with other Latin Americans
still tend to bold the concept of male superiority and male dominance in the family.
(c)
In Puerto Rico, greater status is accorded
to the male child than to the female child.
(d)
The fundamental propositions underlying
the middle class Puerto Rican family tend
to be distinctively more similar to the
Mexican than those of the mainland American.
(Fernandez-Harina, 1958).
An isolated aspect of the Diaz-Guerrero survey was
conducted in Mexico and in the United States to determine
what
.
d~fferences
the two cultures.
and
[ (;' v
~--\
dl.fus~on
"-.... ·~./
of values existed between
The sample of population for this survey
totaled 1,814 students from Edinburg and Austin, Texas and
- 20 i.
from Monterrey and Mexico City, Mexico.
The population in
Edinburg was composed of Anglo, Latino, and Chicano
university students.
Based on the results, Diaz-Guerrero
writes the following on the concept of "respect" from the
Mexican and the Anglo, or society abroad in mainstream
United States:
h
Most of the Hexicans thing that respect
involves a positive duty to obey; and a
third to half of them, unlike most American students, feel that respect means you
have to obey the respected person whether
you like it or not. Thus, in contrast
to the American pattern, most of the
Mexicans portray the respect relationship
. as an intricate web of reciprocal duties
and dependencies, cast in a hierarchial
mold, with strong emotional involvement
to support it and, sometimes, to strain
it. {1975, p. 85)
.
The second finding in this survey consisted of an
interesting result which brought about, in Diaz-Guerrero's
terms, a diffusion of values due to the influx of culture
~.\;\)
from the border towns in ·Nexico, and lQ.!_C1 'versa.
Diaz-
Guerrero summarizes the following results of the two way
diffusion on the border town samples in Edinburg, Texas,
and Monterrey, Mexico.
On the Mexican meaning of respect: to love,
to feel protective toward, to avoid interfering, the Edinburg Anglos resemble the
Mexicans significantly more than they do
the U.S. samples. Perhaps they have
acculturated into the Mexican view of life
on these poin~~. and admirable points they
are. Convefl)')on the admiration item,
~-t);~
•
- 21 -
the Monterrey students resemble those
in the United States more than those
in Mexico City; acculturation, possibly?
... Only in Monterey do an appreciable
number of students associate respect
with awe and with fear. In Edinburg arid
Monterrey there is also a significantly
higher incidence of votes for "expecting
punishment", and "liking to obey" . . . .
(Diaz-Guerrero, 1975, p. 87).
Diaz-Guerrero's studies support two main theories in
terms of the culture and personality of the Mexican and
the Chicano; (a) there are specific role expectations of
individuals within the family, and (b) there are certain
cultural values such as "respect", that are inherent in
the southwestern United States that stem from population
influx and family traditions retained by Chicanos.
Other
studies also support the belief that Chicanos do indeed
value and keep some of the Mexican traditions.
In a study conducted by Padilla (1976), principal
investigator of the Spanish Speaking Hental Health Research
Center, U.C.L.A. it was found that many Chicanos retain
cult:ural ties that aid them in coping with emotional
problems.
The study included more than 650 Chicano
subjects.
Padilla found that about 88% of those questioned
had "compadres", (God parents to their children) even
though 10% of them were protestant.
The tradition of
"compadres" is derived from religious beliefs, but according to the findings in Padilla's study, it serves various
- 22 -
purposes; not only is the compadre responsible for the well
being and religious upbringing of the children in the
absence of the parents, but he is also used as a confidant
and counselor in times of trouble.
Padilla states that
based on his investigation$, Chicanos tend to deal with
emotional problems with a variety of people.
If a problem
can not be resolved within the family, or a compadre, or
friend, then, it must be taken to the outside; to a physician, or a priest.
This tends to be true even if there are
known facilities for counseling in the community.
After considering the functional aspect of the individual within the structure of the :Mexican family, one must
consider the religious bond which, in many cases, serves
as the base or guideline in terms of defining moral conduct and behavior in general.
Christianity offers definite
guidelines from which the individual can judge his behavior
as morally right or wrong.
Also, christianity gives an
explanation for submitting oneself into,fate regardless of
the situation of living condit,ion
'
.
on~
·i,
is living under.
'
Two of the obvious reasons why Chicanos do not use
counseling facilities are poor financial resources and
the lack of bilingual therapists or the fear of not articulating the English language well enough.
- 23 -
Boulette (1975), researcher and clinical psychologist,
sunnnarizes the problems of the Chicano population as the
following: overt and covert prejudice, pervasive poverty,
ineffective and/or insufficient education, extremely high
unemployment,. low levels of health and health information,
stresses inherent to acculturation and immigration,
problems dealing with alcohol and drugs, marital disruption, and incarceration.
She also notes the problem of
psychological stress of Chicano women due to consciousness
of high fertility, probably related to religious beliefs,
which cause a condition of "sub-assertiveness".
Boulette's main objective is to orient her Chicana
clients to the cause of their physical ailments and
psychological problems.
Through her assertive training
techniques she encourages her clients to express experiences that relate to understanding the inner-self.
"
S,p
Other recent studies delirtiate
\ --·--,.-r other problems that
..
·.._·~ ~"
deal with the drop 9ut rate of Chicanos in therapy and the
problem of self-disclosure.
In a survey by Miranda (1976)
results showed that Chicanos drop out of therapy at an
approximate rate of 66% after the first session, and at a
higher rate of 85% prior to the fifth session.
Aside from
the problem of language and unfamiliarity with mental
health facilities, Miranda stresses the problem of under-
- 24 -
representation of Chicanos in the mental health facilities.
Miranda states that consideration must be given to the
complex interaction of social and cultural factors that
are involved when one deals with Chicanos in psychotherapy.
Also, Miranda points out that the "bureaucratic-like"
mental health agencies present a problem by asking embarrassing questions and forced exposure which causes feelings
of vulnerability.
These feelings may affect the person irt
such a way that he may lose all motivation to get involved
in the therapeutic process even before he starts.
Not too much is known about Chicanos and self-
/
disclosure, though this factor greatly affects their participation in the counseling of psychotherapeutic process.
Acosta and Sheehan (1976), using Chicano and Anglo college
students, conducted a study on self-disclosure in order to
find out to what degree and·under what conditions would
Chicano students self-disclose.
The following method
was followed: the participants, ninety-four male and
female Chicanos, and ninety-three male and female Anglos
were asked to answer questions after listening to a tape
recorder.
The questions dealt with their expectations
of the tape presentations which were given by therapists
that could be readily identified within four categories;
Anglo professional, Anglo nonprofessional, Chicano profes-
- 25 -
sional·, Chicano nonprofessional.
The professional voice
was identified by the word ( 11 doctor") preceding their name
in the recording, and the nonprofessional was identified
with the word ("mister") before his name.
The Chicano
was identified by his Spanish surname, and, his slight
Spanish accent in the recording.
Then, the students were
asked to indicate their willingness on the
self~disclosure
scale to talk to one of the therapists they heard.
Items
on the self-disclosure scale included sentence completion
such as;
11
I often wish". . . "Hy face looks". . . .
The
students were asked to chose one of the voices recorded as
the therapist to whom they would complete the sentence.
Results indicated, on a four point scale, that Anglos were
more willing to self-disclose to both the professional, and
the nonprofessional.
There was about a 50% split in the
scores.
Chicanos were found to disclose less to Chicano
therapists than did Anglo Americans to Anglo American
,therapists.
This indicated that, in general, Chicanos
self-disclosed significantly less than Anglos.
In
compar~
ing Chicanos alone, the results indicated that Chicanos
showed a tendency to self-disclose to Chicano therapists
rather than the other choices given.
This particular
tendency, however, was not statistically significant.
- 26 -
Even though these findings imply that Chicanos tend
to feel more comfortable with Chicano therapists, more
exploration is needed.
There might be underlying reasons
why some Chicano students preferred Anglo therapists.
example, it might
be
For
that because of low self-esteem, some
Chicanos believe that Anglo therapists are more competent
since there is an abundance of Anglos in that profession
as compared to Chicanos.
Of course, these are hypotheti-
cal questions that require further research.
'
The review (~J\J the research in this chapter has dealt
with cultural and psychological studies that directly or
indirectly relate to the Hexicano and Chicano experience.
The following chapter will describe the methods and procedu.res that were used in this study to directly investigate Chicano and Mexicano acculturation and selfdisclosure.
i
CHAPTER III
METHODS AND PROCEDURES
Chapter 3 describes the subjects in the study, the
instruments used, and the methods and procedures used.
The subjects for this study were taken from the
student population at California State University,
Northridge, and Mission Cormnunity College in San Fernando,
California.
Over two hundred students were invited to
participate, however, due to the nature of the study, the
only samples used were those of Chicanos and Mexicanos.
From the 160 responses, 79 subjects were randomly selected.
The participants in the study were required to be 18 years
of age or older, and be literate in English or Spanish, or
both.
Instruments
The instruments used in this study consist of two
questionnaires each containing a rating scale and a number
of items to be rated.
One of the.instruments assesses
acculturation and the other evaluates self-disclosure.
In
order to avoid possible confusion about the self-disclo.sure
scale, it was entitled, Scale of Comfortableness in Talking
to Others.
The scale measures the extent to which a person
is willing to disclose personal feelings among the following people; friend, compadre or relative, priest or
minister, parents, psychologist or counselor.
- 27 -
The Accul-
•
- 28 -
turation Scale indicated how much of the Mexican culture
has been retained by the individual through the use of the
Spanish language, values, traditions that pertain
t~
the
Mexican way of life, and to the Mexican family structure.
A more complete description of these two scales will be
given below.
·Instrument I:
Acculturation Scale
Questions I through 7 of the Acculturation Scale obtain
info1~ation
birth.
about sex, age, language spoken, and place of
Questions 8 through 17 pertain to the role of the
father and mother in the Mexican family as described by
(Diaz-Guerrero, 1975).
Although these questions were based
on the work of Diaz-Guerrero, some of them have been rephrased in more current language.
For example, statement
13 now reads "The father is the ultimate authority in the
family" instead of "The father wears the pants in the
famili'.
Statements 18 through 30 include religion,
"Anglo American" and "Mexican" views of life, machismo,
and items about children's behavior.
These topics have
included in order to measure specific values that derive
from cultural traditions.
Such values are often unspoken
norms vJithin the Mexican society which determine the role
of the individual within his/her family, and society at
large.
For example, statement 30 ("Suffering is inevit-
- 29 -
able") might seem fatalistic to someonewho is unfamiliar
with the Christian doctrine, but to a Mexicano, this statement is more acceptable since most Mexicanos believe that
suffering is meaningful and rewarded in one's life or in
the life after death.
These statements have been included
as a base for determining any significant differences
between Chicano and Mexicano responses.
Instrtunent II:
(See appendix A).
Scale of Comfortableness in Talking to
Others
Instrtunent II, measures the amount of self-disclosure
of an individual relative to significant others.
This
scale is an extension of Acosta and Sheehan's (1976) selfdisclosure scale.
Although some of the Acosta and Sheehan
scale were utilized, various other categories of people to
whom the subject would or would not self-disclose were
.
added in Instrument II of this study.
Instrlli~ent
II includes the following five confidants;
friend, compadre or relative, priest or minister, parents
and psychologist or counselor.
These five categories pro-
vide a greater understanding of where and to whom selfdisclosure is taking place.
In addition to statements
about self-esteem, and self-perception, Instrument II
includes statements about work, family, vocational aspira-
- 30 -
tions, and personal problems.
The
participant~
in this
study were asked to rate their self-disclosure with the
five confidants in regards to each and every topic in the
twenty statements in the instrument.
Procedure
Over two hundred students from California State
University, Northridge, and students from Mission Community
College, San Fernando were invited to participate in this
study.
From the return of a hundred-sixty, seventy-nine
Chicanos and Mexicano subjects were randomized and computed.
The instruments were administered by a few instruc-
tors at the college and university who volunteered to help.
Since both of the instruments are self explanatory, minimal
directions were given.
~he
instructors simply asked the
participants to fill out the questionnaires in the language
they preferred, and then collected them after a period of
twenty minutes or so.
The subjects were randomized by
selecting the odd numbered responses of Chicano and Mexicano participants.
Processing the Data
After tabulating the seventy-nine randomized samples,
the data were computer-analyzed using Parson £roduct moment
coefficient to determine statistical
~ignificance
of the
- 31 -
relationship between acculturation and self-disclosure.
Also, t-tests were used to statistically compare preference
of self-disclosure between Chicanos and Mexicanos . .
Reliability of the Instrument
A preliminary sample of ten subjects were tested and
retested after a week interval.
Test-retest reliabilities were:
For the Acculturation Scale r.24
For the Self-Disclosure Scale r.42
CHAPTER IV
RESULTS·
Analysis of Data
The data were analyzed through a Computer Center using·
Pearson.product moment coefficient rand t-tests.
The r
statistic was used to determine the relationship between
the Acculturation Scale and the Self-Disclosure Scale, and
t-tests were used to compare the degree of self-disclosure
to others of consideration among the groups.
Hypotheses
1.
There is no relationship between degree of
acculturation of Chicano and Mexicano men and
women and their preference for self-disclosure
to others of consideration:
Friend
Compadre or Relative
Priest or Minister
Parents
Counselor or Psychologist
2.
There is no difference on mean scores between
Chicano and Mexicano men and women on an acculturation scale of Mexican values.
. r;!. -,:·
l''
. J>
- 32 -
- 33 '
3.
There is no difference on mean scores between
Chicano and Mexicano men and women on a selfdisclosure scale to others of consideration:
Friend
Compadre or Relative
Priest or Minister
Parents
Counselor or Psychologist
Acculturation Findings
The data were first analyzed by correlating the means
of Chicanos (men and women) on the Acculturation
Sca~e,
with their preference for self-disclosure with others of
consideration on the Self-Disclosure Scale.
Then, the
mean scores of Mexicano men and women were treated in the
same manner.
In both cases, the (r) correlation was
employed and the level of significance was set at the .05
level.
Table 1 shows no significant relationships between
acculturation of Chicano men and women and their preference
for self-disclosure with others of consideration.
The
negative correlation of Fl, Pl, and Cl, show negative trend
however, these trends did not reach the stated level of
significance.
Thus, the evidence does not support rejec-
tion of the null hypothesis 1.
'
- 34 -
Table (1)
Correlations Between Acculturation and
· Self Disclosure of Chicano Men and Women
N
SELF-DISCLOSURE
'CATEGORY
COEFFICIENT
LEVEL OF
SIGNIFICANCE
39
Fl
Rl
Ml
Cl
ns
=
=
=
=
=
Fl
-.074
.325 ns
Rl
.043
.397 ns
Ml
.065
.347 ns
Pl
-.230
.079 ns
Cl
-.122
.230 ns
Self-Disclosure
Self-Disclosure
Self-Disclosure
Self-Disclosure
Not Significant
with
with
with
with
Friend
Compadre or Relative
Priest or Minister
Counselor of Psychologist
In investigating the relationship between acculturation of Mexicano men and women and their preference for
self-disclosure, no significant correlations were found.
Table 2 shows a positive trend in the relationship, however, this trend did not reach statistical significance.
Thus, the null hypothesis (1) was not rejected.
- 35 -
Table (2)
Correlations Between Acculturation and
Self-Disclosure of Mexicano Men and Women
N
SELF-DISCLOSURE
CATEGORY
COEFFICIENT
LEVEL OF
SIGNIFICANCE
40
Fl
.154
.171 ns
Rl
.110
.250 ns
Ml
.124
.222 ns
Pl
.218
.087 ns
Cl
.033
.419 ns
Fl
Rl
Ml
Cl
= Self-Disclosure with Friend
= Self-Disclosure with Compadre or Relative
= Self-Disclosure with Priest or Minister
= Self-Disclosure with Counselor or Psychologist
ns = Not Significant
Results for both Chicanos and Mexicanos (on Tables
l and 2) indicate that no relationship was found between
acculturation and self-disclosure.
Thus, the data failed
to reject the null hypotheses (Hypotheses 1).
Further investigation was done on the Acculturation
Scale alone, in order to find out if there were any significant differences between acculturation scores of Chicano
and Mexicano men and women.
Table 3 presents a summary of
t-tests results on the Acculturation Scale.
- 36 -
Table (3)
Acculturation Scale t-Values by
Nationality and Gender
CHICANO MEN
M
CHICANO
HEN
CHICANA
WOMEN
N 18
N 21
-.74 ns
MEXICANO
MEN
N 15
MEXICANA
WOMEN
N 25
1.44 ns
.92 ns
1. 3 9 ns
1 . 3 7 ns
4. 74
S.D. . . 40
CHICANA WOMEN
M 4.46
S.D. 1. 50
HEXICANO HEN
M 5.14
S.D. 1.05
.13 ns
MEXICANA WOMEN
H 5.08
S.D. 1.48
M = Mean
S.D. = Standard Deviation
ns = Not Significant
In comparing acculturation results of Chicano and
Mexicano men and women, no significant difference was
found.
Table 3 shows no statistical difference between
Chicano and Mexicano (men and women) scores on the Acculturation Scale.
Since the t-values did not reach statistical
- 37 -
significance, the data failed to reject (Hypothesis 2) the
null hypothesis.
Results also show that both Chicanos and
Mexicanos somewhat agreed with the Mexican values
p~esented
in the Acculturation Scale due to the fact that both groups
. had relatively high scores.
Self-Disclosure Findings
Aside from investigating the relationship between
acculturation and self-disclosure and comparing acculturation findings, the data were analyzed to compare degree of
self-disclosure of Chicanos and Mexicanos with others of
consideration.
The mean scores were analyzed with the
variables of gender and nationality.
Table 4 through 8
present t-values pertaini-g to self-disclosure of Chicano
and Hexicano men and women with; a friend, compadre or
relative, priest or minister, parents, and counselor of
psychologist.
Results are shown in this order beginning
with self-disclosure with a friend on Table 4.
- 38 -
Table (4)
t-Values for Self-Disclosure with a Friend
CHICANO MEN
M 5.01
S.D.
.21
CHICANA WOMEN
M 5.19
S.D.
. 80
MEXICANO MEN
M 4.16
S.D.
.41
CHICANO
MEN
CHICANA
WOMEN
MEXICANO MEXICANA
MEN
WOMEN
N 18
N
N
21
-.88
15
*6.53
N 25
*4.38
*4.53
.60
·MEXICANA WOMEN
M 3. 99
S.D.
.92
M = Mean
S.D. = Standard Deviation
* = Significant Beyond .005 Level
Findings in Table 4 strongly reject null hypothesis 3
as stated.
Chicano men and women were found to be more
willing to self-disclose with a friend than Mexicano men
and women.
The difference in the mean scores between
Chicanos and Mexicanos (men and women) were significant
- 39 -
beyond the .005 level.
The most self-disclosing group in
this case was the Chicana women with a mean score of 5.19.
The least
self~disclosing
group was the Mexicana women
with a mean score of 3.99.
The mean scores were based on
the seven point scale on the Self-Disclosure Scale.
(See
Appendix B)
Self-Disclosure with Compadre or Relative
Table 5 summarize the t-value data for self-disclosure
with compadre or relative.
The data on this table also
show t--value scores beyond the .005 level of significance.
The level of acceptance was set at .05 for all computations
relating to self-disclosure.
- 40 -
Table (5)
t-Values for Self-Disclosure with
Compadre or Relative
CHICANO MEN
M 5.12
S.D. .161
CHICANO
MEN
CHICANA
WOMEN
N 18
N
MEXICANO MEXICANA
MEN
WOMEN
21
N 15
.90
·k7. 44
CHICANA WOMEN
*3.25
N
25
~~5.
26
M 4.93
S.D. .837
MEXICANO
MEN
2.22
M
4.06
S.D. . 408
HEXICANA WOMEN
H 3.24
S.D. .932
M = Mean
S.D. = Standard Deviation
* = Significant Beyond .005 Level
As shown in Table 5, the t-values of 7.44, 6.32,
3.22, and 5.26 strongly indicate that Chicano men and
women are significantly more self-disclosing to a compadre
or relative than Mexicano men and women.
The evidence
strongly rejects hypothesis 3 as it relates to compadre or
relative.
- 41 -
Self-Disclosure with Priest or Minister
Table 6 sUmmarize the data relating to the findings
on self-disclosure with priest or minister.
The t-values
show that Chicano men were more willing to self-disclose
to a priest or minister than Chicana women as well as
Mexicano men and women.
Table 6 also show no significant
difference between Chicana women and Mexicano men and
women.
Thus, hypothesis 3 is only partially rejected
since Chicano men was the only group that showed statistically significant differences with other groups.
- 42 -
Table (6)
t-Values for Self-Disclosure with
Priest or Minister
CHICANO
MEN
CHICANA
WOMEN
MEXICANO
MEN
MEXICANA
WOMEN
N 18
N 21
N 15
N
•k2. 85
*6.13
*3.26
.07
.10
CHICANO MEN
25
M 4.46
S.D.
. 27
CHICANA WOMEN
M 3.46
S.D. 1.43
MEXICANO
MEN
.02
M 3.24
S.D.
. 61
MEXICA...l'\JA WOMEN
M 3.43
S.D. 1.28
M = Mean
S.D. = Standard Deviation
"'" = Significant Beyond . 005 Level
Self-Disclosure with Parents
Table 7 gives a summary of the results on selfdisclosure with parents.
Here, t-values indicate that
Chicano men and women are significantly more self-disclos.:..
ing with parents.
In analyzing the results by gender,
- 43 -
Chicana women are notably more self-disclosing than Chicano
men as well as Mexicano men and women.
On the other hand,
Mexicano men showed more willingness to self-disclose than
Mexicana women.
The least self-disclosing group with
parents then, was Mexicana women.
These findings strongly
reject null hypothesis 3 as it relates to self-disclosure
with parents.
Table (7)
t-Values for Self-Disclosure with Parents
CHICANO
MEN
CHICANA
WOMEN
MEXICANO
MEN
MEXICANA
WOMEN
N 18
N 21
N 15
N 25
•k2. 98
·k3. 70
*4.49
*3.63
*6.47
CHICANO MEN
M
S.D.
4. 78
.21
CHICANA WOMEN
M 5.47
S.D.
.93
*3.18
MEXICANO MEN
M 4.48
S.D.
. 81
MEXICANA WOMEN
M 3.54
S.D. 1.02
M
S.D.
·k
= Mean
=
Standard Deviation
= Significant Beyond . 005 Level
- 44 -
Self-Disclosu~e
with Counselor or Psychologist
The data on Table 8 show the following results.
Chicano men are significantly more willing to self-disclose
with a counselor or psychologist than Mexicano men and
women.
Chicana women were also found to be more self-
disclosing than Mexicano men and women,.. but not more so
than Chicano men.
Also, there was no significant diffe-
rence between Mexicano men and women.
The least self-
disclosing group in this case was, once again, Mexicana
women.
The most self-disclosing group was definitely
Chicana women.
In fact when Chicana women were compared
to Mexicano men, the difference was statistically significant beyond the .001 level.
The significant difference
be·tween Chicanos and Mexicanos allows for partial rejection
of. null hypothesis 3.
~
45 -
Table (8)
t-Values for Self-Disclosure with
Counselor or Psychologist
CHICM"!O
MEN
CHICANA
WOMEN
MEXICANO
MEN
MEXICANA
WOMEN
N 18
N 21
N 15
N
.24
*6.56
*4.39
CHICANO MEN
M 4.58
S.D.
. 32
CHICANA \\IONEN
M 4.50
S.D. 1.32
25
*3.46
HEXICANO MEN
H 3.47
S.D.
. 69
.96
!•'iEXICANA \.JONEN
M 3.06
S.D. 1.41
l1 = Nean
S.D. = Standard Deviation
* = Significant Beyond .005 Level
"ib'> = Significant Beyond . 001 Level
Summary of Findings
The correlations showed no significant relationship
between acculturation and self-disclosure results.
· 1 and 2 summarize these findings.
Table
From Table 3 it is seen
that there was no significant difference between the mean
- 46 -
scores of Chicano and Mexicano men and women on the
Acculturation Scale.
Both groups somewhat agree with the
Mexican values presented on the Acculturation ScaleJ since
both groups had relatively high scores.
Appendix C pre-
sents responses to individual questions on the Acculturation Scale.
Findings on self-disclosure indicated a rejection
of hypothesis 3, the null hypothesis, which states that
there is no difference between Chicano and Hexicano selfdisclosure.
In all cases, the results indicated that
Chicano men and women were more self-disclosing than
Mexicano men and women.
Mexicana women were found to be
least self-disclosing with all others of consideration
with the exception of priest or minister.
Here, Mexicano
men were found to be least self-disclosing.
In self-
disclosure with counselor or psychologist, Mexicano men
were found to be least self-disclosing, and, Chicana women
were found to be most self-disclosing.
Other Related Findings on Self-Disclosure
As total groups, Chicanos and Mexicanos (men and
women) showed similar trends in self-disclosing with a
friend and parents.
Both groups seemed to be most self-
disclosing with these two classes of people.
Chicano men
and women had a total mean of 5.10 for friend and a mean
- 47 -
of 5.12 for parents.
In comparison, Mexicano men and
women had a total mean of 4.07 for friends and 4.01 for
parents.
Also, the findings seem to indicate that Chicano men
and women in this study tend to be less self-disclosing
to priest or minister.
Chicano men were lowest in this
category, but as a group, they had a mean of 3.46 for
priest or minister.
Hexicano men and women, ·on the other
hand, seem to be less self-disclosing with counselor or
psychologist.
Their mean score for this category was 3.26.
Table 9 summarizes mean scores of Chicanos and Mexicanos
in regards to self-disclosure .. The.significance of the
mean score
"~;vas
determined by a seven point scale on the
Self·-Disclosure Scale.
(See Appendix B)
- 48 -
Table (9)
Summary of Mean Scores for Self-Disclosure
Fl
Rl
Ml
Pl
Cl
CHICANO MEN
5.01
5.12
4.46
4.78
4.58
CHICAl'lA WOMEN
5.19
4.93
3.46
5.47
4.50
MEXICANO MEN
4.16
4.06
3.24
4.48
3.47
MEXICANA WOHEN
3.99
3.24
3.43
3.54
3.06
Fl = Self-Disclosure
Rl = Self-Disclosure
Relative
Ml = Self-Disclosure
Minister
Pl = Self-Disclosure
Cl = Self-Disclosure
Psychologist
with Friend
with Compadre or
with Priest or
with Parents
with Counselor or
CHAPTER V
S~iARY
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
SUMMARY
The Problem
Recent studies indicate that not enough is known about
Chicano and Hexicano self-disclosure.
This study investi-
gates the relationship between Chicano and Mexicano
acculturation with self-disclosure.
Also, this study was
designed to compare Chicano and Mexicano·self-disclosure
with others of consideration; friend, compadre or relative,
priest or minister, parents, and counselor or psychologist.
The study was conducted under the following assumptions;
Chicanos are Bicultural and would somewhat agree with some
of the Mexican values of the Acculturation Scale.
Since
the scale deals mainly with Mexican values, Mexicanos would·
score higher than Chicanos.
Chicanos would score higher on
the self-disclosure scale as it relates to counselor or
psychologist since they are more acculturated into Anglo
American society.
Methods and Procedures
Over two hundred students from California State
University, Northridge and
~·fission
Cormnunity College were
invited to respond to the acculturation scale and the
self-disclosure scale designed for this study.
The ran-
domizing of samples was done by selecting approximately
- 49 -
- 50 -
half of the odd numbered Chicano and Mexicano samples
returned.
The scales were written in English and in
Spanish in order to facilitate completion of the
su~vey.
The remaining seventy-nine subjects were processed using a
two tail t-test and the Pearson_pr?duct moment correlation
(r) to determine the statistical significance of the
results.
Theoretical and Empirical Background
In the literature review, the most prominent issues
presented were those that affect various ethnic groups in
relationship to mental health and the
ther~~process.
Some of these include; acculturation, poverty, low selfesteem, and self-disclosure.
Meyer (1974)_ recommends that therapy should include(\
history and lifestyle of forefathers in order to @t!YJ
low self-esteem.
He found that American Indians had
trouble adjusting to city life due to mixed messages on
value systems.
Similar to Meyer (Bourne, 1975) found that
stress and conflict existed in Chinese Americans due to
current changing attitudes toward assimilation.
(Murakami,
1976) found that second generation Japanese Americans had
a strong desire to remain together as a community, and
follow their ancestor's cultural patterns.
- 51 -
These studies support the belief that ethnic groups
retain ancestral values and at times have trouble adjusting to a bicultural -life.
That is, accepting that
~hey
have t1.110 cultures and adj't,lsting to them.
Gecas, (1973) found that migrant Chicanos had more
Mexican-like -patterns and values than settled Chicanos.
Also, the settled Chicanos (in metropolitan areas) had a
better self-concept than migrant
Chicanos~
Diaz-Guerrero,
(1975) found that people in Austin, Texas had similar
values to people who lived in Monterrey, r1exico.
These
two studies support the belief that many Chicanos do indeed
have two cultures.
Boulette, (1975) attributes Chicano mental health
problems to their socioeconomic condition in this country.
Miranda, (1976) discusses the Chicano drop out rate
in therapy.
After the first session, there is a drop out
rate of 66% and prior to the fifth session, there is a
drop out rate of 85%.
Acosta and Sheehan, (1976) conducted a study whereby
Chicanos showed a slight preference for Chicano therapists
rather than Anglo therapists.
The participants listened
to a recording, and from the brief introductions and names
heard, they made a choice for therapy.
From the results,
there is an implication that those Chicanos who preferred
the Anglo therapist because they probably felt that the
- 52 -
Chicano therapist could not do the job as well as the
Anglo.
The implication is that ancestral values might interact with present immediate cultural life-style and values
producing a set of predispositions more favorable to selfdisclosure in therapeutic settings.
Major Fingings
The major findings of the study are summarized in
what follows:
Acculturation Factor
Table 1 and 2 in Chapter 4 show that there is no significant correlation between acculturation mean scores and
self-disclsoure mean scores.
It was expected that there
would be a positive correlation between Mexicano acculturation, and self-disclosure with a friend, compadre or
relative, and parents.
participants.
The same was expected for Chicano
The lack of significant correlations between
the scales indicates that further investigation is needed
in order to determine what factors or variables influence
self-disclosure.
It was found, however, that the variable
of nationality is a determinant since Chicanos were found
to be more self-disclosing overall.
\~en
Chicano and Mexicano findings were compared on
the acculturation scale alone, t-tests results showed that
- 53 -
there was no significant difference between the groups.
The mean score of 4.11 for Chicanos (men and women) and
5.11 for Mexicanos (men and women) show that both
g~oups
scored relatively high (based on a seven point scale).
According to these findings, both groups seem to agree with
the Mexican values presented on the Acculturation Scale,
Instrument 1.
Results on acculturation then, fail to
reject null hypothesis 2 which states that there is no
difference on mean scores of Chicanos and Mexicanos on an
Acculturation Scale of Mexican values.
Statistical refe-
rence for this finding may be observed in Table 3.
Also,
Appendix C shows individual mean scores for every question
on the Acculturation Scale.
Self-Disclosure Factors
The findings on self-disclosure indicate that Chicano
men and women were more self-disclosing than Hexicano men
and women in all cases.
Table 4 through 8 show that
Chicanos (men and women) were more self-disclosing to a
friend, compadre or relative, priest or minister, parents,
and counselor or psychologist.
The t-values for these
results were found to be significant beyond the .005 level.
Thus,null hypothesis 3 was strongly rejected with the variables of friend, compadre or relative, and parents.
The
null hypothesis (3) was partially rejected with the
variables of priest or minister and counselor or psycholo-
- 54 -
."
gist, however, these differences were not significant among
all groups.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
The findings on acculturation support other data in
current literature concerning retainment of culture by .
various ethnic groups in the United States.
In this case,
findings on acculturation show that Chicanos and Mexicanos
indicated to have similar values related to some of the
major components of the Mexican philosophy of life.
Speci-
fically, both groups seem to agree with values that focus
on the dynamics of the Mexican family structure.
For
example, both groups agreed with the statement, "mother is
-I:
the dearest person in. the family".
In the Mexican family,
the mother or mother figure is the center of the family,
and everything revolves around her.
equal respect to both parents.
Both groups indicated
In many cases, the father
figure is most respected because he has ultimate authority.
The mother, on the other hand, is respected because she is
the center of the home.
Both groups also agreed on the
following, children should have good manners.
Tradition-
ally in the Mexican family, children show good manners by
being courteous, and responding to adults when they are •
~.
asked to respond.
It appears that both Chicanos and
Mexicanos think this is important, however, Chicanos also
- 55 -
seem to have adopted the Anglo .fu11erican view that allows
for more freedom of speech to children by allowing them
to ''speak out".
In addition to this, both Chicanos .and
Mexicanos in this study agreed with the following; religion is very important in one's life, and one's behavior
is determined by moral and religious training.
As
discussed in Chapter 1, many of the Hexican values stem
from religious beliefs of two cultures, the Nahua culture,
and the Spanish culture which introduced Christianity.
Today, most Mexicanos and Chicanos adhere to values that
stem from Christianity, as well as values that were retained from the first Americans.
Appendix C shows group mean scores of Chicanos and
Mexicanos on the Acculturation Scale.
.The significance of
the means may be interpreted by the seven point scale on
the Acculturation Scale, Appendix A.
The mean scores (on
Appendix C,) show that both Chicanos and Mexicanos have
relatively high scores on items that pertain to Mexican
values.
Also, Chicanos and Mexicanos had similar scores
on items 21 and 24, eventhough items 21, 24, and 27 may be
considered Anglo American values.
This implies that both
groups may be bicultural although no significant assessment
can be made with the Acculturation Scale in this study,
simply because it lacks items that pertain to Anglo
- 56 -
American value$.
Thus, in order to estimate acculturation
into Anglo American society, the scores would have to
indicate rejection of the Mexican values presented .
. This study showed that neither Chicanos or Mexicanos
(men and women) reje_cted the Hexican values on the Acculturation Scale.
relatively high.
In fact, mean scores of both groups were
On items that pertain to Mexican values,
Chicano men and women had a mean of 4. 57 and Mexicanos had
a mean of 5.16.
One of the main objectives of this study was to determine the effect of acculturation (into Anglo American
society) on self-disclosure.
In order to investigate this,
results on acculturation were correlated with results on
self--disclosure.
After computing these results, no signi-
ficant correlation was found.
That is, there seems to be
no pattern between high scores on acculturation, and low
scores on self-disclosure with particular others of consideration.
This does not mean, however, that accultura-
tion (into Anglo American society) has no effect on selfdisclosure, it only means that the instruments used in this
study might not have been appropriate enough to measure the
effect or relationship.
- 57 -
Results from the Self-Disclosure Scale reveal that
Mexicanos are significantly less self-disclosing than
Chicanos.
In particular, women born in Mexico indicated
that they were somewhat uncomfortable self-disclosing with
a counselor or psychologist.
This implies that Hexicanas
feel a woman should not reveal her feelings or problems to
strangers or some professional person.
There seems to be
an indirect relationship between these findings and the
role of the Mexicana in her family.
In all cases except
for priest or minister, the Mexicana was least self-disclosing.
This implies that since the woman is the center
of the family she might feel that her responsibility is
too important for her to be concerned with personal needs.
Thus, she might feel that she should be in control not
only of the household but also of herself and her feelings.
This, of course, might cause discomfort in admitting feelings of selfishness, guilt, and frustration.
This possible
factor is supported by the results which revealed that
Mexicana women felt uncomfortable self-disclosing to a
friend, compadre or relative, priest or minister, parents,
and counselor or psychologist.
The low results in self-
disclosure for Mexicana women might relate to the fact that
in many cases women feel more comfortable talking to other
women rather than to a male authority figure such as
- 58 -
counselor, psychologist and priest or minister.
This
study did not specify whether others of consideration were
men or women.
It would be advisable to take this
p~e­
caution in further studies.
The results on self-disclosure for Mexicanos revealed
that Mexicano men felt least comfortable with priest or
minister and counselor or psychologist.
This finding might
relate to the defense mechanisms of the Mexicano known as
"masks".
As discussed in Chapter l, a Mexican man often
feels that he should be able to do everything for himself
without assistance.
of "machismo'.'.
This may be interpreted as the mask
This feeling of "machismo" or pride may
cause feelings of inferiority if the person admits to
others that he can't cope with certain situations.
Thus,
in the therapuetic session, the Mexicano may be resistant
or he may wear the mask of "dissimulation" which may appear
,r-"'\
vo
as telling half truths, mumbf_:j-~hg ,\ and not showing full
expressions physically.
This resistance may be overcome
in time by a therapist that understands and can relate
culturally to the person.
In addition, another reason why Mexicanos (men) may
have given the counselor or psychologist a low rating
might have been because they weren't familiar with any
type of counseling or therapuetic process.
- 59 -
Mexicano men indicated that they felt most comfortable
self-disclosing to parents, and then-to a compadre or
relative~
in that order.
Parents probably received a
higher rating than compadre or relative because many of the
participants in this study were in the age bracket of 18
to 25.
Older participants gave higher rating to compadre
or relative.
After analyzing the data on acculturation,
11/)
it seems pla@el that Hexicanos would choose to selfdisclose to a relative.
A compadre is usually a former
best friend of the parents and by making him or her a
relative, he/she can be included in sovling the problems
that arise
w~thin
the family.
Similar to Mexicanos (men and women), Chicano men and
women gave low rating to priest or minister, and counselor
or.psychologist.
It may be that for Mexicanos self-
disclosure with a priest or minister is interpreted as
something one must do, where as for Chicanos it might be
that they can not relate to self-disclosure with priest or
minister because of their greater diversity in religious
beliefs.
The low rating of counselor or psychologist for
Chicanos might be due to how the individual views himself
when he/she self-discloses to strangers.
First, Chicanos
might share the same views as Mexicanos; Chicanos may
- 60 -
choose to self-disclose to trustworthy individuals only.
In the first place, both Chicanos and Mexicanos might
question the interest and motives of the therapist :i,f the
session begins with the subject of money.
As indicated by
the results ori acculturation both Chicanos and Mexicanos
supported the Mexican concept in helping, sharing and
cooperating within the group.
Thus, it is somewhat con-
trary to the nature of Chicanos and Mexicanos to pay someone for help, or even if no cost is involved, it's more
natural to seek help with friends or relatives.
This
seemed to be the case with both Chicanos and Mexicanos in
this study . .
Chicanos (men and women) indicated feeling most comfortable self-disclosing with the following persons;
parents, friend, and compadre or relative.
Here, Chicanas
(women) felt most self-disclosing with parents.
This is
consistent with the old Mexican tradition of women seeking
advice from their parents, especially from the mothei:.
Chicano (men) indicated feeling most comfortable with a
compadre or relative and a friend.
This also supports the
view that Chicanos do indeed retain Mexican traditions.
Consistently with men, Chicanas_ (women) also rated compadre
or relative and friend similar to Chicanos.
- 61 -
As a whole, Chicanos (men and women) rated selfdisclosure with counselor or psychologist reasonably higher
than Mexicanos (men and women).
However, when Chicano
self-disclosure with counselor or psychologist is compared
to others, significant differences were found.
It seems
that Chicanos might have adopted the concept of professional therapy more so than Mexicanos, however, findings
show that Chicanos prefer other means of self-disclosure.
In conclusion, the results of the study comparing
acculturation and self-disclosure of Chicanos and Mexicanos
support the following generalizations:
1.
Chicanos and Mexicanos (men and women) agree
with various Mexican values.
2.
Chicanos (men and women) are more selfdisclosing than l1exicanos (men and women)
to a friend, compadre or relative, priest
or minister, parents, and counselor or
psychologist.
3.
Both, Chicanos and Mexicanos (men and women)
feel most comfortable self-disclosing to a
friend, or to members of-their family.
The implication of these findings to the therapuetic
process are as follows:
First, in counseling Chicanos and
Mexicanos, it would be essential for the therapist to be
- 62 -
aware of the dynamics in the structure of the family, as
well as customs and values that pertain to the Mexican
culture.
Second, the counseling approach should be .family
centered because the concept of the family is most important to Chicanos and Mexicanos.
Third, in counseling
Chicanos and Mexicanos, stereotypes must be avoided.
Although Chicanos and Mexicanos have similar cultural
values, it is a mistake to overlook differences that pertain to the individuals personality and personal history.
Also, the concepts of respect, confidentiality and trust
and most important in counseling Chicanos and Hexicanos.
Aside from being integral elements in the therapuetic process, the concept ·of respect, trust and confidentiality are
basic elements in the Mexican and Chicano interpersonal
relationships within the Mexican and Chicano cultures.
Limitations of the "Study
A major drawback of this study was that test-retest
reliability for both the Acculturation and Self-Disclosure
Scales was found to be low.
The reliability was checked
by having ten participants respond to both scales twice
within a week's interval.
Reliability was r = .24 for the
Acculturation Scale, and r = .42 for the Self-Disclosure
Scale.
In view of these low reliabilities, these scales
should be refined and improved.
As they are now, a parti-
- 63 -
cipant must answer to one hundred-thirty items when both
scales are combined.
It would be advisable to condense
the Self-Disclosure Scale in the area of others of consideration; friend, compadre or relative, priest or
minister, parents, counselor or psychologist.
More than
likely, the Self-Disclosure Scale would be more reliable
if these categories would be reduced to three or two
categories instead of five.
Also, it would be beneficial
if more participants were used in the test..:.retest.
In
doing so, there would be a greater spectrum of responses,
and thus, a better assessment for reliability.
In further research with the two scales used in this
study, it would be advisable to ascertain that others of
consideration could be men or women.
It would be even more
beneficial to compare self-disclosure using gender as a
major factor with others of consideration.
For example,
instead of self-disclosure with parents, it would be selfdisclosure with father and mother.
Instead of just
self~
disclosure with compadre, it would be self-disclosure with
compadre and comadre.
Lastly, it would be beneficial to
investigate whether Chicanos and Mexicanos prefer male or
/-----\ -'l<{
{f3v.iale counselor or psychologists.·
'--...-
REFERENCES
Acosta, F.X. & Sheehan, J.E. Psychotherapist ethnicity
and expertise as determinants of self-disctosure.
Psychotherapy with the Spanish-speaking: Issues
in research and service delivery. Spanish
Speaking Mental Health Research Center. Los
Angeles: University of California Press, June,
1976, (3), 51-59.
Boulette, R.T. Group therapy with low-income Mexican
Americans. Social Work. September, 1975, 20,
(5) , 403-.{f05;
Boulette, R.T. Assertive training with low-income Mexican
American women. Spani~h Steaking Mental Health
_Research Center. Los Ange es: University of
California Press, June, 1976, (3), 67-69.
Bourne, P.G. The Chinese student: Acculturation and mental
illness. Psychiatry. August, 1975, 38 (3),
269-277.
-
Connor, J.W. Value changes in third generation Japanese
Americans. Journal of Personality Assessment.
December, 1975, 39 (6), 597-600.
Diaz-Guerrero, R. Psychology of the Mexican; Culture and
personality. University of Texas Press, 1975.
Edgerton, R.B. & Karno, M. Mexican American bilingualism
an~ the perception of mental illness.
Archives
of General Psychiatry, 1970, 24, 210-213.
Fernandez-Marina R. Three basic themes in Mexican and
Puerto Rican families. The Journal of Social
Psychiatry, 1958, 48, 167-181.
Frankl, V. E. Man's search for meaning.
Schuster, Inc;, 1975.
New York: Simon &
Gescas, V. Self-concepts of migrant and settled Mexican
Americans, Science Quarterly, 1973, December, 54
(3), 579-595.
.
- 64 -
- 65 -
McWilliams, C.. North from Mexico.
Press, 1968.
Meyer, G.
New York: Greenwood
On helping casu~lties of rapid change. Psychiatric Annuals, November, 1974, 4, (2), 44-46.
Miranda, M.R. Mexican American
as related to level of
Speaking Mental Health
Angeles: Universityof
1976, (3), 35-51.
dropouts in psychotherapy
acculturation. Spanish
Research Center. Los
California Press, June,
Morales, A. Current mental health needs of Mexican
Americans, unpublished thesis, University of
Southern California, August, 1969.
Murakami, M.O. Study of two generations of Japanese
Americans, Sociological Inquiry, 1976, 46, (1),
67-72.
Padilla, A. Mental health utilization by Mexican
Americans. Psychotherapy with the Spanishspeaking: Issues in research and service delivery.
Spanish-Speakin9 Mental Health Research Center.
Los Angeles: Un1versity of California Press,
June, 1976, (3), 9-20.
Paredes, A. Estados unidos, Mexico y el machismo, Journal
of Inter American Studies, January, 1967, 9 (1),
67-72.
Paz, 0.
The Labyrinth of Solitude.
Inc., 1961~
New York: Grove Press,
Staples, R. The Mexican American family: !ts modification
over time and space, Phylon, 1971, 32, (2),
179-192.
.
.
.
APPENDIX A
ACCULTURATION SCALE
INSTRUCTIONS
I.
Please answer all items as accurately as possible.
II.
Items (1 through 7) have to do with your personal
background.
III.
Items (10 through 30) have to do with your personal
beliefs regarding the statements made.
IV.
Please use the following number scale for answering
items 10 through 29.
(1) means you STRONGLY DISAGREE
(2) means you DISAGREE
(3) means you SOMEWHAT DISAGREE
(4) means you NEITHER AGREE OR DISAGREE
(5) means you SOMEWHAT AGREE
(6) means you AGREE
(7) means you STRONGLY AGREE
V.
Write your birthdate on the upper right-hand corner
on each page (in case some pages are misplaced)
VI.
VII.
Do not write your name anywhere.
Make a check mark ( ) for items (1 through 7) except
items 2 and 4.
1.
Sex:
mp.le
2.
Age _ __
Female
- 66 -
- 67 -
3.
Born in the United States:
Yes
No
4.
If not, how many years have you lived in the
United States?
5.
Check (y') the following which best identifies
you:
Mexicano (born in Mexixo)
Chicano
Mexican American __ Anglo --··.
Asian American
6.
Black A11erican
Language spoken at home:
Other
Make check marks
(~)
English - - Always ___ Sometimes __. Occasionally ___
. 'h _ __
S
pan~Su
Always
7.
Sometimes __ Occasionally __
Language spoken with friends:
English _ __
Always ___ Sometimes ___ Occasionally ___
Spanish _ __
Always ___ Sometimes _·_ Occasionally __
Rate the following statements to show the degree
of your agreement or disagreement.
Circle one of
the following numbers after each statement.
(1) means EXTREMELY DISAGREE
(2) means DISAGREE
(3) means SOMEWHAT DISAGREE
- 68 f
(4) means NEITHER DISAGREE OR AGREE
(5) means SOMEWHAT AGREE .
(6) means AGREE
(7) means EXTREMELY AGREE
8.
Mother is the dearest person in the family:
1
9.
3
4
5
6
7
Father is the dearest person in the family:
1
10.
2
2
3
4
5
6
7
If you are married, rate the following:
Husband or wife is the dearest person in the
family:
1
11.
4
5
6
7
2
3
4
5
6
7
Mother is most respected in the family:
1
13.
3
Father is most respected in the family:
1
12.
2
2
3
4
5
6
7
Both father and mother are respected equally:
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
(1) means STRONGLY DISAGREE
(2) means DISAGREE
(3) means SOMEWHAT DISAGREE
(4) means NEITHER DISAGREE OR AGREE
(5) means SOMEWHAT AGREE
(6) means AGREE
(7) means STRONGLY AGREE
'
- 69 -
14.
The father is the ultimate authority in the
. family:
1
15.
2
3
4
5
6
7
The mother is the ultimate authority in the
family:
1
16.
2
3
4
5
6
7
If the father is working and there are children
at home, then, the mother should not seek work
outside the home:
1
17.
2
3
4
5
6
7
The mother is responsible in educating the
children in terms of their values, manners, and
. religion:
1
18.
2
3
4
5
6
7
The father's main role is to be the provider
and disciplinarian for the family:
1
19.
3
4
5
6
7
Religion is very important in one's life:
1
20.
2
2
3
4
5
6
7
We behave the way we do because of our moral
and religious background:·
1
21.
2
3
4
5
6
7
There is a scientific explanation for behavior:
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
- 70 -
22.
It is best not to trust others:
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
(1) means STRONGLY DISAGREE
(2) means DISAGREE
(3) means SOMEWHAT DISAGREE
(4) means NEITHER DISAGREE OR AGREE
(5) means
SOl~T
AGREE
(6) means AGREE
(7) means STRONGLY AGREE
23.
It is important to have a united family:
1
24.
2
3
4
5
6
7
Competition and agressiveness are the most
important qualities one needs for success:
1
25.
2
3
4
5
6
7
Success can be brought about with cooperation
and sharing within a group of people:
1
26.
3
4
5
6
7
Children should be free to speak out:
1
27.
2
2
3
4
5
6
7
Children should have good manners, and be
obedient:
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
- 71 -
28.
You have to be a tough guy to make it in this
world:
1
29.
3
4
5
6
7
You can not control the destiny in your life:
1
30.
2
2
3
4
5
6
7
-
Suffering is inevitable:
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
- 72 -
....
ESCALA DE ACULTURACION
INSTRUCCIONES:
I.
Por favor conteste todas las preguntas lo mejor que
pueda.
II.
Las preguntas (numero 1 a 7) tienen que ver con
informaci6n de su herencia personal.
III.
Las preguntas numero 8 a 22 tienen que ver con sus
creencias(hacerca de lo que se menciona en cada
/
pregunta.
IV.
usara
/
la siguiente escala de numeros para determinar
f
que tanto est~ de acuerdo:
(1) quiere decir que FUERTEMENTE NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(2) quiere decir que NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(3) quiere decir que CASI NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(4) quiere decir que ESTA ENTRE MEDIO NI SI NI NO
(5) quiere decir que CASI ESTA DE ACUERDO
(6) qu1ere decir que ESTA DE ACUERDO
(7) quiere decir que FUERTEMENTE SI ESTA DE ACUERDO
V.
Escriba su cumpleafios en la esquina derecha de arriba
en cada pagina de este questionario en caso que se
revuelvan las paginas.
VI.
VII.
No escriba su nombre en ninguna parte.
Haga esta marca (J) en las preguntas n~rnero 1 a 7
exepto en la nurnero 2 y 4 . En estas escriba la
informacion.
- 73 -
.
/
1.
Sexo: hombre
2.
Su edad
3.
Naci~ en los Estados Unidos? si
4.
Si no nacio en los Estados Unidos, cuantos anos
muJer
no
....
tiene aqu1?
5.
Marque (v') uno de los siguientes para indicar
cual lo identifica a usted mejor:
Mexicano (nacido en Mexico) ____ Chicano/a
Mexico-Americano/a
6.
Otra nacionalidad
Idioma que usa en su casa: marque (~)
Ingles ____ siempre
a veces
casi nunca
Espanol ____ siempre
a veces
casi nunca
7.
Idioma que usa con sus amigos/as:
Ingles ____ siempre
a veces
casi nunca
Despues de cada una de las declaraciones que segui,
ran, circule el numero que mas indica que tanto esta
de acuerdo con lo que es dicho.
Recuerde, los nurneros indican lo siguiente.
(1) indica que F-lJER'Tcffi\1-E-N-T.E NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
c'>\ ·
(2) indica que NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(3) indica que
<i[i,:~~/Q"J-EST A DE ACUERDO
(4) indica que ESTA ENTRE MEDIO NI SI, NI NO
-y\),.__.
c~\
.<
ro
-,,Y
- 74 -
(5) indica que CASI ESTA DE ACUERDO
(6) indica que ESTA DE ACUERDO
,..yvvJl{/-
/f
.\'j
(7) indica que ESTA DE ACUERDO Fl::I"Eft"fl!M"ENTE
Esta numeraci~n estara en cada pagina para recordarle
/
que indica cada numero.
- para
Use esta numerac1on
/
responder en todas las siguientes declaraciones y
preguntas.
8.
n
&\3-Z,.-
La madre es la persona mas querida ¢
la familia:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
9.
El padre es la persona mas querida eft la familia:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
10.
Si es casado/a responda a lo siguiente:
La esposa o esposo es la persona mas querida en
la familia:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
11.
El padre es el mas respetado
sm la familia:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
12.
/
"':./.,(
La madre es la persona mas respetada en la
familia:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
(1)
indica que FUERTEMENTE NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(2) indica que NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(3) indica que CASI NO SETA DE ACUERDO
(4) indica que ESTA ENTRE MEDIO, NI SI, NI NO
- 75 -
(5) indica que CASI ESTA DE ACUERDO
(6) indica que ESTA DE ACUERDO
(7) indica que FUERTEMENTE SI ESTA DE ACUERDO
13.
Los dos, el padre y la madre son respetados
igualmente:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
14.
El padre es la autoridad suprema en la familia:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
15.
La madre es la autoridad suprema en la familia:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
16.
Si el padre trabaja, y hay nifios en el hogar, la
madre no debe buscar trabajo fuera del hogar:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
ffj/)1 ..::..,.
17.
La madre e: responsa?,le -~· la educacion de los
/--.J ,· r··~-'.'
._....f!fr\
0v·> l.·~_,,J
hijos 1 hc;rc'e-I:.cadesu comportamiento, valores y
(!/1,./>. ..
.. /
re 1 1g1on:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
18.
Las responsabilidades mas importantes del padre
.__.---.'\j"'¢'y:,; •
son; mantener a la familia, y la c¥1c1pl1na de los
\,___, / /
hijos:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
19.
La religion es muy importante en nuestra vida:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
- 76 -
~0.
Nuestro comportamiento es basado en nuestra
/
,/
moralidad y religion
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
)
21.
Hay una explicacion cientifica para nuestro
comportamiento:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
(1) indica que FUERTEMENTE NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(2) indica que NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(3) indica que CASI NO ESTA DE ACUERDO
(4) indica que ESTA ENTRE MEDIO, NI SI, NI NO
(5) indica que CASI SI ESTA DE ACUERDO
(6) indica que ESTA DE ACUERDO
(7) indica que FUERTEMENTE SI ESTA DE ACUERDO
22.
Es mejor no confiar en otros.
1 2 3 4·5 6 7
23.
Es importante tener una familia unida:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
24.
Ser competidor y agresivo son las cualidades mas
importantes y necesarias para el triumfo:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
25.
Uno puede triumfar cooperando y compartiendo con
otros en su grupo:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
26.
Los ninos deben tener la libertad de hablar
cuando quieran:
.
- 77 -
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
27.
Los ninos deben ser buen educados y obedientes:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
28.
Pf~
Uno tiene que ser fuerte y duro para tri~~far en
este mundo:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
29.
No podemos controlar el destino en nuestras
vidas:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
30.
Sufrir en la vida es inevitable
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
APPENDIX B
SCALE OF COMFORTABLENESS IN TALKING TO OTHERS
The purpose of this questionnaire is to find out how
you feel about expressing your personal thoughts and feelings to other people.
Since the information is confiden-
tial, do not write your name on this form.
Please follow
the instructions given.
I.
Write your birthdate on the upper right hand corner
of each page of this questionnaire in case the pages
are misplaced.
II.
III.
IV.
Sex:
male
female
Write your age -----------Please make a check mark
(~)
beside the category that
most accurately identifies you:
Mexicano (born in Mexico)
Mexican American
Black American
V.
Chicano
Anglo
Other
Asian American
------------------------~
Use the following number scale to show, in general,
how comfortable you feel about talking to different
people:
(1) indicates EXTREMELY UNCOMFORTABLE
(2) indicates UNCOMFORTABLE
(3) indicates SOMEWHAT UNCOMFORTABLE
(4) indicates NEITHER UNCOMFORTABLE OR COMFORTABLE
- 78 -
- 79 -
(5) indicates SOMEWHAT COMFORTABLE
(6) indicates COMFORTABLE
(7) indicates EXTREMELY COMFORTABLE
VI.
Write one of these numbers beside the persons listed
in each sentence below to show how comfortable you
would feel in talking to them about the subject
mentioned in each sentence.
For example:
How comfortable do I feel talking about "when I
feel lazy" to; ·a friend _7_, compadre or relative
_&_, priest or minister _2_, parents _7_, psycho-
logist or counselor _2_.
The example shows the following:
I would feel
extremely comfortable (7) talking about "when I
feel lazy" to;· a friend and parents.
I feel
comfortable (6) talking about this to a compadre
or relative, but I feel uncomfortable (2) talking
to a priest or minister, and psychologist or
counselor about this subject.
VII,
If you would only talk to one person about the subject mentioned, you would show this by choosing a
number for that person.
Then, you would write the
number (1) in all the other spaces to show you
would not want to talk to those persons about the
subject.
For example:
- 80 -
How comfortable I feel talking about "politics"
to; a friend __7_, compadre or relative
1 ,
priest or minister __
1_, parents __
1_, psychologist
or counselor
VIII.
1 .
For your convenience, the number scale that indicates how you feel will appear at the top of each
page.
IX.
Begin on the next page, and please be as honest as
you can in each statement.
- 81 -
(1) indicates EXTREMELY UNCOMFORTABLE
(2) indicates UNCOMFORTABLE
(3) indicates
SOM~~T
UNCOMFORTABLE
(4) indicates NEITHER UNCOMFORTABLE OR COMFORTABLE
(5) indicates SOMEWHAT COMFORTABLE
(6) indicates COMFORTABLE
(7) indicates EXTREMELY COMFORTABLE
1.
How comfortable do I feel talking about how my face
looks to; a friend
, compadre or relative ___ ,
priest or minister ___ , parents ___ , psychologist
or counselor
2.
?
How cow£ortable do I feel talking about feeling
insecure to; a friend ___ , compadre or relative ___ ,
priest or minister
or counselor
3.
, parents ___ , psychologist
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about how my
compadre or relative
---'
, priest or minister ___ , parents .
,
body looks to; a friend
4.
How comfortable do I feel talking about feeling
scared to; a friend ___ , compadre or relative ___ ,
priest or minister
or counselor
?
, parents ___ , psychologist
- 82-
5.
How comfortable do I feel talking about how I feel
about_my job to; a friend
, compadre or
relative ___ , priest or minister
psychologist or counselor
6.
, parents
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about when I feel
most ashamed to; a friend ___ , compadre or
relative
, priest or minister
psychologist or counselor
7.
, parents
__ ,
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about my relationship with my family to; a friend ___ , compadre or
relative ___ , priest or minister
psychologist or counselor
8.
, parents __ ,
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about feeling
dishonest to; a friend ___ , compadre or relative
___ , priest or minister ___ , parents
psychologist or counselor
9.
,
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about who I really
love to; a friend ___ , compadre or relative
priest or minister
or counselor
10.
, parents
---·
, psychologist
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about a sexual
problem to; a friend
priest or minister
or counselor
?
, compadre or relative __ ,
, parents ___ , psychologist
- 83 -
11.
How comfortable do I feel talking about what I
secretly regret to; a friend ___ , compadre or
relative ___ , priest or minister
psychologist or counselor
12.
, parents
__
,
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about feeling
worried to; a friend
--- , compadre or relative
-- ,
priest or minister ___ , parents ___ , psychologist
or counselor
13.
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about when I feel
sad to; a friend ___ , compadre or relative
parents
, priest or minister
or counselor
14.
, psychologist
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about what my
biggest problem is to; a friend ___ , compadre or
relative ___ , priest or minister ___ , parents - - '
psychologist or counselor
?
15.
How comfortable do I feel talking about feeling
guilty to; a friend
, compadre or relative
priest or minister ___ , parents ___ , psychologist
or counselor
16.
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about the most
embarrasing thing I did to; a friend
or relative ___ , priest or minister
, psychologist or counselor ___?
, compadre
, parents
- 84-
17.
How comfortable do I feel talking about what I like
best about myself to; a friend ___ , compadre or
relative ___ , priest or minister
psychologist or counselor
18.
,
parent~
___ ,
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about being
criticized to; a friend ___ , compadre or relative
, priest or minister
gist or counselor
19.
, parents
~·
psycholo-
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about what I
dislike the most about myself to; a friend
compadre or relative
, priest or minister
parents ___ , psychologist or counselor
20.
?
How comfortable do I feel talking about my
vocational interests and abilities to; a friend ___ ,
compadre or relative
, priest or minister ___ ,
parents ___ , psychologist or counselor
?
- 85 -
ESCALA DE COMODIDAD EN HABLAR CON OTROS
El proposito de este cuestionario es para investigar
como se siente usted hacerca de la exprecion de sus .
creencias y sentimientos personales con otras personas.
Como esta informacion es personal y privada, por favor no
escriba su nombre en ninguna parte en este cuestionario.
Por favor siga las instrucciones dadas.
I.
Por favor escriba la fecha de su cumpleafios en la
esquina de cada pagina de esta forma en caso que
las paginas se separen.
II.
III.
IV.
Sexo:
hombre
mujer
Su edad
Rechase una marca (~) para llenar la informacion
requerida en las siguientes dos preguntas.
Cual
categoria lo identificia mejor?
Mexicano (nacido en Mexico)
Mexico-Americano
v.
.
.
Chicano
Otra nacionalidad
/
Los s1gu1entes nurneros se usaran como escala para
que usted pueda indicar generalrnente que confortable
se siente hablandole a ciertas personas hacerca de
los sujetos que seran mencionados en este cuestionario:
(1)
indica que se siente EXTREMAMENTE INCOMODO 0
INCONFORTABLE
- 86 -
(2) indica que se siente INCOMODO 0 INCONFORTABLE
(3) indica que se siente POCO INCOMODO, POCO
INCONFORTABLE
yvU
. /fvf}
(4) indica que se siente NI COMODO,
!:0® INCOMODO
(5) indica que se siente POCO GOMODO, POCO
CONFORTABLE
(6) indica que se siente COMODO, 0 CONFORTABLE
(7) indica que se siente EXTREM.Al'-'IENTE COMODO 0
CONFORTABLE
VI.
/
Us ted escribira uno de estos numeros en la espacio
que estara despues de cada persona mendionada en
cada oracion.
Esto, indicara que tan comodo o con-
fortable se siente hablarle a diferentes personas
hacerca de un mismo sujeto.
Por ejemplo:
Que comodo o confortable me siento hablando de
"cuando me siento perezoso"
con: un amigo _7_,
compadre o pariente __
6_, sacerdote o ministro
2 ,
mis padres __7_, psicologo o consej ero __2_.
Esto indica que me sentir{a extremamente confortable
hablando de esto con un amigo, y mis padres.
Me
sentir1a confortable hablando de esto con un
compadre o pariente pero me sentirfa incomodo o
inconfortable hablando con un sacerdote o ministro,
o un psicologo o consejero.
VII.
Si usted nada mas quisiera hablarle a una persona,
- 87 -
/
indique esto poniendo el numero adecuado para esa
persona y ponga el numero uno en las demas.
Por
ejemplo:
Que comodo o confortable me siento hablando de
"pol{ tica" con; un amigo _7_, compadre o
pariente _1_, sacerdote o ministro __
1_, mis padres
_1_, psicologo o consejero
VIII.
1 .
Para facilitarle contestar, los numeros y lo que
indican estaran al principia en cada pagina.
IX.
Comiense en la siguiente pagina y por favor sea lo
mas sincero que pueda en cada contestaciO'n que de.
- 88 -
(1) indica EXTREMAMENTE INCOMODO 0 INCONFORTABLE
(2) indica INCOMODO 0 INCONFORTABLE
(3) indica UN POCO INCOMODO 0 INCONFORTABLE
(4) indica NI COMODO, NI INCOMODO
(5) indica UN POCO COMODO 0 CONFORTABLE
(6) indica COMODO 0 CONFORTABLE
(7) indica EXTREMAMENTE COMODO 0 CONFORTABLE
1.
Que comodo
0
confortable me siento hablando de
como se mira mi cara con; un amigo/a
, compadre
o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
, mis
padres ___ , psicologo o consejero ___ ?
2.
Que comodo
0
confortable me siento hablando de
cuando me siento inseguro con; un amigo/a ___ ,
compadre or pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
mis padres ___ , psicologo o consejero
3.
Que comodo
0
,.
?
confortable me siento hablando de como
se mira mi cuerpo con; un amigo/a __~ compadre o
pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
, mis padres
___ , psicologo o consejero ___ ?
4.
Que comodo 0 confortable me siento hablar de sentir
miedo o temor con; un amigo/a ___ , compadre o
pariente
sacerdote o ministro
, psicologo o consejero ___ ?
, mis padres
- 89 -
5.
Que comodo
0
confortable me siento hablar de mi
trabajo con; un amigo ___ , compadre o pariente ___ ,
sacerdote o ministro
o consejero
6.
Que comodo
, mis padres ___ , ps~cologo
?
0
confortable me siento hablar de cuando
me siento mas aveigonzado con; un amigo· __ ,
compadre o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
mis padres __ , psicologo o consejero __ ?
7.
Que comodo
0
confortable me siento hablar de como
me llevo con mi familia con; un amigo/a _ _ ,
compadre o pariente
, sacerdote o ministro
mis padres __ , psicologo o consejero
8.
Que comodo
0
'
?
confortable me siento hablar de
sentirse deshonesto con; un amigo/a ___ , compadre o
pariente
, sacerdote o ministro
mis padres
___ , psicologo o consejero ___ ?
9.
Que comodo o confortable me siento hablar de a
quien deveras quiero con; un amigo/a
, compadre
o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
, mis
padres ___ , psicologo o consejero ___?
10.
/
.
Que comodo o confortable me s1ento hablando de un.
problema sexual con; un amigo/a ___ , compadre o
pariente
, sacerdote o ministro
, psicologo o consejero ___ ?
, mis padres
- 90 -
11.
Que confortab1e me siento hab1ando de 1o que
secretamente me arrepiento con; un amigo/a
compadre o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
mis padres ___ , psicologo o consejero
12.
Que comodo
0
__ ,
?
confortab1e me siento hab1ando de
cuando me siento apurado con; un amigo/a ___ ,
compadre o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
'
mis padres ___ , psicologo o consejero ___ ?
13.
Que comodo
0
confortable me siento hablando de
cuando me siento tr1zte con; un amigo/a ___ ,
compadre o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
'
mis padres ___ , psicologo o consejero ___ ?
14.
Que comodo
0
confortab1e me siento hablando de mi
problema mas grande con; un amigo/a ___ , compadre o
, sacerdote o ministro
pariente
, mis padres
___ , psicologo o consejero ___ ?
15.
Que comodo
0
confortable me siento hab1ar de cuando
me remuerde 1a consiencia con; un amigo/a
compadre o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
'
mis padres - - - , psicologo o consejero --·-?
16.
Que comodo
0
confortab1e me siento hab1ando de 1a
cosa mas vergonzosa que he hecho con; un amigo/a
, compadre o pariente __ , sacerdote o ministro
, mis padres
, psico1ogo o consejero ___ ?
- 91 -
17.
Que confortab1e o comodo me siento hab1ar de 1o que
me gusta mejor de mi con; un amigo/a
, compadre
o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
mis
padres ___ , psico1ogo o consejero ___ ?
18.
Que comodo o confortable me siento hablar de ser
criticado con; un amigo ___ , compadre o pariente
, sacerdote o ministro
, mis padres ___ ,
psicologo o consejero ___ ?
19.
Que confortab1e
0
comodo me siento hab1ar de lo
que no me gusta de mir con; un amigo/a
'
compadre o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro ___ ,
mis padres
20.
psico1ogo o consejero
?
Que confortable me siento hablando de mis intereses
y abilidades para una vocacion con; un amigo/a ___ ,
compadre o pariente ___ , sacerdote o ministro
mis padres
, psicologo o consej ero __ ?
--'
APPENDIX C
. SUMMARY OF MEAN SCORES FOR
. INDIVIDUAL ITB1S ON ACCULTURATION
Item No.
8.
Chicano M.
Score
Mexicano M.
Score
N = 39
N
=
40
Mother is dearest in the
family
5.9
6.1
Father is dearest in the
family
5.02
4.8
Father is most respected
in the family
5.2
5.7
Hother is most respected
in the family
5.5
5.2
Father and mother are
respected equally
5.0
Father is ultimate authority in the family
4. 5
5.7
Hother is the ultimate
authority in the family
4.7
4.3
If father works, and there
are children at home, then
mother should not seek work
outside
3.2
3.6
17.
l'iother educates children in
manners, values, and religion . 3. 5
3.9
18.
Father is provider and disciplinarian for .the family
3.7
5.6
19.
Religion is very important in
one's life
5.7
5.9
9.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
- 92 -
- 93 -
Chicano M.
Score
N = 39
Item No"
20.
Mexicano M.
Score
N = 40
Our behavior is based on
moral and religious background
5.0
5.5
21.
There is a scientific
explanation for behavior
4.5
4.1
22.
It is best not to trust
others
3.5
4.6
23.
It is important to have
a united family
5.1
6.4
24.
Competition and aggressiveness are most important
for success
4.6
4.2
25.
Cooperation and sharing with
the group bring success
5.2
5.8
26.
Children should have good
manners and be obedient
5.5
6.2
27 .·
Children should be free to
speak out
5.2
4.3
28.
You have to be tough to make
it in this world
3.5
4.4
29.
You can not control destiny
3.1
4.8
30.
Suffering is inevitable
4.2
4.8
4.10
5.11
TOTAL
- 94 -
Scale Significance:
(1) indicates "Strongly dis-
agree", (2) indicates "Disagree", (3) indicates uSomewhat
disagree", ( 4) indicates "Neither agree or
disagree'~,
(5)
indicates "Somewhat agree", (6) indicates "Agree", and
(7) ·indicates "Strongly agree".
Appendix C shows few notable differences between
Chicano mean scores and Mexicano mean scores.
The total
compiled mean score for both groups showed no significant
statistical differences.
(See Table 1)