A Reassessment of the Representation of Mt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61
Author(s): Dorothy C. Wong
Source: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 46 (1993), pp. 27-52
Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia Society
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A Reassessment
of the Representation
Cave 61
from Dunhuang
Dorothy
ofMt. Wutai
C. Wong
Harvard University
L he Representation
ofMt. Wutai (Wutai Shan Tuz\ Figs.
cave
the west wall of Dunhuang
i, 7), amural
covering
our
61 (Fig. 2), challenges
about Chinese
preconception
in
the
tenth
A.D.1 Al
Buddhist
created
century
painting
and Buddhist
though the view that orthodox Buddhism
art declined
in China
after the
and became
stagnant
the
holds
true,
century
Representation
eighth
generally
of
Mt. Wutai will show that, on the contrary, development
in expression
in Buddhist
doctrine
and creativity
may
but
still be found in post-Tang
Buddhist
art,
(618-907)
in a different guise.
of Five
The mural
(Mountain
depicts Mt. Wutai
a
in
mountain
Shanxi
that
Peaks),
present-day
province
of Manjusr?
(Wenshu
of
The wor
Bodhisattva
Wisdom.2
Pusab),
in India, and later developed
originated
ship of Manjusr?
in the Chinese
Because
cults of Mt. Wutai
and Manjusr?.3
followers
believe that Manjusr? manifests
himself on the
an international
center of
Mt. Wutai
became
mountain,
Buddhists
believe
is the abode
the Buddhist
Buddhist
from the seventh century onward.4
pilgrimage
in the tenth century is therefore
The creation of the mural
a
to
continuation
the
and vitality of these in
testimony
traditions.
digenous
religious
in the sense that its
is a Buddhist
The mural
painting
is
and
his
abode
and
that it is placed
subject
Manjusr?
a cave serving a Buddhist
within
ritual function. How
Buddhist
that strictly
ever, unlike conventional
paintings
s?t
adhere to the contents of canonical works?usually
ras translated into Chinese
from Sanskrit originals?the
the geographi
Representation
ofMt. Wutai also addresses
and political
of
cal, historical,
aspects that the worship
in
had
the
establish
China,
Manjusr?
namely,
acquired
as a cult and
center.
ment of Mt. Wutai
pilgrimage
In artistic expression
the mural follows many
compo
from conven
and pictorial
devices
sitional principles
but it also differs from tradition
tional Buddhist
painting,
a
of a panorama,
the
mode
by adopting
representational
new
a
content
of
The
and
map.
injection
topographic
new
this painting a fascinat
pictorial language thus make
case
of
of Chinese
the
Buddhist
ing
study
development
A.D.
in
the
tenth
century
painting
on the
Previous
studies of the mural
have focused
or
information
historical,
archaeological,
geographical
in the painting.5
with
concerned
contained
Primarily
in
contained
the various pieces of information
verifying
an
reflect
these investigations
the painting,
empirical bias
that ignores the religious function of the mural,
resulting
In this study
in disparate and unsatisfactory
conclusions.
Imaintain
should be studied in its totality,
that the mural
context and environment.
Iwill establish
in its original
as essentially
of the painting
and
the function
religious
determine
the framework
iconic, and let this function
Iwill then
is to be interpreted.
the mural
through which
in conjunction
relevant textual materials
closely examine
to
uncover
as many
in
the pictorial
order
with
imagery
as
in the painting
of the meanings
embodied
possible,
In particular
Iwill
and discuss how they are conveyed.
some canonical texts and
reexamine
how
they
investigate
Iwill
throw light on the meaning
of the painting.
may
the sociopolitical
also investigate
and
aspects of Manjusn
Mt. Wutai worship
of the patron to
and the background
or
look for any hidden meaning
the
specific significance
I
for
have
held
the
will
patron.
Finally
painting may
assess the painting's
role in different Chinese
representa
tional traditions
and examine
the relationship
between
the painting's
form and its content.
this article is an iconological
Although
study, I also
more
to
art
address
historical
issues,
hope
general
symbols and iconography;
signs and association;
namely,
in the pictorial
and reality; narrative
representation
of
in
time
and
medium;
space
concepts
pictorial art; and
structure.
and
ideology
spatial
DUNHUANG
Historical
Background,
CAVE 6l
Patronage, Dating,
and Physical Con
dition
tenth century A.D. was one of the most prosperous
and historically
in the history
of
important
periods
was characterized
It
the
of
Dunhuang.
by
predominance
a number
of local clans, who
controlled
the infrastruc
ture of the community
and who were frequently
descen
The
dants of officials who
From these powerful
were
posted there centuries earlier.
clans came officials who
served in
27
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i. Representation
ofMt. Wutai,
Fig.
Because
of the central
screen, one
of
the
scholars who maintained
the local administration,
and
cultural
Chinese
tradition,
high ranking clergy in
and
of
local
religious affairs. Thoroughly
temples
charge
in training, they were at the same time devout
Confucian
and chief patrons of the caves.6
Buddhists
who occupied
In fact, the overthrow
of the Tibetans,
came
to
about
because of a
from
781
845,
Dunhuang
of these local forces. From 848 to 1036
consolidation
the mural.
A-D,
F, G, 8,
A,
left side;
10,
14,
17,
ioth
H. 3.5,
century,
cannot
l. 15.5 m.
the middle
photograph
side of screen. Figs.
1, 2, 3, 7
b, right
Institute
Research
18, 19 from Dunhuang
(ed.), Ch?goku sekkutsu:Tonk? Bakko-kutsu (hereafter TB) (Tokyo:
Heibonsha,
1983); Fig.
1 from
TB
vol.
5, top pi.
55; bottom
pi.
57.
and the entire region west of the Yellow River
Dunhuang
was governed
governors
(guiyijun
by hereditary military
to Al
of Return
jiedu shic; literally "Military Governor
the
and
then
the
first
by
Zhang family
legiance Army"),
in
The
who
the
Cao
succeeded
923.
family,
Zhang
and the Cao were both distinguished
Dunhuang
Zhang
interrelated
like other major
clans who,
clans, were
networks.
and
official
through marriage
to the
all pledged
The military
governors
allegiance
to
Five
of
the
the
later
and
kingdoms
Tang government,
and the Song
(960-1279)
(907-979)
Dynasties
period
state of central
court. However,
because of the weakened
the
and turmoil after the fall of the Tang,
governments
were
For
survi
rulers.
the
de
facto
governors
Dunhuang
val they had to conduct their own diplomacy with neigh
to the east,
the
Uighurs
boring
kingdoms?the
to the west,
of
north
and the Liao (916-112
Khotanese
5)
was wiped
out by the
ern China?until
their dominion
in
The
Xixia
1036.
(1036-1229)
long reign of
Tungut
was
in
Cao Yuanzhongd
relatively
(945-974),
particular,
and stable. Itwas under Cao's reign that cave 61
wealthy
was excavated. An inscription within
the cave identifies
the major donor as Cao's wife, Lady Zai (Zai shic): shizhu
2. Interior of cave 61, Dunhuang,
dedicated
by Lady Zai and
Fig.
The platform
clan, A.D. 947-957.
sculptures
originally
supported
is de
of Manjusr?
and attendants;
the Representation
ofMt. Wutai
picted
on
the wall
directly
behind
the screen.
TB
vol.
5, pi.
52.
Xunyang
jun furen Zai shi yishin gongyangf
of Xunyang
[in
(The donor, Lady Zai of the Prefecture
with
whole
heart
dedicates
Jiangxi
province]
present-day
other donors are recorded in the
[this cave].)7 Forty-eight
cave, all of them female (Fig. 3).8
raishou
28
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Fig.
3. Detail
of female
donor
images,
cave
61, Dunhuang.
Cao Yuanzhong
and Lady Zai (Fig. 4) were perhaps
in the entire
the most
illustrious patrons of Buddhism
of
excavated
several
history
Dunhuang.
They
large caves
at Dunhuang
at
and
the
(caves 25, 53, 55, 61, 469)
nearby
site of Yulin. They also commissioned
votive
paintings,
a
In
and
addition
undertook
s?tra.9
they
prints,
printed
at the cave site and renovated
extensive
reparation work
TB
vol.
5, pi.
77.
of cave 96. To cater to the demands
the colossal Buddha
was established
and main
of these projects aworkshop
tained by the Cao government.10
cave 61 was once dated to the latter part of
Although
Re
the tenth century, two scholars from the Dunhuang
search Institute, Ke Shijie and Sun Xiushen,
recently
con
redated the cave to 947-9 5 7.n Cave 61 originally
29
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Fig.
4. Donor
Yuanzhong,
A.D. 926.
Research
Ansei
pis.
sisted of an antechamber
and amain chamber connected
a passageway,
a
structure
late ninth
by
typical of most
caves
at
and tenth-century
The an
large
Dunhuang.
techamber
has been destroyed,
but itmost
likely had a
wooden
facade on the exterior of the cave; the passage
to the main chamber.
way now serves as the entry way
The main chamber has a rectangular ground plan and
a truncated
a
(see Fig. 2). In
ceiling shaped like
pyramid
the center but slightly
toward
the rear is a horseshoe
a group of
that originally
shaped platform
supported
a screen that
far
of
is
At
the
end
the
sculptures.
platform
reaches the ceiling. Except
for the loss of the sculptures
and partial damage
of the lower portions
of the side
cave
in
is
the
condition.
The
walls,
entryway
fairly good
walls were
the Yuan
(1279
during
period
repainted
1368).
Subject Matter
interior of cave 61 is completely
covered with mur
strata:
which
be
into
three
horizontal
divided
als,
may
the ceiling, and the upper and lower registers of the four
The
walls.
is symbolic
decoration
of a heavenly
ceiling
a
it
consists
of
medallion
with
floral and
canopy;
dragon
in
the
of
buddhas
motifs
center,
1,000
geometric
images
on the four sides, and the four
within
the
heavenly kings
corners. The
to
lowest
indented
the
register belongs
western
with
wall
human
realm,
illustrating
panels
The
life while
the other wall surfaces
legends of the Buddha's
are lined with donor images.
is reserved for the
The upper register in the middle
images of Lady
cave
from Yulin
H. 1.75,
Institute
Yulin-kutsu
62,
1.73 m.
Zai
and Cao
19, dated
Dunhuang
sekkutsu:
(ed.), Ch?goku
1990),
(Tokyo: Heibonsha,
63.
of doctrinal
teaching. The north and south
each painted with
five vertical
of
panels
term
texts
in
is
used
(another
Tang
commonly
jingbiang
terms
in
is
bian
derived
from
both
the
bianxiangh;
to make
"to transform,
Sanskrit word parin?ma meaning
or
mean
thus
manifest";
jingbian
bianxiang
"pictorial
or
or texts)
transformations"
of doctrine
"apparitions"
while
the interrupted
is painted
surface of the east wall
with yet another jingbian
the sectarian
(Fig. 5). Despite
or doctrinal
differences
these jingbian may
represent,
a cave indicates
within
their coexistence
the syncretic
form of Buddhism
typical of this period.
If an order is found in the vertical strata, a hierarchy
also exists among the four walls. The entire upper regis
ter of the west wall
to amural of Mt. Wutai,
is devoted
is directly
which
behind
the devotional
and
images
as
cave.
enter
which
faces the worshipers
Its
the
size
they
meters
meters
is stunning:
in
in
and
3.5
15.5
height
a
area
over
meters.
with
total
of
Be
45 square
length,
cause of its
location
and its scale, the Mt.
privileged
Wutai painting
is obviously
the most
important mural.
The central sculpted image that originally
stood on the
was Manjusr?
on his lion,
Bodhisattva
platform
riding
evinced by part of the lion's tail still attached to the back
screen. Since Mt. Wutai
is the abode of Manjusr?
the
each other themat
mural and the sculpture complement
exposition
are
walls
ically.
the original name for cave 61 was possi
Furthermore,
Wenshu
The name
is re
Tang1 (Hall of Manjusr?).
bly
in an important
corded
document
recovered
from
entitled Laba randengfenpei ku kan mingsu' (List
Dunhuang
30
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West Wall
ofMt. Wutai
Representation
Representation
of Buddha's
legends
platform
donor
donor
images
Jingbian of
VimalakTrti-s?tra
5. Subject
Fig.
*
*
matter
of wall
painting
of cave
images
?tiffm?
61. Drawing
by
the author.
*
*
******
E
*
* :
6. Diagram
of the Representation
celestial,
beings
legendary
ofMt. Wutai.
on the
routes. Drawing
and stations
routes; 0: towns
by
pilgrimage
pilgrimage
Fig.
and images
the author.
of manifestations;
+
:
major
temples;
*
-->-->:
31
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ofNames ofCaves andNiches Allotted theLighting ofLamps
on theEighth Day of theTwelfthMonth), which has been
to 1011. Jin also
scholar Jin Weinuo
dated by the Chinese
in the docu
identified
the "Hall of Manjusr?" mentioned
as cave 61, since it is the only cave at Dunhuang
ment
a
is the central icon.12 Being
where Manjusr?
large cave,
the Hall of Manjusr? was allotted the lighting of two
lamps
Buddha's
on
the
Birthday
occasion
important
in eleventh-century
celebrating
religious
the
prac
tice.13
tions are shown standing or kneeling,
their hands clasped
or
to
in a gesture of worship
pointing
specific sites.
on clouds are
Many
images resting
painted in the space
In the following
sections Iwill dem
above the mountain.
onstrate
that iconographically
these images fall into two
the first relates to religious
and the
doctrines,
groups:
second consists of political symbols
that bear significance
some historical
events and
to the patron.
In addition,
are indicated
Mt.
Wutai
associated
with
by either
legends
or
at
the
locations
where
the
images
inscriptions
specific
events
THE REPRESENTATION
Descriptive
Content
OF MT. WUTAI
in
short inscriptions written
contains many
painting
is a sum
that identify details.14 The following
cartouches
mary of the content of the mural and its general compo
studies of both visual and
sition (Fig. 6) based on my
information.
inscriptional
view ofMt. Wutai,
The painting presents a panoramic
at
and
tilted
about
the ground
with
45 degrees
plane
and upper
the entire middle
the topography
occupying
as
The five peaks,
bare, rounded
represented
grounds.
rise
above many
hills studded with pools and hot springs,
from left to right
smaller hills. Arranged
horizontally,
and
Central, Northern,
they are the Southern, Western,
peaks
while
rivers and streams girdle the
peaks. Numerous
to the lower plane,
and hills and zigzag down
the upper
line along
forested mountain
ranges
edge.
Scattered
over
the mountain
territory
are numerous
religious buildings litby burning lamps thatdot the land
are shown at an angle
scape. All the temple complexes
is
toward the vertical central axis, which
and converge
two
below?
Peak
and
the
Central
buildings
aligned by
on
shown frontally.
the only buildings
Subject matter
or
less symmetri
either side of the central axis ismore
cally arranged.
are the two symmetri
the lower ground
Occupying
routes leading toMt. Wutai. The
cally placed pilgrimage
inHedong-dao
route from the west begins with Taiyuan
in present-day
Shanxi province;
Circuit,
(the Hedong
the eastern route begins with Zhenzhou
Fig. 7c), while
(Zhengding) inHebei-dao
(theHebei Circuit, inHebei
and hostels
towns,
stations,
Fig. 7D). Major
province;
in
mountain
are illustrated,
the
for pilgrims
terminating
two
lies
circuits.
Wutai
of
the
county
gates (shanmenk)
mountain.
the
below
just
on foot, or carrying
on horse,
tributary
Pilgrims,
are depicted
the pilgrimage
traveling
along
goods,
routes. Their journeys begin from the far sides, converge
toward the center, reach the mountain
gates, and then
turn outward
the mountain.
and gradually
Pilgrims who
Iconography
and the Religious
Concepts
about Manjusr?
in
is one of the four great bodhisattvas
some
to
Buddhism
or,
accounts,
according
Mah?y?na
one of the most
important bodhisattvas,
equaled only by
Avalokitesvara
Avalokitesvara
represents
(Guanyin1).
Manjusr?
of theMural
The
Eastern
occurred.
travel zigzagging
paths up
have reached their destina
Wisdom
(karuna) and Manjusr?,
(praj?a),
Compassion
are the ultimate
of bodhisattvahood.15
conditions
which
Devotees
of Manjusr?
confers
believe
that the worship
them
wisdom,
upon
intelligence,
eloquence,
improved
and the ability to master
difficult
sacred scrip
memory,
to theMah?y?na
tures. Manjusr?
is a latecomer
Buddhist
a
in
of
number
He
does
appear
early s?tras,
pantheon.
as an interlocuter
in the quest for ultimate
truth.
usually
are most familiar with Ma?jusr?'s
role as an
The Chinese
the Vimalak?rtinirdesa-sutra,
also
interlocuter
through
a
as
text
that
known
the Vimalaktrti-s?tra,
helped
popular
the intellectuals.16
Buddhism
gain support among
As Mah?y?na
of
concepts
developed,
philosophy
also became better defined and more elaborate.
Manjusr?
as a
isManjusr?
of these concepts
The most
important
ten
in
the bo
of the tenth stage. The
bodhisattva
stages
the gradual spiritual advancement
dhisattva
path denote
to gain full enlighten
of a bodhisattva
(a being destined
a
to
ment
and thus
become
buddha).17 The concept of
and
is central toMah?y?na
bodhisattvahood
philosophy
an
in
Avatamsaka-s?tra
the
theme
forms
important
the Dasabh?mika
(Huayan jingm), as it has incorporated
s?tra (Pusa benyejingn), the fullest statement on the bodhi
sattva doctrine.18
the Avatamsaka
Itwas partly through
his counter
with
school of teaching thatMa?jusri,
along
became
deities
(Puxian0),
popular
part Samantabhadra
rest
Asia.
East
of
in China and the
to the Dasabh?mika-s?tra,
bodhisattvas
of
According
the tenth stage possess all the interpenetrating
knowledge
and mystic
powers of buddhas
including nirm?na (magi
or
cal transformations)
(manifestations).19
pr?tih?rya
can
in different
himself
manifest
therefore
Manjusr?
to the spiritual ability and needs of sen
forms according
of apparitional
the revelation
tient beings.
Through
which must
bodies of Manjusr?,
correspond with devo
to
of Manjusr? may be transferred
tional acts, the merits
be
freed
from
the
lower
who
then
may
suffering beings,
realms.20
32
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Like buddhas,
Manjusr?
also has his own
buddhaksetra
(buddhafield; fotup).A buddha field is a cosmos inwhich
or a bodhisattva
of the tenth stage, exerts his
to sentient beings. A
and preaches
influence
spiritual
in
the Avatamsaka-s?tra mentions
that amountain
passage
called Qingliang
Shanq (literally, "Clear and Cool Moun
in the northeast
is the dwelling
of
tain")
place
a buddha,
bodhisattvas
who
past and present,
including Manjusr?,
at present preaches
to his assembly
of heavenly
beings
as
to the Chinese
there.21 Since Mt. Wutai was known
in ancient times, it thus became associated
Mt. Qingliang
with Manjusr?
from the fifth century onward.22 The later
version of the Avatamsaka-s?tra,
translated in the seventh
in the
century, consists of the same passage.23 However,
esoteric text Manjusr? Law Treasure-Store Dh?ran? S?tra it
is clearly mentioned
that Manjusr?
dwells on Mt. Wutai
to Mt. Wutai
in China.24 This direct reference
is not
as, by the seventh
century,
surprising
Wutai was already in full force.
Mountain
and pilgrimages
worship
are devotional
acts common
to many
the cult of Mt.
to sacred places
religions. Mt.
Wutai
it
possesses many unique features that predispose
to be chosen as amountain
of spiritual significance.
They
include its natural configuration
of the five peaks in a
a significant number
in Buddhism
semicircle?five
being
as in the case of the
and in Chinese
traditional beliefs,
its high altitude?all
five elements;
the peaks are above
at sea level; its summits, which
rise above
3,000 meters
the treeline, revealing bare peaks?hence
their compari
son to the reverse sides of alms bowls or to thrones for
deities; its unusual flora and fauna; its weather with fre
and thick mist;
hailstorms,
quent rain, thunderstorms,
can be
and the occurrence
of luminous
light rays, which
as
the
of
with
levels
explained
interplay
sunlight
varying
of humidity.
In addition,
the physical act of climbing
all
in medieval
five peaks must have been arduous
times,
a sense of awe and reverence.
in the pilgrims
inducing
Before Mt. Wutai became a Buddhist mountain,
how
was
texts
ancient
indicate
it
that
associated
with
the
ever,
Daoist
in
cult
the
third
and
centuries
fourth
immortality
toManjusr? was made, Mt.
a.D.25 Once
the connection
Wutai
then became
of Manjusr?.
the sacred territory,
the buddha
field,
trans
about Manjusr?
How,
then, are these concepts
in mind
lated into visual imagery? Bearing
that a large
stood in front of
image of Manjusr?
originally
sculptural
the mural,
the painting
then represents
the bodhisattva's
to be
is destined
buddhaksetra, the land he purifies, which
a pure land when
a
becomes
is
buddha. This
Manjusr?
an
set in between
verified
the Southern
by
inscription
and Western
peaks that reads: Qingliuli
shijier (Blue Lapis
Lazuli World; Fig. 7A, right of center), the name of Ma?
jusr?'s buddhaksetra.
are many
In the upper areas of the painting
images of
deities, animals, and other objects floating on clouds that
into
and legendary
beings,
omens. Their
and
manifestations,
Ma?jusrfs
auspicious
end with
the character
identifying
inscriptions mostly
or consist of the char
xians (manifestation,
apparition)
acter hua (from huaxian,*
both being
transformation),
are a
derived
nirm?na. Clouds
from the Sanskrit word
may
be
classified
celestial
to in
Buddhist
pictorial device in conventional
painting
dicate the spiritual nature of images or to convey
the
as
in
of
of
nirm?na-buddhzs
nirm?na,
concept
images
(huafou).
The heavenly
inhabit Ma?jusrfs
sacred
beings who
territory are lined up along the top edge of the pictorial
frame (see Fig. i). They are divided
into sixteen groups,
on either side of the Central Peak, all
the
eight
making
adoration
view facing to
gesture and in three-quarter
ward
the center. Immediately
the Central Peak
flanking
on
are Avalokitesvara
the
and Vaisravana
right
on the left, followed
on a
(Bishamentianv)
by Manjusr?
on an
lion with
attendants
and Samantabhadra
elephant
with
Behind
them are four
attendants,
respectively.
on either side, each identified
in
groups of bodhisattvas
as
the inscription
of
the
1,250
bodhisattvas;
consisting
total number
of 10,000 bodhisattvas
with
corresponds
in the Avatamsaka-s?tra.
that mentioned
On the left and
corners are two groups of 150 arhats.
right
below
the celestial assembly
and close to
Immediately
the center are 500 poisonous
into two
divided
dragons
a
led
each
groups,
by
Sagara N?ga
King?legendary
inhabit Mt. Wutai. On the Eastern Peak is an
beings who
is Laksm?,
image of Gongde-n?w
(Fig. 7B); Gongde-n?
the Indian goddess
of wealth.
can manifest
For the efficacy of teaching, Manjusr?
in
himself
different
forms.
as follows:
This
is
stated
in
the
Dasabh?mika-s?tra
In their own bodies they [bodhisattvas of the tenth stage] manifest
the lights of the ten directions, including the lusters of jewels, light
sun and moon,
and the lights of all deities
of
lights of the
each breath
shake
endless
worlds,
yet without
they
the sentient
therein. They
also manifest
the de
frightening
beings
struction
in the ten directions.
and floods
Also
by gales, fires,
they
cause the appearance
to the wishes
of physical
adornments
according
of beings:
the body of Buddha
in their own body;
they manifest
they
ning,
light.
the
With
manifest
their
own
body
in the body
of
the Buddha;
the body of Buddha in their own Buddha land.26
they manifest
manifestations
in the painting,
in
Ma?jusrfs
depicted
this passage. They
include the sun
fact, closely follow
in the upper left and right corners,
and moon
symbols
god of thunder and hailstorm
(Fig. ia, top left), god of
thunder and lightning,
head (Fig. jh,
golden Buddha's
hand
top left), Buddha's
Buddha's
foot, Gold-colored
Five Peaks
right), Golden
mandorla
light,
(Fig. ib,
the sacred bell,
lower
golden
(Fig. 7a,
World
of
center),
upper
left), halo,
(Fig.
five-colored
right), jewel,
st?pa, the lion, and lokap?la
right
(Fig.
ib, upper
ib,
(guardian deity).
Light
symbolism
plays
a
significant
role inMa?jusrfs
33
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o? Representation
Fig. 7 a. Detail
Southern
the Da Jin'ge-si
Peak,
its front;
the heavenly
assembly
top left, showing
ofMt. Wutai,
to its
the Da Qingliang-si
right,
lining the top edge; manifestations
the
to
of the thunder god, top left;Blue Lapis LazuliWorld, Buddha's
hand,
mandorla,
golden
bridge,
etc.
in mid-section.
TB
vol.
5, pi.
59
Fig.
of Representation
Fig. JB. Detail
the Eastern
Peak; the heavenly
smaller buildings;
manifestations
Gongde-n?,
encountering
7C. Detail
showing
Xinzhou,
o? Representation
ofMt. Wutai,
route of
Hedong-dao:
pilgrimage
mountain
gate
of Hedong-dao
bottom
Dingxiang
(right). TB
left center,
of
county
vol. 5, pi. 63.
as seen in the
of five-colored
frequent mentioning
or
Buddha's
the
Avatamsaka-s?tra
rays, halo,
light (in
the light of "revelation,"
the "omnis
light symbolizes
cient superknowledge"
of the buddhas).
This may be
in the Dasabh?mika-s?tra
that de
explained
by a passage
scribes
the innumerable
of
from
rays
light emerging
of
the
of
the
bodhisattva.
every part
body
tenth-stage
These
in all realms
light rays are said to illumine beings
to
own
of
bodhisattvas
their
rank
and
their
up
extinguish
or
them
with
and
wis
present
sufferings
knowledge
realm,
Fig.
the jewel
Manjusr?
(all near
as an old man
o? Representation
7D. Detail
route of Hebei-dao:
pilgrimage
toMt. Wutai.
TB
vol.
top right,
ofMt. Wutai,
showing
a number
of temples
and
assembly;
of the Golden
Five Peaks,
the Eastern
and Buddhap?lita
Peak);
(lower
left). TB
vol.
bottom
ofMt. Wutai,
right,
Zhenzhou;
royal emmisaries
5, pi. 61.
showing
enroute
5, pi. 64.
dorn.27 The passage also explains why beings only up to
are represented
the same rank of Manjusr?
in the assem
bly
so far has shown that the
discussion
im
pictorial
a
is
close
of the concepts
about
agery
interpretation
texts. Before
in canonical
described
Manjusr?
discussing
are
these
in the composition,
reinforced
ways
concepts
Iwill first interpret the meaning
of other picto
however,
as necessitated
rial images from different perspectives
by
their contents.
The
34
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Fig.
7E. Detail
o? Representation
ofMt.
Wutai,
center,
showing
the
Wenshu Zhenshen-dian below theCentral Peak, and the triad of
Manjusr?,
S?kyamuni,
h from Ernesta
Figs. 7E,
and Samantabhadra
The
Marchand,
within
Panorama
the courtyard.
of Wu-t'ai
Shan
as
an Example of Tenth Century Cartography, Oriental Art (Summer
1976):
Fig.
7E, figs.
Fig. 7G. Detail
Da Foguang-si.
9,
10.
of Representation
ofMt.
TB vol.
5, pi. 62.
Wutai,
lower right,
showing
the
o? Representation
lower center
Fig. 7F. Detail
ofMt. Wutai,
below
the Wenshu
in Figure
Zhenshen-dian
7E, showing
on the central axis, with bodhisattvas
Pusa-lou
worshiping
in its courtyard.
TB vol. 5, pi. 60.
Fig.
7H. Detail
showing
old man.
Example
immediately
the Wan
a
pagoda
left of central axis,
ofRepresentation
ofMt. Wutai, upper
encounter
in the guise of an
with Manjusr?
The Panorama
of Wu-t'ai
Shan as an
Buddhapalita's
From Marchand,
of Tenth Century
Cartography,
fig.
8.
35
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Signs and Association:
Narration
of theHistory
ofMt. Wutai
the Ancient History
and the Extended History narrate
in the form of biographies
of
the history of Mt. Wutai
accounts of individual events, or histories of
individuals,
how
the benefit of verbal accounts,
temples. Without
in cave 61 narrate
the history
of Mt.
does the mural
Both
Wutai?
tions
images and identifying
Again
pictorial
are the first clue to the historical
dimension
inscrip
of the
painting.
or half, of the
in the mural
About
inscriptions
ninety,
a dozen
are names of religious buildings.
include
They
halls
individual
(six), many
complexes
large temple
lou,z dian,aa tangab), pavilions
(geac), st?pas (or
(yuan/
retreats called lanruo,ae thatched
taad), monks'
pagodas;
huts for meditation
(anaf), and a couple of Daoist
temples
(guanas).
look more or less the
Images of the temple complexes
corner
are walled
same. They mostly
enclosures with
structure above the entrance.
towers
and a two-story
are one or two 2-story
individual
the courtyard
Within
are built on stone
a
all
sometimes
and
pagoda;
buildings
of individual
ele
the appearance
foundations.
Though
are
ments
the
is
of
it
that
these
doubtful
varies,
portraits
actual structures. The fact that the pictorial
images are
of actual temples is further
abbreviations
but shorthand
The character si (for temple)
indicated in the inscriptions.
character zhi,zh as in "Da
is always preceded
the
by
zhi
Marchand
noted that "the buildings
si.ai"
Qingliang
to
not
but stand for their actual
do
any monastery
belong
indicate the famous
The illustrations of these buildings
as
a
in pilgrim's map. But
sites and their relative locations
of places is the entire
grafted onto the visual panorama
of the mountain
and
both
secular
up
religious,
history,
to the point of the creation of the mural.
Conventional
signs are often used to indicate land
made
the
in topographic
marks
maps. Rudolf Arnheim
conventional
observation
that in map-reading,
signs (in
his case he refers to letters and digits) can arouse visual
it up from the reservoirs of the
imagery:
"they conjure
"29
in the mural have
The inscriptions
viewers' memory.
instead of conjuring
However,
up
are
in the painting,
supplied
images of temples, which
and the
of these buildings,
they conjure up the histories
as
allusions
them, just
people and events associated with
of associ
in poems
and eulogies. This method
function
most
ation is further supported
an, and
by the fact that
some lanruo, are named after individuals,
thus recalling
their deeds and spiritual experiences.
function.
Representation
and Historical
Reality
the scope of this article to investigate
be beyond
all the individual histories of temples, events, or
Iwill, however,
in the painting.
individuals
represented
Itwould
in depth
reality.
According
of
Temple
to tradition, Dafu
(The Great
Lingjiu-si
on the Vulture's
also called
Peak,
on the Vulture
was
the first
Peak)
Temple
Jiufeng-si,
on Mt. Wutai.30
name came from the
Its
founded
temple
is located on a small hill said to
fact that the temple
in northern
Peak (Grdhrak?ta)
resemble
the Vulture's
Faith
had lived and preached. The hill
India, where
S?kyamuni
is situated
in Taihuai,
the valley
encircled
by the five
in
of
Mt.
Wutai
times
the
heart
where
and
later
peaks
are concentrated
most Buddhist
sanctuaries
(see Figure
22).
Because
of its central location and its symbolic
signifi
cance, throughout Mt. Wutai's
history Dafu Lingjiu-si
as the
remained
the most
serving
temple,
important
monastic
the
be
of
mountain's
community
headquarters
as a center of the Ava
in
the
and
ginning
Tang dynasty
and Song times. To honor Em
r. 690-705)
of the
(Wu Zetian,
patronage
name
was
to
the
school,
temple's
changed
Da Huayan-si
Great
Flower
Garland
(The
Temple;
is the Chinese
for Avatamsaka).31
translation
Huayan
in 840, the Japanese monk
he visited Mt. Wutai
When
tamsaka
school
in Tang
press Wu's
Avatamsaka
that the temple consisted of twelve indi
Enninajrecorded
of the colossal
vidual buildings
and gave an account
saw
in
of
he
the
(Hall
Pusa-tang-yuan
image
Manjusr?
of the Bodhisattva)
and the legend of its miraculous
casting.32
counterparts.
a similar
use a few
to demonstrate
the narrative method
examples
and to discuss
the issue of representation
and historical
com
In the painting
only two halls from the temple
are
the
Zhenshen-dian
illustrated:
Wenshu
(Hall of
plex
Pusa
Wan
of Manjusr?;
and
the
the True Body
Fig. je)
lou (Hall of Ten Thousand
Bodhisattvas;
Fig. 7F). A
triad of theHistorical Buddha flanked by Manjusr? on
on the left is
the right and Samantabhadra
depicted
In
of the Wenshu
Zhenshen-dian.
within
the courtyard
a group of
bodhisattvas
the Wan Pusa-lou,
worshiping
in the center of the courtyard.
sit around a pagoda
described
The colossal
by Ennin is
image of Manjusr?
to
not illustrated, nor does the representation
correspond
account of his visit to Mt.
the Japanese monk
J?jin'sak
that the Zhenrong-yuan
in 1072. J?jin recorded
Wutai
(Hall of [Ma?jusrfs] True Appearance) was the focus of
included a four
Da Huayan-si,
and that other buildings
a
of
and
story Wenshu-ge
(Pavilion
Manjusr?)
Baozhang
of
that housed
of
Glorification
the
ge (Pavilion
Treasure)
in
of
bodhisattvas
silver.33
10,000 images
a
Ennin's
diary is faithful account of the state of tem
on Mt. Wutai
the Buddhist
of
before
persecution
ples
two
845, while
reports the conditions
J?jin's account
centuries
often major
later, after the restoration
temples
on Mt. Wutai
(r. 976
by the Song emperor Taizong
cave
scholars considered
997). A few decades ago when
61 to date to the early years of the Song dynasty, Ennin's
36
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and Su Bai in
and J?jin's accounts were cited by Hibino
accounts
of
the
Since
their studies
mural.
both
contrasted
came to the
in the painting,
with
the images
Hibino
conclusion
that the mural depicts the condition
after the
the restoration
in the
Buddhist
but before
persecution
late tenth century. Su Bai, however,
using this example
and other discrepancies
between
the mural
and the Ex
in cave 61 must
tended History,
that the mural
surmised
have been based on amodel
copy or
(fenben,al powder
trace copy) from central China of a date closer to Ennin's
time.
The fault in both arguments
lies in the assumption
that
a historical
a
the painting was necessarily
document,
a
at
faithful
record of Mt. Wutai
historical
particular
on
moment.
these
schol
accounts,
eyewitness
Focusing
ars underestimated
the Dunhuang
artists' ability to trans
of time and space in the conception
gress the specificity
of the painting,
and misinterpreted
the essential nature
of the painting.
the names of temples and other buildings
Although
in historical
with
those
records,
mostly
correspond
or not the images are
whether
of the
representations
actual buildings
is perhaps beside the point. The choice
of the two particular halls to represent the Dafu Lingjiu
is linked to their direct association with
si/Da Huayan-si
are the focus of
The
and
Manjusr?.
pilgrimage,
buildings
as such have
an
status.
iconic
acquired
they
Accordingly
are the
that are placed on the
only ones in the mural
central axis and portrayed
frontally.
Pictorial Narrative:
Temporality
and Spatiality
Ever since Manjusr?
became
connected with Mt. Wutai
numerous
in the fifth century,
there were
reports of
on
that
the
mountain.
occurred
"spiritual happenings"
In the 66os an imperial delegation was sent to investigate
these claims, which
resulted in the first official report and
the first picture ofMt. Wutai.35 By the late seventh cen
an international
had already become
tury Mt. Wutai
center of Buddhist
from
attracting pilgrims
pilgrimage,
all over China
and from as far as Kashmir,
south and
central India, Sri Lanka, Silla, Kory?,
and Japan.
The most famous account of his manifestations
is that
Manjusr?
appeared to the Kashmiri monk Buddhap?lita
(Fotuo Poliam), who came to China and visited Mt. Wutai
in the year 676. The monk
in the
encountered Manjusr?
an
of
old
who
if
asked
he
had
from
man,
guise
brought
a copy of the Tantric
text Usn?sa-vijaya-dharan?
the West
s?tra (Foding
said
zunsheng tuoluonijing?n).36 Buddhap?lita
no and the old man sent him back to fetch the
scripture.
The Kashmiri
monk
returned with
the s?tra and pre
sented it to the old man, who
then led him into the
(Diamond Grotto). The grotto then closed
Jin'gang-kuao
seen no more.37
itself
and
the two were
by
and illustrations
of this legend are indi
Inscriptions
in
cated twice
the mural
(Fig. ju and Fig. 7D, lower left),
as the Kashmiri
monk
had encountered
the old man
are not
man
twice. Clouds
since
Manjusr?
depicted,
in human flesh and the event is therefore
ifested himself
a
and temporal context. How
given
specific, historical,
to
indicate the importance
of the event, the old man
ever,
aremuch
and the monk
larger than the rest of the figures.
to
Suffice it
say that the images of religious establish
are an ab
and events in the mural
ments,
individuals,
of narrating
breviated
the entire history
of Mt.
way
with
indexical
inscribed upon
the
Wutai,
inscriptions
locations. An analogy may be drawn be
appropriate
tween this method
of narration
and the written
histories
in that they both share the same conception
as
being made up of important events, indi
as
and institutions,
the
to, for example,
viduals,
opposed
a
as
of
unilinear
of
time
such
concept
history
progression
as that narrated
in annalistic
accounts.38 Accordingly,
both the pictorial
and written
narration
of Mt. Wutai's
is
structured
around
these
larger history
separate units of
or institutions.
individual histories of events, people,
The methods
of narration
in the two mediums,
how
are
different.
The
French
scholar
Paul
ever,
vastly
Ricoeur
in his essay on "Narrative Time"
remarks that
to be that structure of essence
"I take temporality
that
to be the
reaches language
in narrativity
and narrativity
as its ultimate
structure
that has temporality
language "39
In the pictorial medium,
referent.
I propose
that nar
as
in
structure
the
visual
has
its
ultimate
referent
rativity
rather
than
In
the
mural
of cave
spatiality
temporality.40
to
61 there is no attempt
dura
depict temporality?the
tion of time that is embodied
in each individual unit of
se
history?by
images in action in a temporal
showing
or
mar
the
of
Instead,
quence.
images
people, buildings,
kers of events are anchored
in their respective geographic
that is, where
the action took place or where
locations,
a monument
was
established.
in the same
By placing
visual plane images that refer to events and actions that
at different
had occurred
times in the past, the pictorial
ofMt. Wutai
of "history"
method
historical
thus simultaneously
and embraces
transcends
time.
on
Our dependence
to identify
the
literary sources
matter
not
subject
today should
imply that the word
over the
takes precedence
image. Just as the great tradi
tion of Mt. Wutai was being memorialized
in historical
and eulogies,
it
accounts,
diaries,
poems,
travelogues,
was being memorialized
in pictorial
If
images as well.
is the poetic,
the word
eulogized
picture of Mt. Wutai,
the image is the pictorial poem and eulogy.
Political
Symbolism
and Patronage
State cults and Buddhism
have had a long collaboration
in China,
and on Mt. Wutai
the Buddhist
establishments
received
from
Xiaowen-di
imperial patronage
(r. 472
499) of theNorthern Wei (386-534) down to Emperor
Qianlong (r. 1736-1795) of the Qing dynasty (1644
37
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to the infusion
factors
contributed
of
in
the
of
Mt.
and
political
significance
worship
Manjusr?
as
Wutai: Ma?jusr?'s
manifestations
interpreted
auspi
was
cious omens
of
the
who
ruler,
signaling
approval
as the cakravartin, the Buddhist
then identified
universal
1911).
Several
as aBuddhist
ofMt. Wutai
sacred
ruler; the identification
in
which
recalled mountain
tradi
mountain,
worship
state religion;
tional Chinese
and the identification
of
as a protector
state
of
the
from
the
Manjusr?
mid-Tang
period
The
onward.
contains a group of images of "spiritual
on clouds
and inscribed with
the
beings"?floating
tra
character xian?that
do not come from the Buddhist
dition.
omens"
Instead, they are the "auspicious
(xiang
native
from
Chinese
the
tradition.
These
include
ruiap)
the golden dragons
(Fig. je, right), qilinaq (Fig. je, left),
cranes. Han
state
sacred deer, a divine bird, and white
rare
viewed
certain
the
of
animals
appearances
religion
omens
sent from heaven
to applaud a new
auspicious
or
one?a
to
of
the
approve
concept
regime
existing
painting
to justify
the Heavenly
Mandate
of a new
or
developed
tradition
into the
continued
existing
emperor.41 This
was
as
a
mid-seventh
and
century
employed
political
in preparation
for her usurpation
of
ploy by Wu Zetian
the Tang throne
omens
became
in 674. Thus reports of seeing auspicious
and officials who made
such
rampant,
rewarded.42
reports were generously
Since Empress Wu widely
Buddhism
for
employed
herself
ends, even to the extent of proclaiming
political
the Maitreya
Incarnate and a cakravartin, no doubt
the
occurrences
were
of Ma?jusr?'s
manifestations
regarded
as
omens of a
auspicious
special type, blending Buddhist
ideas with
the native state cult. Indeed, Huize,
the monk
re
to Mt. Wutai,
headed
the imperial delegation
on
to
Mt.
ported
Empress Wu the unusual visions he had
as jiexiang
Wutai
Wu's
(good and auspicious).43
Empress
of the new translation
of the Avatamsaka
sponsorship
s?tra 2nd subsequent patronage
of the Avatamsaka
school
also helped
in promoting
the worship
of Manjusr?.
to view Ma?jusr?'s
Later Tang
continued
emperors
as
as
Ennin
manifestations
recounted
auspicious
signs,
that every report of manifestation
result in the
would
tea, or scarves
Tang emperor
sending gifts like incense,
reason for
to the temples on Mt. Wutai.44 Another
impe
to Taiyuan,
rial support was Mt. Wutai's
the
proximity
who
place of origin of the Tang imperial house.
state religion has a long tradi
Chinese
Furthermore,
First the Qin Shihuang Di (r.
tion of mountain
worship.
221-210
then
the
b.c.),
per
Tang and other emperors,
on the summit
formed
the fengar and shanas ceremonies
as a form of commun
ofMt. Tai, in Shandong
province,
ion between
Son of Heaven?and
the emperor?the
to receive the Heavenly
in order for the emperor
Heaven
as aBuddhist
The identification
ofMt. Wutai
Mandate.45
a Buddhist
sacred mountain
therefore provided
parallel
in traditional mountain
worship.
as a cult
increase in prominence
Ma?jusr?'s
figure, par
state
in
from
the
Buddhism,
ticularly
century
mid-eighth
to the Singhalese
should be attributed
onward,
however,
one
monk Amoghavajra
705-774),
(Bukong Jin'gang,at
of
the founders
of Esoteric
Buddhism
in China.
rose to
in 741 and for the rest
Amoghavajra
prominence
of his
at court.
life served three Tang emperors
Taking
of
the
situation
chaotic
in
the
aftermath of the
advantage
An Lushan
of 755, he greatly
rebellion
the
expanded
instruments
cere
of state Buddhism
by performing
monies
and offering
of the
prayers for the protection
state. In his teachings
to the
em
he
emperors,
Tang
as
their
role
cakravartins.46
phasized
venerated Manjusr?,
whom
especially
Amoghavajra
he held to be omniscient.
A significant
number
of the
dharan? s?tras that Amoghavajra
translated
invoke
the
name of
Manjusr?.
Through
Amoghavajra's
campaign
at court,
an
enormous
sum
of money
was
raised
to com
plete the magnificent
Jin'ge-si
(Temple of the Golden
on
Mt.
Wutai
in
which
had been started
766,
Pavilion)
in the 73os by the monk
after
his vision of an
Daoyiau
a
and
of
manifestation
apparitional
temple (the Jin'ge-si
the golden bridge associated with
its miraculous
found
in the mural: Fig. ja, top and lower
ing are both depicted
also solicited
in
imperial orders,
in the dining hall of
of Manjusr?
and, in 772, to have every monastery
every monastery
in the empire build aManjusr?
chapel. Manjusr? was thus
as a protector
of the state.48
promoted
The dramatic
increase in the number of Manjusr?
im
ages at Dunhuang
during the Tibetan
occupation
period
evinced
the Tibetans'
interest
in Manjusr?
worship
their patronage
of Esoteric Buddhism.
The Jiu
through
center).47 Amoghavajra
769, to install an image
Tangshu (OldDynastic History of theTang) records that in
from
824 aTibetan king requested a picture ofMt. Wutai
the Tang court.49 At the same time the first images of
inmurals.
Mt. Wutai were depicted
This period of wor
in
the late ninth and tenth centuries,
cul
ship continued
in the fullest expression
in cave 61.
minating
cave 61 was dedicated,
We may remember
that when
was
the chief donor's husband, Cao Yuanzhong,
serving
as the governor
of Dunhuang.
Like other powerful mili
of late Tang or rulers of the Five Dynasties
tary governors
Cao also considered
the patroning
of Bud
kingdoms,
dhism essential to governing.
As the Tang empire disin
a rationale for
tegrated, state Buddhism
provided
regional
to
assert
rulers
their
and
autonomy
military
political
to rule.50 The excavation
claim the legitimacy
of cave
chapels and the creation of images and paintings were
acts carried out to accrue merit. The patrons
devotional
hoped
gained
if they appeased
the protective
from
the
Buddhist
church,
approval
that
38
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deities and
the govern
Fig. 8. Detail
fromfingbian
of Vimalak?rti-s?tra,
east wall,
TB vol. 3, pi.
first half 8th century.
Dunhuang
154.
cave
103,
ment
and stability and pros
would
then be empowered,
the
be
of
would
assured.
society
perity
In this context,
the Hall of Manjusr?
repre
building
sents the efforts of a political
ruler (made on his behalf
to invoke the powers of Manjusr?
to protect
by his wife)
of auspicious omens in the paint
the state. The depiction
the Heavenly Mandate
the governor with
ing empowers
to rule. Furthermore,
the representation
of Mt. Wutai
to the mountain.
Cer
enabled the ruler to pay homage
a
for similar reasons,
the Tibetan
king sought
Mt.
Wutai.
of
of
the
Likewise,
royal
picture
depiction
emissaries
from Kory?,
Silla, and the Five Dynasties
state from Hunan
Chu
(Fig. 7D) sending gifts to the
in the wor
mountain
the political significance
underlines
Mt.
of
and
Wutai.51
Manjusr?
ship
tainly,
Representational
Imagery ofManjusr?
andMt.
Wutai
is tra
art, Bodhisattva
Manjusr?
as a young crown
on
prince riding
ditionally
represented
was
a lion. Beginning
in the Tang dynasty, Manjusr?
who rides an elephant.
often paired with Samantabhadra,
InMah?y?na
Buddhist
Fig.
cm.
9. Manjusr?,
1919.1-1
9th
0137
century,
Courtesy
ink and colors
on
the Trustees
of
of
silk. h.
the British
39.5, w.
14.5
Museum.
the Historical
these two bodhisattvas
flanked
Together
as seen in the courtyard of theWen
Buddha
S?kyamuni,
in the mural
of
shu Zhenshen-dian
(Fig. je). Another
Vim
in
is
of
famous
illustrations
the
roles
Ma?jusr?'s
alak?rti-s?tra beginning
in the fifth century
(Fig. 8).
In esoteric form Manjusr? holds in his right hand a
whose
wisdom,
symbolizing
sharpness destroys
in his left hand a book
and
sometimes
ignorance
(Fig. 9),
crown,
(the Praj??p?ramita). He also wears a five-pointed
sword,
39
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Fig.
io. Thousand-armed
Dunhuang
34.
cave 99,
with
1,000 alms bowls,
Manjusr?
south wall,
Five Dynasties
TB vol.
period.
as he is
frequently
another common
with
1,000 arms,
5, pi.
associated with
the number five.52 In
esoteric form, Manjusr?
is portrayed
an alms bowl
each hand holding
(Fig.
Fig.
11.
paper,
mid-ioth
Manjusr?,
h. 27.9, w.
16.8 cm.
century,
1919.1-1
woodblock
0237
Courtesy
print,
of
ink on
the Trustees
of the British Museum.
10).
A number
of devotional
woodblock
prints of Man
have
from
survived
jusr? (Fig. 11)
Dunhuang;
they date
to about
the same time as cave 6i.53 The dedicatory
on the
in understanding
inscription
prints is significant
at this time:
the worship
of Manjusr?
and Mt. Wutai
This Manjusr? from among theWu-t'ai Hills, theGreat Holy One,
appears
inmany
true manifestations.
diverse
By
his might
and magic
unfathomable he long ago achieved true illumination, but did not
relax
his great
and his
ten
body
thousand
He
compassion.
shows
the marks
Bodhisattvas
lurked
of
he
amid
the Planes
a deva or man.
dwelt
on
Mount
of Existence
In company
with
Ch'ing-liang
[Qingliang], assuming different forms that (spiritual) profit might be
spread far and wide.
towards
the increase
obeisance
to him
and
All
his
of
our
extol
were
and meditations
turned
thoughts
and good
If we do
fortune.
happiness
him he can fulfil all our wishes.
Let us
exhort the Four Classes (of the Buddhist community) tomake offer
ing and
submit
to the doctrine,
that
in the future
they may
all enjoy
the exquisite fruits of Bodhi.
Ma?juir?
Kumarabhuta
Bodhisattva's
Five-syllable
Heart-spell:
Arapacana.
the Great
Manjus*r?
Heart
dh?rani: Om!
and Virtuous
One's
Majestic
Avira. Hum!
Khasaro.54
Law Treasure
Store
were
Also
from Dunhuang
similar votive prints of
Avalokitesvara
and Vaisravana
(Figs. 12 and 13) commis
in 947.55 Significantly,
sioned by Cao Yuanzhong
the
state that Cao was praying
to the deities for
inscriptions
"
on behalf of his city, his
his "state.
protection
prefecture,
is part of the inscription
The following
from the Ava
lokitesvara print:
. . . [Cao
Yuanzhong] carved this printing block and offered it on
40
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Fig.
nor
12. Avalokitesvara
31.7, w.
Trustees
20.0
of
print engraved
947, woodblock
a.d.
at Dunhuang,
cm.
Stein
the British
for Cao
print,
1919.1-1
0242
Painting
Museum.
Gover
Yuanzhong,
ink on paper, h.
Courtesy
of
the
no
of the municipal
know
shrines of the city, that they may
on behalf
of the whole
that they may
be intact
troubles;
prefecture,
east and west may
and peaceful.
That
remain open
the ways
leading
behalf
and unimpeded. That
and obey.
the war-trumpet
submit
of
witnessing
fortune
May
no
the barbarians (?) of north and south may
all severe
longer
diseases
be heard;
the sound
May
disappear.
we have the
of
delight
may
and hearing good things and all be wetted by (the dew of)
and prosperity.
for Cao Yuan
with
and a donor
attendants
13. Vaisravana
A.D. 947, woodblock
at
ink
Governor
zhong,
print,
Dunhuang,
on paper, h. 40.0, w. 26.5 cm.
of the
1919.1-1
0245 Courtesy
Trustees
of the British Museum.
Fig.
. . .36
In the mural
the two figures closest to the Central Peak
are Avalokitesvara
and leading the heavenly
assembly
and Vaisravana.
The prints therefore confirm the political
for Cao. Although
that the mural
meaning
represented
name
not
the Manjusr?
does
the
donor, itmay also
print
Cao
have been commissioned
who was
by
Yuanzhong,
the most
important patron of the time.57
at
of the depiction
ofMt. Wutai
The earliest examples
come from a number of Tibetan
caves
Dunhuang
period
dating to the late 830s, including caves 159 (Fig. 14) and
and his abode of Mt.
361. In both examples Manjusr?
are
with
Wutai
Samantabhadra
and his abode
juxtaposed
on the west
flanking each side of the niche
houses
icons.
the
central
These
wall,
relatively
of Mt. Wutai
already contain illustra
simple depictions
on the moun
tions of temples,
st?pas, and worshipers
as
as
on trailing
well
"manifestations"
tain,
Ma?jusr?'s
clouds.
A Dunhuang
inMus?e
Guimet
also depicts
painting
Mt.
Wutai
and
(eo 3588; Fig.
15). Probably
Manjusr?
a
large figure of
dating to the tenth century, it illustrates
with
attendants
amidst a forested mountain
Manjusr?
over the mountain
scattered
Cartouches
range.
identify
ofMt.
E'mei
which
41
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Fig.
14. Detail
Dunhuang,
jusr? outside
of west
wall
panels depicting
TB
the niche.
of cave
Mt.
vol.
159 (a.d.
Wutai
below
4, pi.
836-840),
an
image
of Man
76.
of temples on Mt. Wutai. Nevertheless,
the hier
atic placement
of a cult figure in the middle
and the dis
small and schematized
mountainscape
proportionately
leave no doubt
that it is but a conceptual,
imaginary
that has no relation to
of the sacred mountain
depiction
Inwhat ways,
the actual topography
ofMt. Wutai.
then,
in cave 61?
do these predecessors
differ from the mural
in artistic terms?
And how do we assess the mural
names
Assessment
of theMural
in the Landscape
Tradition
is the
the subject matter
of the Mt. Wutai mural
one
is to
of
the
way
assessing
mountainscape,
painting
relate it to the development
of secular landscape paint
that had taken great strides in the tenth
genre
ing?a
as Dong Yuan (d. 962) and Li
such masters
century with
the style of the mural has little
However,
(d.
967).
Cheng
in common
secular
with
contemporary
landscapes,
a set of
that
illuminate
from
woodcuts
judging
landscape
s?tra
text leaves of an imperial edition of a Buddhist
now
some
in the
time between
984 and 991, and
printed
Art Museums
collection
of the Harvard University
(Fig.
in these
16).58 After detailed
study of landscape motifs
that the prints retained an
works, Max Loehr concluded
land
"archaic character"
that harked back to the Tang
in style to secular
scape tradition. The only proximity
is
Loehr remarked,
masters,
landscapes by well-known
as
that of the monumental
by
landscape style
developed
the late Tang masters Jing Hao and Guan Tong.59
are comparable
The prints and the Mt. Wutai mural
in that the conception
and rendering of landscape in both
Since
on Mt. Wutai,
15. Manjusr?
Dunhuang,
eo 3588. Courtesy
Guimet
paper. Mus?e
10th century,
Guimet.
Fig.
ink on
Mus?e
come directly from the Buddhist
tradi
works
painting
vision of landscape is basi
tion. In both, the panoramic
of a Buddha's
pure land,
cally akin to the conception
a
from
view, spread out in a grand
bird's-eye
depicted
in front of the viewer. From the eighth century
fashion
amore
scenes began to
onward,
signifi
landscape
play
cant role in Buddhist
and they usually serve as
paintings
a
to the
the Buddha
against which
preaches
backdrop
or
as
a
at
which
Avalokites
setting
(Fig. 17),
assembly
vara
deeds (Fig. 18). When
the
performs
compassionate
cave
61 is removed,
in
mural
the
of
there
iconic image
similar to the landscape
of Mt. Wutai,
fore, a panorama
the three-tiered
is
left.
of
16,
Furthermore,
Figure
print
are
and
central
structure,
axis,
symmetry
spatial organi
zational
principles
directly
inherited
from
the pure
land
scenes.
Other
rendering
techniques
42
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
and motifs
of both
the
text leaf of the imperial
edition
16. Landscape
with
o?Bizang
Fig.
print mounted
l. 53.0 cm.
of
the Arthur M.
ink on paper, h. 22.7,
block print,
By permission
Funds.
Louise H. Daly,
and Anonymous
1962.11.3
Hyatt,
Alpheus
Fig.
17. Jingbian
of the Lotus
S?tra
set against
a panorama
of mountainscape.
carved between
zhuan, woodblocks
Harvard
Sadder Museum,
University,
Dunhuang
cave
321,
south wall,
7th
and 991. Wood
Mass.
Cambridge,
984
century.
TB
vol.
3, pi.
53.
43
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Fig.
first
iS.Jingbian
of the Avalokitesvara
half 8th century.
TB vol.
3, pi.
S?tra,
with
iconic
image
of Avalokitesvara
set
against
a panorama
of mountainscape.
Dunhuang
cave
45,
131.
mural
in earlier paint
and the prints also find precedents
These
include
the
linear
method
without
ings.
primarily
internal modeling
the mountain
forms and
(in the mural,
the ground are overlaid with flat, parallel bands of green,
to
and brown
colors); progressive
overlapping
riv
suggest spatial recession
(cf. Fig. 19), the zigzagging
ers and streams; and the
of distant
silhouette
jagged
trees (cf. Fig. 17). Advancements
mountains
lined with
in techniques
from earlier painting,
however,
may be
found in the more
in
scale
of
relation
convincing
figures
to landscapes, and in the unified, coherent
composition.
As a landscape per se, the Representation
ofMt. Wutai
is relatively
in the
and solidly grounded
conservative,
white,
convention
of Buddhist
painting. The secular ink land
an
on
but
scape tradition did make
impact
Dunhuang,
this influence came much
later, asmay be seen in a depic
tion ofMt. Wutai
from Yulin cave 3, which
dates to the
Xixia period (a.D. i036-1229).
On the other hand, the
innovations
in cave 61 lie in its
of the landscape mural
its dense
"text," and its
grand
symbolic
conception,
a convincing
of geographical
and
combining
portrayal
a
historical
reality with
religious conception.
Fig. 19.Detail o?jingbian of theLotus S?trawith a landscape scene
showing
overlapping
cave 103, south wall,
of hills
first
half
in progressive
8th century.
44
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recession.
TB
vol.
Dunhuang
3, pi. 153.
The Mural
as aMap: Metaphysics
and Spatial
Structure
Representation
of Mt. Wutai differs from previous
Mt.
of
in that it adopts the representa
Wutai
paintings
a choice that enables
of a topographic map,
tional mode
to present
the painting
illusions of historical
and geo
as
a
is
It
credible
because
of the
map
reality.
graphical
amount of
it
be
information
and
conveys,
geographical
cause it is
the
behind
the
altar
with
separately
placed
The
if the main
Otherwise,
image of Manjusr?.
sculptural
in
its
had
been
included
the
image
painting,
large size,
dictated by its function as an icon, would
have destroyed
sense of scale.
any believable
text on the history of car
In the latest comprehensive
B.
editors
and David Woodward
the
J.
Harley
tography,
are
definition
for
the
gave
maps:
following
"Maps
a
that
facilitate
under
representations
spatial
graphic
or
conditions,
processes,
standing of things, concepts,
events in the human world."
P. D. A. Harvey
defined a
as "a
one that sets out
large-scale map,
topographic map
to convey
the shape and pattern of landscape,
showing
a
as it lies within
one's
tiny portion of the earth's "61surface
own
direct
experience
. . .
Wutai
describes
and conveys
the mural
it also de
information
about Mt. Wutai,
geographical
sites and pilgrimage
routes, as well as
picts its religious
the celestial realm above. Therefore,
properly
speaking,
is a religious or a pilgrim's map. As in the case
the mural
in other cultures, such as the t-o maps
of pilgrim's maps
in the center, maps
with Jerusalem
the Mus
illustrating
or the Shinto
lim sacred sites of Mecca
and Medina,
shrine m?ndalas of Japan, the mural
translates a religious
a
into the pictorial
form of a
ideology,
cosmography
a reconstructed
to reality.
in
space
analogical
landscape
In his article on cartography
and art, Ronald Rees noted
in medieval
how maps
times?a
time when
produced
art
were
one?not
and
and
science
religion
only ad
While
of Mt.
dressed
between
the "multidi
sight but also mediated
were
as "con
mensional
of
truth"
that
conceived
planes
"62
current parts of a harmonious
whole.
Other
scholars
as
art
who
both
and
artifacts
also
noted
the
maps
study
as
of
and
maps
(ac
signs
expressive
"eloquence
power"
as texts to be read (as inter
to semiologists),
cording
preted by structural linguists), or as coded iconographie
symbols.63
The meaning
of the sign, text, or symbol, neverthe
less, needs to be expressed
through form and structure.
In the painting,
the arrangement
of pictorial space articu
structure: a spiritual realm
lates a hierarchical
three-tiered
in the
above, an intermediary
territory of the mountain
and the human world
below. To reinforce
this
middle,
are
to
order
several
devices
distin
conceptual
employed
guish the sacred space from the secular space.
The clouds and the character xian, as discussed
earlier,
clearly indicate the spiritual nature of the heavenly beings
that occupy the space above
and images of manifestations
In addition,
is
the mountain
the mountain.
proper
mountain
world
the
marked
off from the mundane
by
routes
of the pilgrimage
gates that serve as end-points
before they diverge
and zigzag up the mountain.
Shan
men refers to the outer gate of a
while
the
temple
temple,
cos
in Buddhist
is symbolic
of the universal mountain
case
seat
In
of
the
this
the
deity?is
mology.
temple?the
in the actual form of a mountain.
The mountain
gates
as in a
thus serve as markers,
that separate the
temple,
of Manjusr?
sacred territory
from
the secular world
below.
is a clear distinction
between
the
on the mountain
and
those
occurring
it.Most
of the pilgrims
and worshipers
inside temples or in front of sacred
sites, stand immobile with hands clasped in aworshiping
activities such as commer
gesture. By contrast, bustling
or
on the
cial transactions
traveling pilgrims
pilgrimage
routes give a sense of continuous
movement
in time
The
difference
between
the
sacred
and
the
(Fig. jc).
secular is thus further heightened
by the contrast between
are
the static and the moving;
the worshiping
figures
are
frozen in time, while
the figures in action
transfixed,
a
given
temporal dimension.
a hierar
structure therefore denotes
The three-tiered
from the blissful,
timeless
chy of spirituality: descending
space, to the transfixed wor
images in the atmospheric
Furthermore,
human
activities
below
occurring
on the mountain,
there
and finally to the mundane
ground,
shipers in the middle
concerns of
in
the
secular
world.
people
distinct
and
the three realms are
separate,
Although
acts
of
communication.
connected
through
Worshipers
can gain access to the mountain
through the ritual act of
while,
up on the mountain,
pilgrimage,
they can make
contact with
the spiritual through worship
in correspon
acts
dence with Ma?jusr?'s
of
manifesta
compassionate
so are the dimensions
tion. As spaces are traversed,
of
to humans
time. Transcendent
time is communicated
acts of worship
the transfixed
and manifesta
through
in historical
time
tion, and that in turn can be reenacted
reoccurrences
the
of
rituals.64
through
sides of the central, vertical axis, the peaks,
routes are
and the pilgrimage
spiritual beings,
temples,
more or less
a
in
and
hierarchi
symmetrically
arranged,
cal order moving
away from the center to the sides. The
Central
Peak at the top, and the two most
important
on Mt. Wutai on the central axis receive frontal
buildings
treatment.
The organizational
of frontality,
principles
as
as
well
structure
the
three-tiered
symmetry,
centrality,
are characteristic
of the iconic mode
in Buddhist
imagery,
conven
from iconic images to pure land scenes. These
On
both
tional compositional
principles firmly establish
of the Representation
ofMt. Wutai. Thus
mode
the iconic
the paint
45
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Fig.
18th
20.
map
Topographie
Woodblock
century.
ofMt.
print.
Wutai,
From
Chiang Tingxi (comp.), Gujin tushu
jicheng, Qing ed.
a Buddhist
of
conception
metaphysical
ing represents
as
mountain
the
the
land
of
while
pure
space,
presenting
an
of
worship.
Manjusr?,
object
Conflicts of Spiritual andGeographicReality
is the primary function of the painting,
If iconic worship
then how does the geographical,
reality of this
physical
with
this
ideology?
religious
compromise
worship
take a north
of China
Secular maps
traditionally
Secular maps
orientation.65
and
therefore
neutral,
south,
to modern
from the Qing
of Mt. Wutai
times, both in
aerial mode
and in the abstracted,
the topographic mode
orientation
take
the
and
north-south
also
20,
21)
(Figs.
of the five peaks in a semicircle
show the configuration
a valley in the center (photograph
in Figure
surrounding
enter
from
the
when
visitors
the
However,
22).
valley
in
Peak
front
face
the
and
Central
southeast,
they directly
turn their gaze from left to right; then the five peaks
in
in the same order as depicted
spread out horizontally
and
the mural:
Central, Northern,
Southern, Western,
is governed
orientation
Eastern. Thus the mural's
by the
to the
and their relationship
visitors'
actual experience
a
is
the
view
that
of
mountain,
pilgrim who
namely,
comes
to worship
the focus of
the sacred mountain,
pilgrimage.
The geographical
been altered, most
2i. Modern
aerial map
Wutai.
from Depart
ofMt.
Adapted
of Commerce,
and the Tourist
Shanxi
province,
Supply
Wutai
shan (Beijing: Wenwu
Press,
1984), p. 5.
Company,
Fig.
ment
of some temples has also
of Foguang-si
that
notably
(Temple
a
ancient temple
renowned
of Buddha's
Light; Fig. 7G),
In its history
the temple
is associated
of Mt. Wutai.66
two eminent monks: Monk
with
Jietuoav of the early
monk
and the Pure Land Buddhist
seventh
century,
Fazhaoaw
location
(d. 821), who
founded
46
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
the Zhulin-si
(Temple
Fig. 22. Photograph of Taihuai encircled
by the Five Peaks. From Tokiwa Taizo
and Sekino Tei, Shina Bukky? shiseki
(Tokyo: Shina Bukky? shiseki ken
ky?kai,
Fig.
1926-1931),
23. Dunhuang
vol.
ms.
5, pi.
S3 97,
a
4.
pilgrim's
travelogue
to Mt.
Wutai.
Courtesy
of the Bamboo
Grove) on Mt. Wutai after having a vision
near the
of an apparitional
temple
Foguang-si.67
is located at the foothill ofMt. Wutai
The Foguang-si
and lies on the main traveling route between Taiyuan and
the valley town of Taihuai up on the mountain
(see map,
2i and
Fig.
Fig. 22). The temple is therefore
photograph,
a frequent
for pilgrims
and travelers to and
stopover
of The
British
Library,
Oriental
and
Indian Office
Collections.
from Mt. Wutai.
Its name is often mentioned
in eulogies
and poems on Mt. Wutai,
and in pilgrims'
diaries and
ms.
such as Ennin's
travelogues,
diary and Dunhuang
names
towns
The
of
station
and
hostels
S397 (Fig. 23).
on the
route mentioned
in ms.
S397 in fact
pilgrimage
match
those listed in the painting,
thus lending credence
as a
to the painting
map.68
47
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
its geographical
of Mt. Wutai,
the history
describes
the
Buddhist
space, expounds
teachings about Manjusr?,
and embodies
the political
of this worship
significance
an icon, a text, a
to the patron.
It is at once a doctrine,
amyth,
a devotional
act, and a ritual. In its totality
map,
as an
is an
and with all of its potency
image, the painting
on
of
materi
land
earth
that
pure
Ma?jusr?'s
apparition
alizes the religious
tradition of Mt. Wutai
and makes
its multifaceted
manifest
of
truth
and
reality.
planes
POSTSCRIPT
in Kyoto
in the spring of
research
conducting
in the Fuji Yurinkan
I came across a rare small
carving that illustrates the legend of the Kashmiri monk
as an old man
meeting Manjusr?
disguised
Buddhap?lita
20
centimeters
The
about
carving,
high, shows
(Fig. 24).
a shallow niche with a seated Buddha flanked by monks
On
and a bodhisattva.
the far right are Buddhap?lita,
a
Asian
Central
style hat and nomadic
garb,
wearing
as an old monk
a
shown
with
greeting Manjusr?,
is exactly
the same as that
hunched back. The depiction
in the mural. To the far left an attendant figure is shown
lion. The first two lines of the inscription
with Ma?jusr?'s
from the western
below read: "A foreign monk
country
came to pay tribute to the Buddha. Manjusr? manifested
in the body of an old man."
Provenance
of the
himself
is
but
from
the
of
relaxa
unknown,
style
carving (a
piece
tion of the High Tang hieratic
stance, the protruding
the carving probably dates
bellies) and the subject matter,
to the late ninth to the tenth century. The crudeness
of
to its provincial
the carving also points
and
the
origin
fact that the piece was made as an act of piety rather than
I would
for aesthetic pleasure.
like to thank Miwako
for taking the photograph.
Koetsuka
While
1993,
Fig. 24. Buddha group showing Buddhap?lita meeting Ma?ju?ri,
who
manifested
century,
Miwako
himself
gray limestone.
Koetsuka.
as an old man.
Fuji Yurin
Kan,
Chinese,
Kyoto.
late 9th-ioth
Photograph
by
outside Mt. Wutai's
boundaries,
Although
Foguang-si
is traditionally
associated with
the mountain
because of
reason
its religious
For
it
is
this
accorded a
significance.
on
in
the
the moun
mural,
position
prominent
lying up
tain territory near the Northern
Peak (Fig. 7G; the tem
and Southern
ple's actual location is closer to the Central
a
The
of
hall
also
does not
peaks).
depiction
three-bay
with the seven-bay hall of the extant Great Eastern
which
dates to 857. The fact that neither the tem
nor its appearance
location
is accurate is insignifi
ple's
the temple's
and
location
cant, because
geographical
are
its
physical
reality
superseded
religious
by
impor
match
Hall,
tance.
As discussed
earlier, the pictorial
images of temples
are but conventional
and other types of buildings
signs.
to temples and human be
The actual scale of mountain
reduced for clearer representa
ings has also been much
tion.
in scale, use of conventionalized
sym
are
of
features
placement
important
no
in
As
is
map
employed
maps.69
aremade because
free from ideology,
these modifications
the primary function and intent of the mural
is religious.
We may
therefore justly call the painting
of Mt. Wutai
an
a Buddhist
ideological map,
metaphysical
conception
of the mountain.
The
reduction
bols, and adjusted
devices
frequently
In his essay on The Eiffel Tower, Roland Barthes
the intellectual character of a panoramic
vision,
analyzed
that the panorama's
intel
power of inducing
remarking
to
to
lection lay in its invitation
into
decipher,
plunge
time and history
space?a
type of
through geographic
a
duration
that becomes
As
panoramic.70
religious
not
the Representation
panorama,
ofMt. Wutai mediates
the
time, but between
just between
place and historical
exterior
space and the religious, mental
geographical
of the devotees.
It simultaneously
narrates
geography
Notes
note:
on
in a paper for a seminar
article originated
at Harvard
Wu
Professor
I
Hung
Dunhuang
taught by
University.
at Harvard?Professors
would
like to thank my
teachers
Wu Hung,
Irene Winter,
and Masatoshi
Rosenfield,
John M.
Nagatomi?for
Author's
This
their encouragement
of Harvard,
carefully
the paper at various
stages.
to
the following
for
persons
grateful
comments:
and
their
Raoul
manuscript
and
their critique
of
I am most
Outside
the
reading
Birnbaum, Susan Bush, Anne Clapp, Marylin Rhie, and Elizabeth
ten Grotenhuis.
I would
also
to
like
international predoctoral fellowship
of University
Women,
revision
of the manuscript
1. Color
illustrations
of the mural
Association
support
acknowledge
an
of
(1991-92) from the American
which
extensive
enabled
in September
are
published
me
to undertake
1991.
in Dunhuang
Re
search Institute (ed.), Ch?goku sekkutsu:Tonk? Bakko-kutsu (Tokyo:
Heibonsha,
1983),
vol.
5, pis.
55-64.
A
complete
set of black-and
white photographs of the entire mural is in the James and Lucy Lo
Archive
of Dunhuang
photographs
48
This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
at Princeton
University.
2. Mt.
The
is one
Wutai
other
Four
of China's
are also
three
Sacred
abodes
considered
Putuo
Buddhist
io. Xian
Mountains.
of great bodhisattvas:
Mt.
Mt.
in Sichuan
E'mei
for
in Zhejiang
for Avalokitesvara,
in Anhui
and Mt. Jiuhua
for Kstigarbha
Samantabhadra,
(Dizangax).
two cults differ, however,
in that the cult of Mt. Wutai
3. The
we
4. What
pends
nor
localized
to Mt. Wutai.
related
exclusively
in medieval
today about Mt. Wutai
know
on
primarily
two
texts:
the Gu Qingliang
zhuanay
is
times
de
{Ancient His
seventh
and
century;
the Guang
zhuanzz
Qingliang
(Extended
1982),
a
with
to a.d.
dated
preface
two
1061. The
texts
are included
in Taish? shinsh? daizoky? (hereafter TD), Takakusu Junjir? and
Watanabe Kaigyoku (eds.) (Tokyo: Taish? Shinsh? Daizoky? Kan
vol.
and
51, nos. 2098 and 2099, pp. 1092-1101
1924-1932),
accounts
diaries
also give detailed
1101-1127,
respectively.
Pilgrims'
most
of Mt. Wutai,
the Japanese monk
Ennin's
notably
diary of his
kokai,
visit in 840,Nitt?guh?junreigy?ki
Bussho
sion
1912,
Kank?kai,
see Ono
Katsutoshi,
Suzuki
(Tokyo:
vol.
inDai Nihon bukky?zensho (Tokyo:
72; for an edited
Nitt?
Zaidan,
Gakujutsu
junrei
guh?
and
gy?ki
1964-1969);
ver
commented
no
4 vols.
trans
kenky?,
for an English
lation seeEnnin's Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage toChina in Search
of the Law,
Edwin
O.
214-268.
pp.
1955),
Reishauer
Modern
by Godaisan,
represented
Press,
(trans.)
(New York: Ronald
are
studies on Mt. Wutai
best
perhaps
written
by
the Japanese
scholars
tsutoshi and Hibino J?bu (Tokyo: Zayuh? Kank?kai,
recently, Raoul
ing to Manjusr?
Birnbaum
a number
has written
Ono
Ka
1942). More
of monographs
relat
on theMysteries
and Mt. Wutai:
Studies
ofManjusr?,
no. 2, 1983;
for the Study of Chinese
Society
Religions
monograph
on
The Manifestation
of a Monastery:
Shenying's
Experiences
Mount
in T'ang
Wu-t'ai
Oriental
Context,
fournal
of the American
Society
5. The
106
19-137.
(i-2)(i986):i
Chinese
Su Bai
scholars
concerned
with
the archaeological
were
and Liang
Sicheng
primarily
information
of architectural
form
and style found in the painting (Su Bai, Dunhuang Mogaku
de Wutai
zhong
shan
bihua zhong
tu; and Liang Sicheng,
Dunhuang
suojian
2
re
de gudaijianzhu,
Wenwu
cankao zhiliao
1-48,
(5)(i951)149-71,
The Japanese
scholar Hibino
the painting
spectively).
J?bu assessed
in terms of its accuracy
in
historical
and geographical
depicting
reality
no Godaisan-zu
in Tonk?
ni tsuite, Bukky?
34 (i958):75~86,
Bijutsu
an article
while
wrote
Ernesta Marchand
called The
Panorama
of
Wu-t'ai
Shan as an Example
of Tenth Century
in Orien
Cartography,
tal Art (Summer
1976): 158-173.
6. Shi Weixiang,
Shizhu yu shiku, in Dunhuang Yanjiu Wenji
Press,
151-164.
(Gansu: Renmin
1982), pp.
cave 220 states that the Zai moved
from
from
7. An
inscription
to
at
in 579, and Zai family
Xunyang
Dunhuang
chapels
Dunhuang
include caves 220 (dated 642) and 85 (dated 862); see ShiWeixiang,
Shizu
yu
8. The
Institute
Press,
shiku,
names
p. 155.
of the 48 donors
(ed.), Dunhuang
1986), pp. 20-25.
mogaoku
are recorded
in Dunhuang
gongyangren
tiji (Beijing:
Research
Wenwu
in the Stein collection:
Arthur Waley,
A Cata
9. Those
paintings
logue of Paintings Recovered from Tun-huang
by Sir Aurel Stein (London:
The British Museum
and the Government
of India,
1931), cat. nos.
in the Biblioth?que
ccxLi,
ccxlv;
Nationale,
P4514,
P5415.
Paris,
For Cao Yuanzhung's
see
activities
patronage
Jiang Liangfu, Mogaoku
on
nianbiao
A eulogy
528-575.
1985), pp.
(Shanghai:
Guji Press,
in Dunhuang
zanhz is recorded
shishi yishu, Luo
Caofuren
an
and Jiang Fu (eds.),
dated
(1909), vol. 3, while
inscription
to the
cave tem
and listing the benefactions
made
Dunhuang
on the reverse of a
iswritten
by Cao Yuanzhong
ples made
Dunhuang
Lady
Zai,
Zhenyu
to 966
painting now in the British Museum,
Central
Asia
11,fig.
84.
(Tokyo
and London:
in Roderick Whitfield, Art of
Kodansha
International,
1982),
vol.
wenji
Gua
sha Cao
Gansu
(Lanzhou:
shi yu Dunhuang
Renmen
Press,
12. JinWeinuo, Dunhuang ku kan mingsu kao, Wenwu (5X1959);
reprinted in JinWeinuo, Zhongguo meishushi lunji (Beijing: Renmin
Meishu,
1981), pp. 326-340.
13. Ibid., pp. 339-340.
14. The French Sinologist
History ofMt. Qingliang, hereafter theExtendedHistory) compiled by
Yanyi
pp.
yanjiu
Dunhuang
250-252.
2
cankao zhiliao
zakao, Wenwu
monochromes
de Dunhuang
(Paris:
3, pp.
16-20; Duan
1978), vol.
in Ch?goku
sekkutsu: Tonk?Bakko
erku
Peintures
Orient,
de yishu,
Mogaoku
wanqi
161-162.
5, pp.
kutsu, vol.
11. Ke
Shijie and Sun Xiushen,
Mogaoku,
toryofMt. Qingliang, hereafter Ancient History), written by Huixiang
in the
Yulin
Mogao,
Wenjie,
directly linkedwith theworship ofManjusr? while theManjusr? cult
is neither
Da,
(5)(I95I):92;
Jao Tsung-i,
Ecole
d'Extr?me
Fran?aise
a total of 191
Paul Pelliot
copied
inscrip
are
in 1908, which
in
Grottoes
Carnet
de
published
Touen-houang,
au
de Notes
de Paul Pelliot, Mission
Paul Pelliot, Documents
Conserv?s
tions
Mus?e
Guimet
de France,
Instituts
Centre
de
d'Asie,
(Paris: Coll?ge
sur l'Asie et laHaute
Asie,
1984), vol. xiv, pp. 8-11.
studies of Manjusr?
include Etienne
Man
15. Scholarly
Lamotte,
Th?r?se
de Mallemann,
1-96; and Marie
jusr?, T'oung Pao (48)(i960):
Recherche
Etude
Orient,
sur
Manjusr?
Iconographique
1964). See also discussions
(Paris: Ecole
d'Extr?me
Fran?aise
by Benoytosh
The
Bhattacharyya,
IndianBuddhist Iconography (London:Oxford University Press, 1924),
pp. 15-31); entry on Monju in Bukky? daijiten,Mochizuki Shink?
(ed.), 4th ed. (Tokyo: Sekai Seiten kank? kyokai, 1963), pp. 4875
4879;
samg?ti,
1 of Alex
translation
of the Mahjusr?-n?ma
chapter
Wayman's
in Chanting
theNames
and London:
Sham
(Boston
ofManjusri
1-5; Paul Williams,
bhala,
1985), pp.
Mah?y?na
and New
York:
1989), pp. 238-241;
Routledge,
jusr? by Raoul Birnbaum
Buddhism
and
Macmillan,
was
vol.
1987),
no.
475),
and Xuanzang
9, pp.
into Chinese
translated
the third to the seventh centuries by Zhiqian
(TD
(London
on Man
in Encyclopedia of Religion, Mircea Eliade
and New
York:
(ed.) (London
175.
16. The
Vimalakirtinirdesa-sutra
Kum?raj?va
entry
from
(TD no. 474),
no.
(TD
174
476).
17. See Har Dayal, The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit
Literature
chapter
and Varanasi:
Motilal
Patna,
(Delhi,
vi, The Bh?mis,
pp. 270-29
i;EdwardJ.
Banarsidass,
1932),
The History
Thomas,
of Buddhist Thought (London and New York,
1933), pp. 204-211;
on
and
204-214;
entry
vol. 2, pp. 265-269.
of Religion,
Encyclopedia
a
18. The Avatamsaka-s?tra,
work
in
composite
probably
compiled
in the fourth
central Asia
into Chinese
century, was first translated
between
the second
418 and 420
by Buddhabhadra
(TD no. 278);
Williams,
Bodhisattva
Mah?y?na
path in
Buddhism,
pp.
was
translation
between
695 and 699
enlarged
by Siks?nanda
the
of Empress
Wu
(TD no. 279) under
(r. 690-705).
sponsorship
The
version was
translated
into English
seventh-century
by Thomas
The Flower Ornament
Cleary,
Scripture: A Translation
of theAvatamsaka
and London:
The
3 vols.
S?tra,
Shambhala,
(Boston
1984-1987).
and
Dasabh?mika-s?tra
of the Avatamsaka-s?tra,
in the third century
(fascicles
22 and 26 of the first
was
respectively)
(TD nos. 281-284).
first
and
second
translated
versions
into Chinese
relates to the notion
of the trik?ya
san
19. Nirm?na
(triple bodies;
are the
The
three bodies
shenbb) of buddhas.
dharma-k?ya
(body of
the Law, fashenbc),
the pure essence
of the buddhas'
and
teachings
the sambhoga-k?ya
the sup
knowledge;
(body of bliss,
baoshenbd)
form of buddhas
ramundane
revealed
for the enjoyment
of doctrine
to assemblies
of bodhisattvas
and devas in all univer
preaching
and the nirm?na-k?ya
or
(body of transformation
apparitional
assume
the form buddhas
for all
creatures
in
body,
huashenbe)
living
to their needs.
See Daisetz
T Suzuki,
Studies
in the Lank?v?
response
tara Sutra (Boulder:
T R. V. Murti,
Prajna Press,
1981), pp. 308-338;
while
ses;
The Central Philosophy ofBuddhism:A Study of the
Madhyamika System,
2nd
ed. (London,
and Sydney: M?ndala
Boston,
and Williams,
280-287;
Buddhism,
pp.
Mah?y?na
20. Lamotte,
13, 35-39.
pp.
Manjusr?,
21. TD no. 278, vol. 9,
p. 590.
Books,
i960),
pp.
167-179.
49
This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
22. Various
Asia,
been
in India, the Himalayas,
and central
ranges
a
those
with
of
five
have also
configuration
particularly
peaks,
as
identified
but none of them had attained
territory,
Ma?jusr?'s
mountain
as had Mt. Wutai
in China;
recognition
49~54
pp. 32-35,
Manjusr?,
translation
10, p. 241; English
23. TD no. 279, vol.
vol.
The Flower Ornament
11, p. 218.
Scripture,
24. TD no.
1185, vol. 20, p. 791.
in the fourth
associations
the "land
of
immortals"
aNorthern
as itwas
1973).
41. See Wu
had already
called
from
(based on a passage
text
in Ancient
by Huixiang
quoted
the intense
study of the Avatamsaka-s?tra
Wei
jing zhu,
because
of
However,
in the fifth century, Mt. Wutai
became
identified
ning
of Manjusr?
Godaisan,
pp.
(Ono and Hibino,
territory
26. Cleary,
The Flower
Ornament
begin
sacred
thePsychology ofArt (Berkeley, Los Angeles,
of California
30. The
(r. 472-499)
of the Northern Wei
and
emperor
the Northern
an
Emperor
associated
Ming
with
on
Essays
and London: University
1986), p. 194.
is attributed
of the temple
Press,
founding
in New
to
Emperor
wen
Xiao
in disseminating
figure
Another
traditional
period.
Han
of the Eastern
(a.D.
(r. 58-75)
the formal
introduction
of Buddhism
instrumental
in the eminent
in
Buddhism
is
attribution
Dynasties
is
who
9-220),
into China,
sanbao gantong
as
Daoxuan's
lu
Ji shenzhou
Tang monk
vol.
and in Yanyi
Extended
52, p. 437),
2106,
(TD no.
(comp.),
date is very unlikely
and may
be
History
(p. 1103). The Eastern Han
seen as an attempt
to
to the
and attach more
mythologize
importance
status ofMt. Wutai
in later times; see Ono
and Hibino,
Godaisan,
pp.
A Sanpan
Ornament
Shan Chariot
in Western
Han
Archives
Art,
of Asian
Shiji,
by
compiled
Sima
chuan
Qian,
28,
31. During
restorations inMing
(1368-1644)
and Qing
(1644
was
the original Da Huayan-si
1911) times,
split into smaller
temples.
of the
stands on the ground
The present-day
Xiantong-si
probably
on
the
Dafu
and
the
original
Lingjiu-si,
present-day
Pusa-ding
on the
of the Wenshu
and Wan
Zhenshen-dian
Pusa-lou,
ground
summit of the hill.
see also Ono
32. Reischauer
pp. 229-237;
(trans.), Ennin's Diary,
in Tang
of the Da Huayan-si
and Hibino's
discussion
times, Godaisan,
38-45.
33. San Tendai Godaisan
ki, in Dai Nihon
see Shimazu
a commented
edition
Kusako,
ki no kenky?
Tonk?
34. Hibino,
Godaisan
(Tokyo: Kotoku-sha,
no Godaisan-zu
ni
f?jin
vol.
ajari boshu,
pp.
1959),
tsuite, pp.
72; for
san Tendai
461-462.
Su Bai,
81-82;
de Wutai
Shan tu, pp. 55-57.
Dunhuang
Mogaku
zhong
Ancient History,
35. Huixiang,
p. 1098.
s?tra was
into Chinese
translated
36. The Usn?sa-vijaya-dharan?
Buddhap?lita,
37. Yanyi
Ennin's Diary,
TD
no.
967.
Extended
the
Art
37
shu
!959)>
vol.
4, pp.
and Michael
1355-1404;
The
Loewe,
Imperial
Cults, Chinese Ideas of Life andDeath (London and Boston: Allen &
127-143.
1981), pp.
out in one of the texts
ideas were
46. Such
spelled
Amoghavajra
see
the Wenshu
translated:
245, 246);
renwang huguo jingh?
(TD nos.
of Amoghavajra,
Weinstein's
discussion
Buddhism
the T'ang,
Under
pp. 77-83
in Yanyi
of the Jin'ge-si
Extended History,
47. See accounts
(comp.),
Unwin,
1113-1114,
In Ennin's
256.
esoteric Manjusr?
and
in Reischauer
day the Jin'ge-si
cult.
(trans.),
was
still
Ennin's
a
pp. 252
Diary,
center
of the
thriving
et al.
TD vol.
50, no.
Zanning
(comps.),
Buddhism
the
Under
Weinstein,
pp.
pp. 79-82;
T'ang,
and Hibino,
Godaisan,
pp. 45-56.
et al.
Liu Xu
49. Jiu Tangshu,
945, chuan
17, Jingzong
(comps.),
48.
gaoseng
Song
zhuan,
712-714;
2061,
Ono
ji, and chuan 196, Tufan zhuan (Beijing: Zhonghua
Shuju, 1975).
see
of Buddhism
of the Five Dynasties
50. For discussions
period
et al.,
Nakamura
into
Ch?goku
bukky? hatten shi, translated
Hajime
Chinese
1, pp. 385-398;
1984), vol.
by Yu Wanju
(Taipei: Tianhua,
by
shoten,
153-195.
1971), pp.
as that sent
has been
from Hunan
identified
51. The
emissary
by
state in 947; see
Extended History,
the Chu
entry on
(comp.),
Yanyi
and a discussion
Zhaohuabh
1122,
p.
Mogaoku
by Sun Xiushen,
fojiao shijihua neirong kaoshi, Dunhuang yanjiu (1) (1988): 5-6.
52. Lamotte,
p. 2.
Manjusr?,
Clarendon
Serindia
53. See Aurel
Stein,
(Oxford:
A Catalogue
Recovered from
976; Waley,
of Paintings
Aurel
pp.
bukky?zensho
and
shan
Feng
Makita Tairy?, Godai sh?ky? shi kenky? (Kyoto: Heiraku-ji
6-9.
Stein,
cat. no.
ccxxxv;
Whitfield,
and Anne
142, 143, 147; Whitfield
figs.
The British
Buddhas
(London:
the Biblioth?que Nationale
54. Waley,
Aurel Stein,
A Catalogue
Museum,
Press,
p.
1921),
Tun-huang
by Sir
Art of Central Asia,
vol.
11,
Farrer, Cave
of the Thousand
cat. no.
1990),
in
86; prints
include P4514, 2(5).
Recovered
of Paintings
p. 197.
ccxlv,
55. Ibid., cat. nos. ccxli,
rer, Cave
Buddhas,
of the Thousand
from
by Sir
Tun-huang
pp. 199-201; Whitfield
cat. nos.
84, 85.
and Far
56. Translated by Waley, A Catalogue of Paintings Recoveredfrom
History,
p. mi;
Reischauer
(comp.),
pp. 246-247.
discussion
of the different
forms
38. See Hay den White's
in The Value
resentations
of historical
of Narrativity
reality
Representation of Reality, inW
J. T Mitchell
(trans.),
of
rep
in the
(ed.), On Narrative
and London:
of Chicago
Press,
1981), pp. 1-23.
University
(Chicago
Narrative
inMitchell
39. Paul Ricoeur,
Time,
(ed.), On Narrative,
p.
Hung,
Design
pp.
a devout Buddhist
(386-534),
Xiangrui
45.
11, p. 102.
on the
study
Joseph Mullie's
quoted
particle zhi that
a
a
is not specifically
the character
but
of liaison and
genitive
"particle
a mark
in The
Panorama
of qualification,"
of Wu-t'ai
Shan as an
p. 169.
of Maps,
the
(Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices) (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju,
27. Ibid., vol.
28. Marchand
of Tenth Century
Example
Cartography,
The Perception
29. Rudolf
Arnheim,
1981),
On
Wu Ying
in Chen Yinke xian
Yinke,
yu fojiao,
reprinted
1973), vol. 2, pp. 183-200.
lunji (Hong Kong: Wen Wen,
sheng wenshi
Ancient History,
43. Huixiang,
p. 1098.
44. Reischauer
(trans.), Ennin's Diary,
pp. 233-234.
9-17).
11, pp.
108-109.
vol.
Scripture,
Press,
and Pictures:
Words
Schapiro,
(i984):38-59
42. Chen
History).
as the
Meyer
Literal and Symbolic in Illustrations of a Text (The Hague: Mouton,
is in Cleary,
xiandu,hi
Li Daoyuan's
Shui
century,
1 and conclusion;
chapter
25. Ono and Hibino pointed out thatMt. Qingliang
had Daoist
( 1976)
Ancien Regime (Cambridge: Cambridge University
see Lamotte,
international
or Narrate?
A
Svetlana Alpers,
Describe
225-244;
40-43,
in Realistic
New
8
Literary
History
Representation,
:15-41 Norman
Word and Image: French Painting
;
Bryson,
of the
1976), pp.
Problem
Tun-huang
by Sir Aurel
Stein,
pp.
199-200;
another
translation
by
Lionel Giles is inDescriptive Catalogue of theChinese Manuscripts from
Tunhuang in theBritishMuseum (London: The British Museum, 1957),
p. 279.
nianbiao,
57. Jiang Liangfu,
pp. 537-541.
Mogaoku
are
in Max
Chinese
Loehr,
58. The
prints
published
Mass.:
Harvard
Woodcuts
Press,
University
(Cambridge,
Landscape
1968),
pis.
1-16.
165.
on the nature
and relationship
of word
and
40. For discussions
see Roland
in different
Rhetoric
Barthes,
image by scholars
disciplines
of the Image,
(trans.)
(New York:
Image/Music/Text,
Stephen Heath
Hill
and Wang,
33-51; Nelson
Goodman,
1977), pp.
Languages
of
Art: An Approach to the Theory of Symbols (Indianapolis: Hackett,
59. Ibid., pp. 34-54
from Yulin
Wutai
60. This depiction
ofMt.
Institute
Research
(ed.), Ch?goku
Dunhuang
cave 3 is illustrated
in
Yulin
sekkutsu: Ansei
kutsu
1990), pl. 165.
(Tokyo: Heibonsha,
61. J. B. Harley
and David Woodward
(eds.),
50
This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
The History
of Cartog
and London:
University
raphy (Chicago
The History
1, p. 1; P. D. A. Harvey,
Pictures and Surveys
Thames
(London:
62. Ronald
Rees, Historical
Review
The Geographical
70
63. The
publications:
Iconography
Links
of Chicago
of Topographical
and Hudson,
Between
Press,
Maps:
1980),
Cartography
1980):66.
(1)(January
has been
the focus of a number
of maps
both Denis
and Stephen
Daniels
Cosgrove
nature
of Landscape
(Cambridge:
1988) andDavid Woodward
Cambridge
University
vol.
1987),
Indira Gandhi
and Art,
ca.
of
recent
The
(eds.),
Press,
(ed.), Art andCartography (Chicago and
of
of a number
Press,
1987) consist
Chicago
University
see also
and the
different
1, The Map
authors;
chapter
in Harley
of the History
of Cartography,
and Wood
Development
Al
ward
1-41; and Svetlana
pp.
(eds.), The History
of Cartography,
London:
articles
by
pers, The Art of Describing: Dutch Art
in the Seventeenth Century
of Chicago
Press,
1983).
University
(Chicago:
discussion
of space and time inMesopota
64. See Irene Winter's
art in two conference
mian
of Space from
papers: Reading
Concepts
inK.
Ancient
Monuments,
Mesopotamian
Vatsyayan(ed.),
Concepts
of Space, Ancient andModern
proceedings
of
and Fixed,
1247;
engraved
see
Joseph Needham,
bridge: Cambridge
543-551.
66. Mary
lin M.
University
New
for the Arts,
Centre
(in press).
is the General
on
Map
a stele
Science
Press,
Delhi,
edited
1990,
ca.
of China
Shang,
by Huang
in Suzhou
by Wang
Zhiyuan,
and Civilization
(Cam
of China
1974),
vol.
3, pi.
lxxxiii,
pp.
ssu (New York
The Fo-kuang
and London:
Rhie,
an
of the temple
is
of
the
and
Garland,
1977)
in-depth
study
history
see also the accounts
in Huixiang,
Ancient History
its sculptures;
and
TD
Extended
vol.
51, pp.
1095 and 1108,
History,
Yanyi
(comp.),
respectively.
Ancient History
has an entry on Jietuo,
67. Huixiang,
p. 1095; for
see
Fazhao
Extended
and
1114-1116
pp.
Yanyi
History,
(comp.),
Buddhism
Under
the T'ang,
Weinstein,
pp. 73-74.
68. Reischauer
S397
(trans.), Ennin's Diary,
p. 265; the text of ms.
into English
has been
translated
The Fo-kuang
ssu,
Rhie,
by Marylin
49-60.
The History
69. See Harvey,
pp.
of Topographical Maps,
Historical
Links Between
and Art, p. 66.
Cartography
pp.
(New Delhi: Abhinav Publications,
and Recumbent
Time
Transcended,
as part of
to be
Mesopotamia,
published
an International
on Time
Seminar
sponsored
by
!99!)? PP- 57-73;
of Ancient
the Art
National
by K. Vatsyayan
65. An example
was
1193, which
Symbols,
p. 9.
in
the
the
New
The
70. Roland
Barthes,
York: Hill
and Wang,
Eiffel
Tower,
1979),
pp.
Richard
Howard
9-14;
Rees,
(trans.),
3-17.
51
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