CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE
A
COMPARISON
OF
THE
BEHAVIORAL
TENDENCIES
(DOMINANCE/COMPLIANCE} AMONG IRANIAN MEN AND WOMEN IN
THE UNITED STATES
A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the
requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in
Education, Educational Psychology, Counseling
and Guidance
by
Parvin Mona Afary
May, 1984
The Thesis of Parvin Mona Afary is approved:
.
--.t<C.--------r.-r-- --,.<--------------.
Dean Me. Cafferty, 'EO. 0.
Luis Rubalcava-; Ph. D.
Augusto Bri~n ~1 Ri~. D., Chair
California State University, Northridge
ii
To my loving parents; who have been going
through
the
painful
process
of
a
reexamination of their values and who have
already developed into happier, more
understanding and insightful individuals.
iii
ACKNOWL EDG E11ENTS
I would like to express my thanks and appreciation to:
Dr. Augusto Britton-del Rio not only for his outstanding
direction and expertise, but also for his kindly patience and
understanding.
Nancy Ballard for her time and knowledge of computers and
r
statistics.
Dr.
:f.1c Cafferty
and Dr.
Rubalcava for
reading and
reviewing the complete draft of this project.
Dr. Luis Rubalcava, Dr. Lila Hashemi, Dr. Nanaz Pirnia,
Dr. Horna Mahrnoudi and Ms. Flora Zornorodi; psychologists whom I
feel most indebted for the ideas expressed in this thesis.
My friends who participated in this research so willingly
and shared themselves so freely.
Dr. Luis Rubalcava, a special friend and teacher who
assisted me when I was so desperately "caught between the two
cultures 11 •
My family members, Nairn, Anvar, Karny, Frieda and Janet
whose generous love and support have been vi tal
to
the
completion of this thesis.
Jack Brown, whom I am most indebted for his stimulation
and constructive criticisms of my own thinking.
And special people in my life, Ali, Manzar, Mercedeh and
Shelly Ventura for their constant encouragement to complete
this thesis.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
....
.......
DEDICATION • • . . .
............
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS •
.............
LIST OF TABLES • . .
.......
LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ABSTRACT
.....
....
THESIS APROVAL
ii
iii
iv
vi
vii
viii
Chapter
I
THE PROBLEM
..............
1
Rationale of the Study
Purpose of the Study
Research Questions
Definitions of Terms
II
III
METHODOLOGY • • • •
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
IV
....
.........
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE •
7
20
Description of the Subjects
Description of the Instruments
Validity and Reliability of the
Instrument
Data Collection Procedure
Data Analysis
.........
26
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
31
................
41
DISCUSSION AND RESULTS
Analysis of the Data
Additional Findings
v
REFERENCES • • •
v
LIST OF TABLES
Table
Page
1.
Self-perception of Behavioral Tendencies
of Iranian Men and Women at Study and at
Work
27
2.
Self-perceived Behavioral Tendencies of
Iranian fvien and Women Under Pressure
27
3.
Self-perceived Behavioral Tendencies of
Iranian Men and Women of their own
Self-concept at Study or at Work
28
/
vi
LIST OF FIGURES
1.
Configuration of Ss behavioral patterns.
vii
ABSTRACT
A COMPARISON OF THE BEHAVIORAL TENDENCIES
(DOMINANCE/COMPLIANCE) AMONG IRANIAN MEN AND WOMEN IN THE
UNITED STATES
by
Parvin Mona Afary
Master of Arts in Education, Educational Psychology,
Counseling and Guidance.
This study investigated the relationship between gender
and the dominance/compliance behavioral tendencies of Iranian
men and women residing in the United States.
research questions were: (a)
The three
Are Iranian men more dominant in
their behavioral tendencies than Iranian women, as measured by
the dominance factor on the Personal Profile System?
Are
Iranian
women
more
compliant
in
their
(b)
behavioral
tendencies than Iranian men, as measured by the compliance
factor on the Personal Profile System?
(c)
What insight can
be gained into sex-role differences in the Iranian population
in the United States through an examination of sex-role
socialization patterns in Iran?
There have been numerous studies investigating the broad
patterns of sex-role differences between American men and
women; there have also been studies examining the relationship
between culture,
socialization,
al).d sex-roles within the
various populations in the United States.
viii
However, there has
been a paucity of literature relating to the Middle-Eastern
immigrants in the United States.
This study was undertaken to
take a preliminary look at gender-differntiated personality
characteristics of the Iranian community in the United States,
in the context of culture and socialization patterns in Iran.
A total of 73 subjects, 44 men and 29 women, participated
in the study.
Eighty percent (80%) of the sample have been
active in Iranian political students' organizations in the
United States.
They have also been involved with committees
working on equal rights for Iranian women.
All were administered the Personal Profile System.
questionnaire
was
administered
to
The
measure
the
dominance/compliance behavioral tendencies of Iranian men and
women at work or study, under pressure, and as they perceived
themselves.
Independent
t-tests
were
performed
in
the
three
different self-perceived contexts.
The data did not provide evidence of a statistically
significant difference between Iranian men and women
in
regards to the dominance/compliance variables at work or
study.
Both men and women scored low
moderate on compliance.
on
dominance and
There was a tendency among Iranian
men to more dominant and among Iranian women to be more
compliant under pressure.
In relation to the self-concept,
both men and women saw themselves as equally non-dominant and
moderately compliant.
An additional finding was that both
men and women were experiencing a lot of strees in adapting to
ix
the demands of the new culture and in the reexamination of
their traditional values.
Implications of the study for therapy was discussed and
recommendations for future studies regarding the relationship
between behavioral tendencies, acculturation and lenght rif
residence in the United States were offered.
X
p '
CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
There have been numerous studies in the past fifteen
years
investigating
the
broad
differences between men and women.
patterns
of
sex-role
What had once been largely
unchallenged- that male and female are the "opposite" of each
other, the "opposite sex" - has been called into question.
Some research evidence indicates that the stereotypes of male/
strong/ aggressive/ logical/ independent versus female/ weak/
passive/
scatterbrained/
dependent
are
descriptively
inaccurate for perhaps as much as half or more of all people
(Bern, 1974, 1975, 1977; Constantinopole, 1973).
At the same time, there has been a research focus on the
relationship between culture, socialization, and sex-role
development.
Barry, Bacon and Child (1957), in their classic
study of sex differences in 110 cultures, found universal
differential role expectations for boys and girls.
Pressure
toward nurturance and obedience were most often stronger for
girls, whereas pressure toward achievement and self reliance
were
most
often
stronger
for
boys.
More
recently,
the
Whitings and their associates (1975) observed boys and girls
from six different cultures, between the ages of three and
eleven.
In all the cultures the Whitings studied, girls seek
help more often than boys, while boys seek dominance more often
then girls;
similarities
the Whitings attributed these cross-cultural
to
similarities
socialization patterns.
1
of
gender-differentiated
2
There
have
been
studies,
as
well,
examining
the
relationship between culture, socialization, and sex-roles
within
the
various
populations
in
the
United
States.
According to Chaftez (1978), the various Spanish-speaking
groups in the United States (Mexican-American, Puerto Rican,
Cuban)
stress domesticity and passivity as stereotypical
feminine traits and dominance, aggressiveness, and physical
prowess as stereotypical masculine traits.
Staples (1970)
and Yorburg (1974) assert that the stereotyped feminine traits
have traditionally been less a part of the cultural heritage of
Blacks than that of whites.
Due to historical conditions
beyond its control, Black Americans have had to rely heavily on
the female as a provider and, more often than in the rest of
society, as head of the household.
Purpose and Rationale of the Study
Despite
this
diversity
in
the
field
of
sex-roles
research, there is a paucity of 1 i terature relating to f·'liddl e~
Eastern immigrants in the United States.
preliminary
look
at
This study takes a
gender-differentiated
personality
characteristics in the Iranian community in the United States,
in the context of cui ture and socialization patterns in Iran.
There is an extensive literature available on the culture
of the Middle East and the Islamic world.
The work of Levy
(1965) and Sweet (1970) are two of the most widely read in this
field.
In addition, several recent studies have focused on
the question of women in the Islamic world (Mernissi, 1975; and
3
Saadawi, 1980).
Others have concentrated in particular on
women
(Azari,
in
(1968)
Iran:
study
of
1983~
"Personality
Vieille,
1978).
Development
in
Kendall's
an
Iranian
Village" (1968), shows that there is a prevailing theme of
dominance/submissiveness
penetrating
every
aspect
of
Iranians' lives, from political and religious institutions to
family structure and man/woman relationships.
This study proposed to investigate whether the same theme
of
dominance/submissiveness
determines
behavior of Iranians 1 iving abroad,
the
attitude
and
and particularly the
continuing impact of this theme in the realm of genderdifferentiated
personality
characteristics.
population of Iranians living in the United States.
In
the
There are
many countervailing tendencies acting as a force against the
weight of the traditional Iranian's cultural background.
The
impact of the Women's Liberation Movement is found throughout
American
increasing
society.
change
Studies
toward
attitudes in America
have
the
indicated
a
steadily
non-traditional
sex-role
(Cherkun and Walters, 1978).
This,
together with the egalitarian ideology of American society,
could be expected to influence the attitude and behavior of
those Iranians who have been residing in this country for a
number of years.
Furthermore, the population chosen for this
study-- students and intellectuals between the ages of twenty
and
forty, from the middle and upper-middle socio-economic
J
background, many of whom have been active over the years in the
political movements against the rule of both the Shah and
4
Khomeini
could
be
expected
to
have
broken
with
traditionalist dominance/submissiveness norms in the area of
gender behavior, attitude and relations.
The question is whether the sample would show traditional
gender
differentiated
personality
characteristics;
i.e.
whether men would score higher on dominance and women would
score higher on compliance.
In order to investigate this
question, the researcher administered the "Personal Profile
System" as an instrument measuring the two dimensions of
behavioral responses, dominance and compliance.
This study was intended as a contribution not only to the
body of sex-role 1 iterature, but as well to the field of
counseling.
Many Iranians in the United States today have not
yet overcome the stressful experience of their encounter with
a new culture and are seeking the help of professionals to cope
with problems of depression and adjustment (Rubalcava, 1984;
Zomorodi, 1984).
Nasrin (1984) has shown that members of a
minority group have reservations about the effectiveness of a
therapeutic
interaction
with
Anglo
therapists.
While
Pederson (1976) concluded that mental health professionals
who are willing to learn, change and shift their accustomed
mode of operation can overcome cultural obstacles, Rubalcava
and De La Cancela (1982) offered the dialectical approach in
working with minority clients.
At the same time, the problem
of sex-stereotyped biases among mental health professionals,
originally demonstrated by Boverman et al (1970), has not
ceased to exist.
Women clients continue to report biased
5
remarks from male therapists (Farzaneh, 1984).
There is a
need for counselors who have an understanding of Iranian
culture and its rigid attitude toward sex-role development and
differences.
Growth in both the personal and· professional
lives of clients would be facilitated not by suggesting total
conformity
to
their
sex-relevant
stereotypes,
but
in
challenging the patriarchal symbol ism which has characterized
their culture, gender differences and identities.
Research Questions
This study investigated these three questions:
1.
Are Iranian men more dominant in their behavioral
tendencies than Iranian women, as ·measured by the
dominance factor in the Personal Profile System (Geier,
1977)?
2.
Are Iranian women more compliant in their behavioral
tendencies than Iranian men, as measured by the
compliance factor in the Personal Profile System (Geier,
1973)?
3.
What insight can be gained into sex-role differences in
the Iranian population in the United States through an
examination of sex-role socialization patterns in Iran?
Delimitation of the Study
This study was conducted in Los Angeles, Berkeley and San
Jose, California among 73 Iranian men and women ( 44 men and 29
women) between the ages of 20 and 40, from middle and uppermiddle socio-economic backgrounds.
Three-fourths of
the
sample were graduate and undergraduate university students
studying Biology, Art, Engineering; Political Science and
Computer Science, and one-fourth were working as artists,
teachers, printers and engineers.
Their length of stay in the
6
United States ranged from 3 years to 18 years, with the average
length of residence being five years.
Eighty percent ( 80%) of
the sample have been active in Iranian political students'
organizations in the United States and have opposed both the
Shah's and Khomeini' s regimes.
They have also been involved
with committees working on equal rights for the Iranian women.
Though eighty percent (80%) of the sample opposed religious
beliefs of any kind, the majority of them were practicing Islam
prior to their residence in the United States.
Definitions of Terms
The Personal Profile System, a self-scored and selfinterpreted
instrument,
measures
four
dimensions
behavioral responses, through forced choice selection.
of
This
research focuses on the two following dimensions:
1)
Dominance:
Active positve movement in an antagonistic
environment.
2)
Compliance: Cautious, tentative response designed to
reduce
antagonistic
factors
in
an
unfavorable environment.
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
The concentration in this chapter is on a review of the
literature on sex-role socialization in the Islamic world.
There have been very few studies devoted to an examination of
sex-role development in I ran in particular, and it is for this
reason that related materials from other Middle Eastern and
Islamic
cultures
are
brought
in
as
well.
It
is
this
background which provides the basis for the study and for the
interpretation of the findings.
Even considering the Middle East as a whole, the volume of
literature concerning sex-role development does not begin to
approach the comprehensiveness and variety of the work done
for the American case, but certain definitive outlines can
nonetheless be clearly shown.
Occasional references will be
made to studies of sex-role socialization in
the United
States, by way of contrast and comparison.
It is necessary to warn at the outset, of the need to avoid
sweeping generalizations.
Just as in the United States, so in
Iran differences of social class, religion, marital status and
generation
behavior.
have
ramifications
Furthermore,
the
for
sex-role
interaction
of
norms
these
and
four
variables result in the creation of numerous categories.
Thus, we find for example, that the status of a single Bahai
woman from a low socio-economic background is more similar to
the status of an upper middle class single Muslim woman than to
a single Muslim woman of her own class.
7
This study has
8
referred to the Iranian culture, as an Islamic one.
However,
it doesn't consider the Muslims as the sole carriers of the
regressive aspects of the culture.
Though the Bahais and
Christians have disassociated themselves from some of the
sexist, if not patriarchal aspects of the culture, the Jewish
population more or less carries the same Islamic values that
the middle-class Muslim population does.
(The researcher has
no
attitude
knowledge
about
the
Zoorastrians'
in
this
respect).
The discussion here concentrates on middle and upper
middle class Muslims, since this is the group which represents
more than fifty percent (50%) of the immigrant population in
the United States, and it is mainly from this group that the
sample of respondents to the Personal Profile System was
drawn.
The studies and generalizations are in the context of
Iranian society in the time of the Shah's regime, before the
Islamic Republic.
This is the background framework for the
objects of this study.
The review on childhood socialization literature reveals
more similarities than differences in the early upbringing of
boys and girls, with dependent behavior encouraged in both.
For
the
adolescent
and
adult
stages,
the
study
has
concentrated on the single and married woman.
Childhood
Sentiments at birth are much happier when the infant is a
boy.
While there is no ceremony for the new-born girl, the
9
infant
boy
ceremony.·
would
be
circumcised
in
the most
honorable
The 1 i ttle boy whose "mood is bad" is better cared
for than his sister.
infant boys.
Parents feel it is easier to bring up
They accept the troubles that he causes, but
take badly the ones given by little girls (Vieille, 1978).
In the Lebanese culture, nudity is considered taboo from
infancy, although there is a slightly greater permissiveness
for nudity in boys
(Pr'othro, 1961).
In the Iranian culture,
since the penis is a symbol of honor, nudity is accepted in
infant and little boys.
The guests, relatives and friends
make sure to inspect the penis of the infant and sometime refer
to the little boy as the one with the "Golden Penis".
itself can be a pleasant topic at a get together.
nudity is strictly taboo for girls from infancy.
This
However,
Shame plays
a role in controlling this behavior in little girls.
Similar to the Lebanese, the technique of the Iranian
mothers for coping with the sibling aggression,
control rather than training.
stresses
The most common device used in
such cases is beating, which is followed closely by scolding
and threatening.
The male child is more likely than the
female child to be physically punished.
However, the little
boy is less likely to be punished if the aggression is toward
his sister.
Kendall (1968) observed a scene where a five year
old boy kept hitting and pushing his seven year old sister,
until she hit him in retaliation.
The mother, who was sitting
and watching the two children while knitting, started to scold
10
the girl.
In the house, activity revolves around the male figure.
A son from his earlier years is indulged and rewarded because
of his gender.
He is in a dominant position in relation to his
sister by virtue of his maleness (Kendall, 1968}.
Mothers
admit that their sons are spoiled and demand what they want
until they receive it.
Iranian mothers view their children as somewhat 1 imi ted
in their capacity to perform independently.
that
their
children
independence,
due
should
to
not
their
Iranian
mothers
watch
given
physical
immaturity (Madanipour, 1980).
the
be
and
Mothers feel
authority
and
psychological
Vieille (1978), notes that
over
their
encouraging them to exercise initiative.
toddlers
without
They are dressed
and fed when they cry, and carried rather than encouraged to
walk or stand alone.
The mothers express no concern for the
child's learning independence as a prerequisite for future
life.
Madanipour (1980) suggests that respect for authority
as
dominant
a
cultural
value
is
fostered
in
early
socialization and manifests itself in submissiveness to the
authoritarian father.
However, Kendall (1968) suggests that
although obedience and conformity to the demands of parental
authority
are
emphasized,
Iranian mothers
encourage and
reinforce more independent behavior with boys than with girls.
The Iranian child has difficulty in developing a sense of
autonomy.
Further,
much
of
the
mother's
behavior
is
unpredictable, and according to Kendall (1968}, the child who
11
grows up in such an unstructured and inconsistent atmosphere,
has
difficulty
in
learning
standards
for
behavior
and
developing the ability to predict the behavior of others in a
given set of circumstances. As a
result,
he/she
dependent and at the mercy of his/her parents.
remains
The child is
not taught, encouraged, or allowed to develop strong inner
controls.
The child is allowed to do only what he/she is told
and to expect authority figures to direct his/her activities.
Adolescence
Adolescence was a bitter period in my life.
I felt like I was in a locked room. I kept
banging at the door, screaming, asking for
help. I could hear my parents talking
outside the room, hearing my screams, my
cries, and yet not showing any empathy or
curiosity to find out why I was acting so
hysterical.
I would wonder what I had done
that made them lock me up. After many
years, when I had turned into a zombie, they
opened the door. They knew that I wouldn't
question them and wouldn't dare to leave
the house. How could I possibly handle
myself without any assistance? (Laleh N.,
1981)
The literature on Iranian female adolescence shows this
to be a time of severe emotional crises for the young girl.
She realizes, that as an explicit rule, her status ultimately
depends
on
her
expectations.
ability
Thus
she
to
mee.t
should
societal
suppress
and
familial
her
talents,
ambitions, sexual impulses, etc. in order not to contradict
her predetermined identity.
According to Youssef (1978), all
social and familial elements focus on channeling the young
12
girl into marriage and stripping her of any other source of
self except for marriage and motherhood.
Azari ( 1983) notes that within Islamic culture, women are
generally believed to be inferior in their
capacity and weaker in their reasoning powers.
intellectual
The female
adolescent who wishes to develop her intellect in a "nonfeminine11 field, e.g. math, will face opposition both from her
family
and her
instructors.
Often
college education is
discouraged, since the mere fact that young women may be highly
educated will endanger her chances of a good mate (Youssef
1978).
If
she
is permitted to pursue education,
she is
encouraged to study a major such as literature which would lead
~er
to a respectable profession as a part-time teacher, or a
subject like psychology which would improve the quality of her
marriage.
This
adolescents'
attempt
to
stifle
the
Iranian
female
intellect has parallels with the generalized
traditional sex-role patterns in the United States, prior to
the current Women's Liberation Movement.
Chafetz
(1978)
emphasizes how the young girl has to 11 play dumb and weak 11 in
order to 11 boost male egos 11 and thereby attract and hold a
suitable boyfriend.
Among the traditional middle class, the people connected
with
the
bazaar
and
trade,
the
single working
girl
is
considered promiscuous, whereas those girls who remain at home
are judged as chaste and virtuous.
This attitude has been
changing in the last 20 years in the educated class, but
working girls were still expected to 1 ive with their parents
13
until marriage.
Since any activities in public settings were
so easily connected with suspicion of promiscuous behavior,
women who either worked or attended the university were 1 ikely
to be questioned by their family about every move they made
outside the horne.
Because of this strict control, marriage is
perceived for the young woman, as an avenue to greater freedom
(Youssef, 197 8) •
A greater difference between the Iranian and American
cultures is found in the area of dating and sexuality.
In
their quest for identity through an attachment to a man, many
American adolescent females find themselves pressured into
sexual relationships in an attempt to attract, please or
"hold" boyfriends.
In contrast, a young Iranian woman is
explicitly restricted not only from dating, but from showing
any interest in the other sex and from
expressing any sexual impulses.
called her "capital".
concern of parents
daughters.
recognizing and
The hymen of the woman is
The loss of virginity is the chief
in the course of bringing up their
According to Azari
(1983),
running,
jumping,
gymnastic type activities, are all frowned upon since such
movements
might
accidentally
break
the
girl's
hymen.
Premarital sexual relations are prohibited, and the young
woman is closely watched by her family even after she has
become engaged.
Vieille (1978) explains how the permanent
fear in which people live regarding virginity defines their
exaggeration of difficulties occassioned by bringing up a
14
young girl.
Becausa of the importance of virginity,
any
outward expression of sexual interest for the young single
woman before marriage is prohibited ( Smi tter and Dar, 1957) •
However,
the
adolescent
male
will
boast
of
his
sexual
exploits, and. except for very religious families, even his
parents will take pride in these "conquests".
In some cases, a brother may be asking his
sister to introduce him to her female
friends so that he could have an affair with
them, but if his sister shows the same
interest in one of his friends, he will feel
greatly alarmed and dishonored (Azari, p.
113, 1983).
If a young woman walks in public without being accompanied by a
man,
even in broad daylight,
she runs the risk of being
physically or verbally assaulted.
In the sixties, in my experience, venturing
into the streets for a teenage girl,
particularly if unveiled and dressed in
western
fashion
which was
how
all
schoolgirls were dressed, was akin to
entering a battleground. There was a good
chance that some men passing by would
whisp~r what seemed to be the most obscene
sexual demands and declarations. Some of
them would attempt to molest you sexually.
The "proper" response by the girls was, and
still is, to remain very subdued and cowed
(Azari, p.l06, 1983).
According to Azari, the psychological effect of these events
on the consciousness of young women is significant.
Their
confidence in themselves as autonomous beings is shaken when
they realize that the streets and other public places are not
really for them.
Their parents argue for strict surveillance
of their movements, and there is pressure for their marriage,
to shift this responsibility to the future husband.
What
15
heightens the anxieties and the concerns of the parents for
their daughter
virginity.
is their
obsession with
the question of
Young women, who have acted upon their sexual
impulses, are careful not to lose their virginity.
Those who
lose their virginity go through an operation just before their
marriage, so that the future husband will not find out.
It is
worth noting that in the years irnrnedia tely preceding the
revolution,
there was a
growing tendency away
from
the
traditional norms of behavior and attitude among the educated
youth;
having a
becoming
more
sexual
relationship before marriage was
acceptable.
However,
even
amongst
those
breaking from tradition, the old mores in many cases still
exerted a strong influence.
student at
u. c.
Roya, a 22 year old sociology
Berkeley, recounted her tragic experience:
My boyfriend and I got sexually involved in
Iran. We were both attending college at
the time. After being together for a year
and a half, the day before our departure to
the United States, I decided to have
intercourse with him. He told me that he
would first want me to be inspected by a
woman gynecologist to be assured that my
virginity was not a surgical one (Roya P.,
1977) •
Thus it is a very hard step for a young woman to take once she
decides to get sexually involved with someone.
She risks
going through a lot of humiliation from her parents, her lover,
and her future husband, once she decides to act upon her sexual
impulses.
Another somewhat amusing example of the hold of
traditional values on a young female college student 1 iving in
the United States is my own story:
16
At age 22, I came to the conclusion that a
lot of my inhibitions in experiencing new
things was due to the fear of losing my
virginity, so I decided to get rid of "it".
Once that was settled, I decided to put that
into
practice. After
going
through
various scary and difficult experiences
such as hitchhiking, traveling alone,
living alone, associating with psychotics
on Telegraph Avenue in Berkeley, I ended up
seeing a counselor who suggested to me to
start dating and experiencing sex. After
various attempts I finally got involved
with a fellow student, who I had a lot of
respect for. However, having sex in
practice, was much harder than I had
thought. So I went to a woman gynecologist
to find out the reason. She told me that I
needed to have a hymenectomy. When she
explained the surgery and told me that
there was a fee involved, I looked at her
wondering whether she was sane or not.
Although I resented the way Iranian women
would have premarital sex i.e. being very
cautious not to lose their virginity, and
even considered that a humiliationxa sign
of and conformity to the sexist rule of the
culture, the idea of paying money to have
the most important part of my body, my
hymen, my pride, my whole identity,
removed, was more than I could handle.
Only then I found out how important my
virginity was to me and decided to keep my
precious "HYMEN".
Adulthood
The socio-cultural elements surrounding the young woman
creates strong parental and community pressures for an early
parentally supervised (if not arranged) marriage (Vieille,
1978}.
This is another traditional norm that even young,
financially independent, Iranian women in the United States
may find difficult to break.
Sheila (1984), a 25 year old
Iranian woman, comes from an upper-middle socio-economic
background.
She
completed
her
primary
and
secondary
17
schooling in an American school in Iran and immigrated to the
United States with her mother and three brothers.
After it
was verified that her fiance' had diabetes, her father, who
resides in Iran, demanded Sheila to break up her engagement.
Despite her "westernized" background, Sheila couldn't see any
other choice and so she did what she was told to do.
However,
she and her ex-fiance' are covertly seeing each other, since
their formal break-up.
As we have seen customs in Iran prohibits any outward
expression of sexual interest for women before marriage.
Young women may thus choose early marriage both as a means of
satisfying their sexual emotional drives, and in order to
escape the severe restrictions placed on the single woman.
The first lesson a girl learns from her mother is to mistrust
men and to do without them.
According to her mother men are
unfaithful; he is the stranger (Vieille, 1978).
The paradox
is that men are not to be trusted; they are strangers, yet she
\
would not have an identity until she marries on of these "nontrustworthy" creatures.
According to Vielle (1978), a woman
must be both proud and impassive, affirming herself by her
silence and her capacity to suffer.
She is not however, the meek, subservient stereotype at
all times.
When she bears children of her own, she uses her
status as a mother to assert her authority and release her
aggressive tendencies.
her
Kendall ( 1968) stresses that this is
one approved method
tendencies.
of
dealing with her aggressive
In dealing with her children, she may express
18
herself the way she feels.
Azari (1983), presents a slightly
different perspective, she argues that the housewife-mother
clings to her children as the only concrete proof of her
identity.
They are both the means whereby she experiences
life, and the outlet of her frustrations.
She treats her
children as pets whom she passionately and possessively loves
but also harasses and hurts according to her whims.
Within
her domain, the woman's world, she is given considerable
degree of power
(Youssef, 197 8) •
This is shown in her
relationship with her husband and her strong influence over
her children, even as adults.
All this power is gained by
virtue of attaining the marriage and motherhood positions.
The woman hopes to give birth to boys, because it is
through sons, that she is socially recognized and it is due to
them that she derives a respect denied to the wife.
Through
her son's attachment she will counterbalance the superiority
of her husband at horne (Vieille, 1978).
Through a son, she
acquires a limited measure of status and power in the masculine
world.
Children represent a form of social insurance against
the threat of divorce or polygamy.
It is necessary to mention
that until the 1967 rules of divorce, the husband had the right
to divorce at will -- a repudiation which could be even done
without formalities, without a motive, and without indemnity.
The Iranian woman was unlikely to consider divorce, since the
father had unilateral power over decisions of child custody.
Similarly, for Morocco,
r<1ernissi (1975),
notes that the
19
mistreatment of the woman by her husband must have reached an
unbearable stage for her to consider abtaining a divorce.
Uni tl
recently,
according to Youssef
( 197 8) ,
Muslim married \vornan, has tended to accept her world.
the
Except
for a minority of highly educated and politicized women,
Muslim wives did not consider their status within the horne as
"subordinate",
"oppressed",
This acceptance
reflects the
"inferior",
impact of
or
"powerless".
highly
effective
socialization process. This may indicate an avoidance by the
average woman of the outside world, due to the risk of losing
the security and power she has gained in her own world.
Even
the educated, less traditional women who have entered the
world of work,
in the last two decades, when faced with
choosing between marriage and career ( and it generally does
come down
to
such an
"either-or" choice in the Iranian
context), usually opt for marriage.
As Azari puts it:
The society, in fact does not consider a
woman to be a fully independent and
autonomous adult until her first marriage
is over
(Azari, p. 109, 1983).
~.It is only then that she can choose a husband freely, and choose
a job of her own accord.
There is no longer a male figure whose
consent has to be sought.
However men are not eager to marry
divorced or widowed women, whom they regard as "second hand".
The underlying attitude is "If you can afford a new one, why go
for second hand?"
(Azari, 1983).
Thus,
even this status
offers no more than a temporary stagrnatized freedom.
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
Chapter 3 will present the methods and procedures of this
study.
This chapter has been divided into these sections,
namely,
description of
instruments
including
the subjects,
validity
description of
and
reliability,
the
data
collection procedure and data analysis.
Description of the Subjects
The subjects were 73 Iranians
(44 men and 29 women)
between the ages of 20 and 40, from middle and upper-middle
socio-economic backgrounds.
Three- fourths of the sample
were graduate and undergraduate students in fields ranging
from Art, Political Science to Computer Science: one-fourth
were
working
as
teachers,
printers
and
engineers.
The
average length of residence in the United States was five
years.
Eighty percent ( 80%) of the respondents have been
active in Iranian political students' organizations in the
United States, in opposition to both the Shah's and Khomeini' s
regimes.
They
have
also
been
involved
working on equal rights for Iranian women.
sample came from a Muslim background.
with
committees
A majority of the
Of those remaining, 13
were brought up as Jewish, one as Bahai, and one as Armenian.
Though eighty percent (80%) of the sample opposed religious
beliefs of any kind, the majority of them were practicing Islam
prior to their residence in the United States.
20
21
Description of the Instrument
The Personal Profile System was developed upon the work
of William l<loulton Marston.
People
(1928),
behavioral
Marston
In his book, Emotions of Normal
identified
responses:
four
Dominance:
1)
dimensions
Active
of
positive
movement in an antagonistic environment; 2) Inducement or
influencing of others:
environment;
3)
Active positive movement in favorable
Steadiness:
Passive aggressiveness in a
favorable environment; 4) Compliance:
response designed to
unfavorable
reduce antagonistic factors
environment.
frq.mework,
Marston
described
the
In
developed
four
Cautious, tentative
addition
to
catagories
dimensions
of
a
in an
theoretical
of words which
behavior.
Numerous
researchers followed in Marston's footsteps, and researched
the
validity,
reliability
and
internal
consistency
of
instruments measuring behavior along the four dimensional
models.
Geier(l973),
developed
this
framework,
in
the
context of devising an aid that would help individuals to build
on their strengths and increase their self-awareness; his
result was the Personal Profile System.
self-interpreted,
this
system
permitted
Self-scored and,
the
use
of
a
behavioral measurement instrument in one-to-one as well as
small and large group presentations.
immediately
examine
and
understand
The individuals could
the
weaknesses of their way of doing things.
strengths
and
Geier used the
listing of words employed by Marston, modifying them to fit
current usage.
Forced choice selection is used to measure
22
behavior along the four dimensions.
That is, from a group of
four words, one must choose the word which is most descriptive
and the word which is least descriptive of one's behavioral
tendencies.
These choices are reflected in the placements
along the DISC scales, on three graphs.
Dominance,
the
I
for
influencing
Steadiness and the C for Compliance.
three different contexts are:
others
(Graph
response
to
I);
2)
pressure
of. others,
the
S for
The self-perception in
1) Behavior that is expected by
Behavior
(Graph
The D stands for
that
II);
3)
is
the
instinctive
Behavior
that
is
indicative of self-peraption or self-concept (Graph III).
Validity and Reliability of the Instrument
The manual for the Personal Profile System states: " •••••
we can
say with
such
confidence that 90
to 95% of the
interpretation is accepted by the respondent ••••• ".
This
assertion is based on an ongoing study of the Unviersity of
Michigan, encompassing thousands of managers from all over the
United States.
Aamodt and Kimbrough (1982) considered the
statement of nineyt percent (90%) accuracy to be ambiguous.
They administered the Personal Profile System to 58 students,
half of whom were given a copy of an interpretation associated
with their actual profile, while the other half were given a
copy of an interpretation corresponding to a profile selected
through a shuffling procedure.
that
students
who
had
Analysis of the data showed
received
their
actual
profile
interpretation rated them as being more accurate (M=l6.52,
23
SD=2.65, range=ll to 20), than did students who had received
false
interpretations
(56) =2 .08, P
• 05.
(M=l4,
SD=3 .65,
range=2
to 20),
t
Those results suggest that respondents do
consider their profiles to be relatively accurate, although
the acceptance rating do not appear to be as high as those
implied in the manual.
Me skin (197 4) conducted another study
which focused on the validity of the Personal Profile System.
He administered the test to 3 00 dentists, and then studied the
actual behavior of the respondents in the dental office.
The
dentists were found to exhibit the behavioral tendencies
predicted by the test.
According to the Personal Profile
manual, reliability is not affected by the variable of time
constraint; that is, the results obtained under a time limit
differ little from those obtained under an unlimited time.
However,
more
valid
responses
are
obtained
under
circumstances of time constraint, when respondents do not have
the time to reconsider their first impressions.
Data Collection Procedure
The Personal Profile System was administered to Iranians
in Los Angeles, San Jose, and Berkeley.
administered individually,
groups.
The
questionnaire,
Some profiles were
and some were administered to
which
was
composed
of
24
catagories of 4 adjectives, had the Farsi translation of each
adjective as well; so that those who didn't know or were not
sure of the meanings of certain words, would not make errors in
this respect.
The subjects were asked to respond to the
24
questionnaire in accordance with their behavioral tendencies
in a specific setting, school or work, i.e.; they were asked to
respond to the descripi tive words as they would see themselves
in
the
work
or
school
environment.
The
procedure
in
responding was to study the four descriptive words in each
category
and
then
selecting
as
their
first
spontaneous
reaction, only one word that most described themselves for the
"Most" column and another word that least described themselves
for the "Least" column.
It was also explained that the major
point was to choose the words which most or least described how
the subjects saw themselves functioning in a given activity
and not how the subjects would 1 ike to be, or what they thought
other people expected of them.
All subjects were asked to
record their age, gender, and field study or profession on the
questionnaire.
Although, the recommended time needed for the
completion of the questionnaire was 7 minutes, due to language
barrier,
the
subjects
took
complete the questionnaire.
approximately 15 minutes
to
The majority of the subjects did
the scoring of their own questionnaires, which was afterwards
checked by
the
researchers.
The procedure consisted of
counting and recording the Most and the least choices and
determining the difference.
To avoid negative values and to equalize the scoring
critera on all these behavioral tendencies
(i~e.
at study,
under pressure, and the self-concept), raw scores from the
"Intensity Index Scale" was used as criterion on which to
perform the statistical analysis.
Scores on this index range
25
from 1, very low, to 28, very high, with the median being 14.5.
Data Analysis
The
data
were
computer
analyzed
by
entering
the
individually obtained raw scores for each dimension (DISC).
To determine statistically significant differences among men
and women, independent t-tests were performed on all four
dimensions
(DISC)
in
the
three different
self-perceived
contexts (behavior that is expected by others, behavior that
is the instinctive response to pressure, and behavior that is
. indicative of self-perception or self-concept).
significance was set at .OS.
The level of
CHAPTER IV
INTRODUCTION
The data were computer-analyzed at the Computer Center of
California State University, Northridge.
The statistical
analysis consisted of t-tests between independent groups.
The level
of
significance was set at
.05
to determine
statistically significant differences.
Analysis of the Data
The statistical analysis of the data were performed and
reviewed consistent with the following research questions:
1.
Are Iranian men more dominant in their behavioral
tendencies than Iranian women, as measured by the
dominance factor on the Personal Profile System?
2.
Are Iranian women more compliant in their behavioral
tendencies than Iranian men, as measured by the
compliance factor on the Personal Profile System?
3.
What insight can be obtained into sex-role differences in
the Iranian population in the United States through an
examination of sex-role socialization patterns in Iran?
(This question is implicitly addressed in chapter V.)
The data summarized in table 1 shows that there was no
statistically significant differences between Iranian men and
women in reference to questions 1 and 2:
That is, Iranian men
in this sample when compared with Iranian women do not exhibit
a greater degree of dominance; Iranian women when compared
with the men do not exhibit a greater degree of compliance, at
study or work.
An analysis of the data revealed the following
results:
26
27
Table 1
Self-perception of behavioral tendencies of Iranian men
and women at study and at work: Mean Scores (Graph I of the
Personal Profile System).
D
·Men
Women
I
s
c
N
X
SD
44 11.79 5.80
X
SD
11.88 5.43
X
SD
16.36 4.08
X
SD
14.61 6.02
29 10.86 6.19
13.31 5.88
17.17 5.17
14.65 4.01
t-test
.65
-1.06
-.74
-.03
=========================================================
Self-perception of both Iranian men and women when
under pressure, as indicated by table 2 shows, that there is a
tendency among Iranian men to be more dominant and Iranian
women to be more compliant in terms of the private self, the
instinctive self; however, the data do not show statistically
significant differences among the groups in terms of questions
1 and 2.
Table 2
Self-perceived behavioral tendencies of Iranian men and women
under pressure Mean Scores (Graph II of the Personal Profile
System} •
I
D
s
c
N
Men
X
SD
44 14.59 5.46
X
SD
15.09 6.09
X
SD
17.15 5.98
X
SD
15.52 5.99
Women
29 12.69 5.00
16.27 5.66
19.65 6.09
17.34 5.34
t-test
1.05
-.84
-1.73
-1.33
=========================================================
28
In relation to the self-concept, which is the combination
of graphs 1 and II for the Personal Profile System, the data
show that both groups see themselves as equally non-dominant,
due to the fact that they both scored below the median of 14.5.
In terms of compliance there is no statistically significant
differences between the groups, the scores are very similar.
Table 3
Self-perceived behavioral tendencies of Iranian men and women
of their own self-concept at study or at work: Mean Scores
(Graph III of the Personal Profile System).
D
I
s
c
Men
N
X
SD
44 12.86 4.84
X
SD
13.79 4.20
X
SD
16.50 4.67
X
SD
14.79 5.10
Women
29 12.14 5.63
15.10 3.89
17.69 5.93
15.52 4.10
t-test
.58
-1.34
-.96
-.64
=========================================================
ADDITIONAL FINDINGS
Graph Configurations
The configuration of graphs tend to demonstrate the
degree of adaptability and amount of stress experienced by the
individual
in adapting to the demands of the immediate
environment, in this case, work or study.
The configuration
of graphs I, II and III indicate a tight pattern.
A tight configuration occurs when all four
plotting points are clustere~ in the same
segments of the graph. The clustering
indicates that the person may be trying to
be all things to all people (Personal
Profile System, p. 19, 1979).
29
More so for men than women, and more so for the real self under
pressure:
A tight pattern in graph II,
may
indicate that the person, early in life,
learned to respond to an ambiguous
situation by trying to please everyone.
The results were cycles of frustration
alternating with great effort. Later
learning may have lessened this behavioral
response., but pressure situations tend to
unearth this "old" behavior (Personal
Profile System, p.l9, 1979).
In general, these configurations would indicate that both
Iranian men and women are experiencing a lot of stress in
adapting to the demands of the new culture and re-examining
their traditional values:
A tight configuration ••• may indicate that
the person is experiencing some ambiguity
about self, flowing either from the present
environment or from past experiences
(Personal Profile System, p.l9, 1979).
SELF-CONCEPT
UNDER PRESSURE, REAL SELF
AT STUDY/HORK
(GRAPH III)
(GRAPH II)
(GRAPH I)
eee
~"' ~ ~r:;::;:l
~~~~~~~
..,...
20
16
15
14
12
17
10
9
8
7
19.
12
11
10
~
2
-~-------
1
_!_2 __ +-2
J
MEN
3344
WOMEN ------3344
11+17
.+9
1+8
'+7
j
·+6
+19
+15
+11
+7
+10' +6
+9 .. +5
+8
+4
,+7
~....~~-:...-s--1+5--t:J1+9
+7
;+5
:+J
..
·~··
~
'
'·
~
;--D
---- --- r(·
1°
'+15
1+14
1... 13
+12
13
!8
l
~
II I I
IO
1
1+4
j+4
.
; [l- ~
IU,
11
12
1J
19·
\
'12
j11
1J
!16
f..
1
•'
I
;·~.
L
MEN
~\TOMEN
4444
------- 3454
,~..... - j-1
~~~~-2
I
·-2
,-6
j-7
·-8
-5
-6
.-7
j-14
·-19
-12
:
___
1-6
. i-7
t~
P'J\!fj".
·.
,-7
-8
~
a
'E
. ]·
':
;~
.
lifl~:-i~~--J~!f ~
~...
.
0
A2 . ,+o
·-1 ~-;
j-J
-J
.-4
:-J :_J ~4 '-5
ur·t-4--~-4--- -5--f-6.:1
e---r-T--'~':
10
9
11
19
,... 2
t+1/
~
tm_
1+2
'+8 ·--+J __,.+J
---_____ .J'+1
__ _
0
0
IO
2
.~-~
-~
I
2
0
15
9
8
r21
-16
~-1_:__ __
~-.
C;i
MEN
3344
WOMEN ------ 3444
FIGURE 1- Configuration of Ss Behavioral Patterns
W.
0
CHAPTER V
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION & RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
The purpose
of
this
study was to
investigate the
relationship between gender and the dominance/compliance
behavioral tendencies of Iranian men and women residing in the
United States.
The three research question were:
(a)
Are Iranian men
more dominant in their behavioral tendencies than Iranian
women, as measured by the dominance factor on the Personal
Profile System?
(b)
Are Iranian women more compliant in
their behavioral tendencies than Iranian men, as measured by
the compliance factor on the Personal Profile System?
(c)
What insight can be gained into sex-role differences in the
Iranian population in the United State through an examination
of sex-role socialization patterns in Iran?
Although no similar study has yet been done among the
American population with the Personal Profile System, many
American
studies
of
sex-roles
have
emphasized
the
relationship between gender and dominant (aggressive) and
compliant (passive) attitudes i. e. men were generally found
to be more dominant (aggressive) and women more compliant
(passive).
Thus it is quite interesting to see that the
results of this study with a population coming from a culture
with a patriarchal family structure show that there is no
statistically significant difference between Iranian men and
31
32
women in this
sample,
in regard to
dominance/compliance
behavioral tendencies. The data showed that:
(1)
There were
no statistically significant differences between Iranian men
and women in regard to the dominance/compliance variables at
work or study.
That is, Iranian men when compared with women
did not exhibit a greater degree of dominance and Iranian women
did not exhibit a greater degree of compliance.
They both
scored low on dominance and moderate on compliance.
(2)
There were no statistically significant differences between
Iranian men and women in regard to dominance/compliance
variables when under pressure.
However there was a tendency
among Iranian men to be more dominant and among Iranian women
to be more compliant in terms of the real self, the private
self.
Men scored moderately high on dominance and moderately
high on compliance; women scored low on dominance and high on
compliance.
(3)
In relation to the self-concept, there was
no statistically significant differences between men and
women on compliance and domiance variables.
The data showed
that both groups see themselves as equally non-dominant and
moderately compliant.
'
Conclusions
Possible interpretations of the result of the data are:
I.
Dominance and compliance behavioral tendencies are
not necessarily opposite traits.
They can be two different
non-assertive approaches to conflicts and issues.
Iranians
have through the decades had to live with oppression and yet
33
find outlets for their anger, frustration and expression of
their
individuality.
worked
as
a
For
government
subservient position.
example,
employee,
the
had
Iranian man,
who
to
his
recognize
He would deal with this hurnil iation in
a passive way at work, and in an aggressive way at horne where he
might use verbal and physical violence towards his wife at the
first sign of disrespect.
The wife who in most cases would
subrni t passively to the hurnil iation meted out by her
mother-
in-law, might find an aggressive outlet for her rage and
frustration by beating her child for laughing too loud while
playing.
In other words, Iranians learned the situations in
which they could express dominance, and situations in which
they were obliged to be compliant.
The Personal Profile
System measured the degree of dorninance/cornpl iance behavioral
tendencies of Iranians in school/work settings.
The results
might have been different if the instrument measured the
dominance/compliance behavioral tendencies in the primary
family interactions.
Further, as we saw in Chapter II, the
early
of
socialization
developing
a
dependent,
the
Iranian
rather
infant
than
an
focused
on
independent
personality, and this was true for both genders.
Such a
socialization process was doubtless geared precisely to this
Iranian setting of repression and authoritarianism.
II.
The sample for this study was a specific one.
As
mentioned before, eighty percent ( 80%) of the sample had been
active in Iranian political students organizations in the
United States, protesting both the repressive regimes of the
34
Shah and Khomeini, and had been involved with committees
\'Jorking on equal rights for iranian women.
However, it needs
to be mentioned that within the Iranian socialist movement,
the cultural tendency of compliance, as well as the deeprooted sexism discussed in Chapter II, manifested themselves,
despite radical slogans.
The majority of Iranian socialist
men and women, supported the fanatic stances of Khomeini's
regime against women's
organizations.
rights,
out of
loyalty
to
their
The Personal Profile System was administered
among this specific sample at a very specific time.
It
coincided with the period when many of the mistakes of the Left
had become evident.
Thus, men and women in this sample had
realized their own degree of compliance, this time not in
subordination to the authority of an almighty power, but to the
authority of an organization.
They had also realized that
their ideas were still embedded with the partriarchal Islamic
values.
Resenting many of their values, this population had
started its
search for
new mores.
evidenced by the tight pattern,
Thus
was in a
the
sample,
as
contradictory,
transitional period, both still affected by the cultural norms
of
compliance and moving away from
traditional
values.
Therapy Implications
Time and time again, life has proved that,
whereas political and economic change can
take place rapidly, social and cultural
progress tends to lag behind because it is
linked to the deep inner emotive and
sex-role
35
psychic processes of the human mind and
heart (Saadawi, p. ix, 1980).
The results of our study have shown that both Iranian men
and women in this sample are experiencing a lot of stress in the
reexamination of
their
traditional
sex-role values.
As
evidenced by the tight configuration pattern on the profiles,
Iranian men and women are both experiencing some ambiguity
about self, which manifests itself in cycles of frustration
alternated
with
great
powerless,
burdened,
effort.
torn
The
apart
and
feeling
of
depressed
being
can
be
attributed to the conflicts between sex-role behavioral
tendencies as learned in the socialization process and the
demands of the new culture.
The five therapists who the researcher interviewed;
Flora Zomorodi, Homa Mahmoudi, Lila Hashemi, Nanaz Pirnia and
Luis Rubalcava (1984), verified that questions of sex-role
identity are central to the problems experienced by Iranian
clients.
For example, Iranian married men residing in the
United States mainly suffer from a loss of control.
able
to
use
their
skills due
environment, they feel worthless.
to
1 iv ing
in a
Not being
foreign
If jobless, they suffer
from financial worries, and even if working they lack their
former social status.
them
a
sense
of
Their loss of status not only gives
worthlessness,
it
also
shatters
the
equilibrium which the traditional Iranian marriage needs for
its survival.
The authority of males, traditionally
embodied in their ability to provide for
36
their families, is seriously jeopardized
by the present situation (Mernissi, p. 104,
197 5) •
This serious erosion of male supremacy has increased conflicts
between the spouses in this transitional period.
At the same
time, the society's conditioning, including the pressure to be
a "real man", prohibits the married man from engaging in the
process of self-disclosure and sharing his suffering with his
spouse.
The traditional wife is not prepared for such a drastic
transformation of her environment and familial roles.
Having
been subdued into accepting an inferior position from early
childhood in her family relationships and the society as a
whole, she has never had much confidence in herself.
Her
husband, had always been both the breadwinner and the medium
for her contacts with the prestigious, influential sectors of
the society.
She is now faced with an equal or in many cases
"less capable" individual.
On the other hand, witnessing the
medieval attitude of the new regime toward women, legally
equalizing the intellectual capabilities of two women with one
man (Azari, 1983), and living in the American society with its
egalitarian
ideology,
the woman may
develop a
feminist
consciousness as well as the sui table environment for putting
into practice her new insights concerning her own worth,
potentials, and rights as an individual.
This new path while
being exciting and liberating, is accompanied with new roles,
and thus new stresses.
Thus there is the possiblity of her
returning to her passive-aggressive behavioral tendencies,
37
which had been learned as the appropriate way of dealing with
frustration.
interviewed,
tendencies
All
five
mentioned
therapists
the
whom
the
researcher
passive-aggressive
behavioral
in Iranian women when dealing with stressful
issues.
The single Iranian man residing in the United States,
like
the married man,
vulnerabilities.
is
reluctant
to
acknowledge
his
In fact, being single, he is less compelled
to confront the painful need to develop a new identity in his
environment;
marriage.
he
does not face
the prospect of a broken
According to Rubalcava,
Pirnia,
Mahmoudi,
and
Zotnorodi, the percentage of Iranian male clients to women are
10%-90%, 2 0%-8 0%, 3 0%-7 0%, 3 0%-7 0%, and, the majority of these
male clients are married men.
One of the issues which the
single Iranian man is dealing with most is his attitude toward
sexual
relationships.
The concept of Madonna-Whore is a
dominant one throughout the Middle East.
A sexually repressed male is preoccupied
with symbols such as "purity 11 and 11 honor"
because
his
experience
of
genital
sexuality is 11 dirty" by his society's
standards and consequently by his own
standards (Mernissi, p. 95, 1975).
One of the Iranian therapists interviewed has had two clients
who had been married for over a year and had not been able to
have sexual relationships with their wives.
For them, the act
of sex is so dirty that it was very difficult to treat their own
wives, in a way they had previously only acted with prostitutes
or "loose" women.
The young Iranian men, who were either
38
ch.allenged by their American and in some cases by their Iranian
girl friends about their attitude towards sex, or witnessed
the engagement of their own family members in pre-marital sex,
are
pressured
to
evaluate
their
attitude
toward
sexual
relationship.
Young
~nd
single Iranian women residing in the United
States seek therapy mainly due to depression.
According to
r
Hashemi: "She has problem with the controlling parents"; "She
resents the fact that she is too dependent and feels that she
cannot take care of herself".
doesn't
According to Mahmoudi; "She
know where she stands,
she has
no
role model".
According to all the five therapists the single Iranian woman
has the most difficulty in dealing with the issue of sexuality,
from discovering sexual drives in herself, and suffering from
guilt feelings due to actually being willing to have premarital sexual relationships and not knowing how to deal with
it.
On the whole, the single Iranian woman is dealing with the
sexism of her own culture. She wants to become her own person,
but suffers from low self-esteem and lack of self-confidence.
She suffers much stress and pressure if she tries to establish
an individuated identity or perhaps also delay or refuses to
get married.
Unable to fully
express
her
anger
to her
parents, who are the carriers of the traditional culture, due
to the way she was socialized, she internalizes her rage and
suffers from depression (Rubalcava, 1984) •
39
Recommendation
The majority of Iranian immigrants in the United States
have come to this country since the 1979 revolution; hence,
both questions and potential answers concerning the needs of
Iranians
in
therapy
situations
have
only
begun
to
be
addressed.
This study hopes to offer a contribution to this new
field, through highlighting the particular dimensions of sexrole development and characteristics.
This dimension is a
central and problematic issue for Iranians in theraputic
situations,
as
interviewed.
was
While
verified
it
is
by
still
all
of
the
premature
to
therapists
draw
any
conclusive recommendations, the researcher believes that this
study shows the need for the therapists of Iranians clients to
develop a consciousness on questions concerning sexO role
characteristics and conflicts, grounded in an understanding
of the traditional, patriarchal Iranian culture and its
constraints on the full individual development of both men and
women.
The researcher believes that the therapist as well as
the client need to undergo the process of a reexamination of
traditional
norms
regarding
sex-roles;
otherwise,
the
situation occures as reported by Farzaneh (1984), of the
therapist recommending that a woman client find a husband as
the solution to her depression.
Such an approach cannot
elicit the individual's full development in this period of
stress and transition.
Rubalcava
and
De
La
Cancela's
(1982)
study
of
40
acculturation amongst Latinos in the Unites States offers a
perspective that is illuminating of the Iranian case, in their
focus of what they term a dialectical approach to culture.
In
contrast to a Cultural ist approach that unquestioningly
defends
the
traditional
culture
(Harris,
1980),
the
dialectical approach views culture as a 1 ive and continually
changing concept which
contains
elements that are
both
progressive and regressive.
The
researcher
believes that
such an approach has
validity for confronting the problems faced by Iranians in the
United States rather than either offering or negating the
Iranian culture in its entity, the therapist can assist the
Iranian client in developing an open, creative perspective
that can aid the individual to adapt and grow in his/her new
situation.
Recommendation for Future Studies
This study raises many unanswered questions, among which
are:
1.) What is the relationship between acculturation and the
Personal Profile System?
2.) Would culturally homogeneous Iranian groups exhibit
similar behavioral tendencies as measured by the Personal
Profile System?
3.) Is the length of residence in the United States a
determining factor in the behavioral tendencies of the
Personal Profile System?
These questions need to be addressed in future studies.
41
REFERNCE NOTES
Farzaneh, Personal Communication, Los Angeles, 1984.
Hashemi, L., Ph. D., Personal Communication, Los Angeles,
1984.
Mahmoudi, M., Ph. D., Personal Communication, Los
Angeles, 1984.
Laleh N__ , Personal Communication, Los Angeles, 1981.
Nasrin A__ , Personal Communication, Los Angeles, 1984.
Pirnia, N., Ph. D., Personal Communication, Los Angeles,
1984.
Roya __ , Personal Communication, Berkely, 1977.
Rubalcava, L., Ph. D., Personal Communication, Los
Angeles, 1984.
Sheila A__ , Personal Communication, Los Angeles, 1984.
Zomorodi, F., M. A., Personal Communication, Los
Angeles, 1984.
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