ASSOCIATION FOR CONSUMER RESEARCH
Labovitz School of Business & Economics, University of Minnesota Duluth, 11 E. Superior Street, Suite 210, Duluth, MN 55802
“Sound and Safe”: the Effect of Ambient Sound on Perceived Safety of Public Spaces
Alain Goudey, NEOMA Business School, France and Paris Dauphine University, France
Aradhna Krishna, University of Michigan, USA
Caroline Ardelet, Inseec Business School, France
Eda Sayin, Koc University,Turkey
Gwenaëlle Briand-Decré, Université Angers, France
We demonstrate that ambient sounds influence consumers’ feelings of safety in public spaces. These feelings are mediated by
perceived social presence, so that when perceived social presence is higher, perceived safety is higher. Different ambient sounds
convey social presence to varying degrees and hence have disparate effects on perceived safety.
[to cite]:
Alain Goudey, Aradhna Krishna, Caroline Ardelet, Eda Sayin, and Gwenaëlle Briand-Decré (2014) ,"“Sound and Safe”: the
Effect of Ambient Sound on Perceived Safety of Public Spaces", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 42, eds. June
Cotte and Stacy Wood, Duluth, MN : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 172-176.
[url]:
http://www.acrwebsite.org/volumes/1017753/volumes/v42/NA-42
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More than Music: Sound and Sonic Elements in Consumer Psychology
Chair: Michael Lowe, Texas A&M University, USA
Paper #1: “Sound and Safe”: The Effect of Ambient Sound on
Perceived Safety of Public Spaces
Eda Sayin, Koc University, Turkey
Aradhna Krishna, University of Michigan, USA
Caroline Ardelet, Inseec Business School, France
Gwenaëlle Briand-Decré, Université Angers, France
Alain Goudey, NEOMA Business School, France and Paris
Dauphine University, France
Paper #2: I Like the Way It Sounds: The Influence of Which
Instruments and How Many Instruments are Audible on Music
Preferences
Joseph C. Nunes, University of Southern California, USA
Andrea Ordanini, Bocconi University, Italy
Paper #3: Sounds Big: The Cross-Modal Effects of Auditory
Pitch on Product Perceptions
Michael Lowe, Texas A&M University, USA
Kelly Haws, Vanderbilt University, USA
Paper #4: Pitch, Threat and Risk Aversion
Kate Loveland, Xavier University, USA
Michael Lowe, Texas A&M University, USA
SESSION OVERVIEW
fective ways to combine various sound elements to enhance musical
popularity. The final two papers both examine effects based on the
pitch of a given sound. The third paper demonstrates the cross-modal
effects that affect consumer’s perceptions of a product’s physical size
and strength using both music and voices (Lowe and Haws), while
the final paper by Loveland et al. uses an evolutionary perspective
to demonstrate that the pitch of an environmental noise affects consumer risk aversion.
Overall, the session adds to the literature on sensory experience
in marketing and attempts to broaden marketer’s consideration of
sound and music to include new sound sources, new contexts, as well
as a more thorough application of psychoacoustic theory. We feel
that this session will lead to interesting discussion regarding the way
in which music and sounds impact consumers throughout a widerange of daily experiences.
“Sound and Safe”: The Effect of Ambient Sound on
Perceived Safety of Public Spaces
EXTENDED ABSTRACT:
Hearing has been described as “The Universal Sense” (Horowitz 2012). Sound is our constant companion, and provides us with a
tremendous amount of information about the world around us. As
a sense, hearing is unique. Sight captures only what is illuminated,
unobstructed, and directly in front of us. Taste and touch both require
physical contact. Even smell is somewhat limited in human beings.
We can hear, however, in any direction, for a considerable distance,
and with no deliberative effort on our part. This session brings together four rather novel papers that explore the impact of sound on
human perceptions and preferences. In addition, underscoring the
pervasive influence of sound, the set of papers address a variety of
important outcomes including preferences, feelings of safety, perceptions of size, and risk taking behaviors—all clearly relevant to
consumption.
Music has long been employed by marketers in practice, but
music is only one of a vast array of sounds that, intentionally or unintentionally, may affect consumer psychology and behavior. Even
music itself is simply a structured combination of sounds that can
be studied individually along various dimensions. Accordingly, the
papers in this session examine more fundamental questions relating
to the components and/or nature of sound. Specifically, all four papers address the question, “How do various individual, identifiable
dimensions of sound – whether from music, voices, or environments
– alter consumer cognitions and behavior?”
Due to the focus on deconstructing sound into unique elements
in order to link specific dimensions of sound with cognitive and behavioral responses, these papers all apply a theoretical rigor to understanding sound that has often been overlooked in prior research.
We organize the session’s papers from more high-level components
to more low-level components of sound. In the first paper by Sayin et
al., the social presence afforded by sounds of human or human-like
animal voices provides enhanced perceptions of safety as compared
to instrumental only or no sound. The second paper by Nunes and
Ordanini deconstructs sound in a musical context to examine how
timbre affects the popularity of a song, demonstrating the most ef-
People are frequently exposed to crime in news programs,
books, movies and television series. After such exposure, they often feel fearful of being alone in public places. Thus, many public
spaces such as car parks, subway stations, and bus stops are considered “anxiogenic” (Loukaitou-Sideris, 2006). Such anxiety results in
avoidance of places that are perceived as unsafe (Warr, 2000). For
example, if people do not feel safe at the underground park of a mall,
they may not to go to that mall. However, such anxiety about public
spaces may be mitigated by using appropriate environmental cues
(Pain, 2000).
In this research, we focus on “ambient sound” as one such environmental cue that can influence perceived safety in public areas.
Much research has shown that music (as an ambient sound) can affect mood, perceptions and behaviors of individuals (Hui, Dube,
and Chebat, 1997; Mattila and Wirtz, 2001; Yalch and Spangenberg,
1988). Music has also been shown to reduce anxiety (Tansik and
Routhieaux 1999). The aforementioned research on the effect of music is mainly on instrumental music. However, vocal sounds can also
impact individuals’ emotional states (Juslin and Laukka, 2003). Social presence literature suggests that vocal sounds are potent social
cues that “enhance the illusion of interaction with a social entity”
(Lombard and Ditton, 1997). The presence of others has a soothing
effect under imminent threat and provides a sense of security (Mikulincer, Shaver, and Pereg, 2003). Interestingly, bird songs closely
resemble human language. Both rely on specific arrangements of
vocal elements in a sequence to communicate with others (Kuhl,
2003; Lipkind et al., 2013). Accordingly, we expect when individuals are exposed to vocal sounds (whether human or bird sounds),
these sounds will create a sense of social presence and people will
feel safer.
Building upon the “sound and emotion” and “sound and social
presence” literatures, we propose that ambient sound which gives
the impression of having a social presence will positively affect perceived safety. Additionally, vocal sounds (whether human or bird)
will be more effective than instrumental sounds in reducing anxiety
because they will convey a greater sense of social presence. Furthermore, perceived social presence will mediate the effect of ambient
sound on perceived safety.
172
Advances in Consumer Research
Volume 42, ©2014
Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 42) / 173
We test our hypotheses in three experiments – one in the field
and two in a laboratory setting. In study 1, we test the effect of ambient sound (instrumental, animal vocal, control) on perceived safety
in a real car park in a European metropolitan city (field study). We
got permission from the management of the car park to broadcast
ambient sounds in the stairwells of the car park (human vocal sounds
were not approved). All people parking in this car park need to use
to the stair wells to exit the car park. People were exposed to the
sound conditions, after they parked their cars, and before they were
approached by the experimenters. We found a significant main effect of the sound conditions on perceived safety. Simple contrast
tests showed that animal vocal sounds had a significant effect on
increasing perceived safety versus instrumental sounds (and versus
no sound).
In study 2, we repeated the field experiment in a laboratory environment where we created and used a video of an indoor car park.
The video was recorded from the viewer’s perspective with the intention to create an environment where participants could imagine that
they were actually in the car park. Thus, the body of the participant
was not visible and she could hear (her own) footsteps in the video.
The same ambient sounds used in the field study were incorporated
into this video. The results of the field study were replicated.
Study 3 was also a laboratory study to see how robust the results
of the first two studies were, and also to see if perceived social presence mediates the effect of sound on perceived safety. Furthermore,
we added human vocal sounds as a fourth ambient sound condition.
We used the same video as in study 2, but changed the sounds. While
we controlled for sound volume across the sound conditions in studies 1 and 2, in study 3, we also controlled for tempo and rhythm. The
instrumental and human vocal sounds were selected to be different
versions of the same music (the music was either played with only
instruments, or was created by human voices alone).
We found a significant main effect of ambient sound on perceived safety. Simple contrasts demonstrated that both vocal sounds
(human and animal) had a significantly higher effect on perceived
safety compared to instrumental sound or no sound. Additionally,
human vocal sounds had the highest effect on social presence, followed by animal vocal sound, instrumental sound and no sound.
Simple contrasts demonstrated that human vocal and animal vocal
sounds had similar effects on perceived social presence, and that
both these vocal sounds increased perceived social presence more
than the non-vocal sound (instrumental) or no sound. Furthermore,
as proposed we found that perceived social presence mediated the
effect of ambient sound on perceived safety.
To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to systematically investigate the connection between auditory input, social presence and safety perception. Our results have important implications
for managers of public areas that might be perceived as unsafe.
I Like the Way It Sounds: The Influence of Which
Instruments and How Many Instruments are Audible on
Music Preferences
EXTENDED ABSTRACT
Why do people like some songs more than others? We know
very little about why people like the music they do and how different
aspects of music shape their preferences. When asked, people often
refer to a song’s seemingly ineffable combination of instruments and
vocals, described simply as the way it sounds. A major determinant
of the way a song sounds is the specific combination of instruments
audible to the listener. Each type of instrument has a distinctive and
recognizable sound known as its timbre. Combinations of instru-
ments (e.g., a guitar with a piano) are identifiable as timbre mixtures. This research investigates how preferences for popular music
depend on a song’s timbre mixture, or the particular combination of
instruments employed.
Timbre mixtures play a critical role in people’s perceptions of
music. They enable listeners to identify, classify and categorize pieces of music, suggesting common perceptual mechanisms are at work
whether the listener is processing polyphonic or monophonic instrument sounds. In fact, Schellenberg, Iverson, & McKinnon (1999)
have shown song recognition depends on timbre. Participants in their
studies were able to identify popular songs from excerpts of only 100
and 200 milliseconds, leading them to conclude the timbral qualities of everyday music appear to trigger memory in ways rhythm,
pitch, and tonality cues cannot. Some psychoacoustic scholars have
gone as far as arguing timbre is “the most important and ecologically
relevant feature of auditory events” (Menon et al., 2002, p. 1742).
Our work documents the relationship between the type of instruments and the number of instruments audible in a song on music
preferences under ecologically valid conditions. We extrapolate song
preferences from weekly popularity rankings on Billboard’s Hot 100
singles chart by comparing songs that reached #1 (hereafter Top
songs) with a comparison set of songs that, while making it onto the
Hot 100, never climbed above the #90 spot (hereafter Bottom songs).
By restricting our sample as such, we control for exogenous factors
that might facilitate or inhibit a song from attaining national exposure; once on the Hot 100, a song’s relative ranking reflects market
preferences.
We apply two different analytic techniques to the data, drawn
from the United States’ most popular songs from the past 55 years.
First, we employ crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis (QCA)
to examine specific combinations of instruments and their impact
on preferences Ragin 2000). The premise underlying QCA is that
for certain types of outcomes, the best causal explanation involves
complex combinations of the causal variables. For these types of outcomes, the direct impact of single variables is not informative (as
they might be the case in a typical regression); instead, the outcome
depends on how the variables are combined, creating one or more
specific “recipes.” Methodologically, QCA allows the researcher to
derive which bundles or combinations lead to which specific outcomes (being a Top versus Bottom song in our data). Next we use
logit regression to test the relationship between the number of different instrument types audible and the probability of being a Top
versus a Bottom song.
We identify three specific configurations sufficient for a song to
make it to the top of the chart (77% of songs with these instruments
account for nearly 20% of all Top songs). Common across all three
is the inclusion of background vocals. The three core sufficient configurations include: (1) background vocals with a synthesizer and a
clean guitar; (2) background vocals with a synthesizer and distorted
guitar, or (3) background vocals with an electronic piano and no
synthesizer. We also identify three specific configurations that lead
a song to be more likely to stagnate at the bottom of the charts as
opposed to climb to the top (86% of songs with these instruments
account for 13% of all Bottom songs). Predicated on the absence of
background vocals, one recipe for a less “successful” song is: (1) the
presence of a bass guitar and synthesizer without any other guitar
and without an electric piano. The two other configurations include
are predicated on there being no background vocals and no strings
(orchestral) audible, but do include; (2) the presence of an electric
piano and an acoustic guitar; or (3) the presence of an electric piano
with a clean electric guitar. We should emphasize that there are always exceptions, but that our analysis reveals historically these com-
174 / More than Music: Sound and Sonic Elements in Consumer Psychology
binations have led to these outcomes. In other words, some combinations have been far more likely to find their way to the bottom of the
charts while others have been far more likely to find their way to the
top of the charts.
Our configurations define the set of “core” instruments, but it is
important to note that other instruments can be layered on top without changing the result. For this reason, we also examine how the
number of distinct instrument types perceptible in a song impacts its
popularity. Logit regression reveals a positive curvilinear effect such
that the likelihood of being a Top song as opposed to a Bottom song
increases more than proportionally as the number of instruments audible in a song increases. If we consider the typical song in our data
includes five instruments (μ = 5.3), we have strong evidence that
people prefer more than the average number of instrument sounds.
Taken together, the results suggest strong underlying preferences
among the specific timbre mixtures identified in popular music.
Music critics frequently lament the perceived homogenization
of popular music. On the one hand, our findings regarding the impact
of specific instrument configurations on preferences could be viewed
as consistent with this commentary. There is enough overlap in core
configurations to provide us with three combinations that characterize Top as opposed to Bottom songs. On the other hand, our findings
also point to a need for artists to make their sound distinct. Our results suggest the artist is free to, and should, add additional instrument sounds, perhaps considering them a personal embellishment in
a generic recipe.
Sounds Big: The Cross-Modal Effects of Auditory Pitch
on Product Perceptions
EXTENDED ABSTRACT
Whether from music in a commercial or store, the voice of a
spokesperson or salesman, the sound of a product itself or the variety of sounds in a shopping environment, sound can influence consumer cognitions, perception and behavior in various ways. While
researchers have explored several mechanisms explaining precisely
how sound influences consumer thought and behavior, including
mood (Bruner 1990), semantically-related meaning (Zhu and Meyers-Levy 2005), and phonetic or sound symbolism (Yorkston and
Menon 2004, Klink 2000), there is a sensory mechanism by which
sound may affect consumer cognitions that has not yet been explored
by marketers – cross-modal correspondence.
“Cross-modal correspondence” is the perceptual compatibility
of a stimulus experienced by one sense (in this case, hearing) with
a sensory experience of a different sensory modality (Spence 2011).
Almost every human experience is multisensory in nature. Our various senses so often work in symphony with each other that associations are formed between particular attributes of a stimulus in one
sense and attributes pertaining to other senses. For example, correspondences have been identified between sound and color (Marks
1975), shape and taste (Ramachandran and Hubbard 2003), physical
texture and taste (Bult, de Wijk and Hummel 2007) and several others. Thus, in the realm of audition, a particular attribute of a sound
may influence consumer beliefs and behaviors by virtue of the fact
that it is intrinsically associated with other physical characteristics
unrelated to sound. We propose that a single dimension of sound,
that is pitch, can affect consumer perceptions of product size. In
addition, because individuals naturally make additional size-based
inferences about products, we propose that the effects of pitch may
have downstream effects beyond affecting perceptions of just product size.
Study 1. Participants (N=205) were seated at individual computer stations and were told that they would be listening to a radio
advertisement for new product. All participants heard one of the
two versions (high voice vs. low voice) of an advertisement for the
new “Southwest Turkey Club” sandwich at “Cosmo’s” – a fictitious
sandwich chain. Half of the participants also saw an image of the
advertised product while listening to the ad, while the other half did
not. Participants responded to measures regarding their perceptions
of and interest in the sandwich.
Participants believed the product was bigger in the lowpitch condition, even when they had seen an image of the product
(F(1,204)=8.814, p<.01). There was no significant difference in perceptions of product size between participants who saw the product
image and those who did not. Auditory pitch affected perceptions of
size even when the product was visible.
Study 2. The purpose of study 2 was to further examine the
effect of pitch on size perceptions and to see how they might affect
product evaluation and preference. Undergraduate students (N=167)
participated in exchange for course credit and again the study took
place at private computer stations in a behavioral laboratory. Participants were told that for this particular study they would hear the
audio from a recent television advertisement for a laptop computer
and that the voice-over had been removed, leaving only the background music. Participants heard one of two versions (high pitch vs.
low pitch) of a 60-second segment of an obscure instrumental rock
song. Following the song, participants were asked to use 7-point
scales to rate the advertised laptop on six dimensions; size, power,
durability, weight (“lightweight”), technological sophistication, and
ease of use. Participants also indicted their own personal preference
for laptop characteristics and indicated their interest in owning the
advertised laptop.
Consistent with study 1, the main effect of music pitch on size
perceptions was significant (MLow=4.95, MLow=4.11; F(1,165)=12.91,
p<.001). Lower pitch, even in background music, cross-modally
communicated greater physical size. There was also a significant interaction between pitch condition and participants’ stated dimension
preferences when predicting interest in the product, such that participants who preferred a larger and more powerful laptop showed more
interest in the product in the low-pitch condition.
In addition, perceptions of size mediate several other differences in product perception that occur between pitch conditions, demonstrating the “downstream” effects of cross-modal correspondence.
Study 3. The purpose of study 3 was to examine the effects of
pitch on the credibility of various ad claims. Participants (N=255)
heard one of two versions of an ad for a laundry detergent. One version of the ad made product claims regarding gentility while the other version made claims regarding strength. These ads were played
in one of two pitch conditions (high or low pitch). Participants were
then asked questions indicating how much they believed the claims
of the advertisement. There was a significant interaction between
ad claims and pitch condition when predicting ad credibility, F(1,
242)=3.884, p<.05), such that the low voice was seen as more credible in the “strong” ad (MStrong/High=4.89, MStrong/Low=5.09), and the high
voice was more credible in the “gentle” ad (MGentle/High=5.08, MGentle/
=4.68). These differences were again tied to a significant differLow
ence in product (container) size (MHigh = 4.25, MLow = 4.61, F(1, 244)
= 9.251, p<.01).
In summary, the cross-modal effects of pitch in advertising dramatically altered product perceptions and preferences in several different domains. This introduces yet another means through which
sound can affect consumer psychology and behavior in a way that is
significant to both theory and practice.
Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 42) / 175
Pitch, Threat and Risk Aversion
EXTENDED ABSTRACT
Part of the evolutionary purpose of audition in humans and animals alike is to serve as a warning of danger, alerting a listener to the
presence of a potential threat (Davies and Halliday 1978). When interpreting a sound as threatening or non-threatening, there are likely
various structural elements of that sound that are relied upon. Pitch,
for example, has reliably been associated with size, such that lower
pitch communicates larger size and higher pitch indicates smaller
size (Parise and Spence 2009). From an evolutionary standpoint,
the presence of something large could certainly be associated with
threat. Anecdotally speaking, everyone who has paid attention to the
sound design in a horror film has undoubtedly noticed the frequent
usage of deep, menacing tones to heighten the tension (see Horowitz
2012, Huron et al. 2006). Furthermore, low pitch in voice has been
associated with greater power and dominance in both human beings
(Puts et al. 2006) and other animals alike (Morton and Page 1992).
If a low pitch indeed elicits fear due to the imagined presence of an
unseen threat, or makes us feel powerless by signaling the presence
of a dominant counterpart, we should anticipate a decreased willingness on the part of a consumer to accept additional risk (Anderson
and Galinsky 2006; Lopes 1987).
However, it is possible that males and females may respond differently to high and low pitches in an environment. For example, if
the source of the pitch is perceived as a threat, females may be more
likely than males to engage in “tend and befriend” behaviors, in an
attempt to build and strengthen social bonds for safety’s sake (Taylor
et al. 2000, Turton and Campbell 2005). Thus, both risk aversion
and affiliation behaviors may be affected by the presence of a low
auditory pitch.
Study 1. The purpose of study 1 was to test how the presence
of a low pitched sound in an environment would influence both risk
taking and affiliation behaviors. The study involved 98 individuals
participating in a lab session in exchange for course credit. Participants were taken 2 at a time (matched on gender and race) into an
interview room to play a gambling game. For half of the dyads a
hidden subwoofer played a very low pitched tone (60hz sine wave)
at a very low volume, while the subwoofer was turned off for the
other half of the dyads (control condition). Sitting facing away from
one another, and using real money provided them, each participant
wrote down one amount for a “self” wager and another for a shared
“communal” wager. After wagers were recorded, participants moved
their chairs to a table where the game would be played. The distance
between their chairs was recorded as a measure of affiliation.
Results show that, compared to the control, participants wagered less of their money when there was a low pitched tone present
in the room (MLowTone=84.8¢, MControl=93.7¢; F(1, 97)=4.38, p<.05).
There was no effect on the amount placed in the communal bet. However, there was a significant interaction between gender and pitchcondition on the physical distance participants put between chairs
(F(1,97)=4.29, p<.05) such that, compared to the control, males
distanced themselves directionally, but not significantly, further
apart when there was a low pitched tone present (MLowTone=41.9in,
MControl=40.5in, NS) whereas females sat closer together when there
was a low pitched tone present (MLowTone=34.9in, MControl=38.0in,
F(1,94)=3.61, p = .06).
Study 2. Whereas study 1 compared risk aversion between lowpitch tone and no-tone conditions, study 2 compares risk aversion
between low-pitch tone and high-pitch tone conditions. It is possible
that any environmental sound with an ambiguous source will cause
increased risk aversion; thus, the purpose of study 2 is to demon-
strate that risk aversion will only increase if the sound is low pitched,
and consequently associated with “something large” that poses a potential threat.
Undergraduates participating in exchange for course credit
(N=376) sat at individual computer stations with privacy partitions
in an on-campus behavioral laboratory. Speakers in the ceiling of
the room consistently played a sine wave of either a relatively low
pitch (80hz) or a relatively high pitch (720hz), alternating randomly
across lab sessions (5 sessions each). During the session, participants
worked on various computer-based tasks, one of which was specifically related to risk. Participants made a series of 50 dichotomous
financial choices between a smaller, certain payoff and a chance at a
larger payoff (see Griskevicius et al. 2011 for details). The primary
dependent variable was the sum total of “risks” each participant preferred relative to the smaller certain payoff.
Participants in the low-pitch tone condition opted to take significantly fewer financial risks than those in the high-pitch tone
condition (MLowTone=13.8, MHighTone=15.7, F(1,375)=8.66, p<.01) suggesting that our findings from study one are due specifically to the
presence of a low pitched sound, rather than to the presence of an
ambiguous sound per se.
Study 3. The purpose of study 3 was to directly measure our
proposed mediator of anxiety or fear. Participants (N=130) entered a
lab where either a low pitched tone (80 hz) or no tone (control condition) were playing at a very low volume through ceiling speakers.
Participants completed a computer-based word identification task.
After an ostensibly masked word flashed on the screen for an imperceptible amount of time, participants were asked to identify the
word from a list of 4 possibilities. Of the 17 trials, 7 lists contained
words related to anxiety or fear. The dependent variable was the total
number of target words selected.
Overall, participants selected significantly more fear/anxiety
related words when the low pitch was present (MLowTone=2.35, MCon=1.77, F(1,129)=7.77, p<.01)
trol
In two studies, the presence of a low pitch decreased study
participants’ willingness to take risks while a third study linked this
risk aversion to increased anxiety or fear. In addition, different social
behaviors were observed based on gender. Researchers and practitioners alike can benefit from better understanding the effects that a
sound may have on real-world behavior.
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