Vernacular culture and its contribution to the identity of Auresian house in Algeria. M. C. Ammari & N. Zemmouri Mohamed Khider University, Biskra, Algeria ABSTRACT: Berber house of Aures region in Algeria is known of being an austere architecture defined by the construction materials available on site. What makes it different from other traditional settlements in north Africa is the fact that it is influenced by the vernacular culture of the Shawia1 community; It’s mainly a result of an adaptation process to the region common lifestyle, which is a main reason why Shawia house typologies and urban configurations are similarly looking in their general aspect. However, diversity can be observed from one village to another, resulting in a rich urban fabric. The aim of this research is to investigate and diagnose, through a comparative analysis, the cultural influences on the architecture of two examples of Shawia houses situated in two different villages, the first from the Oued-Abdi valley in the western part of the Aures, and the second in the Eastern part from the Oued-Labiod valley. 1 INTRODUCTION The Auresian house is one of the few remaining footprints of the North African indigenous civilizations, it is a reflection of the Shawia lifestyle through their architecture, an adaptation of the austere and autonomous society in which culture and attachment to land is a main feature. In this paper, a comparative analysis is conducted after an investigation within two different villages of Aures massive, aiming to build hypothesis on cultural reasons of the spotted differences. 2 GEOGRAPHICAL CONTEXT The name “Aures” is given to the wide mountainous massive that lies from the East starting from the trough the Kantara River flows from; following the roman track from Lambiridi to Biskra. And in the Eastern-North from Batna, to Khenchela through the highway. And then to the East from Oued El Arab Valley, to the Ziban trough in Western South. Aures is included in the quadrilateral: Batna, Biskra, Khanget Sidi Nadji, and Khenchela. (Delartigue 1904) (Fig. 1) 1 Native inhabitants of Aures mountains Aures massive covers about 9000 Km Sq., situated in the eastern north of Algeria at 35° of latitude North, and between 6° and 7° Longitude East. In the Western-South, Djebel Metlili separates Aures from Ziban. From Eastern-North, links of high plains of Constantine shape a border, also does the Seggana synclinal oriented to the East and the synclinal break of Ain Touta that separates Aures from Belezma Mountains. (Delartigue 1904) Climate in Aures differs from one place to another due to the rich geographical landforms. It is categorized in three different ranges of microclimates depending on height: (Benbouaziz 2011) Above 1400m high, a cold winter, with 60 snow days a year, precipitations are about 1000ml/Year. The climate is sub-humid. Under 1400m, climatic conditions change: 24°c in summer, 5°c in winter, and 15 snow days a year. Climate is semi-dry. In the southern piedmont, the climate is hot and dry. Figure 1 Economical map showing limits of Aures (Côte 1983). 3 SOCIAL STRUCTURE Fanny Colonna defines Aures as a group of tribes united by history and conflicts, based on identical social and cultural practices, on exchange of properties, goods, men, and saintliness. On behalf of all disparities due to certain differences in their lifestyles, they’re also united on identical principals of social organization. (Colonna 1995) Shawia settlement is an independent entity itself, economically, but also socially; villages are the property of the tribe “El Arch”, which is constituted of numerous fractions “Harfikth”, and each fraction is divided to families. “Harfikth” is the most widespread division, it holds most of time the common agnatic ancestor’s name. (Benbouaziz 2011) Shawia have always lived in a closed traditional economical entity, based on self-sufficiency, on products as varied as possible, and on a controlled consumption. Together, all members of a family play a major role in economical life; both men and women participate in agricultural activities. 4 SHAWIA SETTLEMENTS Settlements of North African tribes are found in different configurations, they often lay on a complex fragment of space. Distributed on the hillside, and most of the time on the least accessible summits dominating a valley. Even in the lower relief of the Saharan oases, settlements are found in hardly reachable positions. This is a characteristic of Berber settlement siting. (Bellal & al. 2001) The Shawia settlement in the Aures demonstrates a moderate savoir-faire. It consists of a limited number of clusters grouped here and there. Most of the time the stones are used as a back wall. The cluster has fortified granaries and underground storage rooms where grain, crops, and water are stored. In most of the Shawia settlements granary is the focal point of the community. (Bellal & al. 2001) The idea of Berber house makes sense, but is still not easy to define, it has been mostly said that it’s a poor architecture: modest, and ephemeral; its main components are mud, stones, palm trunks. But it is far from being commonplace; many sophisticated techniques are found in different types of buildings, many original and significant shapes. These buildings are most commonly for residence purpose, but also granaries and castles can be found. (Sekkour 2011) It is claimed in many studies that the typologies of Auresian house change in terms of climate, environment of implementation, available materials, and the building’s function. These parameters are the same in most of the Shawia vernacular architecture settlements. (Benbouaziz 2011) According to which these settlements are classified in three types (Adjali 1986): A dispersed settlement making part of the vast area of Constantine high plains and north piedmont of Aures. A regrouped settlement, more structured and more compact, often situated in mountain crests or in the depth of a valley; they are called “Dechra” of Aures massive. (Fig. 2,3) A settlement of houses that gives premises of a Saharian typology without undergoing its constraints, the southern piedmont house of Aures. It is defined by a group of fractions around a courtyard. (Fig. 5) Fig 2: Urban plan schema of Menâa- Regrouped settlement. (Benbouaziz 2011) Fig 4: Post card showing a view on Tifelfel in 1930– dispersed Auresian settlement (declamp.net 2016) Fig 3: Perspective general view of Menaa village (inumiden.com 2016) Fig 5: Houses of Himsounin around the courtyard (Flickr 2012) 5 CONSTRUCTION RELATED CULTURE Beside the influences of physical nature, such as context, climate, and construction materials that impacts the Shawia house architecture (Sekkour 2011), there are other elements related to local society culture making house typologies distinguishable and different from one village to another, or more obvious from one region to another; Numerous daily life practices, lifestyle, may affect the house configuration. For example, in some regions in Aures, a form of Builderarchitects existed in each village, natives call them “Azurkaw” or plural “Izurkawen”, they had a certain authority in construction related decisions affecting the shape and the configuration of houses according to their experience and vernacular knowledge. Twiza (Tawiza or Thawiza) is also among the most influencing traditions on the Architecture layout and typology of Berber houses, it is a common tradition in North African communities; a sort of solidarity action that provides material, and physical assistance to persons in need. Community members organize Twiza to mobilize labor and assistance, in order to build new houses. It is often orchestrated by one of the builders of the village. In the villages of the study’s cases, many houses have been modified due to the change of social setup, some because of the joint families becoming nuclear ones, and others due to the lack of adaptation of modern life requirements. However, there are still houses in the same status they were built in the first place, which are subject of this study. 6 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS 6.1 Study cases The study cases constitute representative samples in the Oued-Labiod valley, in the village of Tifelfel -House 1-, and the Oued-Abdi Valley, in the Dechra of Menaa -House 2-. The two villages are situated in parallel lines between the two valleys; a mountainous separation stands between the two sites of the villages, giving them identical climatic characteristics. Tifelfel is home of a nomadic society that used to live an instable mobile lifestyle; a year is divided into two long seasons; a cold season during which the inhabitants settle in the lower valley beside the river to work on land and harvest crops, also to refuge from cold in the upland. And a warm season they spend in the heights of Buyeman mountain at the other side of the river, in a higher level of the valley, where the settlement is dispersed (Fig. 4), seeking for a better airflow. While in Menâa, the village is more elaborated on the urban level (Fig. 2,3); it has gained a structured appearance through time, giving it a prominent configuration of the Auresian village, and resulting with a stable settled society. The information in the table below (Table 1) have been gathered after an investigation and measurement conducted by the Author, it shows a descriptive of the studied houses from an architectural point of view. Table 1 Case studies morphological presentation (Author) House 1 – Tifelfel House 2 – Menâa Date 1860 to 1870 1880’s Urban context Dispersed, most of houses are built beside a grove. With the presence of a focal point in the village: the granary. Structured urban configuration; gradual range of streets. A vernacular urban fabric. See Figure 2,3. Surface Ground 87 m2 ; First floor 87 m2 Ground 89 m2 ; First floor 109 m2 Cumulative surface 176 m2 Cumulative surface 198 m2 Ground floor plan Second floor plan 1 Entry “Tasqift” 2 Guest room 3 Living room 4 Barn “Tafrakt” 5 “Family room” “Taddart n-Laamarth” 6 Fireplace “isli” 7 Terrace 8 Second Family Room 9 Void 10 Storage Closet 11 Bachelor Room 12 Storage room 13 Ladder Façades Sections 6.2 Analysis 6.2.1 House 1 The first house represents a traditional house built between 1860 and 1870. It hasn’t undergone any modification. It is one of the reflections of constructive culture in Auresian vernacular way in the Oued–Labiod valley. Built with stonewalls –thickness between 50cm and 54cm- and a supportive structure of cedar trunks carrying lightweight flat ceilings composed of juniper beams. The house contains 5 main rooms with an accessible intermediate terrace. It also has two fireplaces in two separate rooms, indicating the presence of two families living in this house. The space within these rooms is used for multiple purposes such as traditional textile fabric, cooking, and family gathering meals. It is noticed that the two rooms are open on an intermediate terrace allowing light and air to penetrate with the auxiliary use of drying food and washed rags and clothes. The guest room has two doors; one that leads directly to the outside, another giving on the interior of the house. The barn is situated in the depth of the house, which leads to consider the fact it has to cross the living room. It is a spatial translation of the aptitude of nomadic societies to live together with their cattle. (See floor plans row Table 1) Storage spaces are relatively limited; except for small built-in-wall closets in the entry, terrace, and family rooms, there are no other storage space in the house, which is probably due to the presence of the granary in the village, where the inhabitants store most of their stocks (Fig. 6). The façade is 6m large, oriented to West. It has small openings in shape of triangles, with no other form of opening except for the doors. (See figure 7, and Table 1) Fig 6: Granary in Baniane –Oued Labiod (Bovis ) 6.2.2 Fig 7: Exterior perspective on Tifelfel House – Study Case 1– (Author) House 2 The second case study is a family house situated in the village of Menaa in Oued-Abdi valley. Recently transformed to a museum for tourists. Apart from decoration, no modification has been brought. The owner claims that the house has been built around 1880 simultaneously with the eastern adjoining house, which explains the overlapping. See façade on table 1. Stone is used for the ground floor and boundary walls in the second floor. Interior walls in the second floor are earthen built. They are about 40 cm thick. This second case shows a different layout on the plan level; the entry door opens directly to the visually exposed exterior space, used as a living room or a guest room. The entry also separates the barn from the storage room. In this case, the barn is open with a small window for aeration on the exterior. At the other side, a storage room of 24m2 is used to stock reserves, tools, and different life items. It has an opening on the stairs leading to an intermediate terrace between the family room and a second smaller room with no fireplace. The space has reduced dimensions than other rooms-height included-, owner states it is a bachelor room. Guestroom is only accessible through the family room with two windows on the street. Storage spaces inside the rooms are numerous (Fig. 8). Shelves are installed within windows wall break (Fig. 9) Fig 8: Interior view main family room – Menaa House (Author) Fig 9: Storage space within window – Menaa House (Author) 6.3 Comparative study Through a general view of this comparison, a lot of fundamental similarities are noticed between the two case studies of the Shawia houses, but also a number of differences; Taken as a set, the passage between exterior and interior of the two houses is articulated with a transitional chicane, case 2 example opens more to the exterior, since the external door leads also to a small living room. In Oued-Labiod case, there is an additional door that opens on guest room from the street. Families occupy private spaces in the village of Menâa in Oued-Abdi valley, streets are divided gradually from the largest to the tightest until they reach dead-ends. It is which might be the reason behind the lesser intimate living space at the entry. In Oued-Labiod study case, the village is constituted of dispersed settlements. Also, the presence of additional spaces due to different families composition, and different comfort range requirements; as it is seen in OuedLabiod valley case, two fireplaces indicate the presence of two separate families, living together in a floor surface of 87 m2, it is an indicator of the austerity and the low comfort consideration. In the other side of the hill, in Oued Abdi valley, comfort degree may appear through the singlefamily house built on 109 m2 distributed in three rooms and a terrace. (See Table 1) Materials used are identical with a difference noticed in study case 2 second floor walls; they are earthen built, which facilitates the excavation of storage spaces in the walls, unlike with the stonewall, where the process is more complicated. Facades orientation is different in the study cases; Case 1 shows a tight facade of only 6 m long, oriented to the west, with no openings except for the two doors, and triangular aeration holes. While in study case 2 the façade is oriented to the south, with openings on the street from most of spaces. The physical austerity aspect of both study cases is noticed from the exterior, to the interior, through the irregular stone used in walls, and the lack of any form of decoration. The comparison helps in build hypothesis on cultural influences and traditional patterns giving Shawia House in the studied regions indicators behind its plural identity between different valleys. 7 CONCLUSION Berber settlements configurations in North Africa are the results of many outstanding traditions and lifestyles. It is mainly an adaptation to the implementation context specificities. From the present research it is clear that Shawia houses differ from one region to another. These differences are the result of numerous practices of social and environmental order. In Oued-Labiod valley the nomadic lifestyle of the tributes makes the quest of comfort less important than mobility measures. This results visibly with austere dwellings, and few comfort features. Translated in the studied case with the lack of storage spaces, and the relatively reduced floors surface, in addition to that, the family composition helps in the collective daily life of this society, it is why this house is home for a joint family. The village of Menaa in Oued-Abdi valley shows a more elaborated structure, an urban logic through its dense fabric, allowing inhabitants to settle in a single portion of the mountain, developing a stable lifestyle, which led to the adaptation of the houses to this static rhythm. As an image of this adaptation, more storage spaces are present in this case (Fig. 8,9). Comfort standards are higher in this study case, which is probably due to the community exposure. Through the exploration of these examples from two faces of Aures region, it is obvious that vernacular culture is one essential component of Auresian Shawia identity, and acts as a major influence on the local architecture, but also on the urban scale. Sustaining and adaptation are what this native society mastered the most, through the previous examples, and many others, the vernacular culture and habits are what operate the architecture of Auresian villages. The house acts like a singular piece, a shelter for families, but also as a manufacturing and working place, playing a main role in the economical circle of the local community, allowing it to put up with climatic, and geographical constraints, and drawing out of it a singular vernacular frame, of a millennial identity in the Aures mountains villages. _____________________________________________________________________________ REFERENCES 1 Hilton-Simpson M., 1921. Among the hill-folk of Algeria (1st ed.). New York: Dodd, Mead and Co. 2 Fanny Colonna, Les versets de l'invincibilité. Permanence et changements dans l'Algérie contemporaine. Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 1995. 3 Côte M.,1983, "L’Algérie, Classe de 6e année sec, Inst. Pédag. Nat.", Algiers. 4 LT. Colonel De Lartigue, 1904, du 3° Zouaves : "Monographie de l’Aurès", Constantine. Digital file. P. 4. 5 Bourdieu P., 2001. Sociologie de l'Algérie (1st ed.). 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