WORLD
CONFERENCE
ON RECORDS
PRESERVING OUR HERITAGE
August 12-15, 1980
Life on Boord a
Mormon Emigrant Ship
Do vi d H. Pratt,
Paul F. Smart
Series 418
The statements or
opinions expressed by
speakers at the conference
either verbally or
in written form
are those of the speakers
and do not
necessarily represent
the official position
of the sponsors of
the conference.
Copyright © 1980
All Rights ReseNed
Published in the
United States of America
Corporation of the President of
The Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter-day Saints
LIFE ON BOARD A MORMON EMIGRANT SHIP
David H. Pratt and Paul F. Smart
David H. Pratt. Born in Washington. Resides in Provo, Utah. Assistant professor of
Ph.D. (British history), University of Nebraska.
history, Brigham Young University.
Author, lecturer, teacher.
Paul F. Smart. Born in Utah. Resides in Salt Lake City, Utah. Supervisor, British
Reference Section, Genealogical Department, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints. B.S., Brigham Young University. Genealogist, author, lecturer.
Almost fran the time The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints was organized
in 1830, members of the Church were encouraged to gather to the headquarters of
1
the Church.
The first overseas missionaries arrived in England in 1837, but
they were told not to preach the principle of gathering.
Beginning in 1840,
however, each spring Church leaders
issued a call for members to emigrate to
.America. Fran then until the end of the
century, over eighty-five thousand members of the Church left Europe to come to
America.
Their reasons for coming can be seen in
the testimony of one emigrant:
"I
believed in the principal of the
gathering and felt it my duty to go
although it was a severe trial to me, in
my feelings to leave my native land and
the pleasing associations that I had
fanned there; but my heart was fixed. I
knew in whom I had trusted and with the
fire of Israel's ~ burning in my bo san,
I forsook my home."
Those who responded to the call to emigrate would send their names to the
president of the European Mission, along
with a recoomend fran their local Church
leaders.
From these names, a list of
prospective passengers would be drawn up.
After chartering a ship and determining
the number of possible passengers, the
Church leaders \llOuld send a list to each
branch, or local Church unit, indicating
those who could go.
Length of Church
membership, age, and marital status were
apparently some of the criteria that
detennin~ how soon an application was
accepted.
Once a person had been accepted as a passenger, he still had to raise the fare.
Those who paid the lowest fares rode in
steerage.
Steerage fees ranged from
three to five pounds (U.S. $14.40 to U.S.
$24, or at today' s value, $75 to $125) •
The fare for children under fourteen was
usually one-third to one-half the adult
fare. Although the fares seem reasonable
by today's standards, it would have taken
over one-third of an average laborer's
annual income to bring an average-sized
family.
After 1850 the Church helped many emigrate.
Funds came from various sources.
Members of Church branches often made
small contributions.
Sometimes family
members would send gifts.
Some families
raised the money by selling personal possessions. One man pawned his clothes to
pay for the journey. The gifts and donations one mother received for having
given birth to t~iplets helped pay for
the family's trip.
Once the money was raised, the emigrants
set out for the port.
Although sane
ships left from London and Bristol, England, and from Hamburg, Gennany, most
left from Liverpool , Eng land , where the
Church set up a shipping office in 1849.
418/Pratt and Smart
Saying good-bye was no easy task.
Most
left family am friends.
Sane families
could afford to send only one or two members, but they would go, giving the rest
of the family added incentive to save
more and make the trip later themselves.
Sometimes those Who went ahead could earn
enough to help the rest of the family
come later. Several older people left as
an example to their children, knowing
that they probably would not survive the
ocean crossing.
For most <llurch members in Britain, the
journey to Liverpool was often just a
short train ride.
Those who came fran
Ireland or continental Europe, however,
had to travel by ship.
Usually such
trips were short and uneventful, but
there were exceptions. A group of Danish
Saints left late in 1854 for a five-day
voyage to Hull, England.
After nearly
being driven back to Dermark twice, they
finally arrived, thirty days later. The
ship they had chartererl had sailed without them but was severely damagerl not far
fran Liverpool and was still under repair
when they sailed on the James Nesmith in
January 1855.
Until the 1840s, the typical emigrant
ship carried such goods as timber and
cotton fran .America to England.
Once
unloaded, it would have its cargo hold
hastily refitted for passengers to take
advantage of the extra space on the return trip to .America.
Thus, passengers
sanetimes had to live with the remnants
of the previous cargo, insecure berths,
am a lack of headroan. A British timber
ship would allow five and one-half feet
between decks, not including space taken
up by beams. The deck flooring might be
temporary, allowing bilge water ani rats
to come through fran the lower hold.
By the mid-1840s,
however, the emigrant
trade was daninated by .American packet
ships.
A packet ship sailerl for a firm
or line between the same ports on set
dates, regardless of the weather or the
availability of cargo. The packets were
square-rigged: they had three masts with
long yardarms at right angles. . The bmvs
2
were "apple-cheeked" to allow for extra
cargo. The bulwarks were waist-high and
often brightly painted on the inside.
Livestock was kept on the upper deck by
the two forward hatches to provide for
the captain's table and the first-class
passengers.
Although steerage was not
the original plan for the lower deck, the
deck was ideal for passengers.
There
were at least seven feet between decks to
acconnnodate bales of cotton. By the end
of the 1840s, many of the packets had
installed permanent berths on the lower
deck.
Figure 1 demonstrates the deck
plans of a typical fifteen-hundrerl ton
packet of three decks built about 1850.
The hull was made of white oak.
The
lower steerage deck might hold five to
six hundred passengers, with another two
or three hundred in the steerage on the
main deck.
The first M>rmon emigrants were booked
individually on ships.
lbwever, by the
time the Tyrean sailed in September 1841,
the Church had settlerl on the more economical method of chartering ships.
By
about 1848 Mormon emigrants took up the
entire steerage on ships or canprised a
portion of it separate from the other
passengers.
The Church leaders who chartered the
ships were usually experienced.
They
were able to spare the newly arrived
emigrants many of the problems of coping
with life in a port city, such as confidence games and racketeering.
The emigrants usually found a ship waiting for
them. Many boarderl the ship the same day
they arrived in Liverpool, sleeping in
their berths or on deck. Sane stayerl in
the homes of iliurch members, while others
had to stay in lodging houses.
For his fare, each passenger was supposed
to receive a portion of a berth, sane
food and water, and free passage for the
first hundrerl poums of baggage. Before
1849, the food included seven pounds of
breadstuff or cereal per person per week.
This often consisted of sea biscuits or
hardtack.
By 1850, each passenger was
supposed to receive three quarts of water
3
418/Pratt and Smart
daily and the following rations weekly:
tlNO and one-half pounds of breadstuff,
one ponnd of wheaten flour, five ponnds
of oatmeal, tlNO pounds of rice (five
ponnds of potatoes could be substituted
for one pound of oatmeal or rice), two
onnces of tea , half a ponnd of sugar ,
half a pound of molasses, and one gill of
vinegar.
Split peas, corned beef, and
pork were added to this protein-deficient
diet , along with nrustard and pepper, in
5
1855.
American ships were reputedly the lNOrst
for shortchanging on the standard provisions.
An Irish philanthropist, Vere
Foster, sailed for lmerica on the Waslr
ington in the fall of 1850 to determine
what typical conditions were like in
steerage for the emigrants he had assisted.
Provisions were not issued at
all for the first five or six days. Having brought a scale with him, Foster was
able to demonstrate that for the entire
voyage the passengers did not receive
even half of the rations to which they
were entitled.
Flour was the only item
6
issued nearly in full.
The act of 1842 required that passengers
have contract tickets.
Some of the
tickets, such as the one in figure 2,
contained a warning for passengers to
take extra provisions.
Those who could
afford to, secured extra provisions while
they waited to sail.
One journal mentioned the following extras: good flour,
potatoes, salt preserves, a good cheese
and a cooked ham, eggs, lemons, preserved
fish, plumbs ink, coffee currant, spices,
port wine, pepper, ginger, cayenne
pepper, sweet biscuits, baking powder,
lard, cream of t,rtar, and pickled
cabbage.
The naivl.! emigrant, however,
would not bring extra food or food of the
right kind.
Ie had to pay dearly for
some of the ship's private prov1s1ons
once he was at sea if he wanted a more
varied menu or if the journey took longer
than planned.
Under such trying conditions, a new mother might lose her milk,
and adequate food for infants was usually
nnavailable.
Besides extra foodstuffs, the passengers
were expected to bring a strawfilled mattress, bedding, cooking utensils, and
provision boxes.
Utensils usually included cutlery, a tin plate, drinking
can, tin quart pot, and the ubiquitous
chamber pot.
Some also brought soap,
candles, towels, rolling pin boards, carpet slippers, shoe brushes, and, last but
not least, consecrated oil.
The extra
food and articles might add another ponnd
to the passage fare. Before 1846 sane of
the Saints brought contributions from
their branches of the Church for the
building of the Nauvoo Temple.
Before the ships lNOuld sail, the local
Church leaders lNOuld organize the emigrants.
Not much is known about the
organization of the first group of MOrmon
emigrants, but the second ship to sail
for America, the North America, had a
presiding elder and six counselors, cho-sen personally by Brigham Yonng.
On 6
February 1841, the day before the Sheffield sailed, a conncil meeting was held
in Liverpool, to which the ship's captain
was invited. Three MOrmon Apostles organized the emigrants, with a president as
leader, six counselors, and a clerkhistorian.
By 1848-49, a pattern of
organization had emerged.
The presiding
Church authority in England "WOuld choose
the emigrant leader, called the ship's
president, present him with a letter of
authority, and then leave him to organize
the rest of the group during the first
few days at sea.
the emigrants boarded the ship, the
British Mission president or his agents
would assign them berths •
Samuel W.
Richards, president from May 1852 to July
1854, was lmown to lNOrk fran daybr'flk to
2:00 a.m. preparing a ship to sail.
All
his "WOrk paid dividends.
In 1854 a select committee of the House of Commons on
emigrant ships concluded "that no ships
under the provisions of the 'Passengers
Act' could be depended upon for comfort
and security in the same degree as those
nnder his administration.
The MOrmon
ship is a Family under strong and accepted discipline, with every provision
As
4
418/Pratt and Smart
for c.~fort,
peace.
decorum,
and
internal
The order that prevailed on }brmon emigrant ships was described by no less an
observer than Charles Dickens, who visited the Amazon before it set sail in
1863:
Now, I have seen emigrant ships before this day in June.
And these
people are so strikingly different
fran all other people in like circunstances whom I have ever seen,
that I wonder aloud , "What would a
stranger suppose these emigrants to
be!"
The most of these came aboard
yesterday evening.
They came from
various parts of Ehgland in small
parties that had never seen
one
another before. Yet they had not
been a couple of murs on board ,
when they established their own
police, made their own regulations,
and set their own watches at all
the
hatchways.
Before nine
o'clock, the ship was as orderly
arrl as quiet as a man-of-war.
I looked about me again, and saw
the letter-writing going on with
the most curious ccmposure.
Perfectly abstracted in the midst of
the crow:!; while great casks were
swinging aloft, and being lowered
into the mld; while mt agents
were hurryirg up and down, adjusting the interminable accounts;
while two hundred strangers were
searching everywhere for two hundred other strangers, and were
asking questions about them of two
hundred more; while the children
played up and down all the steps ,
and in and out among all the
people's legs, and were beheld, to
the general dismay, toppling over
all the dangerous places; the
letter-writers wrote on calmly.
I should have said they were
in their degree, the pick and
flower of Ehgland.
He concluded with this remark:
I went on board their ship to bear
testimony against them i f they deserved it, as I fully believed they
would; to my great astonishment
they did not deserve it; and my
predispositions and tendencies must
not affect me as an finest witness.
I went over the Amazon's side,
feeling it impossible to deny that,
so far, sane remarkable influence
had produced a remarkable result ,
which better gmown influences have
often missed.
Even though the emigrants were on board,
they had to pass a medical examination
before their passage was guaranteed. The
ship's doctor (if there was one), along
with a government inspector, would usually carry out this examination, which
usually consisted of little more than
havirg the person stick out his tongue
and stamping his ticket.
In one case,
mwever, several Danish Saints were put
off a ship because they "were not considered to be well." They were back on
the ship that evening, and nothing was
ever said again of their illness.
Some had to leave the ships for nonmedical reasons.
Several men were removed
from one ship when it was discovered they
had deserted their families. Just as one
ship was preparing to leave, a man came
on board with sane detectives to search
for his wife and children. The wife did
not want to go back, but her husband
premised to sell his property and later
go to America (or Zion, as the Mormons
called it) with her. She still objected,
but the ship's presidency encouraged her
to stay with her husband. She and three
of her children did, but she left two of
her girls on board to make the journey,
perhaps as incentive for her husbarrl to
keep his promise.
Others were less successful in their
efforts to persuade their families not to
leave:
One passenger was given permission to go back to shore to get more sup-
I
I
!
lI
l
a
~
I
418/Pratt and Smart
plies even though his ship had already
left the dock. He relates:
I reached the shore, I saw Mr. Ould
(my wifes father) in a boat accompanied by two detectives going to
the "Manchester" in search of his
wife and two sons--and of me and my
wife too.
I suppose I was
po-werless to help them, as their
boat would reach the ship before I
could. Therefore I called upon the
Lord to protect them, and placing
them in his care, I attended to my
duties.
Later, went to Princes
Landing and saw Mr • Ould and the
detectives there.
They had returned fran the ship. Took a small
boat, and • • • went to the "Hanchester," undiscovered by the
detectives or Mr. Ould.
On
arriving at the ship, I found the
detectives and Mr.
Ould had
searched the ship from stem to
stem, and then Mr. 0. went over it
a second time, but they failed to
find what they sought, although
they passed close to them. I could
give more detail here, but suffice
it to say that Sister Ould and her
boys were hid in the Passenger's
luggage.
The government and medical officers came aboard, arrl the
detectives and Mr. 0. came also
again.
In the examination, I and
my wife passed close by the detectives arrl Mr. 0. but was not recognized. They closely watched every
passenger, made inquiries for
Sister 0. and the boys, and done
all they could to firrl them, but
all to no J:X.lrpose, and they had to
leave without their prey.
The
power of God was manifested in
blindi~ the detectives and especially Mr. o. for he was near one
of his sons arrl did not recognize
him, and his daughter, my wife,
passed so close to him that her
dress nearly touched 5is legs, but
1
he did not know her •
As the ships at last set sail, there were
many tender manents.
"The vessel began
5
to move out of dock," one man recalled,
"and what feeli~s of anguish stole upon
my mind as I gazed upon my parents and
relatives, perhaps never, never to see
them affln until -we meet in an eternal
world."
The life of the emigrants
would never be the same.
The westward crossi~ of the North Atlantic in the first half of the nineteenth
century was still a slow and perilous
journey.
Because of the prevailing
wirrls, ships traveling west had to travel
five hundred miles further than eastbound
ships. The average voyage fran Liverpool
to the east coast of the United States
was thirty-seven days, just over five
weeks.
The voyage to New Orleans took
about two weeks longer.
Life on board emigrant ships was beset
with many problems, not the least of
which was overcrowding.
All vessels
leaving fran Liverpool were required to
obey British law.
The passenger act of
1835, urrler which the Mormon emigration
began, allowed three adult passengers for
every five tons registered for the
12
ship.
Under that provision, the Mayflower could have packed in six more
passengers. However, the emigrant ships
often exceeded the legal limit.
Four to six persons were packed into
berths of wooden slats measuri~ six feet
square.
Two people might share a berth
six feet lo~ and three feet wide.
The
berths were arranged along both sides of
the ship in double or triple tiers. The
passenger would sleep with his feet towards the center aisle, where provisions
for the voyage, hand luggage, and items
too fragile for the hold would be stored.
Tin utensils and other light items would
hang on the sides of the berths and the
beams above.
The hatches had to be
closed duri~ storms, but it might be wet
below even in less violent weather, particularly if the cargo consisted of iron
rails, which might cause greater rolling.
The berths were sanetimes made of green
wood and would creak horrendously as the
ship rolled.
In a storm, temporary
berths were known to cane tumbling down.
6
418/Pratt and Smart
The passenger act of 1852 required that
single men be berthe:l separately in the
forward portion of the steerage and that
a division t~ planks high (about eighteen inches) be placed between strangers
sharing a berth. The rush to berth eight
hundred passengers, though, produced r~
peated violations of the law.
lbwever,
President Richards of the British Mission
assured a select coomittee of the lbuse
of Cbmmons in 1854 that ymmg men were
berthe:l separately am single women were
"generally berthed in families... President Richards adde:l to the passengers'
convenience by hy~ing seats put up alongside the berths.
6 feet of space in front of the
berths, for passage way arrl storage
room for provisions, boxes, etc.
We were instructe:l to make everything fast, but as we did not
urrlerstarrl the term in a suitable
sense we could not forsee the
result.
In those days all did
their own cooking and furnished
their own utensils, so that the
amot.mt of tinware we needed was
enormous, arrl a look at the ceiling
of our vessel, when all were ht.mg
up, might cause a stranger to think
that quite a proportion ~f the ves1
sels cargo was tinware.
Still, life aboard ship was crowed.
Joseph Greaves canplaine:l that his berth
on the International was so small that if
he were to tum, his partner :ip the berth
4
had to turn at the same time.
Another
emigrant complained: "Their is not room
in the beds only for 2. We must mind our
heads when we crawl in our 'dogkennels'
for you must go [in] head first and out
the same or you will knock your head
against the top. A botom hamock is the
best •
We have to get lamp and
oil. The place is verry dark. We can't
see to rea:l only by the small light that
comes in the door.
The single
folks have a curtain, goes oy5r 8 births.
We go to dress and undress."
Storms would send tinware, baggage, and
passengers flying fran one side of the
ship to the other.
In 1853 the Ellen
Maria experienced a storm "so awful as to
mix us up badly with our tnmks, cooking
utensils, and other baggage, sane of the
people sliding up a:.fs down the ship on
upset molasses cans."
The advice given to women passengers in
an emigrant journal published in 1849 was
to wear "dresses ma:le to close in front;
it is very awkward to lie in ~'{ berth
arrl try to hook-and-eye behind • "
John Wbodhouse described his new home as
follows:
I suppose we had all the room allowed us by law, 18 inches of
breadth each, but we were still
very crowed.
Our sleeping arrangements were berths, t'WO tiers
hi.gh all arourrl the vessel am down
the center of mld. And two cabins
on deck. The berths allowe:l for a
family were alloted together as
much as possible. There was about
John Vbodhouse gave the following vivid
description of a storm:
"Our tinware,
water bottles, provisions chests, etc~
broke loose from their moorings and
dropped fran their nails overhead. • • •
The articles [chased) each other from
side to side of the vessel, spilling
their contents as they travelled. • • •
And we were all too sick to interfere.
We could only look on out of our
berths. • • •
We had enough :1> do to
9
keep fran rolling out ourselves."
The crawled conditions made sanitation
difficult.
After his arrival on the
Zetland in 1849, Orson Spencer laconically note:l in his report to the British
Mission president, "A hint to emigrants
about cleanliness may be aafely arrl fr~
2
quently administered."
Charles W.
Penrose a~ke one morning on the Underwriter in 1861 to find that a mother rat
had given birth in his shoe during the
night. The Saints aboard the Enoch Train
in 1856 had to form a louse coomittee.
A constant characteristic of the steerage
was the stench. After his first night at
418/Pratt and Smart
sea on the North America, William Clayton
wrote that "such sickness, vomiting,
groaning and bad smells I never witnessed
before and added to this the closeness of
the bert~ almost suffocated us for want
of air."
There might be a hatch or
raised structure that would allow air to
flow down even in bad weather. lbwever,
there were no washing facilities.
In the wanner latitudes of the tEw Orleans run, saltwater baths might be
available, at least for the men. If the
ship was becalmed, some might go swinr
ming.
The captain of the Carnatic in
1848 provided a cask and canvas curtain
for a primitive srower for himself and
many of the brethren.
The lack of water closets was an even
greater problem.
American ships were
preferred because they usually had two
pennanent lavatories on each side of the
top deck. Although the passenger act of
1855 called for two water closets on each
ship, Hennan Melville's line from Redburn: His First Voyage probably described Monnon emigrant ships as well:
"To rold your head down the fore hatchway
was like holdi~ i t down a suddenly
opened cesspool."
The emigrants were supposed to clean
their liviq?; quarters daily and air their
bedding twice a week, but further measures were required to mask the odors.
After one and a half weeks on the North
America in 1840, "gas was burned to
sweeten the ship air."
About once a
week, most ships received a good general
scrub down. All the ~ssengers would be
called on deck.
Then the steerage area
would be enoked and washed •
The floor
would be scraped and then scrubbed with
water and often vinegar.
Sometimes they
would sprinkle the decks with lime.
Illness was another problem the emigrants
hal to face. Most of the passengers, and
sometimes the crew, were seasick the
first few days at sea and were often left
with a "protracted debility" for the rest
of the voyage.
7
The crolorled and msanitary conditions led
to occasional outbreaks of epidemic proportions. Cholera killed forty-three
people on the Berlin in 1849.
Measles
took the life of twenty-one children and
two adults on the Clara Wheeler in 1854
and wreaked havoc among Danish children
on the John J. Boyd in 1855 and the
Franklin in 1862.
In the latter case,
forty-three children under the age of
eight died, plus five adults.
But illness was not the only cause of death. At
least one yomg child was washed overboard, never to be seen or heard of
again.
The death of loved ones was the hardest
thiq?; for the emigrants to face.
The
loved one would be placed in a box or,
more often, in just a sheet with
something to weigh it down and would then
be placed overboard.
One journal
describes the death and burial of a
little boy:
The sad news is made lmown that the
little boy is dead causing a gloan
of sadness to ~ss over the entire
canpany on board.
Towards night
preparations were made for fmeral
services at night and the little
boy to be buried in the ocean.
I
cannot describe my feelings at this
time, but will say my heart gave
way, thinking of my own family, and
the sharks following the ships for
a purpose.
Brother Hamilton G.
Park the President of our canpany
spoke of the resurrection of the
dead, and offered the dedicatory
prayer.
The 1 it tle fellow was
placed upon a wide j><>ard, down he
2
slides and is gone.
Many blessings of health were given to
trose who requested them. But aside fran
the spiritual healings of the priesthood,
the emigrants did their best with medicines.
One potion for bruises was an
oatmeal poultice with sane oil.
Sanetimes a little cayenne pepper was used to
cause a sweat. Castor oil was much used
for colds and bowel problems.
Stomach
problems accompanied by chills were
8
418/Pratt and Smart
treated with a little brandy in warm
gruel. Colic was treated with a dose of
peppermint and laudanum, with reported
success.
Sometimes emigrants were appointed to
help look after the sick and feeble. One
was Zebulon Jacobs, who was described as
carrying a bottle of castor oil in one
pocket and several boxes of pills emptied
into the other one.
His treatments
seemed to help those who took them, but
not everyone appreciated his help, as he
relates in the following incident:
One old lady by the name of Ainsworth, could not get out of bed she
was so sick.
Several days passed.
I visited her regular, to see oow
she was getting along, finally
decided she must get out. Went to
work "Cane now get up, I can't, yes
you can, get up or I will pull your
ears •
You pull my ears , you pull
my ears, what do you mean? I mean
just what I say, If you don't get
up, I will pull your ears, besides
take this shoe to you she replied
"you saucbox, get away fran here! "
I replied I would not and at the
same time caught oold of the bed
cloths and conmenced to pull. She
commenced to scream.
I pulled and
she pulled.
Finally she let go ,
and gathered a shoe and let fly. I
dodged, another followed with the
same result . Next came a tin cup
and a plate, finally she gathered a
piece of board and jumped out after
me.
I ran and she ran until she
saw how her clothing was arranged
and starts back to the bunk, me
after her, don't you get in there
I cried, if you do I'll pull you
out by the heels.
Another race
started amid screams of laughter
from about 30 people, she went back
about as mad as people generally
get, so did I.
When I could get
near enough with safety, told her
to dress and I would assist her on
deck, she looked surprised and at
the same time realized what I was
doing for her, she dressed.
I
carried her up the companion way to
the deck, placed her on the sunny
side of the vessel where she
remained all the afternoon and was
last to go below at night. It done
all who saw me, good, for they
tried to get up. Whenever they saw
me coming, they would say here
comes Brother Jacobs, lets get up.
Those too ill and weak to walk
asked to carry them on ~k. When
tired carried than back.
The emigrants' health was not helped much
by their diet. The standard fare lacked
variety. A typical menu for a week might
be the following: Monday, rice; Tuesday,
oatmeal; Wednesday, pork and potatoes;
Thursday, rice again; Friday, oatmeal;
and Saturday, pork and potatoes again.
Those woo brought same of their own, more
palatable items were glad they did.
By
1850, Mormon officials were supplementing
the emigrants' diet with pork, butter,
and cheese.
Often the different nationalities would
have their own ideas of what to eat. One
man said that he had reached the point
where he could not stand the smell of the
onion soup that seemed to be a favorite
dish of the Scots on board.
~ wrote a
note to his posterity saying that even in
his last years of life he detested cooked
onions.
Although for the most part there were
plenty of supplies, on at least twelve
ships between 1846 and 1866 the fare was
poor or ran short.
Cb the Kennebec in
1852, the Scottish manbers traded their
pork ration to the English for oatmeal,
but both were reduced to half rations of
oatmeal and rice for the last four days
of the voyage. They traced part of their
difficulty to the thefts by Irish nonmembers. Three ships reported shortages
in 1855.
The passengers of the James
Nesmith hinted that they were shortchanged by the second mate, "woo was a
wicked man."
The captain of the Hellos
refused to surrender their pork, butter,
cheese, and vinegar when the Saints had
to transfer to the Charles Buck. Further
418/Pratt and Smart
shortages occurred with two weeks yet to
go. The captain donated half a barrel of
sugar, and they had to purchase pork and
molasses fran him.
The amOtmt of drinking water carried on
board was adequate for the voyage from
Liverpool to New York, but barely sufficient if New Orleans was the destination.
The water was frequently foul before the
journey's end.
It was often drawn from
an impure source, stored in rotten casks,
or unchanged if there were a surplus from
the previous trip.
The vinegar ration
could be used to dilute the taste and
smell of water gone bad.
At least one
ship was able to replenish its water supply in the west Indies.
Despite these shortages, most of the
ships had sufficient provisions for
adults. There are several entries in the
Millennia! Star in the late 1840s and
early 1850s concerning the "good" and
"ample" supplies. Unfortunately, the
supplies were not always suitable for
infants, a group with which the M>rmon
emigrants were abundantly blessed and one
which was likely to suffer most fran a
poor diet and overcrowding. Adults could
cope with cake made fran grotmd sea biscuits or biscuit pudding, but little
children had special needs not so easily
met.
As early as 1849, Thomas Clark
reported fran the James Pennell:
"We
lost three children, which were weaned
just before they were brought on board;
all the rest of the babes have done well.
I think it would be well to inform the
Saints not to wean their children just as
they come; for if they do, they will be
likely
lose them before they get
across."
But what about the mother who
lost her milk, did not have enough, or
became seriously ill? In 1866, the oneyear-old daughter of William Driver
nursed on cold tea and sugar, sucked
baked flour through a tube, and survived
on a donated can of condensed milk.
William's advice was: "Those who cane to
sea should be very careful to bring with
them as many can forts as possible, especially for the . children such as Arrow
root, Soft Biscuits, Port Wine, Brandy,
fg
9
Preserved Milk, ~bert,
bitter experience."
&
This
fran
Although provisions were not always adequate, "the cooking seemed to try our patience most," reported Presid'ent Thomas
Iay of the Josiah Bradlee.
The facilities were usually too s:nall for large
groups to use. A cook usually supervised
but did not help nnless p:1id to do so.
John Woodhouse described the facilities
aboard his ship:
Our cooking arrangements consisted
of a [galley] about four feet long,
and three feet wide. The top full
of holes over which to place vessels to boil.
A fire was along
each side with bars lengthwise.
Some of our tins had a flat side
and hooks on them to hang on the
bars, these we called "Hangers on."
There was an oven down the center
between the two fires for baking,
this canpleted our cooking accomodations which were meager.
Especially as we f'fre not skilled in
the use of it .
With all the problems the emigrants
faced, it was essential that they be well
organized.
The ship's president, appointed by the presiding Church authority
in England and sustained by the emigrants, -would select his connselors, a
clerk to keep a record of the voyage, a
sergeant-at-arms to keep order, and
occasionally cooks. The president would
also divide the steerage into smaller
nnits, usually called wards, each with
its own priesthood leader to conduct
morning and evening prayers and to help
keep order.
The munber of wards varied
from four to nineteen with approximately
ten berths or forty per sons per ward in
the early period, followed by larger
nnits in the peak years of emigration in
the late 1850s , and then s:naller ones
again in the 1860s.
The size of a ward
apparently depended on the number of
Melchizedek Priesthood bearers, the space
arrangements, and the discretion of the
president.
418/Pratt and Smart
10
On the Ellen in 1851, there were wards in
the second cabin and instructions to see
that each family was visited twice daily.
A survey was made on board the Falcon and
International in 1853 to determine the
name and priesthood office of each male
before making further assignments.
The
leaders of the International divided the
steerage into six wards and the second
cabin into two wards. The ward president
was assisted by a priest or teacher of
the Aaronic Priesthood.
Meetings were
held every evening, with the ward presidents reporting each Thursday.
The
presidents of the fourteen wards on the
Hudson in 1864 met each evening with one
another. Robert Reid wrote at the end of
the Swanton's journey that, "although
some have been disposed to murmur, yet
those spirits have been subdued
the
authority of the roly priesthood."
tlf
The priesthood organization tried various
solutions to the cooking problems, including volunteer cooks, a series of
three cooks wrking four hour shifts to
receive the pans impartially, supervisors
to see that each had a fair turn at the
fire, and cooking on alternate days. The
most satisfactory approach used from at
least the early 1850s allowed each ward
to cook on a rotating schedule.
Apparently, the ward presidents and their
assistants gathered the rations and saw
to the cooking for their group.
The
leadership of the various wards on the
Falcon scheduled baking for each side of
the vessel on subsequent days and even
planned a uniform dinner menu to be followed by all the wards on a given day.
The galleys were closed during Sunday
services on the John M. Wood, but some
left pltm pudding to boil during that
time.
One group decided there wuld be
no cooking on the Sabbath but that hot
water wuld be served in the morning and
evening for all who wanted.
Despite the problems of emigrant life on
board a ship, much of the time passed
uneventfully.
John Jaques gave this
realistic description of life on the
Horizon in 1856:
Sea-sailing is very pleasant at
times.
I could sit for hours on
the forecastle, and watch our noble
vessel dashing through the briny
waves, and lashing them into an
innumerable variety of fantastic
forms of spray and foam. But then,
who can possibly like to be continually rocked about. • • • Who
admires treading on a platform that
seems the plaything of an everlasting earthquake?
I have no great
taste for these things. I can make
myself, with a little exertion,
tolerably comfortable at sea, whenever it is advisable for me to go
there, but when I have the privilege of choosing, I like to be
where I can enjoy myself more
naturally. • • • The idea of waiting, day after day, on the idle
wind is bad enough, but the reality
is much worse.
It makes one feel
like getting out and pushing behind • Then the wind comes with a
bit of a vengeance, as if to make
up for lost time, just as people
hurry when they have been loitering
on the way. Then the willing ship
dashes through the waters like a
mad thing, at the rate of a dozen
miles or more an hour. We tack to
the right and tack to the left,
and, after sailing so heartily for
200 or 300 miles, the captain takes
an observation and finds that we
are 20 miles worse for all our
trouble, or perhaps we are in a~~t
the same place as When becalmed.
A typical day on board ship began at 5:30
or 6: 00 a.m. with a wake-up call from a
bell or a trumpet, or fran the frantic
rolling of the ship.
Cleaning was followed by prayers at 7:00 or 7:30a.m. and
then breakfast. The emigrants wuld pray
again at 7:00p.m. and retire at 9:00 or
10:00 p.m.
The rest of the day's activities were as
diverse as dawdling in boredan or admir-
11
418/Pratt and Smart
ing a splendid snnset to singing, dancing, and giving concerts. Several of the
ships had formal, organized bands . Many
spent their spare time practicing their
instruments. Some, such as Henry Maiben
on the International, even canposed songs
describing life aboard ship.
Tea parties and other celebrations were
common. On the John M. Wood in 1854, the
emigrants held a party to mark the birth
of twins.
Marriages were another cause
for celebration, even though the tight
quarters left little roan for a traditional honeymoon and the reassigning of
berths must have caused some confusion.
Holidays were usually celebrated with
some sort of festivity. The holiday most
often mentioned in emigrants' journals
was the founding of the Church, April 6.
Sanetimes it was a day of worship and
fasting, even when it was not a Sunday.
Sanetimes a conference was held as part
of the worship, and the General Authorities of the Church were sustained.
On
one ship, muskets were fired, followed by
a military service.
The sacrament was
passed, and four couples were married.
The afternoon services included speeches,
recitations, and nrusic.
Among the more
popular recitati~ were "Joseph Snith
and the Devil";
"The Death of the
Prophet and Patriarch," by Eliza R. Snow;
and poems such as "Absalom," by N. P.
Willis. The evening program consisted of
inventive pastry cooking, country dancing, arrl singing.
The other holiday most often celebrated
was the American Independence lliy, July
4.
Occasionally July 24 was also celebrated, marking the day the first group
of pioneers entered the Great Salt Lake
Valley in 1847. These celebrations were
similar to those for April 6, only without the religious services.
Many emigrants spent their spare time
reading and writing.
Schools were conducted for both children and adults in
English, French, and other subjects. One
ship held "evening lectures at 5 p.m.,
the congregation sitting around the lee-
turer, on the deck floor, the subjects
being various, such as astronomy, geography, agricultural improvements, [and]
conversational meetings to refresh the
min~:n with history,
themes, essays,
&c."
Increasingly in the 1850s, the adults
were occupied with making canvas tents
and wagon covers for the overland journey
that lay ahead.
Schools might then be
used to keep the children out of the way.
Sane of the men signed on as sailors to
earn extra money.
The ladies were involved with sewing arrl knitting. In good
weather, the children ran, hopped,
skipped, junped rope, arrl enjoyed other
outdoor games on deck. When the weather
was bad, though, everyone had to stay
below in very close quarters, and morale
suffered.
No account of the emigrants' activities
would be canplete without mention of the
religious services. Sometimes all of the
passengers would meet together. At other
times, they would meet as individual
wards. Meetings were often held Tuesday
and Thursday evenings and two or three
times each Surrlay.
There was usually
preaching and, on Sundays, the sacrament
arrl sane times testimonies. Talks covered
a wide range of subjects but often dealt
with such topics as the pranised land,
the gathering to the Salt Lake Valley,
obedience, salvation, and the first principles and ordinances of the gospel.
Sanetimes testimony meetings were held
during the week, usually on Thursdays.
Occasionally the Mormons' religion and
way of life brought them in conflict with
non-Mormon captains and crews, who were
often hard- bitten men used to violence.
Referring to the officers of the John M.
Wood, Frederick Andrew canplained that
"they will not hearken to anything you
have got to say so the best way is to
keep out of their way as much as possible
and h~~e nothing to say or do with
them."
Ch sane ships, crew members
would kick over wash buckets, throw
belongings overboard that were found left
12
418/Pratt and Smart
on deck, become too familiar with the
women, abuse the sick, mock the prayers
and services, hold back food rations, and
even physically abuse the passengers. On
one early sailing, the crew were carrying
on so much that the captain had to side
with the Saints, prompting the crew to
mutiny. Order was restored when the emigrants took up arms to assist the captain.
As a final insult to the emigrants, after arriving at the mouth of
the Mississippi, one captain swore that
he would keep them on board until they
starved to death.
However, the order and cleanliness of
Mormon emigrants in general relaxed the
tensions that frequently existed between
passengers and the captains •
For example, one emigrant described the officers of the William Tappscott as "wild
arum Scarum fellows & very rough with t~3
Sailors; Butt quite Sociable with us."
The captains of other ships were quick to
compare the con:luct of the Mormon emigrants with the quarreling and fighting
of others they had brought over. Captain
Reed of the Horizon was not "particularly
enamoured" of the Mormons' religion, but
was pleased with the "proper respect"
paid to him and his crew.
He was
relieved not to have 31? use his usual
"peacemaker" : the hose.
In the information available for this
study, thirty-one of the captains were
praised, while only six \Vere condemned.
Sane emigrants even named their children
after the captain or the ship.
Deacan
Westmorelan:l Garff was born on the Westmoreland, under Captain Robert R. Lecan.
Sane captains invited the leaders of the
Saints to dinner. Some would assist with
routine problems and even provide extra
food.
A charming picture emerges fran
emigrant journals about Captain J. S.
Taylor of the Siddons, who spent time
jumping rope with the children on board
ship.
tain and mate •
was as follows :
The captain' s memorial
TO AIL WHOM THIS MAY CONCERN
This is to certify that having decided in our council that a memorial should be presented to you
for your gentlemanly and Praiseworthy con:luct to us as a company
of Latter-day Saints sailing fran
Liverpool to New Orleans enroute to
the Great Salt Lake City, we have
much pleasure in doing so.
In addition to your arduous duties
as Captain you have at all times
sho\Ved the Gentleman the Father and
the Frien:l for you have throughout
the voyage manifested much anxiety
for our comfort and welfare to
such a degree as has most agreeably
surprised us for it is our candid
opinion that no canpany of Einigrants were ever so happy or had so
much attention shown them by a
person of your station.
Our people to an individual feel to
ten:ler you our best and wannest
acknowledgements for such a line of
con:luct, for when they were sick
you visited them and paid unremitting attention to their comfort,
these and other marks of kindness
from you call forth in us deep
feelings of Gratitude and respect
and your name and generosity will
ever have a warm place in our
affections.
And we pray God our Father to bless
you, and give you health and many
happy days, and make you the medium
of much good in your day and generation, hoping you may bring many
other companies, making them as
happy as you have made us and \Ve
Sir shall ever be your most
respectfully.
On behalf of the company on board
The Saints on board the Falcon presented
certificates of appreciation to the cap-
the
Falcon
c~rising
May 9th, 1853.
300 souls.
13
418/Pratt and Smart
After the captain received his memorial
he told the president of the ship's
company, Cbrnelius &.gnall, how he felt:
I can truly say that I have taken
more pleasure with my present passengers, have been aided more by
them in carrying out my wishes with
regard to sundry matters, have
found universal among them that
kind of cheerful obedience to all
rules which makes goverrunent easy
and pleasant; indeed I have been
better pleased with them on all
occasions then I have been with any
other that I ever brought. I feel
to thank you for the pains you have
taken to maintain order and cleanliness amongst your people thereby
promoting in a very large degree
the health we have all been blessed
with J\Fing the passage thus far.
Conversions occurred, both among the crew
am other passengers.
Several of the
crew, including the first mate, of the
Swanton were baptized in New Orleans.
Four sailors fran the Hartley and two
fran the George W. Bourne were also baptized in New Orleans. On the Olympus in
1851, fifty persons were baptized either
in a huge barrel on deck or from a floating platform, consisting of a hatch
placed on the water beside the ship.
President Ibwell felt that sane of the
sailors would be the means of taking the
Monnon message to foreign lands, and remarked that at least one sailor, who "was
afraid to go up the rigging," ~~ been
fortified by his new religion.
The
captain of the International had a dream
just twelve days after sailing that he
and his crew were all baptized members of
the Church. Before arriving in New Orleans six weeks later, the captain, his
two mates, eighteen of the crew, and
twenty-seven passengers--or all except
three of the people on board--had been
baptized. A passenger on the Marshfield
suggested, however, that i t was "not prudent to baptize seamen on board--it has
been proved that they sometimes get baptized on board merely to assist in their
d~signs .. 1fpon
s1sters.
3
the
honour
of
our
Keeping the sisters away fran unscrupulous seamen was a constant concern.
On
the North America in 1840, five women
replied to the entreaties of their leaders tha39'they could take care of themselves."
By the 1850s, watchmen were
regularly employed, not only to prevent
thefts by outsiders, but specifically "to
keep a few female~ in their proper place,
0 Two women married
after bed time."
sailors after the arrival of the Zetland
in 1849 which led Orson Spencer to
remark, "If they had been married sooner,
it would have b~l_ll sane apology for previous conduct."
Three sisters were
tried on the Falcon in 1853 for being on
deck after 9:00p.m. and refusing to came
below.
Though they were pardoned, i t is
interesting to note that one later
married the second mate as the group
traveled up the Mississippi.
A meeting
was held within a week of the sailing of
the Charles Buck in 1855 to request that
the sisters stay aloof and let the
brethren do the preaching to the sailors.
Before the journey's end, two sisters
were cut off for their conduct with the
officers.
The journey across the Atlantic changed
lives in other ways, too.
Sane grumbled
and complained that "the Church is certainly different on the sea than on the
land." Some became disenchanted. A few
lost their Church membership, and sane
were reprimanded.
But many became
staunch and stalwart.
Through it all,
they managed to "keep the faith," as the
following examples show.
In 1853 the International had been at sea
for five weeks but was still only ten
days' distance fran its starting point.
The ship's president called a meeting,
explained the situation, and asked for a
fast. All agreed to fast and pray. The
next day the wind changed, and the
journey was completed in three more
weeks.
The captain said that ~ had
never sailed that distance faster.
418/Pratt and Smart
14
John W::>odhouse tells of his experience on
the Ellen.
They had left Liverpool and
were in the Mersey River. The first day
they were nearly struck by a passing
steamer. About midnight they experienced
a violent shock which caused the ship to
sway fran side to side for a period.
When morning came they found themselves
anchored in North Wales. They fotmd out
that their fears were justified--they had
been struck by a schooner that night.
Their ship had considerable damage, but
the schooner had gone down with all on
board.
After being in Cardigan Bay for
weeks, he records:
two
Next morn fotmd myself and others
early on deck, expecting and hopeful, the wind had changed, but we
were disappointed, it was still
blowing right into the entrance of
the Bay.
While I yet remained on
the deck, the Captain came up. He
paced the deck in a nervous and
hurried manner, frequently pausing
to scan the horizon. Then he hurriedly gave the order, "Hoist the
signal for the pilot • "
This was
done. The pilot soon came on board
in his boat and asked what was
wanted.
The Captain told him we
would try to get out of the bay •
The pilot said it could not be
done. Brother Dun was standing by,
he innnediately answered, "It can be
done." The Pilot said, "We can try
gentlemen, but no ship has ever
left this bay with such a wind as
this •"
In the mean time quite a
number of us had been at work, trying to raise the anchor, which was
fast and took much work to raise
it. But we got it up and commenced
to move. We sailed around the bay,
acquiring speed and force, and then
by a dash passed the entrance, and
out into the Irish Cllannel.
Thus
in the face of the wind and the
Pilot's opinion we realized theresults of our faith, and proved that
the faith of a Latter-day Saint can
accomplish even against the wind
and t~ opinion of an experienced
pilot.
Perhaps the ultimate in faith is the miraculous saving of the Argo in 1850.
According to two different accotmts, the
ship was near Cuba and almost to rtm
agrotmd.
Severe damage, possibly total
destruction, could have taken place. One
accotmt said it was about 9:00 p.m. when
"there appeared in the heavens, as if a
streak of lightning or fire came down
fran heaven which caused the horizon to
be lit up.
Immediately after, there
appeared as i f a star had shot down into
the water."
Because of this, the captain' s attention was drawn to the land
within a stone's throw. All were called
to help, and the ship was spared even
thoug~ the captain and all expected to be
4 A second accotmt confirms this
lost.
report:
The captain "thought he had
cleared the south point of Cuba but
through a most remarkable phenomena, that
was a light shining in the air, his
attention was drawn to notice land which
lay directly before the ship and in less
than 10 minutes the [ship] would have
dashed to pieces • IE ran to the wheel , .
turned the ship long side, and then
called the seamen fran their b~Sths • "
The ship finally cleared the land.
Finally, the long journey came to an end.
To the emigrants, who had not seen land
for weeks, the shore was beautiful.
There were houses with trees, gardens,
lovely walks, and picturesque views. Before the emigrants could become a part of
this new land, however, they still had to
pass another medical inspection and clear
customs.
Those who arrived in the 1860s often had
to deal with the military.
There was a
war going on, and the draft was in force.
The journals searched so far do not indicate that many were drafted, but if they
weren't it was not for lack of effort.
Those who arrived in New Orleans saw animals they had never seen before.
They
could see large groves of orange and
lemon trees.
One accotmt mentioned see-
15
418/Pratt and Smart
ing slaves and their houses.
It was
thought that such an existence '-'Ould be
better than the poverty the emigrants had
left in England; however, that idea '-'Ould
soon be put to rest.
Several emigrants
were approached by apostate Mormons, who
tried to deceive them and persuade them
to stay in New Orleans rather than to
move on to the Great Salt Lake Valley.
Sane listened and stayed, but most went
on.
All in all, the history of the M>rmon
migration is a story of success.
With
time, the life on board emigrant ships
was made more secure, and the experience
was used to fellowship converts· into a
new way of life and discipline them for
survival in the Great Salt Lake Valley.
Perhaps the words of William Clayton, one
of the earliest emigrants, summarizes
best the life and sacrifices of those who
made the journey:
It is impossible for pen to describe to you the difficulties you
will have to endure.
You must
either cane or suffer the vengeance
of heaven, and for my part I will
say that if I was in England now
and had experienced
all
the
journey it '-'Ould not in the least
deter me fran ccming.
For I have
often found that in the greatest
seasons of suffering, we have the
greatest cause of rejoicing.
And
so it has been with us for when we
have been enduring things which we
should once have thought impossible, ~gn then were our happiest
mcments.
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TAPSCOTI'S AMERICAN EMIGRATION OPFICB,
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PAPER delivered in by Jol111 Rya11, 1~ May
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418/Pratt and Smart
18
NOTES
1
Doctrine and Covenants 29:8.
2
Jane C. Robinson Hindley, Reminiscences and Diaries, Historical Department,
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, hereinafter referred to as HDC, Salt
Lake City.
3
John W. Southwell Autobiography, HOC, Salt Lake City.
4
Autobiography of John Woodhouse, HDC, Salt Lake City.
5
The various British and American passenger acts are summarized in appendix A
of Terry Coleman, Passage to America: A History of Emigrants from Great Britain and
Ireland to America in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1972).
6
Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Commons), "Correspondence on the
Treatment of the Passengers on Board the Emigrant Ship Washington," 1851, (198) vol.
40; reprinted in Emigration (Shannon: Irish University Press, 1971), 22:403, 407.
7
Diary of Samuel w. Richards, 1839-1874, 2:121, Brigham Yonng University,
Provo, Utah.
8
Lord Houghton, Edinburgh Review, Jan. 1862, quoted in Charles Dickens, The
Uncommercial Traveler.
9
Dickens, The Uncommercial Traveler.
10
william Jeffries Reminiscences and Diary, HDC, Salt Lake City.
11
Journal of Alfred Cordon, HOC, Salt Lake City.
12
The earliest passenger acts, from 1803 to 1842, are discussed in K. A.
Walpole, "The Humanitarian M:>vement of the Early Nineteenth CEntury to Remedy Abuses
on Emigrant Vessels to America," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th
ser. 14 (1931): 197-224.
13
Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers {Commons), "Second Report of the Select
Coomittee on Emigrant Ships,"1854 (349), vol. 13, pp. 109, 111; reprinted., Shannon:
Irish University Press, 1968.
14
Joseph Greaves to William Greaves, 10 September 1897, MSD 3915, p. 2, HOC,
Salt Lake City.
15
Jim Warner to John Kettle, Genealogical Department, The <llurch of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City.
16
Quoted in Coleman, Passage to America, p. 17.
17
Autobiography of John Woodhouse.
18
Autobiography of Eugene A. Henriod, Brigham Yonng University, Provo, Utah.
19
Autobiography of John Woodhouse, P· 12.
418/Pratt and Smart
19
20
Orson Spencer to Orson Pratt, 10 April 1849, printed in Millennia! Star 11
(15 June 1849):185.
21
James B. Allen and Thomas G. Alexander, eds.,
Journal of William Clayton, 1840 to 1842 (Salt Lake City:
1974), p. 173.
22
Quoted in Goleman, Passage to America, p. 20.
23
24
Manchester Mormons: The
Peregrine Smith, Inc.,
Samuel P. Horsley Record Book, HOC, Salt Lake City.
Journal of Zebulon Jacobs, HOC, S::tlt Lake City.
25
Millennial Star 11 (1 Dec. 1849):363.
26
Frank Driver Reeve, e4., "lDndon to Salt Lake City in 1866:
The Diary of
William Driver," New Mexico Historical Review", Jan. 1942, pp. 41, 43, 46.
27
28
Autobiography of John WOodhouse, p. 11.
Millennial Star 4 (May 1843):15.
29
Millennial Star 18 (30 Aug. 1856):553-57. He goes on to aiscuss the need
for steam to be applied more liberally in ocean navigation.
30
The recitation was probably based on Parley P. Pratt's A Dialogue between
Joe. Smith and the Devil., first published in 1845.
31
Millennial Star 13 (15 June 1851): 188-91.
32
Journal of Frederick C. Andrew, Sept. 1853 - May 1854, MSD 1864 p. 13, HDC,
Salt Lake City.
33
Journal of Henry lbbbs, HOC, S::tlt Lake City.
34
Millennial Star 18 (30 Aug. 1856):556.
35
Journal of James Jack, HOC, S::tlt Lake City.
36
Ibid.
37
Millennial Star 13 (15 June 1851): 190-91.
38
Thanas F. Fisher to William Fisher, 29 May 1854: an extract fran this
letter appeared in the Millennia! Star 16 (15 July 1854): 446--48.
39
Allen and Alexarrler, eds., Manchester Mormons, p. 179.
40
william L. Cutler Diary, HOC, S::tlt Lake City.
James Pennell.)
41
Millennial Star 11 (15 June 1849):183.
42
Joseph Greaves to William Greaves, 10 Sept. 1897.
(Cutler presided over the
418/Pratt and Smart
20
43
Autobiography of John Wbodhouse.
44
George Kirkman Bowering Journal, HOC, Salt Lake City.
of Bernon Jensen Auger.
45
Used by pennission
Journal of the Milo Andrus Einigrating Company, HOC, Salt Lake City.
46
wnliam
Salt Lake City.
Clayton to Edward Martin, 29 November 1840, MSD 3682, p. 1, HDC,
SAILJN::
37
37
30 Hay 1866
06 Feb 1849
21 Apr 1862
29 Apr 1865
Arkwr4:ht
Ashland
Athenia
Belle Wood
Benjamin hlilllS
08 Hay 1863
10 Hay 1865
Kimball
s.
B. S. Kimball
*See listing following this chart.
36
1192
1192
N.Y.
N.Y.
Deerbom
630
Enoch
Cook(?)
N.Y.
Black Ball
44
06 Jun 1840
Brittania
37
613
Alfred F,
9nith
N.O.
New Line
47
OS Sep 1849
Berlin
B.
1457
John
DrUillllond
N.O.
Tapscott
48
02 Feb 1854
38
636
1399
T. w.
Freeman
N.Y.
British ( ?)
33
558
657
41
253
384
486
Schilling
N.Y.
Gennan ( ?)
187
422
Harding
N.o.
450
1244
402
486
38
30
Caul kina
Danier p,
Hills
1115
1115
350
894
--s4
PASSENCERS
N.Y.
Dramatic
967
N.O.
Union Line
37
58
10 Jan 1850
Argo
1115
N.Y.
z
Red
49
23 Hay 1863
Antarctic
N.Y.
Red Z
18 Hay 1862
George E.
Stouffer
N.Y.
RedZ
Antarctic
42
10 Jul 1859
864
N.Y.
1771
420
TONS
Red Swallow Tail
Antarctic
36
23 Hay 1866
Hen R.
Hovey
CAPI'AIN
N.Y.
N.O.
PORT r:J!
Em'RY
Black X
American Congress
28
04 Jun 1863
hnazon
LINE
11 Har 1841
DATE
Ales to
SHIP
VOYACE
(IN DAYS)
I.DS
AVG
LOO SAILING VESSELS, 1840-1868
8
5
9
8
6
15
WAROO
1857
1857
1826
1842
1852
1854
1855
1841
1850
1850
1850
1849
1854
1840
YEAR
BUILT
183'6"
183 '6"
132 '10"
186 '8"
195'6"
197'
161'
180'
180'
180'
37'6"
37'6"
32'6"
39 '9"
39 '4 ..
37 '6 ..
36'4"
38'
38'
38'
34'
162 '4 ..
II
42'
SIZE
216.
L
43
117
65,122
96
98
10,58
51,60,85, 95
REFERENCES*
FOR \U'iACF.
-
N
t-'
r-t
r
[
Ill
r-t
r-t
'"'
"'d
00
t-'
+:-
N.O.
N.O.
N.O.
Ge~an
British ( ?)
Taylor & Merrill
Crescent City
Line of L 1 pool
57
35
1841
08 Aug 1841
05 May 1866
01 Jm 1866
21 Oct 1843
08 Nov 1841
17 Jan 1855
17 Apr 1855
Caroline
Caroline
Caroline
Cavour
Champion
Chaos
Charles Buck
Chimborazo
Claiborne
*See listie@
N.Y.
follow!~
this chart.
----
Guion Line ( 1)
SteiiDship
14 Jul 1868
Colorado
-----
N.o.
Train
27 Nov 1854
Clara Wheeler
996
600
422
29
106
431
403
170
91
201
389
est
100
4
7
4
1849/50
1849/50
1853
1847
120
1848
1855
7
6
WAROO
457
228
249
PASSE!aRS
YEAR
BUILT
202 1
195 I
142 1 5"
FOR VOYAG':
REFEREOCES *
12,91
67,90
38 1 11'' 6
24,78
38 1 10" 14,93
66A
31 11" 47
SIZE
L -- W
--------------- ------- - - - · - - - - -
Nelson
Nelson
N.o.
Train
24 Apr 1854
Clara Wheeler
43
686
Joseph s.
Burgess
N.o.
21 Mar 1843
996
937
771
795
Peter
Vesper
w. w.
Cochrane
1130
Phil
N.Y.
Stephen
Adey
1424
(?)
N.Y.
Que·
633
1362
716
Stnalley
36
British (?)
lin 1-k:l<en zie
22 Feb 1848
Carnatic
N.O.
14 Feb 1856
Caravan
59
N.Y.
41
DriiDatic
!By
W. A.
Saoos(?)
661
Unnell
N.O.
N.O.
TONS
CAPTAIN
53
New Line
LINE
13 Apr 1853
AVG
Camillus
IDS
PORT CF
EIITRY
25 Feb 1849
DATE
VOYAG':
(IN DAYS)
Buena Vista
SHIP
SAIL IN;
LOS SAILDl) VESSELS, 1840-1868
-
N
N
rt
11
Ill
~
8.
rt
rt
Ill
11
"d
00
t-'
+:-
SAILI~
Whitlock ( ?)
63
30 Hay 1863
10 Hay 1865
16 Feb 1841
21 Apr 1862
08 Jan 1851
02 Feb 1851
11 Feb 1852
18 Jan 1853
15 Feb 1853
12 Mar 1849
29 Oct 1842
Cyoosure
David lbadley
Echo
Electric
Ellen
Ellen Haria
Ellen Haria
Ellen Haria
Elvira Oven
&nblcm
l'laernld
*See listi'l! follovi'l! this chart,
Hurlbut
60
29 Jul 1855
70
45
49
58
75
38
36
-
Ovens & Co,
British ( 7)
White Star
-
~-
N,O
Leighton
518
610
w.
N.O.
Canrnett
873
332
769
Cl1ar1ea <Me
369
"769
A. Whitmore
N.o.
N.o.
N.o.
250
est.
100
345
378
769
N.o.
Nesmith & Walsh
456/
466
336
A. llhi tmore
N.O.
Brown & Co.
British ( ?)
1274
109
24
775
755/
159
27
89.3
Johannsen
N.Y.
S Line
975
1258
1258
1118
457
38
223
PASSENGERS
Phillips
Wood
N.o.
British(?)
WillillllS
Pray
Albert
Spencer
loin llat1en
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
1131
1060
Chas.
Hutchinson
Hurlbut
Red Swallow 'Diil
Cynosure
33
30 May 1866
Cornelius
Grinnell
40
25 Jun 1868
N.Y.
Warren & Thayer
Constitution
N.Y.
TONS
CAPTAIN
VESSELS, 1840-1868
PORT CP
ENTRY
SAILI~
Black Boll
08 May 1863
32
LINE
Consigrment
45
u;s--A;~:;
16 Nov 1856
DATE
U6
Coh.,.bia
SHIP
. VOYAC2.
(IN DAYS)
~.~--------·-----
I
8
12
6
6
6
WAJID;
1835
1838
1852
1849
1849
1849
1853
1853/5
1850
1856
1846
YEAR
BillLT
SIZE
128'6"
150'9"
150'9"
150'9"
185 '1"
163'
182 I
170 '6"
29 '10''
33'5"
33 '5"
33'5"
38'6"
36'
36'5"
36 '8"
L -- W
102
27,39,110
105,123
99,112
84
16
124
FOR VlYAGE
REFEREOCES
*
~
t-'
w
N
rT
w
~
[
rT
rT
"d
~
co
37
52
51
33
19 Feb 1858
23 Mar 1856
09 Sep 1848
28 Mar 185:3
2:3 Jan 1844
16 Jan 1853
15 Apr 1862
21 May 1864
28 Mar 1857
22 Jan 1851
Enoch Train
Erin's Queen
Falcon
Fanny
Forest Monarch
Franklin
Gen. !X Clellan
George Was hiT€ tO!
w.
Elnpire
05 Mar 1844
23 Jan 1853
Glasgow
Golconda
*See Us till> followill> this chart.
04 Apr 1854
Gennanicus
Bourne
51
06 Jul 1847
Elnpire
George
49
20 Jun 1868
Elnerald Isle
63
69
58
23
:38
40
35
20 Aug 1859
Elnerald Isle
29
30 Nov 1855
DATE
Elnerald Isle
SHIP
SAILING
I
VOYAffi
(IN DAYS)
LDS
AVG
- - ~~~
Tapscott
Regular
Train
802
1518
1534
Trask
Josiah s.
CliiiiiiJ1>S
150
1167
594
1224
Arthur M.
Fales
lAmbert
N.o.
N.O.
N.oJ~err
321
220
663
281
817
413
297
210
324
232
534
708
976
529
900
821
1617
64
24
876
54
350
PASSENGERS
Williams
N.O.
Bos.
N.Y.
N.Y.
Sctmidt &
Balcl>en (Gennan)
R. !otlrray
Brewer
N.O.
British ( ?)
A. T. Wade
Campbell
Rich
Henry s.
Coanbs
Joseph G.
Russell
Geo. B.
Cornish
1736
Geo. n.
Cornish
Patterson
N.o.
N.O.
Bos.
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
TONS
CAPTAIN
N.O.
British(?)
Train
Sam. Thanpson ( ?)
Tapscott
Tapscott
LINE
PORT Cl!
ENTRY
LDS SAILING VESSELS, 1840-1868
12
( ?)
6
5
WARDS
1837
1862
1854
1854
185:3
1853
1853
YEAR
BUILT
I
135'
191'
162'6"
211'
215'
215 I
215'
36,68
4,44, >3, 79
50
86,94,114
82
FOR VOYAG:
REFERE~*
~-
31 '2"
11,33
28,111
5
72
39'4" 47
30'6"
40'6"
41'6"
41'6"
41'6"
SIZE
L -- W
-
N
.p.
rt
Ill
t-1
Ill
a.
w
~
1-d
t-1
Ill
00
1-'
.p.
61
56
36
05 Mar 1849
02 Mar 1850
29 Sep 1842
07 Feb 1849
05 Feb 1842
25 May 1856
04 Jm 1864
01 Jm 1867
09 Apr 1862
02 Jm 1866
28 Feb 1853
Hartley
Hartley
Henry
Henry Ware
Hope
Horizon
!Wson
Hudson
llumboldt
llumboldt
International
Isaac Allerton
Isaac J canes
1666
1801
W(7) Reed
Isaiah
Pratt
Bos.
N.Y.
*See lis till! followi'l! this chart.
843
Phil. 1.\u. Chipnan
03 Feb 1855
Black Diamond
N.o.
06 Feb 1844
31
594
Thos. Torry
N.o.
White Star
1003
fuvid
Brown, Jr.
N.Y.
H.D. Boysen
880
Frcoman
Soule
N.o.
1801
540
Edward Nason
N.O.
N.Y.
396
Benj.
Pierce
N.O.
Genosn ( 7)
Black X
466
Chas. M.
Morrill
N.O.
N.Y.
33
Black X
Weston & Sons
466
16
60
425
328
323
20
863
856
270
225
157
109
220
50
230
404
fTI4
.557
PASSENGERS
TONS
StPphen
Crumlctt
J, Dr\JIUIIOnd
A. Kerr
CAPTAIN
N.O.
Q.Je •
N.O.
N.O.
PORT <F
EIITRY
German ( 7)
55
48
61
33
White Star
54
10 May 1841
Harmony
White Star
British (7)
15 Mar 1842
Hanover
44
4J
04 Feb H!)4
Golconda
LINE
SAIL!ll;
lli\TE
SHIP
VOYAGE
(IN DAYS)
LDS
AVG
LDS SAILIJI; VESSELS, 1840-1868
8
14
8
WARDS
1854
1863
1863
new
1841
1838
BUILT
YEAR
157'
205'
205'
135'
35'
42'
42'
30'8"
SIZE
L -- W
3,34,56,126
87
23,59, 70,
89,116
81
9,35
17
129
72
71,113
REFEREOCES*
FOR IIJYAGE
N
\J1
rt
w
~
[
rt
rt
~
~
00
1-'
.,..
~~~--~- --~----·----
VOYAGE
36
05 Feb 1853
03 Jan 1854
22 Mar 1858
30 Apr 1866
04 Jun 1868
20 Feb 1842
12 Dec 1855
23 Apr 1862
30 Apr 1863
12 Mar 1854
17 Oct 1850
Jersey
Jesse Hunn
John Bright
John Bright
John Bright
John Ctmn i ng
John J. lk>yd
John J. lk>yd
John J. lk>yd
John M. Wood
Joseph Badger
*See lis till! followif1! this chart.
L_ _ _
51
02 Oct 1850
Janes Pennell
---~
45
02 Sep 1849
Janes Pennell
-----
51
07 Jan 1855
Jsmes li!smith
66
32
48
50
46
60
11 Mar 1852
Italy
48
15 Oct 1840
IDS
AW
(IN DAYS)
Isaac Iewton
SHIP
SAILOO
ll\TE
Ne11111ith & Walsh
Tapscott
Willi111s & Guion
Willisms & Guion
Willi111s & Guion
Was hill! ton
Train
LINE
570
Jsmes
Fullerton
John Dsy
Duc.kett
Cutting
N.O.
N.o.
N.o.
N.Y.
1146
Bartley
J. Schofield
N.o.
N.o.
891
1311
1311
1311
N.Y.
H. Thrnlas
N.Y.
Thos.
Austin
N.Y.
721
1445
N.Y.
N.O.
1445
1445
895
N.Y.
George
w.yer
570
James
Fullerton
N.o.
849
991
749
Goodwin
Reid
N.o.
600
TONS
N.o.
Spaulding
Lyman D.
CAPTAIN
N.O.
PORT <I'
ENTRY
",00 SAILOO VESSELS, 1840-1868
227
397
767
702
512
est.
200
720
747
90
333
314
254
236
440
28
est.
50
PASSENGERS
8
10
4
WAROO
1854
1853
1853
1853
1848
1848
1836
BUILT
YEAR
178'8"
37'
40'6"
40'6"
191 '7 ..
191 '7"
40'6"
191 '7 •.
SIZE
L -- W
1,75,107
127
\
16
52
125
21
109,117
36,64
FOR \QYAGE
REFEREOCES*
~
N
0\
rt
Ill
>1
ff
8.
::+
>1
Ill
"'d
00
......
10 Jan 1852
16 Jan 1846
Kennebec
Liverpool
49
49
06 Hay 1862
21 Jun 1867
08 Apr 1854
25 Sep 1842
05 Sep 1843
30 Jun 1868
16 May 1861
28 Apr 1864
Manchester
Manhattan
Harshfield
Medford
Hetoka
Minnesota
lbnarch of
the Ses
Monarch of
the Sea
*See listing following this chart.
38
16 Apr 1861
Manchester
35
34
51
28
05 Jul 1856
34
67
62
35
bU
LOS
Lucy Thompson
lbv 1848
25 May 1866
Kenilworth
Lord Sandon
31 Mar 1855
Juventa
lt!)U
18 FeD
DATE
SAILIN::
Jostan tlra<uee
SHIP
13 1/2
13 1/2
A\\;
VOYAQ:
(IN DAYS)
N.o.
Kendal & Co.
British ( ?)
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
Qlion Stellllship
British
Washi~ton
N.O.
N.o.
N.o.
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
Dunham & Dimon
Regular
Qlion Steamship
British
Sam Thompson
N.o.
N.o.
N.Y.
British ( ?)
Mansfield
('.APJ'AIN
1065
~ask
775
John H.
M::Laren
Pitkin
Page(?)
1971
1971
2869
545
Uriah
Wilber
Price
999
Joseph
Torrey
2869
1065
1500
Pendleton
Walsh
678
623
s.
!Bvenpor
926
1187
b4B
TONS
Snith
Alfred
Phil. Watts
N.o.
PORT Cl'
ENTRY
British ( ?)
Black Diamond
Regw.ar
LINE
Lm SAILING VESSELS, 1840-1868
974
955
668
280
214
366
482
382
380
14
11
45
333
684
573
Z63
PASSENQ:RS
12
8
12
7
WAROO
1854
1854
1867
1866
1852
1837
new
new
YEAR
BUILT
137'8"
31'7"
SIZE
L -- W
f>7
9
~5
30,66A
7,31
46
120
83
37,40
22
FOR \UYAffi
REFEREOCES
*
~
t-'
r
'-I
N
r1'
[
r1'
r1'
~
~
00
06 Jan 1855
09 Mar 1848
24 Sep 1848
06 Jun 1866
Rockaway
Sailor Prince
Sailor Prince
Saint Mark
*See lis till! followill! this chart.
06 Mar 1852
Sep 1845
Oregon
Rockali8y
04 Mar 1851
Olympus
21 Apr 1841
05 Mar 1854
Old England
Rochester
04 Sep 1850
North Atlantic
17 Jan 1845
08 Sep 1840
North !tnerica
Palmyra
19 Sep 1844
Norfolk
24 Aug 1853
06 Mar 1852
Niagra
Page
09 Jan 1855
SAILIN:;
ll\TE
Neva
SHIP
57
53
46
28
42
58
33
44
LDS
33
36
12
AVG
VOYAGE
(IN DAYS)
New Line
New Line
N.Y.
N.O.
N.o.
N.O.
N.o.
N.Y.
N.O.
N.o.
N.O.
N.O.
N.O.
Regular
White Star
N.o.
N.Y.
N.O.
Bos.
N.O.
PORr <I'
ENTRY
Train
Black Ball
Ste8111ship British
White Star
LINE
1162
950
950
Mills
Allen
McKechnie
Allen
McKechnie
1162
715
Philip
Wood rouse
649
Janes
Borlan
612
744
Horace A.
Wilson
Barstoli
917
Barstow
799
610
Alf. B.
Lowber
Hen. Chok
661
849
TONS
Elliott
Brown
CAPI'AIN
1.00 SAILING VESSELS, 1840-1868
105
311
est.
80
24
30
130
200
est.
17
est.
125
245
45
357
201
143
est.
20
13
PASSENGERS
WAIIDi
1839
1849
1831
YEAR
BUILT
144 '6"
164 '8 .•
134'5"
15,121
103
REFEREOCES*
FOR VOYAGE
33'
104,115
34 '10" 106
31 '5"
SIZE
L -- W
t-'
+:-
N
00
:+
Pl
w
5.
Pl
rt
rt
"'d
1-1
Pl
00
51
53
56
07 Feb 1841
27 Feb 1855
17 Sep 1842
16 Jan 1843
11 Feb 1844
04 May 1856
12 Jan 1842
30 May 1857
21 Sep 1841
21 Jan 1858
30 Mar 1860
Sheffield
Siddons
Sidney
Swanton
Swanton
Thornton
Tremont
Tuscarora
Tyrean
Underwriter
Underwriter
Underwriter
*See list followi'll this chart.
--
36
25 Apr 1857
Westmoreland
L-----
Robt. R.
Phil. Decan
Black Diamond or
Line of L 'Pool
Packets
--1--------
999
1353
Westcott
Bos.
Train
43
31 May 1856
Wellfleet
1168
John P.
Roberts
N.Y.
Red Star
33
29
1168
John p,
Roberts
N.Y.
23 Apr 1861
1168
----
544
146
624
594
25
207
511( 7
John P.
Robt'rts
547
143
764
1232
1422
N.Y.
Red Star
Red Star
N.O.
Rich M.
Phil. Dunlevy
Gillespie
N.O.
33
33
(bpe
Chas.
Collins
81
tavenport
s.
677
212
tavenport
s.
677
180
430
235
707
581
PASSENGERS
lb bert (bwen
N.Y.
N.o.
British ( 7)
Warren & Thayer
N.O.
N.o.
J. s.
Phil. '!Bylor
895
1467
Sanders
Curling
Bos.
R.K. Porter
1467
Sanders
Curling
N.Y.
N.O.
TONS
CAPTAIN
British ( 7)
Foster's
L 'Pool.Line
Train
Train
LINE
PORT CF
EN'llt Y
32
48
34
41
59
34
19 Apr 1856
Samuel Curling
34
30
22 Apr 1855
Samuel Curling
DATE
SAILING
SHIP
VOYAGE
(IN DAYS)
LOS
AVG
IDS SAILUIG VESSELS, 184Q-1868
4
9
14
7
2
4
7
WARDS
1853
1850
1850
1850
1848
1854
1839
1839
1837
BUILT
YEAR
35'4"
183'
183'
183'
190'
-
144'10"
37 '2"
37 '2"
37 '2"
40'6"
32'
144'10" 32'
157'6"
SIZE
L -- W
18
2,8
38,101
57,74
29
55,92,97,119
76,88
77,100,123
32,41,63
63
25,26,49,
73,128
80,96
FOR VOYAGE
REFEREOCES*
+:-1-'
N
1.0
rt
~
w
[
rt
rt
~
"'d
........
00
VOYACE
31
42
61
12 Apr 1859
1l May 1860
14 May 1862
22 Feb 1854
15 May 1862
l/Uliam Tapscott
William Tapscott
William Tapscott
Windermere
IIi ndennere
llyaning
1283
1283
Harrison
Brown
Harrison
Brown
N.O.
N.o.
29 Jan 1849
10 Nov 1849
Zetland
Zetland
44
The canpllers would welcane any chal"@es or additions to this chart.
*See listing following this chart.
NOI'E:
808
William
Bache
N.O.
British ( 7)
08 Mar 1843
Yorkshire
64
897
PhiL Brooks
O>pe
1107
1107
1525
1525
1525
1146
TONS
18 Jul 1857
John w.
Fairfield
Bell
Janes B.
Bell
James B.
Jordan
CAPTAIN
N.Y.
N.o.
N.Y.
Tapscott
Regular or Train
N.Y.
N.Y.
N.Y.
Tapscott
Tapscott
British
LINE
I'ORT CF
ENTRY
Regular
35
31
26 Apr 1855
(IN DAYS)
IDS
AVG
l/Uliam Stl!tson
SHIP
SAILIN;
lli\TE
IDS SAILIN; VESSELS, 1840-1868
est.
250
358
83
36
110
477
807
731
726
293
PASSENCERS
19
10
WARm
new
new
1845
1852
1852
1852
YEAR
BUILT
41'3"
195'
13
108
41 '3" 48
41 '3" 42
REFEREOCES
FOR VOYACE
195'
195'
SIZE
L - - II
*
0
w
r1'
t;
Ill
w
~
::+
Ill
~
t;
00
1-'
.j::-
418/Pratt and Smart
31
JOURNAL AND OTHER ITEMS AVAILABlE
AT THE LDS CHURCH HISTORIAN'S OFFICE
1.
Andrew, Frederick
2.
c.
26.
Evans, Thomas D.
Andrus, Milo
27.
Farmer, James
3.
Arthur, Christopher Abel
28.
Featherstone, Thomas
4.
Bagnall, Cornelius
29.
Fielding, Joseph
5.
Baker, Jane Rio Griffiths
30.
Fisher, Thomas F.
6.
Ballantyne, Richard
31.
Freckleton, John 0.
7.
Barker, John Henry
32.
Fullmer, John
8.
Blake, F.
33.
Gates, Jacob
9.
Booth, John
34.
Greaves, Joseph
10.
Powering, George K.
35.
Hall, James
11.
Bray, Selina Reyson
36.
Hansen, Peter Olsen
12.
Brighton, William Stuart
37.
Harris, George Henry
13.
Bullock, Thomas
38.
Harrison, Henry James
14.
Bunker, Edward
39.
Hart, John Isaac
15.
Clayton, William
40.
Higbee, John
16.
Cluff, Hlrvey H.
41.
Hindley, Jane C. Robinson
17.
Cordon, Alfred
42.
lb bbs, funry
18.
Cowley, t1l thias
43.
Holmgren, Perolof
19.
Cumning, J .w.
44.
Jack, James
20.
Curtis, Dorr P.
45.
Jacobs, Zebulon
21.
Cutler, William
46.
Jefferies, William
22.
lliy, Thomas
47.
Jeremy, Thomas E.
23.
Durham, Thomas
48.
Jones, Charles
24.
Enery, funry
49.
Jones, Dan
25.
Evans, Priscilla M.
50.
Jones, John Pidding
w.
s.
s.
32
418/Pratt and Smart
51.
Larken, Elijah
77.
Richards, levi
52.
Larson, Christian J.
78.
Richards, Samuel
53.
Leatham, James
79.
Roskelly, Samuel
54.
levi, Richards
80.
Rowan, Matthew
55.
Linford, John
81.
Rushton, Richard
56.
Lyon, John
82.
Scovil, Lusius
57.
Margetts, Philip
83.
Sheets, Elijah F.
58.
Margetts, Richard
84.
Silver, William J.
59.
Martin, Edward
85.
Sloan, Edward Lennax
60.
M::Lachland, William
86.
atlith, Andrew
61.
Musser, lmos Mil ton
87.
atlith, John Lyman
62.
N:!edham, John
88.
Snow, Lorenzo
63.
Neibaur, Alexander
89.
Southwell, John William
64.
N:!il son, Peter
90.
Stevenson, Edward
65.
Neilson, Rasmus
91.
Thatcher, George
66.
N:!wton, James Lee
92.
"Thornton"
66A. Nield, John
93.
Tyler, Daniel
67.
Nielson, Andrew Cllristian
94.
Walters, Archer
68.
Nielson, Christian
95.
West, Charles Henry John
69.
Nielson, Peter
96.
Willes, William
70.
Openshaw, Samuel
97.
Willie, James G.
71.
<Mens , William J.
98.
Wixon, Justin
72.
Palmer, James
99.
\o.bodhouse, John
73.
Parry, John
100. Wright, Alexander
74.
Pierce, Eli Harvey
101. Wright, George
75.
Rampton, Henry
102. Young, Joseph
76.
Reid, Robert
103. Young, Phineas Howe
w.
w.
33
418/Pratt and Smart
REFERENCES IN THE
MILLENNIAL STAR (MS)
AUTHOR
SHIP
MS REFERENCE
104.
Olympus
15 Aug. 1851,
P• 255
105.
Ellen Maria
15 Aug. 1851,
P· 255
106. Jolm Angus
Old England
3 June 1854,
P• 346
107. Robert Campell
Jolm M. Wood
10 June 1854,
P• 366
108. Il:lniel Carn
Windermere
3 June 1854,
P• 345
109. Thanas H. Clarke
James Pennell
11 Dec. 1849,
P· 363
110. Moses Clawson
Ellen Maria
16 Apr. 1853,
P• 253
111. Richard Cook
Germanic us
15 July 1854, P· 440
22 July 1854, PP• 462-63
ll2. J. W. Cumning
"Ellen"
10 May 1851, PP· 158-59
113. Ibrr P. Curtis
Golconda
22 Apr. 1854,
114. J. Ferguson
Enoch Train
115. William Howell
Olympus
15 June 1851, PP• 188-91
116. Jolm Jaques
Horizon
28 June 1856, PP• 411-13
30 Aug. 1856, PP• 553-57
117. Thanas McKenzie
Berlin
James Pennell
118. Robert Reid
Swanton
119. Anna F. Thit
Thornton
26 July 1856, PP• 478-79
120. James Thanpson
Lucy Thanpson
27 Sep. 1856,
P• 623
121. Theodore Turley
North lmerica
23 Feb. 1856,
P• 121
122. Jolm VanCott
Benjamin Adams
11 Feb. 1854, PP• 94-95
123. George D. Watt
Ellen Maria
Ellen Maria
Sidney
1 July 1851,
15 Aug. 1851,
6 Mar. 1858,
P• 200
P· 255
P• 152
124. Jolm Williams
Columbia
14 Feb. 1857,
P· 106
P• 255
7 June 1856, pp. 353-55
1 Dec. 1849, PP• 363-64
May 1843, PP• 14-15
418/Pratt and Smart
34
REFERENCES IN
MISCELLANEOUS SOURCES
AUTHOR
SHIP
SOURCE
125. George Halliday
Jersey
Diary of George Halliday,
1823-1900, pp. 123-24;
Genealogical Society Library, call no. 921.73
H155h
126. William G. Hartley
International
New Era, Sept. 1973, pp.
6-9
127. Ole A. Jensen
John J. Boyd
Kate B. Carter, comp. , Our
Pioneer Heritage, 20 vols.
(Salt Lake City: Daughters
of Utah Pioneers, 1958-77),
7:33-36
128. John Kettle
Samuel Curling
"List of Members • • • and
Letters and Notes on the
Warner and Kettle Families
of Spanish Fork, Utah,"
mimeographed (Salt Lake
City, 1957); Genealogical
Society Library, call no.
Q942 Al 1!55.
129. Mary Ann W. Maughan
Harmony
Carter, comp. , Our Pioneer
Heritage, 2:356-61