GRAHAM,CHRISTOPHERALAN.,Ph.D.FaithandFamilyintheAntebellumPiedmont
South.(2013)
DirectedbyDr.CharlesC.Bolton.313pp.
ThisdissertationexaminestheculturalandreligiousdynamicsoftheNorth
CarolinaPiedmont’snon‐plantersocialorder.Ilookindepthatthemodernizing
elementsofantebellumreligion,particularlythesensibilityofliberalitythat
accompaniedinstitutionaldevelopment,howchurchdisciplinaryprocedures
adaptedtochangingsocialreality,andtheformationofmiddleclassstylenuclear
familiesundertheaegisofevangelicalprescription.Inadditiontousing
denominationalrecords,IutilizefourdiariesofordinaryPiedmontresidentsin
extendedexplorationsofhowindividualsenactedintheirprivatelivesthepublic
lessonsofevangelicalism.Iconcludethatanevangelicalethicdevelopedthatexisted
alongsidethedominantplanterideology,andthatethicformedthebasisforboth
unity,anddissent,inthelateantebellumperiod.
FAITHANDFAMILYINTHEANTEBELLUMPIEDMONTSOUTH
by
ChristopherAlanGraham
ADissertationSubmittedto
theFacultyofTheGraduateSchoolat
TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaatGreensboro
inPartialFulfillment
oftheRequirementsfortheDegree
DoctorofPhilosophy
Greensboro
2013
Approvedby
___________________________________
CommitteeChair
ToMom,whomadeallthishappen,andthememoryofmyfather.
ii
APPROVALPAGE
ThisdissertationwrittenbyChristopherAlanGrahamhasbeenapprovedby
thefollowingcommitteeofTheFacultyoftheGraduateSchoolatTheUniversityof
NorthCarolinaatGreensboro
CommitteeChair__________________________________________
CommitteeMembers__________________________________________
_________________________________________
_________________________________________
______________________________________
DateofAcceptancebyCommittee
___________________________________
DateofFinalOralExamination
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thisbriefacknowledgementcanhardlyexpressmygratitudetothemany
peoplewhoinvestedtime,interest,support,andforbearanceinthisproject.Ihopea
quickmentionwillsufficefornow.
AttheUniversityofNorthCarolinaatGreensboro,CharlesC.Bolton,Mark
Elliot,GregO’Brien,andPhyllisW.Hunterhaveallbournewithpatienceandgood
humormyamateur’senthusiasmwhileofferingmomentsofcriticismandguidance
tokeepmemovingforwardanddoinggoodhistoryatthesametime.RickBarton,
BenjaminFilene,andespeciallyRobertM.Calhoonhavealsobeengenerouswith
theirtimeandadvice.LaurieParhamO’Neill,DawnAvolio,andKristinaWrighthave
beennothinglessthanperfectinmakingthisprocessaspainlessaspossible.Thanks
alsotoValeriaCavinessintheGraduateSchoolatUNC‐Greensborowhosteppedin
withsomelast‐minuteheroics.
Mycolleaguesandfriendsatschoolhaveshapednotjustthisdissertationbut
myentirelifeforthelastsixyears.Ihopetocountthemamongmyfriendshereafter
andlookforwardtotheirowncontributionstothefield.TheyincludeTherese
Strohmer,JohnJamesKaiser,KatrinDeihl,JamesFindley,SarahGates,Keri
Peterson,SusanThomas,JosephS.Moore,PaigeMeszaros,TheresaCampbell,
JacquelineW.Spruill,MaggyWilliams,andChristineFlood.
iv
ElsewhereintheacademyIhavebenefittedfromthecompanionshipand
guidanceoffriendsandmentors.JamesJ.Broomall,GregJones,andBartonPriceare
peersandteachersIlookupto.JohnDavidSmith,JaneTurnerCenser,andVictoria
E.Bynumdeservespecialmentionforthemanyyearsofadviceandsupportthey
havesounselfishlyoffered.Also,thanksareowedtoAlBaldwinofCarrboro,North
Carolina,andhisextendedfamilyforpermissiontoquotefromtheCarolineLilly
DiaryandAccountBook.
Iamblessedwithacircleoffriendsoutsideofschoolwhoareallexcellent
scholarsandhaveprovenvaluablesoundingboardsformyideasand
encouragementsformyaspirations.ToErnestA.Dollar,LeslieM.Kesler,JimKnight,
CharlesLeCount,JeffCurrie,AlexChristopherMeekins,DavidSouthern,andallthe
membersoftheNSRandtheEnoWillFree&EasySociety,Isay,LooseMorals!I
wouldberemissifIdidnotincludenotesofgratitudetoMarkTwainandBruce
Cattonforsettingmeoffinthefirstplace.
ToLizzie,whodideverythingpossibletotearmeawayfromthiswork:I
wishwecouldgooutsiderightnowandrangethecountrysidetogethersearching
forthehomesandgravesofthepeopleinthisstudy.
Nooneknowsthisprojectmore,andhasdonemoretomakeitbetter,than
MiriamFarris.Ilookforwardtomanymoreyearsandmanymoremilesonthetrail
talkingthesethingsover.Ironsharpensiron.
v
TABLEOFCONTENTS
Page
CHAPTER
I.INTRODUCTION:FAITHANDFAMILY
INTHENORTHCAROLINAPIEDMONT....................................................................1
II.ANXIETYANDLIBERALITY:THERELIGIOUSLANDSCAPEOF
THEPOST‐REVIVALPIEDMONT................................................................................33
MaryDavisBrown’sPersistence........................................................................40
CarolineLilly’sAnxiety...........................................................................................45
DomesticandForeignMissions..........................................................................53
MissiontotheSlaves................................................................................................60
Schools...........................................................................................................................65
CarolineLilly’sVocation.........................................................................................80
SundaySchools...........................................................................................................84
MaryDavisBrown’sFamilyCircle.....................................................................93
AVarietyofPlaces..................................................................................................103
III.DISCIPLINEANDTHEEVANGELICALSENSIBILITY............................................109
TheBlackwoodBaptistCases...........................................................................120
TheBrownCreekBaptistCases.......................................................................124
TheBackCreekandDeepRiverFriendsCases.........................................126
TheIronyofOrthodoxyandChange..............................................................131
TheWesleyanEpisode.........................................................................................143
TheTemperanceReformation..........................................................................151
IndirectInfluence...................................................................................................160
IV.THEPRIVATEFACEOFDISCIPLINE...........................................................................162
JohnFlintoff’sCompetency................................................................................163
StrongThomasson’sBalancingAct.................................................................177
EasedbyDiscipline................................................................................................189
vi
V.DOMESTICFELICITYINTHEPIEDMONT................................................................191
TextualModels........................................................................................................197
Deems’sPrescription............................................................................................212
“HowtoTreataWife”...........................................................................................218
VI.FAMILYLIFEINTHELILLYANDTHOMASSONHOUSEHOLDS......................224
CarolineandJamesLilly......................................................................................224
StrongandMollieThomasson..........................................................................248
Middle‐ClassBehaviorintheRuralSouth...................................................263
VII.EPILOGUE................................................................................................................................267
EvangelicalsintheSecessionCrisisandWar..............................................267
ChurchesatWar......................................................................................................270
BryanTyson’sObjections....................................................................................280
MaryBethell’sFamily...........................................................................................285
Brown,Flintoff,Thomasson,andLillyatWar............................................289
BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................................................................294
vii
CHAPTERI
INTRODUCTION:FAITHANDFAMILYINTHENORTHCAROLINAPIEDMONT
StrongThomassondidnotcareforAnnBenbow’spoetry.Hemockeditas
“oneofthewondersoftheworld,viz.apoem(orsomethingelse).”SomelinesAnn
Benbowhadcomposeduponthedeathofherdaughter‐in‐lawhadcirculated
aroundYadkinville.Hefaithfullytranscribedasample,
Shedecesedonthefirstmonththe5day
ShefellasleepinJesus’armes,
Andherspirittookitsflightintheralmes,
Whohassaidhewouldgatherhislames
Withhisarmesandcarytheminhisbosum.
Thetwenty‐six‐year‐oldThomasson,fullofyouthfulconfidence,wrotehisreaction,
“Hem.Ha!Ha!Ha!IthinkAnnwillhavetoscrewuphermachineandtryagain.”Ann
BenbowwasnotanotheryouthbutaQuakermatriarchlocallyrenownedand
respectedforbeingaphysicianandminister.1StrongdidnotprivatelylaughatAnn
1PaulD.Escott,ed.NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862
(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1995),83.AnnMendenhallBenbowwasaQuakerminister
dispatchedwithherhusbandfromtheNewGardensettlementinGuilfordtoreviveQuakerinterests
inYadkinCounty.SeeFrancisC.Anscombe,IHaveCalledYouFriends:TheStoryofQuakerisminNorth
Carolina(Boston:TheChristopherPublishingHouse,1959),336.Atthetimeofthisentry,Strong
workedasaclerkinastoreownedbyamemberoftheBenbowfamilyinYadkin,thoughthe
connectionbetweentheproprietorandAnnisunknown.
1
Benbowforherpublicstature,orherwomanhood,butbecausehegenuinely
despisedthequalityofherpoetry.Buthewasnotabovecomposinghisowndoggrel,
MollieandI,inease,
Havespentthedayinre[a]ding,
Savewhatwasspentinwriting,
Andin—eatingourpeas.
Indeed,Strong,aMethodistfrequentlyattendedQuakermeetingsandatleaston
oneoccasionheardBenbowpreach.“Shegaveus,”henoted,“asIthink,verygood
advice.”Hedidnotthinkillofawomanpreacher.2Nordidhethinkthatwomen
shouldremainhiddenbehindthepoliticalauthorityofmen.Atatemperance
meeting,Stronglamentedthelackofenthusiasmshowedbylocalladies.Henoted,
“howstrangeitisthattheladieswillnotgoforwardandengageinthisgreat
reformationwithmightandmain,andatonceputdowntheliquortrafficwhenthey
mightsoeasilydoit.”3
StrongThomassonownednoslaves,verylittleland,anddevotedhislifeto
farming,teaching,andChristianity.Thesebriefglimpsesofferedbyhisdiaryreveal
anunexpectedsoutherner.Hedidnotaspiretowealth,reputation,orhonor.He
cultivatedaninterestinliteratureandwriting—asthecontentsofhispoem
suggest—andafirmconvictionthatdevotiontoChristrequiredthathestayathome
withhiswifeMollieinSundayreveriesofquietstudy.Indeed,StrongThomasson
2Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,121,280.
3Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,68‐69.
2
wasnotthesouthernerdescribedbymosthistorians:aruralmanenmeshedin
maintaininghisplaceinnetworksofpower,interestedonlyinpersonal
independenceandtheviolentdefenseofit.4He,likemanyotherordinary
southernersconfoundourexpectationsandallowustopeerintoanunder‐
examinedworldwhereevangelicalandsocialforcescollidedandcombinedto
createnewformsoffaithandfamily.
Mycuriosityaboutthesocialpowerofordinarywhiteevangelicalsinthe
slaveholder‐dominatedSouthhasdriventhisinquiry.Thisdissertationexaminesthe
livesofordinarywhitepeople,longdominatedinthehistoriographybydistinctions
ofclass,race,andgender.Denominationalrecordsarethebasisofmysurveyofthe
religiouslandscapeofthePiedmontbutthediariesoffourindividualsofferthemost
compellinginsightsintohowdeeplyanevangelicalethosshapedtheculturaland
sociallifeoftheantebellumPiedmontSouth.Iwillarguethattheevangelicalethos
ofordinaryantebellumPiedmontersdifferedfroma“planterideology,”5inthat
4Thesecharacteristicsareusuallyattributedbyhistorianstowealthyslaveownersandthe
marginalizedpoor.SeeforinstanceDrewGilpinFaust,JamesHenryHammondandtheOldSouth:A
DesignforMastery(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1982),BertramWyatt‐Brown,
SouthernHonor:EthicsandBehaviorintehOldSouth(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,25th
anniversaryedition,2007),andCraigThompsonFriendandLorriGlover,eds.,SouthernManhood:
PerspectivesonMasculinityintheSouth(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,2004),andCharles
C.BoltonandScottP.Culclasure,TheConfessionsofEdwardIsham:APoorWhiteLifeoftheOldSouth
(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1998).
5Iwillusetheterm“planterideology”and“planterethos”interchangeablytodescribethewebsof
socialandgendermoresthatsupportedthepoliticalandculturalpoweroftheplanterclass.This
includes,particularly,codesofhonor,paternalism,sexualcontrol,andviolence.Theplanterideology
hasbeendescribedbyBertramWyatt‐Brown,SouthernHonor,EugeneD.GenoveseandElizabeth
Fox‐Genovese,FatalSelf‐Deception:SlaveholdingPaternalismintheOldSouth(NewYork:Cambridge
UniversityPress,2011),DrewGilpinFaust,JamesHenryHammondandtheOldSouth,andStephanie
3
dominanceofgenderedandracialminoritiesdidnotprimarilydefineit.Norwasit
confinedtoaparticularsocialoreconomicclass.TheevangelicalethosishowI
describeasensibilitythatgeneratedasocialenvironmentforpublicandpersonal
improvement,adisciplinethatinsisteduponpeaceandharmonyinpublic
relationships,andthemostcontemporaryconceptionsofnuclearfamilystructures.
Whereascurrentscholarshipexploresculturethroughthediscursiverepresentation
ofgenderedspheres,racialcategoriesandeconomicclassesmyinitialreadingofthe
sourcessuggeststheprimaryrealityforordinarywhitepeoplelayinhow
evangelicalreligiondefinedtheireverydayexperiences.6Religionprioritizedfaith
andfamilyaboveallelse.Faithandfamily,notgenderandrace,Iwillargue,are
defaultdispositionsbywhichordinarywhitesinterpretedtheirlivesand
experiencesinachangingsociety.
Thistopicofcommonwhites’worldviews—andthecountlesswaysto
interrogatethem—isfartoolargeforonestudy.Indeed,manygenerationsof
historianshavecontemplatedtheproblemofsmallslaveholdersandnon‐
slaveholdersinasocietydominatedbyplanters.7Toaddressthe“worldview”ofa
groupofpeopleismonumentallycomplex,andallmannerofhistorical
McCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,andthePoliticalCultureof
theAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).
6McCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds,andPaulD.Escott,ManyExcellentPeople:PowerandPrivilegein
NorthCarolina,1850‐1900(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1988).
7AusefulandrecentsummaryoftheliteraturemaybefoundinCharlesC.Bolton,“Planters,Plain
Folk,andPoorWhitesintheOldSouth,”inTheBlackwellCompaniontotheCivilWarand
Reconstruction,ed.,LacyK.Ford(Malden,Ma.:BlackwellPublishers,2005).
4
methodologieshavebeendeployedtotheproblem.8Forthesakeofmanageability,I
havelimitedmystudytotheculturalworldviewofsomesoutherners:evangelicals
intheNorthCarolinapiedmont.Thus,thisisadmittedlynotacomprehensiveview
ofordinarypeople,theirworld,theirpolitics,andtheirlabors.Yetitdoesoffer,in
thefocusonevangelicalism,anessentialcomponentofthatworldviewthathas,
interestingly,notbeenwellcoveredbyhistorians,andmaybeappliedtowhite
southernersmorebroadlyacrosseconomicconditionsandgeographicspaces.While
Idonotaddressthepoliticaloreconomicviewsofordinarysouthernersinthe
antebellumyears,thosequestionsthatinitiallyanimatedthisprojectstillremain.
Churchgrowth,thestatusofpersonalbelief,religiousdiscipline,andcompanionate
marriagesallpointtothecentralityofreligiouscultureinthelivesofnon‐planters,
themenwhoultimatelyvotedforsecessionandservedintheranksofConfederate
armies.Ihope,bytheend,tousethisperspectivetoofferanewlookontheproblem
ofordinarywhitepeopleintheSouthandtheCivilWar.
Ineedtodiscussmyapproachestoavarietyofanalyticalcategoriesthat
undergirdthisdissertation.First:thelocation.Thisdissertationissetamong
ordinarywhitepeopleintheNorthCarolinapiedmont.Approximately275,000
whiteandblackpeoplelivedinthePiedmontinthelastthreedecadesofthe
8SeeforexamplethediscussioninDarrettB.RutmanwithAnitaH.Rutman,SmallWorlds,Large
Questions:ExplorationsinEarlyAmericanSocialHistory,1600‐1850(Charlottesville:UniversityPress
ofVirginia,1994),chapter2.
5
antebellumyears.9ThesouthernPiedmontisthatplacebetweenthefalllineandthe
AppalachianMountains.Itisnotedforbeinghillyandcutwithocean‐boundrivers
andstreams,butnotmountainous.10Theculturallandscapeknowntogeographers
astheAtlanticLowlandandtohistoriansasthePiedmontisformedbya
combinationofgeographicandhistoricaldevelopmentpatterns.Europeantrade
andsettlementoutsidetheChesapeakeandCharlesTowncoastalplainsbeganin
theearlyeighteenthcentury.Whileplantersandotheraristocratscontrolledland
distributionandlocalgovernance,themajorityofthePiedmontpopulationflooded
infromcentralPennsylvaniaandVirginiaafterthe1740sinapatchworkof
religiousandethnicdiversity.Isolation,religiousfervor,andpoliticalinstability
markedtheColonialandRevolutionaryexperienceofthebackcountry,butbythe
nineteenthcentury,theregionwaslargelysettledascommercialinroadswendedup
therivers,plankroads,andrailroadsoftheregion.11Soiltypesandmarketaccess
9SixthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1840,SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850,andEighth
CensusoftheUnitedStates,1860.
10RichardPillsbury,ed.,TheNewEncyclopediaofSouthernCultureVolume2:Geography(ChapelHill:
TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2006),15‐16,and192‐193.Icountthefollowingcountiesas
constitutingthepiedmont:Surry,Stokes,Rockingham,Caswell,Orange,Alamance,Guilford,Forsyth,
Yadkin,Wilkes,Caldwell,Alexander,Iredell,Davie,Rowan,Davidson,Randolph,Chatham,
Montgomery,Stanly,Cabarrus,Catawba,Burke,Rutherford,Cleveland,Lincoln,Gaston,Mecklenburg,
Union,andAnson.Foranenvironmentalhistoryoftheregion,seeTimothySilver,ANewFaceonthe
Countryside:Indians,Colonists,andSlavesintheSouthAtlanticForests,1500‐1800(NewYork:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1990).
11MyviewofthesettlementofthePiedmontanditspenetrationofmarketsisinformedchieflybyA.
RogerEkirch,PoorCarolina:PoliticsandSocietyinColonialNorthCarolina,1729‐1776(ChapelHill:
UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1981),MarjoleineKars,BreakingLooseTogether:TheRegulator
RebellioninPre‐RevolutionaryNorthCarolina(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001)
andAnnSmartMartin,BuyingintotheWorldofGoods:EarlyConsumersinBackcountryVirginia
(Baltimore:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2008).
6
didindeedencouragethespreadofplantationslaveryintothePiedmont,butan
overwhelmingnumberofsmallfarmsandlowratesofslaveholdingmarkedthe
region.AllenTulloshascalledthePiedmont“theheartlandoftheantebellum
Southernyeomanry,”or“middlingagriculturalists.”12PaulEscott’ssampleof
Caldwell,Randolph,andAlamancecountiesrevealthatover50percentof
landownersowned100orfeweracresandthatslaveownersnumberedonly
between11percentand16percentoftotalwhitepopulations.Ofthose
slaveowners,mostownedundertenpeople.13Theseseemessentialpreconditions
fortheflourishingofanon‐planterworldview.
Historianshaveidentifiedaparticularlyrobustnon‐planterideologyinthe
NorthCarolinaPiedmont.PaulEscott,inManyExcellentPeople(1985),writesofan
“elite”andayeomanrylockedinperpetualclassstruggle,the“commonfolk”forever
resentful,dedicatedtodemocraticegalitarianism,andalwaysonthevergeof
formingabi‐racialcoalitiontoattackthe“squirearchy,”localgentryentrenchedby
anundemocraticselectionprocessincountygovernment.14VictoriaBynum,in
UnrulyWomen(1993),describesthe“religiousandethnicdiversityandnascent
entrepreneurialoutlookoftheWhigplanterclass[that]gaverisetoasocialethos
distinctfromthatoftheeasternDemocraticplanterclass,”attributablenotonlyto
12AllenTullos,HabitsofIndustry:WhiteCultureandtheTransformationoftheCarolinaPiedmont
(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2008),4.
13Escott,ManyExcellentPeople,13‐14,16‐17.
14PaulD.Escott,ManyExcellentPeople,xvii.
7
diversereligiousbackgroundsbutthehighconcentrationofnonslaveholding
yeomen.AccordingtoBynun,“Whignewspapereditorstendedtocelebratethe
hardworkingfarmerandfarmwifeasthesocialequals(ifnotsuperiors)ofthe
easternaristocraticplanterandmistress.”Bynum’speopleexpressedanabolitionist
andanti‐planterbentwithanoutbreakofWesleyanMethodismintheearly1850s.15
DavidBrown,too,inhisrecentbiographyofHintonRowanHelper,SouthernOutcast
(2006),positsa“particularsocioeconomicsituation”foundintheNorthCarolina
PiedmontofHelper’syouth.Heattributestheconflictbetweennonslaveholders,
yeoman(heisnotclearonhisterms)andplantersastheresultofpoliticaltension
betweenthewesternandeasternpartsofthestate,acommonexplanationdating
fromhistoriansJ.CarlyleSittersonandGuionGriffisJohnsonofthemid‐twentieth
century.16Thepoliticalimplicationsofthisnon‐planterideologylieinthehesitancy
ofPiedmontregionstoembracesecessionin1861andsubsequentdisaffectionfrom
theConfederacy.17Yetthefactthatpiedmontersdidnotactuallycreatean
antislaverymovement,successfullyopposesecession,orcombinetofightthe
Confederacyhasmadehistorians’conclusionsambivalent;nascentclassidentity
15VictoriaBynum,UnrulyWomen:ThePoliticsofSocialandSexualControlintheOldSouth(Chapel
Hill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1992),quotesonpage8.
16DavidBrown,SouthernOutcast:HintonRowanHelperandtheImpendingCrisisoftheSouth(Baton
Rouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2006),83,seeChapter4forhisanalysisofthepolitical
situation.J.CarlyleSitterson,TheSecessionMovementinNorthCarolina(ChapelHill:Universityof
NorthCarolinaPress,1939),andGuionGriffisJohnson,Ante‐BellumNorthCarolina:ASocialHistory
(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1937).
17SeeforinstanceDanielW.Crofts,ReluctantConfederates:UpperSouthUnionistsintheSecession
Crisis(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1989).
8
failedtocoalesceintofull‐fledgedclassformation.Associalhistorytendstolookout
foroppositionaltendencies,thefewtracesthathavebeenobserveddonotamount
toconvincingorcomprehensiveexplanationsforapparentandactualdifferences.
Ilooktoevangelicalreligiontoaccountforthosedifferences.Imustbegin
withadiscussionofhowscholarshiponsouthernreligion,Americanclass,and
culture,haveshapedmyapproach.Thechieffocusofantebellumsouthernreligion
historiographyhasbeensouthernevangelicalism’stransitionfromradicalisminthe
lateeighteenthcenturytoconservatismbythe1820sandhowpowerfulelites
utilizedreligiontoorientthecurrentsoftheslavepower.18Thiscynicalturnplaced
southernevangelicalsinsupportofslaveryandpatriarchyandchanneledreligious
fervorintothesalvationofone’sownsoulandawayfromreformistcritiquesofa
systemthatcountenancedslavery,drunkenness,depravity,andanunequalsocial
hierarchy.Thishistoriographyanalyzesreligionasaservanttothesecularslave
power,abulwarkofresistancetoculturalchange,andabastionagainst
18ChristineLeighHeyrman,SouthernCross:TheBeginningsoftheBibleBelt(NewYork:AlfredA.
Knopf,1997),DonaldG.Mathews,ReligionintheOldSouth(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,
1977),WilliamG.McLoughlin,ReligionandReform:AnEssayonReligionandSocialChangein
America,1607‐1977(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1978),RhysIsaac,TheTransformationof
Virginia,1740‐1790(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1982),andJohnB.Boles,The
GreatRevival,1787‐1805:TheOriginsoftheSouthernEvangelicalMind(Lexington:Universityof
KentuckyPress,1972).Othershavetakenexceptiontothis“declension”narrative.CharlesIrons,for
instance,foundthatVirginiaBaptistsandMethodists,insteadofpursuingaradicalracialagendain
theeighteenthcentury,“shuntedthedivisivedebateoveremancipationtothecivilsphere.”
StephanieMcCurryhasalsoinsistedthatherSouthCaroliniansveryearlyrejectedMethodism’s
egalitarianimpulseoftheGreatAwakening,eventuallyimprintingtheirexistingsocialhierarchieson
churchinstitutions.CharlesF.Irons,TheOriginsofProslaveryChristianity:WhiteandBlack
EvangelicalsinColonialandAntebellumVirginia(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,
2008),96.StephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds,130‐170.
9
modernity.19“Thepremoderncharacterofslavery,”writesBethBartonSchweiger,
“hasbeensooftenlinkedtorevivalreligionthatithasbecomeakintoageological
formationintheliterature.”20
Schweigersuggestsnewdirections.Southernevangelicalismcanbeviewed
asfosteringbothindividualismandmoremoderncommunalinstitutions.“Itmay
nowstandasExhibitAindefenseofanemergingunderstandingthatstressesthe
compatibilityofmodernitywithpersistent,andevengrowing,religiosity,”she
writes.Revivalsandreligionmaybeviewedasexpressionsofmodernismthat
“pressedconvertsforward,demandingtheprogressofthesoulinapowerful
affirmationofAmericanmaterialprogress.”Theecclesiasticaldialogueover
“nostalgia,”takenbyhistoriansasevidenceofconservativepositioning,slyly
shieldedtheenactmentofinnovations.Schweigerdiscouragescategorizationof
religiousindividualismandcommunalismasbattlesbetweenpremodernismand
modernism,orsubsistenceversusmarkets.Individualismandcommunalismmeton
areligiousplaneandadaptedtotheworldchangedbyslaveryandmarkets.21Inthis
19SeeparticularlyBoles,TheGreatRevival,andJeanE.Friedman,TheEnclosedGarden:Womenand
CommunityintheEvangelicalSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1985),andC.C.
Goen,BrokenChurches,BrokenNation:DenominationalSchismsandtheComingoftheCivilWar
(Atlanta:MercerUniversityPress,1997).
20BethBartonSchweiger,“MaxWeberinMountAiryOr,RevivalsandSocialTheoryintheEarly
South,”inReligionintheAmericanSouth,ed.,DonaldMathewsandBethBartonSchweiger(Chapel
Hill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),33.
21Ibid.
10
study,Iwillinterpretfaithpracticesasexpressionsofprogressive,ifnotmodern,
tendencies.
Schweiger’swarningaboutfalsedichotomiesismostrelevantinthestudyof
religiouswomen.ScottStephanandFrederickBodehaveexploredthe“vast
territoryinbetween”submissionandresistanceintowhichhistorianshaveplaced
Southernwomen’sreligiousexperience.22InRedeemingtheSouthernFamily(2008)
StephanfoundthatwithintheprescriptionsofpatriarchyinSouthernhouseholds,
womenwieldedconsiderablepowerasmoralexemplarsandorganizational
stalwarts.Bodenotedthat“muchoftheevidenceforwomen’sinitiativeswas
obscuredbyareligiousdiscoursethataffirmedtheirdeferenceandsubordinationto
menandhidtherealityofcooperationamongwomen,aswellasbetweenmenand
women,behindaveiloffemalehelplessness.”23Thus,thedichotomybetween
authorityandsubmissionismisleading.AsStephanargues,“neitherevangelical
womennorChristianslavesbeganarevolution,butthisfactdoesnotbegintotell
thestoryoftheirlives.Socialprotestisfartoobluntaninstrumentbywhichto
22Despitethepositioninginthissentence,thisisSchweiger’sphrase.
23FrederickA.Bode,“ACommonSphere:WhiteEvangelicalsandGenderinAntebellumGeorgia,”The
GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly74(Winter1995):785.Seealso“TheFormationofEvangelical
CommunitiesinMiddleGeorgia:TwiggsCounty,1820‐1861,”TheJournalofSouthernHistory60
(November1994):711‐748.
11
measureliberationandchangeamongChristiansintheslaveSouth.”24Practice,
ratherthanprotest,willthusbeafocusofthisdissertation.
IintendtobuildonSchweiger,Bode,andStephanbyfurtherexploringthe
waysmenandwomenusedtheologicalconvictiontogiveordertotheirlives
together.Todothis,Iwillgooutsidetherealmofsermons,theologicalinjunction,
andclericalfamiliesintowhatDavidHallandRobertOrsihavecalled“lived
religion.”25Iwillcarrytheinvestigationofreligiousconvictioninto(traditionally)
non‐religiousterritoryandsuggestextra‐congregationallocationsformen’sand
women’sreligiousadjustmentstosocietalchange—thehouseholdandinthe
companyofothers.Menandwomenbothchanneledanxietyaboutidlenessandsin
intovocationalfulfillment.Thatmeant,inthefirsthalfothenineteenthcenturyin
America,definingfulfillmentinanenvironmentofmaterialplenty,commercial
dislocation,andpoliticaluncertainty.ThatProtestantsdidsoisnosurprise.How
theydidsoinaslavesocietythatexaltedleisure,andsupposedlyprivilegedthe
afterlifeoverthepresentlife,hasyettobefullyexplored.
24ScottStephan,RedeemingtheSouthernFamily:EvangelicalWomenandDomesticDevotioninthe
AntebellumSouth(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2008).
25“Livedreligion”isthestudyofhowfaithisenactedindailyroutines.Scholarsoflivedreligiondo
notviewreligionascomposedof“elite”and“popular”branches,confinedtodenominationaldebates,
orusedasabalmforsecularirritations.That“vocabulary,”asOrsinotes,“encodes…dualism,reifies
discretesegmentsofexperience,anderectsboundariesthatdonotexistintherealworldthatbelie
theproteannatureofreligiousactivity.”Instead,thestudyofreligionmustmove“towardastudyof
howparticularpeople,inparticularplacesandtimes,livein,with,through,andagainstthereligious
idiomsavailabletotheminculture—alltheidioms,including(oftenenough)thosenotexplicitly
their“own.””RobertOrsi,“EverydayMiracles:TheStudyofLivedReligion,”inLivedReligionin
America:TowardaHistoryofPractice,ed.,DavidD.Hall(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,
1997),quotesonpage11.
12
Myassumptionsaboutthelivesofcommonwhitesouthernersareabit
differentfromthosethatinformmostsocialhistoriesoftheregionandperiod.Iam
skepticalthatcultureisalwaysadirectreflectionofstrugglesoverpowerbasedin
representationsofthe“objects”ofrace,class,andgender.26Myworkwillfollow
DanielWickberg’sdescriptionofcultureas“theconditionofbeingandactionrather
thanprimarilyaninstrumentorobjectofaction.”Iwill,forthemoment,decouple
culturefrompowerinmyanalysis.IdothisbecauseIbelievemysubjectsnotonly
placedreligiousconcernsbeforeproslaverypolitics,genderedpower,andeconomic
decisions,butbecausemysubjectsvaluedthenon‐confrontationalandsocially
unifyingaspectsthosereligiousconcernsaddressed.Irefertothisorderingas
“prioritizing.”Myanalysisexamineshowordinarypeople“prioritized”thoughtsand
actionsintheirlives.Thus,Iassumethatmanypeopleplacedtheimperativeof
religiousandfamilialexperiencebeforetheimperativeofrepresentinggendered
andracialpower.27Thisisnottosaythatracialandgendereddifferencesdidnot
mattertomysubjects.Onthecontrary,thosedifferencesmatteredagreatdealas
26ThisparagraphisdrawnfromDanielWickberg,“WhatIstheHistoryofSensibilities?OnCultural
Histories,OldandNew,”AmericanHistoricalReview(June2007):661‐684.Henotes,“the
overwhelmingfocusoninstrumentalizingcultureasatoolofpowerinsomeofthedominantformsof
culturalhistoryfindsnoroomforthoseelementsofculturethatcannotbeimplicatedinpower
relations.Cultureisnotpower,norispowertheonlyorthemostimportantelementinculture.
Powerisbutonedimensionofculture…Itisanimpoverishedvisionofhumanlifethatinsistson
turningpeople’swholewaysofexperiencing,perceiving,andfeelingintoexpressionsofone
dimensionofhumanlife.”
27Or,asStephannotes,“neitherevangelicalwomennorChristianslavesbeganarevolution,butthis
factdoesnotbegintotellthestoryoftheirlives.Socialprotestisfartoobluntaninstrumentby
whichtomeasureliberationandchangeamongChristiansintheslaveSouth.”Stephan,Redeeming
theSouthernFamily,6.
13
theburgeoningmiddleclassbuiltsocialdistinctions,ratherthanbrokethemdown.
Itismeanttosuggestthatsignificantpartsofpeoples’liveswerenotsubjectto
strugglesforsocialandpoliticalpower.Myanalysishewesclosertoculturalstudies
whereinobjectsarenotplacedincontentionwithoneanotherbutreactfluidlyto
negotiationandadaptation.
Theevangelicalethosanditsadherentsdidnotconsciouslyopposethe
planterideology.Infact,bothcodessharedmoreassumptionsthannot.Yetinthe
developmentofanevangelicalmiddleclassconsciencetheplanteroftenstoodasthe
examplebywhichreligiouspeopledefinedthemselvesagainst.Planterideologyand
culturehasbeenthecentralsubjectofhistorians’queriesforgenerations.From
EugeneGenoveseandElizabethFox‐GenovesetoStephanieMcCurryandEdward
Baptist,historianshavedescribedplanterideologyasaconservativeforcedevised
tomaintainthehierarchicalpowerofwhitementhroughthesubjugationofwomen
andnon‐whites.28BertramWyatt‐Brownhaselaboratedonthehonorculturethat
wenthand‐in‐handwithplanterandpro‐slaveryideologies.Wyatt‐Brown’sprickly
southernersbasedtheirbehaviorentirelyonpublicperception.Howonebehaved,
orwastreated,inpublicreflectedhonor,status,andpower.Planters,particularly
28EugeneD.Genovese,TheWorldTheSlaveholdersMade:TwoEssaysinInterpretation(NewYork:
PantheonBooks,1969),ElizabethFox‐Genovese,WithinthePlantationHousehold:BlackandWhite
WomenoftheOldSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1988),McCurry,Mastersof
SmallWorlds,andConfederateReckoning:PowerandPoliticsintheCivilWarSouth(Cambridge:
HarvardUniversityPress,2010),andEdwardE.Baptist,CreatinganOldSouth:MiddleFlorida’s
PlantationFrontierBeforetheCivilWar(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2002).
14
men,utilizedbruteviolencetoavengebreechesoforslightstothatreputation.29
Theseethics,whichIwillrefertoas“planterideology,”werethedominantethicsof
thesocialandpoliticalclassesoftheslave.
Iusetheterms“non‐planter”and“ordinarywhitepeople”herecarefully.In
thehistoriographyofsouthernpeople,historianshavedefinedplantersnarrowly,to
essentiallymeanwhitemenandtheirfamiliesholdingtwentyormoreslaves.In
contrast,“common”whitesaredefinedvariouslyasthoseholdingfewerthantwenty
slaves,holdingnoslaves,artisans,orthoseowningnolandatall.30Here,by“non‐
planter”Imeantorefertothosepeoplewhodidnotadheretoa“planterideology,”
regardlessofpropertyownership.Theevangelicalethosresidedamongandacross
classesasvariouslydefinedbutfoundfirmlodgmentamongthatgroupwethinkof
asnon‐planters.31Thus,myinquiriesareofthepeoplehistorianshavereferredtoas
“plainfolk,”“commonwhites,”“yeomen,”and“countrymen.”
29BertramWyatt‐Brown,SouthernHonor:EthicsandBehaviorintheOldSouth(NewYork:Oxford
UniversityPress,1982),andTheShapingofSouthernCulture:Honor,GraceandWar,1760s‐1890s
(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001).IshouldnotethatWyatt‐Brown’s
examinationofthehonorculturedoesindeeddealeffectivelywiththe“grace”ofreligion.
30SamHyde,"PlainFolkReconsidered:HistoriographicalAmbiguityinSearchofDefinition,"Journal
ofSouthernHistory71(November2005):803‐830.
31JaneTurnerCenserandJanLewishavefoundthesecharacteristicsfirmlyimplantedamongthe
planterclassinNorthCarolinaandVirginia.JaneTurnerCenser,NorthCarolinaPlantersandTheir
Children,1800‐1860(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1984),andJanE.Lewis,The
PursuitofHappiness:FamilyandValuesinJefferson’sVirginia(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,
1983).CynthiaA.Kiernertracksthe“revolutionarybacklash”againstpublic‐mindedwomenandthe
evolutionofgender‐definedrolesforwomeninthehousehold.BeyondtheHousehold:Women’sPlace
intheEarlySouth,1700‐1835(Cornell:CornellUniversityPress,1998).
15
Archivalrepositoriesarefilledwiththemanuscriptrecordsofnon‐elite
peopleinthepiedmont.ThatIuseonlyfourdiariesrequiressomeexplanationofmy
criteriaforchoosingmysubjects.Iexcludedplanters,or,peoplewhoownedmore
thantwentyslaves,orwhosepropertyexceeded$10,000.Thus,familiarPiedmont
voiceslikeMaryJeffreysBethellandtheLenoirandAveryfamiliesarelargely
absent.Iincludedpeoplewhomightbeconsidered“self‐working.”32Ilookedfor
thosewhofarmedandtoiledintheirownfields,cleanedtheirownkitchens,and
threadedtheirownneedles,evenifside‐by‐sidewithenslavedpeople,andthus
sharedtheexperienceoflaborcommontomostNorthCarolinians.Ialsoexcluded
politiciansandclergy,forthesakeoffocusingonamorehistoricallyneglected,and
non‐exceptional,group.ToexamineinteriorliveswithanydepthalsorequiredthatI
considertheuseofdiariesthatcontainguardedthoughts,self‐scrutiny,and
imaginativemusings.Tofullyexaminethepersonalitiesrevealedindiariesrequired
thatthesejournalscovermorethanafewyearsinduration,thusfragmentary
diarieslikethatofQuakerfarmerThomasHuntareconsideredbutnotfeatured.33
Asthisdissertationdocumentsthelivesofevangelicals,Ihavealsonotconsidered
conscientiouslynon‐religiouspeople.Unfortunately,thismeansthattwocolorful
roustabouts,EdwardIshamandWilliamThomasPrestwood,donotreceive
32CarlOsthaus,“TheWorkEthicofthePlainFolk:LaborandReligionintheOldSouth,”Journalof
SouthernHistory70(November2004):745‐782.
33Hunt’sdiaryislocatedintheEmsleyBurgessandThomasH.HuntPapers,SouthernHistorical
Collection,WilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.
16
consideration.34Finally,threeofmysubjectslivedintheNorthCarolinapiedmont,
whileone,MaryDavisBrownlivedjustacrosstheborderinSouthCarolina.Ihave
includedherforseveralreasons:toboostmysamplefromthreetofour,toinclude
atleastonenon‐Methodist,andtogainanotherfemalevoice.Myordinarypeople,
admittedly,tendtowardtheliterateandpropertied.Indeed,CarolineLillymarried
intothesquirearchy,andJohnFlintoffnurturedhisevangelicalethosinthehomeof
hisuncle,aMississippicottongrandee.Bynotpeggingmycriteriaexclusivelyto
economicfactorsandtoculturalandreligiousones,Iamsignalingthatthisbehavior
mightbeattributabletothepoor,middling,andthewealthyalike.Idonotbelieve
thesecriteriahavelimitedmysearchbuthaveinsteadallowedmetofocusona
groupofpeoplewhoareoftenneglected—ordinarylaypeoplewhoworkedand
livedonfarms.Ihavetworeasonsforcallingmysubjects“ordinarypeople.”First,I
wishtosteerawayfromassociationwithclassificationsbasedoneconomicor
propertymeasurements.Second,Iwishtoemphasizethenon‐exceptionalnatureof
mysubjects.Nonewerewealthy.Nonewerepoliticalstrivers.Nonewere
particularlyoutstandinginthesocialandculturallivesoftheregion.Allwere
perfectlyordinary.
InthisdissertationImakefrequentreferencesto“middleclassvalues”asa
pointtowardwhichmanypartsofsouthernevangelicalculturebent.Thetermis
weightedwithanalyticalbaggagethatImustclarifybeforeproceeding.Marxists,
34BoltonandCulclasure,eds.,TheConfessionsofEdwardIsham,andNathanielC.Browder,ed.,The
WilliamThomasPrestwoodEncipheredDiary,1808‐1859(Raleigh,N.C.:N.C.Browder,1983).
17
Weberians,andLiberalscholarsofthemiddleclassutilizeascoreofmaterial
indicatorstodescribethemiddleclassbroadlyaspeoplewhowereengagedin
marketeconomies,whohadaccesstoawideselectionofmanufacturedgoods,who
workedinprofessionsorspecializedindustries,whoengagedineducationaland
literaryculturesoftheday,whoconstructedsocialcommunitiesdetachedfrom
traditionalfamilynetworks,whoworkedinvariousvoluntaryorhumanitarian
causes,andwhoexemplifiedrefinedmannersatwork,athome,andinpublic.35
JonathanWellsandJenniferGreen,intheirTheSouthernMiddleClass(2011),define
theirsouthernmiddleclassnotwithintellectualorsocialculture,butwith
occupation,anddeclarethatsubsequentqualitiesofstatusandsharedcultural
valuesderivedtherefrom.36ThelimitationsareexplicitfortheSouth,astheauthors
suggestthatsocialstatusfromnon‐planteroccupationscouldstakenoclaimto
statusorworth.Whethersoornot,WellsandGreenleavelittleroomfornon‐
materialconsiderations,especiallywherereligionisconcerned.Myinterpretation
willofferanalternativeview.
Icannotclaimmysubjectswerepartofanemergingmiddleclass,fora
numberofreasons.Thoughordinarylayevangelicalsdidengageinthemarket
economy,anddidhaveaccesstoawideselectionofmanufacturedgoods,thepeople
35ThisparagraphisdrawnfromBurtonJ.Bledstein,TheMiddlingSorts:ExplorationsintheHistoryof
theAmericanMiddleClass(NewYork:Routledge,2001),“Introduction.”
36JonathanDanielWellsandJenniferR.Green,eds.,TheSouthernMiddleClassintheLongNineteenth
Century(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2011).Wells,ofcourse,pioneeredthestudy
ofthesouthernmiddleclassinhisinfluentialOriginsoftheSouthernMiddleClass,1800‐1861(Chapel
Hill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004).
18
Istudyherewereborn,lived,anddiedinandamongtraditionalfamilynetworksin
aruralagriculturalsociety.Thephysicalandspatialdisruptionssocriticaltothe
developmentofthenorthernmiddleclassessimplydidnotoccurintheNorth
Carolinacountryside.Yet,atthesametime,thosesamepeopledidexperience
dramaticculturalchange.HistoriansChristopherClarkandJenniferGoloboyhave
recentlywrittenaboutclassinearlyAmerica.Golobydefinedsocialsignifierslying
almostentirelyinself‐measuresofpersonalvalues.ClarksecondedGoloboy,
emphasizingnotthematerialismofthemiddleclassbutthe“ideologicalprocess”
thatwashighlyfluidinAmerica.37TheseassessmentsofclassidentityinAmerica
detachthediscussionofclassfrommaterialmeasuresaltogether.Mysubjects
availedthemselvesofthatideologicalprocesswithconsumptionofcurrentprinted
literatureinmagazinesandnewspapers,financialcontribution(withvarying
degreesofenthusiasm)toeducation,missions,andtemperancereform—andinthe
processimbibedintheculturalandsocialprescriptionsofthecontemporary
Westernworld.Thosesocialsignifiersincludedsobriety,restraint,modesty,hard
work,domesticity,andanaversiontoviolence,ostentation,andvariousformsof
self‐aggrandizement.TheseculturalexpressionsarewhatIconsidertobe“middle
classvalues.”Critically,Iwillfindthatthesocialandindividualprescriptionsoffaith
formedapathwayforexpressionofthosevalues.
37JenniferL.Goloboy,“TheEarlyAmericanMiddleClass,”inJournaloftheEarlyRepublic,Vol.25,No.
4(Winter,2005):537‐545,andChristopherClark,“CommentontheSymposiumonClassintheEarly
Republic,”Ibid.:557‐564.
19
Thisdetachmentofideologicalfrommaterialmakessenseparticularlywhen
examiningantebellumsoutherners,becausemosturbanareasremainedmodestand
theirprofessionalclassessmall.Mydiscussionofmiddleclassvaluespresupposesa
numberofthings.Iprivilegenon‐materialelementsinmyassessmentofcultural
changeinevangelicalcommunities.WhenIinvoke“middleclassvalues,”Idonot
meantosuggestthatmysubjectswereconscientiouslybecomingamiddleclassin
theconventionalunderstandingofthatprocess.Simply,thedistinctiveethosthey
madeandembracedinachangingworldhadsignificantlysimilarresonanceswith
establishedmiddleclassculture.DonaldMathews,fromareligiouscontext,best
describedthestatusofanon‐classcommunityformationwhenhedescribeda
“constituency…notquiteaclass—althoughitwasfirstexpressedasaclass
movement—notquitestrictlyareligiousmoodapartfromsocialconflict,
institution‐building,andclassconsciousness.”38WhatMathewscallsaconstituency,
oramood,Ithinkofasanethos,anethic,orasensibility,andwillusethoseterms
almostinterchangeably.Perhapslater,itofferedafoundationforamorearticulated
middleclass,butinthelateantebellumera,theevangelicalethicexistedinfluxwith
otherconceptionsofsocialandculturalvalueintheSouth.Mykeyfindinghereis
thattheevangelicalethicthatpresagedmoreformalmiddleclassvaluesmade
resoluteheadwayinpenetratingtherural,non‐planter,countrysideinthe
antebellumera.Farmers—landless,yeoman,andslaveownersalike—experienced
similarculturaltransformationsastheirprofessionalcousinsintown.
38DonaldG.Mathews,ReligionintheOldSouth(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1977),xiv.
20
MyuseofsourcesandhowIorganizemychapters—whileItrustwillbe
cleartothereader—mayrequiresomepreliminaryexplanation.Inthisdissertation
arethreeparts,eachexaminingatheme.Thefirstpartcontainsonechapter(1)that
exploresthereligiouslandscapeinthelateantebellumperiod,whileatthesame
timecomparing(andsometimeslinking)thematurityandchangeabilityof
denominationalpracticetotheinternalurgenciesthatevangelismproducedin
individualbelievers.Thesubsequentpartsareorganizedaroundtwothemes:
discipline,andfamily.Thefirstchapters(2and4)ofeachofthetwopartsexplorein
narrativeandanalyticalfashionaparticularthemeasitunfoldedinthereligious
landscapeofthePiedmont.ForthesesectionsIhavedrawnprimarilyupon
denominationalandotherecclesiasticalrecords.Inthesecondchapters(3and5)of
eachpartIexplorethatsametheme,butinregardtothelivesoftwodiarists.This
techniqueisinspiredbythediversityofperspectiveswithwhichhistoricaltopics
maybeviewed—evenmoresoforasubjectlikefaiththathadsuchprofound
consequencesforbothcommunitiesandindividuals.Anexplorationofasubject—
religiousdiscipline,forexample—fromavarietyofperspectiveswilldemand
slightlydifferentquestionsandproduceslightlydifferentanswers,thus
complicatingourpictureofacriticalsocialphenomenon.Ichosethisorganizational
tacticasawaytoemphasizetheintertwinedandcomplexforcesatworkonboththe
self‐conceptionofthepublicandtheheartsofindividuals.Thisexperimentalso
highlightsadilemmacommontosocialhistorians—theproblematicuniquenessof
individualsinthefaceofgeneralizationsaboutinstitutionsandotherlargesocial
21
organizations.Rarelydoesanindividualconformtoanarchetypedefinedbyan
institutionheorshemay(ormaynot)beapartof.Forinstance,inthecourseofthis
study,IhaveencounteredquiteafewcheerfulPresbyteriansandjustasmany
fatalisticMethodists.Thisisnotatriteobservationbutanecessaryprecaution,as
manyhistorianswhostudythistimeandplaceareconfusedbyapparent
inconsistencies.Whywouldanon‐slaveholdersupporttheConfederacy?Whywould
aslaveholderstandbyOldGlory?Untanglingtheseparadoxicalknotsisnecessaryto
understandingthem.
***
TheNorthCarolinapiedmontisthegeographicallocationofthisstudy,but
thereligiousmilieurequiressomeexplanationandintroduction.IadheretoDavid
Bebbington’smuch‐citeddefinitionofevangelicalasaProtestantChristianwho
believedintheBibleastheonlysourceofspiritualtruth,thenecessityofChrist’s
atonementforsinandfortheindividualtoexperienceconversion,andthatthe
lessonsofthegospelsmustbeconstantlyexpressedineverydaylife.39Evangelicals
intheNorthCarolinapiedmontincludedPresbyterians,Moravians,Baptists,
Methodists,GermanReformed,andLutherans.Quakersmightnotbeconsidered
evangelicals,buttheyshareenoughProtestanttraditionwiththeothers,andhave
suchacentralifunderstatedplaceinthepiedmont’sreligiouslifethattheywillbe
39DavidBebbington,EvangelicalisminModernBritain:AHistoryfromthe1730stothe1980s(New
York:Routledge,1989),andThomasS.Kidd,TheGreatAwakening:TheRootsofEvangelical
ChristianityinColonialAmerica(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,2007),xiv.
22
consideredhere.Muchofthisdissertationexploreswhatnon‐specialistsmightthink
ofasthebaroquehierarchyoftheseevangelicalchurches.Theseadministrative
levels,however,provedthelocationformuchofthereligiousanddenominational
modernizationsthattransformedreligiouslifeinthenineteenthcentury.To
introducethemwemustexplorethereligiouslandscapeontheeveofthelate
antebellumperiod.
TheGreatRevivalthathadoriginatedinKentuckyandspreadbacktothe
Carolinaspeakedin1801,fadedout,andreligiousfervorforthefollowing
generationneverreachedthesamelevel.40Yetsmall,localizedoutburstsof
enthusiasmroutinelybrokeoutatcongregationalandcountylevelandinitiateda
cyclicalpatternofenthusiasmandlethargythatcontinued,andeventuallyadapted,
tonewreligiousmodesinthetwodecadesbeforetheCivilWar.41Mostevangelical
denominationsgrewrapidlyeveninthistimeoflethargy.TheMethodists,most
notably,surgedinmembership.In1854,theMethodistEpiscopalChurch,South,
claimedwelloverfourteenthousandmembersintheirpiedmontdistricts.42Bythen,
therenownedcircuitridershadpassedawayandministerssettledintoroutine
40OntheGreatRevivals,seeBoles,TheGreatRevival,andPaulKeithConkin,CaneRidge:America’s
Pentacost(Madison:UniversityofWisconsinPress,1989).
41Onfrequentoutbreaksofenthusiasmintheupcountry,seeLacyK.Ford,TheOriginsofSouthern
Radicalism,1800‐1860(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991),especiallychapter1.
42ThisnumberdoesnotincludethesizeableCharlotteDistrict,thenapartoftheSouthCarolina
Conference.JournalofSeventeenthAnnualSessionoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodist
EpiscopalChurch,South,1854(Raleigh:Wm.C.Doub,Printeratthe“StarOffice,”1855),9‐10.
23
administrationofregionalDistrictsandcounty‐wideCircuits.43TheLutherans
respondedtotheGreatRevivalbyformingastatewidebody,theLutheranSynodof
NorthCarolina,in1803,toenforcetheLutheranconfessionalandtherebymore
activelyprotecttheirranksfromenthusiasticMethodistpoachers.YetLutheran
churchesremainedsoweakthattheyoftensharedchurchspacewiththeirCalvinist
cousinsintheGermanReformedChurch.44Language,nottheology,boundthesetwo
denominationstogether,butbythelate1820s,theLutheranSynodandGerman
ReformedClassishadgrownenoughthattheyseparatedfromeachothers’
churches,andverysoonthereafter,ceasedconductingchurchbusinessinGerman.45
In1850,theGermanReformedClassisclaimed1,174adherentswhiletheLutheran
Synodcounted2,682“communingmembers”in1857.46
Presbyterians,organizedintothreemajorPresbyteriesinNorthCarolina(the
statewidebodybeingcalledaSynod)—Fayetteville,Orange,andConcord,thelater
twobeinginthePiedmont.AlloftheNorthCarolinaSynod’sPresbyteriessidedwith
theOldSchoolersinthedoctrinalschisminthenationalGeneralAssemblyin1837.
43ElmerT.Clark,MethodisminWesternNorthCarolina(n.p.:HistoricalSocietyoftheWesternNorth
CarolinaConference,1966).
44JamesIGood,HistoryoftheReformedChurchintheUnitedStates(Reading,Pa.:D.Miller,c.1897),
G.D.BernheimandGeorgeH.Cox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumof
NorthCarolina(Philadelphia:LutheranPublicationSociety,1902),1‐32.
45JacobL.Morgan,BachmanS.Brown,andJohnHall,eds.,HistoryoftheLutheranChurchinNorth
Carolina(n.p.:UnitedEvangelicalLutheranSynodofNorthCarolina,c.1953).
46ProceedingsoftheEighteenthConventionoftheGeneralSynodoftheEvangelicalLutheranChurchin
theUnitedStates,1857(Gettysburg:HenryC.Neinstedt,1857),46,andActsandProceedingsofthe
SynodoftheGermanReformedChurchofNorthAmerica,1850(Chambersburg,Pa.:PublicationOffice
oftheGermanReformedChurch,1850).
24
Presbyteriansnumbered8,745intheOrangeandConcordPresbyteries.47Baptists
fragmentedalloverNorthCarolina.ManycongregationsandAssociations(thelocal
Baptistadministrativebody)desiredtoformastatewideorganizationtopursue
educationalandmissionaryinitiatives.SomeBaptistsobjected,notfindingthe
missionaryortheadministrativeimperativeinScripture.WhileBaptiststendedto
allythemselvesbyAssociationtotheunorganizedAntimissionary(Primitive)side
ortheBaptistStateConvention,manyindividualchurchesandindividualschanged
theirallegiancesthroughoutthe1830s.TheBaptistStateConventionformedin
1830andin1850counted8,686blackandwhitemembersinthepiedmont.48Even
theMethodistssplit.In1828,severalcircuits,mostlyinEasternNorthCarolina,
alignedthemselveswiththeMethodistProtestantsectinadisputeoverthe
authorityofbishopsintheirchurches.Theirpresenceinthepiedmontremained
limitedtoafewsmallcongregationsinGuilfordCountyuntilacriticalmomentin
1847.
OftheMoraviansandtheQuakers,theformerunderwentperhapsthe
greatestchangebetweenAmericanIndependenceandtheCivilWar.Inthatspan,
theMoravianchurchlooseditsgriponcontrolofcommunalpropertyandthe
47D.I.Craig,AHistoryoftheDevelopmentofthePresbyterianChurchinNorthCarolinaandofSynodical
HomeMissions(Richmond:Whittet&SheppersonPrinters,1907),NeillRoderickMcGeachy,
ConfrontedbyChallenge:AHistoryofthePresbyteryofConcord,1795‐1973(n.p.:TheDelmar
Company,1985),andPaulKeithConkin,TheUneasyCenter:ReformedChristianityinAntebellum
America(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1995).
48OnAntimissionBaptists,seeJamesR.Mathis,TheMakingofthePrimitiveBaptists:ACulturaland
IntellectualHistoryoftheAntimissionMovement,1800‐1840(NewYork:Routledge,2004).
ProceedingsoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1830(Newbern:JohnI.Pasteur,1830).
25
genderedsegregationofitscongregations,whileallowingitsmemberstobecome
increasinglyintegratedintothepoliticalandculturalworldaroundthem.Notably,in
1830,theMoraviansreversedtheirpositiononstatepowerandviolenceand
permittedstatemilitiastobeformedfromamongthemselves.Onethousandeight
hundredfiftythreeMoravianslivedintheirSouthernProvincein1855.49Quakers,
however,changedverylittle.TheycontinuedtoworshipinMonthlyMeetingsand
organizedtheirMeetingsintoQuarterlyMeetings(theFriends’analogtoCircuits
andAssociations).LikethePresbyterians,theNorthCarolinaQuakerschosetoside
withtheorthodoxbranchintheHicksiteschismof1827.Massiveout‐migration
contributedtoQuakerlethargy,andapproximately1,946adultFriendsremainedin
NorthCarolinain1850.50Anexactcountofevangelicalsinthe1850sisimpossible,
butaroughestimatemaybemade.Denominationscountedatleast39,000
membersinthe1850s.(Thisisalowestimate.ItfailstoaccountforAntimission
BaptistcongregationsanddoesnotincludethepopulationoftheCharlotteDistrict
oftheMEC,S.Inaddition,historiansrecognizethatadherentsofProtestant
denominationstendtofarexceedmeremembers.)
49C.DanielCrewsandRichardW.Starbuck,WithCouragefortheFuture:TheStoryoftheMoravian
Church,SouthernProvince(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:MoravianChurch,SouthernProvince,2002),
populationnumberonp.832.OnMoravianculturaltransformation,seeJonF.Sensbach:ASeparate
Canaan:TheMakingofanAfro‐MoravianWorldinNorthCarolina,1763‐1840(ChapelHill:University
ofNorthCarolinaPress,1998),andS.ScottRohrer,Hope’sPromise:ReligionandAcculturationinthe
SouthernBackcountry(Tuscaloosa:TheUniversityofAlabamaPress,2005).
50StephenB.Weeks,SouthernQuakersandSlavery:AStudyinInstitutionalHistory(Baltimore:Johns
HopkinsUniversityPress,1896),andThomasD.Hamm,TheTransformationofAmericanQuakerism:
OrthodoxFriends,1800‐1907(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1988),Chapter1.
26
Theverygradualdevelopmentofdenominationsovertheantebellum
decadesmakesmoreprofoundshiftsinreligiousculturedifficulttodiscern.
Historianstendtoattributethemostsignificantchangesinsouthernreligiouslifeto
theracialandpoliticaleconomiesofthesouth.Theevangelicalaccommodationto
slaveryintheearly1800s,forinstance,orNatTurner’sRebellion,orthenational
schismsoverslaveryareturningpointsinthehistoriographicalnarrativeof
southernevangelicalism.Buttheseeventsdonotsufficientlyexplaintheriseto
mainstreamstatusofreligiouspeople,orhowevangelicalismbecameadynamic
forcestrongenoughtointervenewithnewfamilystylesandbehavioral
expectations.51
Twotends,bothunrelatedtoracialpolitics,mustbeconsideredto
understandthecontextoflateantebellumreligiouslife.EighteenthCentury
evangelicalswere,assoablydescribedbyRhysIsaacandothers,indeeda
marginalizedanddespisedminority.Theirchiefexpressionsofreligiousidentity
andpietywerelimitedtotheconversionexperience,emotionalexpressivenessat
revivals,andstrangelycircumscribedpublicbehavior.TheearlyNineteenth
Century,however,witnessedanexplosionofchurchactivityandmembership.
51OnthemarginalizationofEighteenthCenturyevangelicals,seeJanetMooreLindman,“Actingthe
ManlyChristian:WhiteEvangelicalMasculinityinRevolutionaryVirginia,”TheWilliamandMary
Quarterly57,no.2(April2000):393‐416.Onprocessofinstitutionalizationofchurchesinnineteenth
centuryAmerica,seeRogerFinkeandRodneyStark,TheChurchingofAmerica,1776‐2005:Winners
andLosersinOurReligiousEconomy(NewBrunswick,N.J.:RutgersUniversityPress,revisededition,
2005),andSchweiger,TheGospelWorkingUp,5‐9.SeealsoDanielWalkerHowe,WhatHathGod
Wrought:TheTransformationofAmerica,1815‐1848(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2007),164‐
202,andGeorgeM.Marsden,ReligionandAmericanCulture,2nded.(Belmont,Ca.:Wadsworth,
CengageLearning,2001),58.
27
Evangelicalswentfromaninsignificantnumberinthe1770sto40%ofthe
Americanpopulationby1860,dueinnosmallparttomassiverevivalsinKentucky
leadbyBartonStonein1799andfurtherexplosivegrowthinnorthernchurchesin
the1830sundertherevivalleadershipofLymanBeecherandCharlesFinney.This
growthspurredaprocessofinstitutionalmaturityinchurches.Bythe1840s
religiousidentityandpietycouldbeattachedtoeducationthroughcollegesand
schools,cosmopolitanismthroughforeignmissions,socialresponsibilitythrough
theethicofChristianslaveholding,theprofessionalismofbureaucratic
management,thesophisticationoftheologicalexplication,andtheexpectationof
soberpublicbehavior.Theseplatformsliftedevangelicalsfromthemarginstothe
dynamiccenterofAmericanlife.
So,too,didchangingsensibilitiesintheAtlanticworld.Broadlyput,the
EighteenthCentury’s“ageofreason”hadgivenwaytotheNineteenthCentury’s
Romanticism.Undertheformer,rationalityanddecorumreignedand
Enlightenmentleaderscondemnedexpressionsofemotionasevidenceofignorance
andsuperstitiousintellects.Evangelicalsfellvictimtothiscriticism.Butthe
Romanticagedismissedtheorderlinessof1700sclassicismandexhaltedthechaos
andtranscendantpowerofemotionandthesupernatural.Mystery,Romantics
proclaimed,existed,andtherecouldbefoundGod,oratleastsublimity.Whereas
theoldorderdespisedmarginalizedpeople,theRomanticorderrespectedand
admiredalienatedmembersofsociety.Itthusviewedevangelicalsinamuchmore
respectfullight.AsMichaelO’Brienhasnoted,Romanticthoughtandevangelical
28
suspicionblendedalmostseamlesslyintheAmericansouth.Withinstitutional
successandanalteredsensibility,southernevangelicalsstoodpoisedinthelate
antebellumatthecrestofvarioussocialandculturalwaves.52
ThefourdiaristsIexamineare:
CarolineMatildaBrooksLilly(1835‐1846):Thisextraordinarywoman,born
illegitimateanddispossessed,grewupinpovertybeforeherreligiousconversionin
theearly1830s.Asasinglewoman,shetaughtschool,aidedtheorganizationof
campmeetings,andparticipatedinpubliclifeinConcord,NorthCarolina.Following
hermarriagein1839,CarolinesettledinruralMontgomeryCountywithher
husbandJames,butcontinuedteaching.Shefocusedmoreandmoreonher
domesticlifeassheproduced,eventually,foursurvivingchildren.Herdiary
AntebellumSouthernRomanticismchroniclesheractivitiesbetween1836andher
deathin1848,includingherthoughtsonmarriage,childbirth,femaleeducation,
work,love,andreligion.53
JohnFlintoff(1841‐1901):Borntoadown‐and‐outfactionofamiddlingOrange
County,NorthCarolina,family,FlintofftraveledtoAdamsCounty,Mississippi,to
overseeanuncle’splantation.Afterayear,heattendedCentenaryCollegeinJackson
52RalphH.Gabriel,“EvangelicalReligionandPopularRomanticisminEarlyNineteenth‐Century
America,”ChurchHistory19,no.1(March1950):34‐47,andMichaelO’Brien,“TheLineamentsof
AntebellumSouthernRomanticism,”JournalofAmericanStudies20,no.2(August1986):165‐188.
53CarolineBrooksLillyDiaryandAccountBook,SouthernHistoricalCollection,TheWilsonLibrary,
UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.
29
beforereturningtoNorthCarolina.FlintofflivedinCaswellCountyinthe1850s
withhiswife,children,andslavesgrowingtobacco,haulingwood,attendingchurch,
andslowlybuildingalegacyforhimselfandhisfamily.Theantebellumperiod,when
Flintoff’seconomicsuccessseemeduncertain,isthefocusofthisdissertation.54
BasilArmstrongThomasson(1853‐1862):ThisyoungteacherinYadkinCounty,
NorthCarolina,eagerlyplannedforthedayofhismarriagebysubscribingto
domesticjournalsandenvisioningscenesofconjugalhappinessthatwouldhave
delightedCatharineBeecherherself.55Inthemeantime,thisdevoutChristian
promotedtemperance,builthisownhomeandblacksmithshop,andspentnearly
everysparehourlaboringonhisfatherandfriends’farms.56
MaryDavisBrown(1854‐1859):FromYorkCounty,SouthCarolina,MaryDavis
Brownraisedalargefamilyonherfarm,andfrettedoverherisolationandinability
tomaintainsocialnetworksbecauseofonerousparentingduties.Thediaryiskept
until1901,butthesectionsfrom1854‐1858willbeconsideredhere.57
54JohnF.FlintoffDiary,NorthCarolinaOfficeofArchivesandHistory,Raleigh,NorthCarolina.The
statearchiveownsaphotocopyoftheoriginaldiary,whichhasbeenreturnedtothedonors.
55CatharineBeecherwroteextensivelyabouthomeeconomicsandthemoralimportanceoffamilies
andisconsideredthechieffounderofAmericanVictoriandomesticity.KathrynKishSklar,Catharine
Beecher:AStudyinAmericanDomesticity(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1973).
56PaulD.Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862
(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1994).
57TheDescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilinOurLamps:TheJournalsofMaryDavisBrown
fromtheBeershebaPresbyterianChurchCommunity,York,SC,1854‐1901(n.p.:Self‐published,2010.)
30
Inthechapterofthisdissertation,Itracktheinstitutionalgrowthofthe
Piedmont’sProtestantchurches.Thecreationofschools,SundaySchools,domestic
andforeignmissions,the“missiontheslaves,”androutinizedcampmeetingsall
providedevangelicalsnewwaystoexperienceandexpressfaithinacommunal
context.IintertwinethestoriesofMaryDavisBrownandCarolineLillytoexplore
howfaithmotivatedindividualstoactionintimesofvulnerabilityandpain.Inthe
nexttwochaptersIexplorehowreligiousdisciplineofferedpractitionersaguidefor
ethicalpublicbehavior.Indoingso,inChapter2,Itakeintoaccounttheprogressof
thetemperancemovementinwesternNorthCarolina,andtheWesleyanepisodein
theearly1850s.TheindividualsIstudyinChapter3,JohnFlintoffandStrong
Thomasson,bothreliedonthoselessonsofdisciplinetoshapetheirexpectationsfor
worldlyexistence.InthenexttwochaptersItracetheinroadsevangelical
publicationsmadeintotheSouth.Chapter4exploreshowordinarypeople
consumedthemodernizingmessagestracts,newspapers,andprescriptivemanuals
ingreatnumber.IcloseinChapter5bylookingatthewaysStrongThomassonand
CarolineLillyimplementedtheidealsofamiddleclassfamilyintheirown
households.Inanepilogue,Isuggestwaystheevangelicalethosguidedpeople’s
reactiontosecessionandCivilWar.
Thisisacomplicatedstorythatyieldsreluctantlytoclearexplanations.Inthe
milieuofsocial,political,andreligiouslifeinthePiedmontSouth,evangelicals
approachedthegreatissuesoftheday—temperance,slavery,andtheconstruction
31
offamiliesandhouseholdsinachangingeconomy—withacontradictorymixtureof
enthusiasm,ambivalence,restraint,outrage,dissent,andassent.Atthebaseofthese
contradictoryactionslaythemostcontemporaryversionoftheevangelicalorder.
32
CHAPTERII
ANXIETYANDLIBERALITY:THERELIGIOUSLANDSCAPEOFTHEPOST‐REVIVAL
PIEDMONT
TheNorthCarolinaStateBaptistConventionmetin1846andsurveyedtheir
ongoingworkofcarryingtheWordofGodtothedestitute.BeingBaptists,they
primarilyconcernedthemselveswithmissionaryefforts,andproposed
reorganizationofitsbodyintoBoardsforHomeMissionsandDomesticMissionsto
moreefficientlymanagetheirnetworksandtodrawmoremembersintothelabor.
(TheirBoardofEducationwasalreadyunderway.)FromChinatoYadkinCounty,
theNorthCarolinaBaptistsespiednumerouslikelyopportunities.Withinthestate,
theConventionlookedtothefieldingofministersingrowingurbancongregations.
PlaceslikeYanceyvilleandMiltonhadnewcongregationsbutnoministers.The
bustlingprosperityofthedayinspiredthem,andtheConventioncompareditselfto
acommercialenterprise.“IfRailRoadsaretobebuilt,orBanksestablished,orthe
defencesofthecountryundertaken,capitalisfurnishedinabundance,thebest
talentsareemployed,andsystematiceffortisputforthtilltheresultis
accomplished.Whycanwenotcomeuptotheworkbeforeuswithequalzealand
33
liberality?”1Baptisteldersbadlywantedtoharnessthespiritofthedaytomeet
theirspiritualaims.
CarolineBrooksfoundthe1838campmeetingatCenterinMontgomery
Countyfullofdelightbutsomewhatlackingindevotion.Sheherselffellvictimtothe
socialrounds.Thethirty‐fiveyear‐oldsingleteacherspentagreatdealofthefour‐
daymeetinghavingbreakfast,tea,anddinneratthetentsofthemeeting’sfiner
attendees.Overtea,shecaughtupwitholdfriends,metnewones,andengagedin
spiritedconversationswithbothmenandwomenabout“femaleeducation.”Oneof
herfriends,BrotherMartin,preachedonescheduledsermon“inbehalfofthe
RandolphMaconCollege.“Sheobserved,“Idonotrecollecthavingeverseenafiner
ormorefashionablelookingcongregation.”Thispleasure,howeverunusualforthe
usuallypiousCaroline,reflectedtheimportanceofroutinesocialexpedienceof
annualcampmeetings.Buttheneedforworshipfulbehaviordidnoteludeher.“It
wasannouncedonThursdayeveningthatthedayfollowingwastobesetapartasa
dayofhumiliationfastingandprayer—butIcoulddiscovernodifferencebetween
thisandotherdays.”Thepressingneedforpiousbehaviordidnotescapeherorthe
otherattendees.OnthethirdnightasaMr.Harrisonpreachedbycandlelight,“there
wasagreatdealofnoiseandalargernumberofprofessedmournersthantherehad
beenatanyprevioustimeofthemeeting.”Theenthusiasmofpotentialconverts,
however,didnottouchCarolineasmuchastheexampleofherfriend,theReverend
1ProceedingsoftheSixteenthAnnualBaptistStateConvention,Raleigh,1846(NewBern:PrintedbyJ.I.
Pasteur,1846),22.
34
Dr.Treadwell,whotook“greatpains”tofillhistentnotjustwith“therich,thegay
orthefashionable”butensuredalsothat“thepoor,the_______andthemaimed
share[d]equallyofhisliberality.”2
TheeraofFrancisAsburyhadpassed,whiletheeraofJamesO.Andrew
thrived.Thereligiouslandscapeinthepost‐revivalSouthhadchanged.Nolonger
didMethodistsandBaptistsutilizenimbleorganizationsofunordainedand
itinerantpreacherstospreadtheirfaith.Theyandtheirecclesialcousinssettled
ministersonland,startedschools,sentmissionsabroad,andcreatedwithin
denominationsthebureaucraticscaffoldingtofundandadministertheseefforts.An
examinationoftheexteriorexpressionsoffaithofsouthernpeopleproduces
complicatedresults.Itaddsdepthtoourunderstandingoftheprocessofchangein
religionandsocietyandbeliesformulationsofsouthernwhitereligionas
conservativeorprimitive.Itdevelopedapublicethosofliberalitybutdidnot
practicealiberaltheology.Individualbelieversharnessedthepersonalanxietythat
arosefromevangelism’sCalvinisttendenciestoeffectmoralactioninthemodern
secularworld.Thosetwoterms—liberalandmodern—aremoreappropriately
deployedtodescribeAmericanreligiouscultureinthepost‐CivilWarperiod,to
describereligiousgrapplingnotjustwithtechnologyandsciencebutalsoacademic
challengestothesanctityofscripture.Instead,antebellumsouthernersdeveloped
2August28,30,September1,2,1838,inCarolineBrooksLillyDiaryandAccountBook,Southern
HistoricalCollection,WilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.Hereaftercitedas
LillyDiary.
35
theirreligiouscultureinanearliercontextMartinMartyhascalledthe“Evangelical
empire.”Evangelicals,accordingtoMarty,worked“toattracttheallegianceofallthe
people,todevelopaspiritualkingdom,andtoshapethenation’sethos,mores,
manners,andoftenitslaws”inanenvironmentfreefromlater,andmorefamiliar,
culturalconflicts.Inthepost‐establishmentera,denominationsandeven
congregationsadopteda“competitive”culturetolurecongregantsandministers.3
MarkNollcalledthisthe“ChristianEnlightenment”inAmerica.Thisintellectual
synthesis“successfullyclothedtheChristianfaithinthepreeminentideological
dressofthenewRepublic.”Amaturingideology,AmericanChristianEnlightenment
combinedfourelements,someorthodox,andsomenew:acontinuedunderstanding
oftheCovenantalrelationshipthatrequiredfrequentrepentanceandrenewal;a
beliefthatprivatevirtue(orvice)hadacausaleffectinpublicasexpressedinthe
characterofindividuals;aferventbelief,drawnfromEnlightenmentpositivism,that
moralpeoplecouldovercomeimmoralobstaclestoachievesocialperfection;and
finally,anaccommodationtotherealityofaburgeoningeconomy.4
Institutionalmaturityhadasalienteffectonhowordinarywhitesoutherners
practicedreligionandintegratedtheirfaithwiththesecularworld.As
3Ofthelaterapplicabilityof“liberal”and“modern,”Martysaid“Ironically,nosoonerhadthesenew
formsbeendevelopedthantheirrationalewasremovedfromunderthem.Inthesecondhalfofthe
nineteenthcenturyindustrialismandtheurbansettingweresoenlargedandtheirimpactsso
intensifiedthatverylittleoftheearlierformsapplieddirectlytotheworldoffactoriesandcities.”
MartinE.Marty,RighteousEmpire:TheProtestantExperienceinAmerica(NewYork:TheDialPress,
1970),1,35‐45,68.
4MarkA.Noll,TheCivilWarasaTheologicalCrisis(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolina
Press,2006),19‐21.
36
denominationsdevelopedbureaucracies,Martynoted,“itwasnecessarytoinvent
newformsorradicallyreworkoldones.”5Thesenewformsincludedmorethan
committeesandfundraising,butnewwaystointerpretandexpressindividualpiety.
Thus,southernreligiouspeopledidnotpracticeliberalreligion,butreligion
producedanethicofliberalityinreligiouspractitioners.6Theethicofliberality
placedselflessnessandpiousgenerosityaboveallotherconcernsandinsistedthat
pietytranscendworldlydivisionsofrace,class,andgender.Yettheeffectsof
liberalityarenotalwaysapparentwhenexaminingtheinteriorlivesofindividual
believers.BothCarolineBrooksandMaryDavisBrownincorporatedelementsof
contemporaryreligionintotheirliveswhileprioritizingtheanxietyofsalvation
alongsidetheneedtointerpretdailyjoysandpainsthroughthetraditionallensof
repentanceandrenewal.Thisapparentcontradiction,betweenacosmopolitan,
external,religiousexpressionandaconstrained,internaloneshouldbeareminder
thatindividualsseldomconformtobroadarchetypes,andthatoften,individuals
containedcontradictions.Itshouldnot,however,bethoughtthatexternaland
internalreligiousexpressionscouldnotcoexist.
Likeitssubjects,southernreligioushistoriographyisdominatedbyanumber
ofinterrelatedandoccasionallycontradictoryconclusionsinregardtothis
transformationoffaithinthepost‐revivalperiod.First,historiansholdthat
5Marty,RighteousEmpire,67.
6Onemergentliberalreligionintheantebellumperiod,seeMollyOshatz,SlaveryandSin:TheFight
AgainstSlaveryandtheRiseofLiberalProtestantism(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2011).
37
denominationsandclergyconscientiouslyassociatedthemselveswithagentsof
socialandsecularpowerafter1800,andreligionsubsequentlycateredto,and
servedasaadjunctof,racialandmasculineauthority.7Scholarshiphasthusfocused
onthedevelopmentoftheologiesthatprivilegedwhite,wealthymen,marginalized
blacks,women,andpoorpeople,andofferedjustificationforsouthernnationalism.
Historians,infact,havefocusedalmostexclusivelyontherelationshipbetween
religionandslaveryandreligionandgenderedpower.Atthesametime,historians
contend,conservativetheologyhinderednumeroussocialmovements.Clergy
deflectedconcernforthesecularworldbymaintainingstricttheologiesof
individualism,buttressedbyadoctrinecalled“spiritualityofthechurch,”inwhich
churcheseschewedpoliticalactivity.Denominationsallegedlyinvokedreligionasa
waytoresisttheintrusionofmarkets,industry,andotherculturaltransformations.8
OfrelatedconcernistheWeberiannotionthatthedevelopmentofmodern
relationshipsbasedincorporatebureaucraciesandmarketchoicessappedreligion
ofitssocialandculturalauthority.Asubsetofthisinterpretationinsiststhatthe
refinedandrespectablereligionofthelateantebellumstifledtheemotionalappeal
7SeeRandyJ.Sparks,“ReligioninthePre‐CivilWarSouth,”inJohnB.Boles,ed.,ACompaniontothe
AmericanSouth(Malden,MA:BlackwellPublishing,2002),156‐175;ChristineLeighHeryman,
SouthernCross:TheBeginningsoftheBibleBelt(NewYork:A.A.Knopf,1997);StephanieMcCurry,
MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,andthePoliticalCultureofthe
AntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995);andEugeneD.
GenoveseandElizabethFox‐Genovese,FatalSelf‐Deception:SlaveholdingPaternalismintheOldSouth
(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2011).
8SamuelS.Hill,SouthernChurchesinCrisis(NewYork:Holt,RinehartandWinston,1967),Bertram
Wyatt‐Brown,TheShapingofSouthernCulture:Honor,Grace,andWar,1760s‐1890s(ChapelHill:
UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001),andSidneyE.Ahlstrom,AReligiousHistoryoftheAmerican
People(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1972),659.
38
ofevangelicalProtestantism,andthus,agreatconnectionbetweendenominations
andtheirmembers.9
Somehistorianshaveworkedtoexpandthehistoriographicalviewof
southerndenominationsbylookingatreligiousexperiencebeyondtheconcernfor
race,power,andindividualism.Ofinteresthere,particularly,istheworkofBeth
BartonSchweigerwhofollowsDonaldMathewsinnotingtheorganizational
tendenciesofdenominationsafterthemajorschismsofthe1840s.Notascold,
insularsouls,butasenthusiastic,generous,congregantsdidevangelicalspursue
connectionstoregional,national,andglobalecclesiasticalbodies.Theydidso
throughthecreationofinstitutionalboards,publishingsocieties,schools,and
missionaryenterprises.“Theorganizingofsocietyaccomplishedbyrevivals,”
Schweigerwrote,“workedagainstanynotionoftraditionintheOldSouth.”10
So,anintensemotivationforpiedmontevangelicalsarosefromtheinternal
anxietyandexternaloptimismoftheirreligion.Fromthatdiscourseemergeda
prescriptionforevangelicalbehavior—liberality—thatsubtlystoodasachallenge
totheplanterethicsofpaternalismandhonor.Simultaneously,benevolentand
9RandyJ.Sparks,OnJordan’sStormyBanks:EvangelicalisminMississippi,1773‐1876(Athens:
UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1994),Heryman,SouthernCross,andJohnB.Boles,TheIronyofSouthern
Religion(NewYork[?]:PeterLangPublishing,1994).
10BethBartonSchweiger,“MaxWeberinMountAiry,Or,RevivalsandSocialTheoryintheEarly
South,”inReligionintheAmericanSouth:ProtestantsandOthersinHistoryandCulture,ed.Beth
BartonSchweigerandDonaldG.Mathews(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,
2004),53,DonaldG.Mathews,“TheSecondGreatAwakeningasanOrganizingProcess,1780‐1830:
AnHypothesis,”AmericanQuarterly21,no.1(Spring1969):23‐43,andBethBartonSchweiger,The
GospelWorkingUp:ProgressandthePulpitinNineteenth‐CenturyVirginia(NewYork:Oxford
UniversityPress,2000).
39
bureaucraticschemesdesignedtobuilddenominationsexpandedthepotential
fieldsforspiritualrefreshing.Asordinarylaypeopleactivelyparticipatedinthenew
religiouslandscape,theycontinuedtoregardevangelicalismasasourceof
individualstrength,anxiety,andguidance.Themodernworldhadalteredreligious
experiencebuthadnotrobbeditofitsemotionalimpact.
MaryDavisBrown’sPersistence
TworelatedidealsfedMaryBrown’sreligiousworldview.First,earthly
existencewasnevermeanttobeanythingbutpainful.“Well,”shewrote,
thisisawourldofcaresandsorrowsbutwhatofthattheyverry[weary?]
travelerneverdreamsofrestuntohelandsathisjourneysendandwhy
shouldIexpectenjoymentherewhiletravlinginthiswildernessofsin,pain
andsorrow.11
Second,nearlyeverymomentoftravail,strife,andpainrepresentedarebukeand
remindertomaintainfocusonGodandthepromiseofjoyintheafterlife.Asore
throatin1856lefthertohopethat“theseafflictionswaresentforesomething.”12
ThesolemnordinationofanewpreacheratBershabaremindedher“thatwemust
allgiveanaccountforeatdeath.”13
11TheDescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps:TheJournalsofMaryDavisBrown
fromtheBeershebaPresbyterianChurchCommunity,York,SC,1854‐1901(n.p.:Self‐PublishedbyThe
DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,2010),32.HereaftercitedasDescendants,OilInOurLamps.
12Descendants,OilInOurLamps,28.
13Descendants,OilInOurLamps,41.
40
ThesenotionsdefinedeverythinginMaryBrown’sexistence,fromthe
weather,toaging,tothedeathofchildren.AneveningofbadweatherinNovember
1854“remindsmeofthelongnightofdarknessthatawaitsthewickedsiner[sic].
[O]h,thatImayalwayshavebeforemyeyesthatIamborntodieandbeprepard
forethatchange.”14Eventheafflictionsofotherpeopleportendedreligious
instruction.Whenamurderer,JamesVickers,“washungforestabingDaubson,”she
didnotdwellonthelegalityormoralityofVickers’crimebuttooktheopportunity
tonotethat“greatisourwarefair,greatisourwork;andfargreaterthaneverI
expectedittobee,ismyweekness,butmysuffiencyisofGod.”15Alllife’spassages
servedtoexplainthepainofearthandenlightenthepathtoheaven.Attheendof
1854,shenoted,
Theirhasbeentooborn,toomarriedandonediedinmyfamilythisyear.But
thouhastcommandedustorememberallthywayswhichthouhastledusin
thiswilderness.Theseenofourjourninghasindeedbeenawilderness.But
thehandthathasconductedusisdivine…Ihavehadmyafflictions,buthow
fewhavetheybeeninnumber,howshortincontinuance,howalievieatedin
degree,howmercifulindesign,howinstructive,andusefulintheirresult.It
isgoodforemethatIhavebeenafflicted.16
ThechronicillnessofMary’selderlyfatherconstantlyofferedherparticular
proofofthestarklinebetweenlifeanddeath,painandsalvation.Ononevisitto
WilliamBrown’shouse,shenoted,“hesaystheirs[there’s]butonestepbetween
14Descendants,OilInOurLamps,16.
15Descendants,OilInOurLamps,17.
16Descendants,OilInOurLamps,17,28.
41
himandthegrave.Anditwillbeagloriouschangeforehim,frompainandsickness
toaplacepreparedforehimandthatlongandwaitforehiscoming.”17Heappeared
ataquiltingbeeatMary’shouse,butwarnedthat“hethoughtitmightbethelast
timeheeverwouldbehere.Itmakesmefeelverrysoberevertimehegosehome
fromhere.”18Theprospectofillness,pain,anddeathquickenedWilliam’s
anticipationforthepeaceofheaven.Hespenthisdaysstudyingscriptureand
regailingvisitorswithhishopes.“WhenantEmilycameshesays,‘Unckle,youarein
abadfix.’‘Ohno,IhopeIwillsoonbeinagoodfix.’Hesaiditwasnothingtolive
anditwasnothingtodiebutfeltitwasagreatthingtobereddytodie.Helongsto
begoneandbewiththatdearsaviorhehaslovedandservedsolong.”ThatWilliam
Browndeclaredhiseagernesstoleavelifewhilepresumablyinthepresenceofhis
familymightseemratherinsensitive,butthesentimentinspiredMary:“Oificould
butfollowhisexampleasfarashefollowedChristsexampleandonlybeaswell
preparedforeanotherwourldasheis,ineednotcareforethethingsofthis
wourld.”19Hediedamonthlater.
Theviewoflifeasasingularsourceofpainservedasarebuketoremember
rewardsofsalvation.Italso,strangely,servedasasalveforearthlygrief.Mary
17Descendants,OilInOurLamps,22.
18Descendants,OilInOurLamps,29.
19Descendants,OilInOurLamps,57,seealso30.
42
particularlyusedthisstrangecomforttoconsoleherselfafterthedeathofaninfant
in1854.ShequotedEnglishBaptisttractwriterJ.G.Pikewhenshewrote,
Heislandedonthatpeacefulshorewherethestormesoftroubleneverblow;
heisforeveroutofthereachofsorow,sin,temptationandsnares.Nowheis
beforethethrone,singingthesweetsongsofreedimingloveforevermore.20
ThisisnottosaythatMaryBrownlivedinastateofperpetualorimposedgrief.She
skillfullymanipulatedtherealityofpainintothetermsofherhappiness,oratleast
contentment.Uponreviewingtheeventsof1854,shelamentedthepassingofher
infantsonandthebirthandmarriageofothersinherfamilybyrecallingthat“[t]he
seenofourjourninghasindeedbeenawilderness…Ihavehadmyafflictions,but
howfewhavetheybeeninnumber,howshortincontinuance,howalieviatedin
degree,howemercifulindesign,howinstructive,andusefulintheirresult.Itisgood
foremethatIhavebeenafflicted.”21Thedeathofherbabysonhademotionally
crushedher,butinperspective,andwithprayer,shefoundrelief,notfromthepain,
butinit.
MaryBrown’sfaithservedasimpleneed—thealleviationofearthlypainina
worldrifewithphysicaltorment,imminentdeath,andeasyseparation.Asimple
requirementlackinginintellectualsophisticationandtheologicalcomplexity,yetthe
imperativeofthatfaithsubtlylaidafoundationforalargerethosthatwillbe
20Descendants,OilInOurLamps,17.
21Descendants,OilInOurLamps,17.
43
discussedlaterbutisvisibleinoneofMaryBrown’sNewYear’sprayers.Asshe
contemplatedtheforthcomingyear,Marypleadedthatshe“liveinthespirrit”—
particularlywith“wisdomandstrenth,”becauselifepresentedfarmore“adversity,”
whichcausedher“tosink.”Thisismorethantheimpositionofajustificationforthe
arbitrarypowerlessnessMaryBrownexperienced.Herprayersforsubmissionand
alleviationareacommondynamicofsinandsalvation.MaryBrown,alongwith
countlessotherProtestants,continuedtopracticeapedestrianformof
“experimentalreligion”inwhichconnectiontothedivineoccurredthroughnon‐
rationalemotionsoftheheart.Thekeenemotionsofmourningandphysical
desperationbetokenedaconnectiontoGod.FormostProtestants,thatconnection
wasamessagethatsinprevailedbutsalvationwaspossible.22
Thecycleofsinandsalvationappliedtomuchmorethanlife’spains.
Evangelicalssawsinandtemptationalsoincertainformsofhappinessandcomfort.
“Oletnotprosperitydestroymeoreinjureme,”Marywrote.
Mayiknowhowtobeabasedwithoutdespaireandtoaboundwithoutpride.
Ifmyrealtivescomfortsarecontinuedtome,mayIlovethemwithout
adrolitry[sic]andholdthematthydisposal,andiftheyarerecoldfromme,
mayIbeenabeledtosay,‘TheLordgaveandtheLordhathtaken,and
blessedbethenameoftheLord.23
22A.GregorySchneider,TheWayoftheCrossLeadsHome:TheDomesticationofAmericanMethodism
(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,1993),42‐58.
23Descendants,OilInOurLamps,19.
44
MaryBrown’sprayertoforestallthetemptationsofmaterialwealthreflecteda
growingsouthernconcernfortheplaceofpietyinanincreasinglyprosperousworld
andthefoundationofanearthlyethicoflivingwithinaworldofmoneyandmaterial
goods.
CarolineLilly’sAnxiety
AperfunctoryreadingofCarolineLilly’sdiarysuggeststheteacherandfarm
wifepracticedaverytraditional,andverystultifying,religionunrelatedtothe
bureaucratizationofdenominationsandotherimpulsesofmid‐nineteenthcentury
religion.AsayoungsingleteacherinCabarrusCounty,NorthCarolina,shedid
indeedparticipatefullyinthereligiouslifeofthecommunitywithregular
attendanceatSundayservicesandprotractedmeetings,participationinSunday
School(proceedings),widereadinginreligiousperiodicalsandtracts,and
cultivatingclosebondswithbothPresbyterianandMethodistdivines.Yetanxiety
plaguedher,andpursuedhertoMontgomeryCounty,whereshemarriedJamesLilly
andboresixchildren.Thatanxietystemmedfromreligiousinsecurities,anddespite
herefforts,herfaithfailedtoprovideabalm.Bytheendofherlife,Caroline’sdiary
entriesreflectthevoiceofapersonshatteredbyreligiousanxieties.
45
CarolineLillyrepresentedamoderninflectionofProtestantismprimarily
becauseofherstruggleswiththeself,orwhatshecalledthe“Egomet.”24Despitethe
self‐negationrequiredinconversionandsubmission,Carolinepossessedakeen
awarenessofherselfasanautonomousactorwithdesiresandfoiblesthatshecould
control.Thestruggleoverthearticulationand,equallyimportant—thebounds—of
thosedesiresandfoibles,formacentralthemeofherdiary.25Infact,whenshe
openedthediaryin1836,shefullyintendedittobeastandardevangelical
documentmeanttoexamineandtherebyimproveherownreligiouscharacter.
Thoughshequicklybegantorecordsecularitems,thediaryremainedevera
locationforself‐reflectionwhereshecouldquestionherownheart,expressits
desires,andnegotiateanadequateequilibrium.
Caroline’sruminationsonselfandheractsofself‐abnegationarecomplex
anddifficulttountangle.Carolineharboredthespiritual,andtherefore,seculargoal
ofbeingusefultoGod’swill.Shedidnotobsessoverherstatusassavedorunsaved,
convertedorunconverted,presentlifeorafterlife.Carolineagonizedthather“faint
desiretobeusefulinthyvinyardbegreatlyincreasedandspeedilyputinto
practice.”26“MayI,”sheprayed,“beenabledtodevotemyworthyselfentirelytohis
24Attheopeningofthethirdvolumeofherdiary,Carolinetriedtocategoricallyanalyzethepartof
herlife,including“Domestic,”“PhysicalDepartment,”“SchoolDepartment,”“Mental,”“Myown
feelings,”and“Egomet.”SeeJuly29,August1,6,12,and29,LillyDiary.Thisschemedidnotlast.
25RodgerM.Payne,TheSelfandtheSacred:ConversionandAutobiographyinEarlyAmerican
Protestantism(Knoxville:TheUniversityofTennesseePress,1998),especiallychapter3.
26August23,1836,LillyDiary.
46
service.”27Carolinediscoveredhervocationtobeteachingandchild‐rearing
(exploredinChapter3).Butsatisfactionwiththosepaths,andself‐satisfactionwith
herlifeingeneral,didnotderivesimplyfromfulfillmentofthosegoals.Shedid
teachandshedidbearchildren,buthersecularcontentmentalwaysremainedin
tenuousbalancewithspiritualanxiety.
Caroline’sanxietyderivedfromheryearningforsanctification,andherbattle
withspiritualtemptationsthatyearningengendered.Insanctification(alsocalled
perfectionandholiness),Methodistsknewthatconversionitselfdidnotcleansethe
soulortheheartoftemptationorassuresalvation.Post‐conversionspirituallifeof
theMethodistfaithfulcontinuedthestruggleforsanctification,astateinwhichthe
believeracceptedandreturnedunalloyedloveofGod.Outwardevidenceofthe
achievementofsanctificationmightincludeafallingawayofpainandsorrow.28
Might,becausetruesanctificationprovedsodifficulttoachieve.Carolinestruggled
ontheroadtosanctificationinwaysthematter‐of‐factPresbyterianMaryBrown
didnot.
27December4,1838,LillyDiary.
28ThoughtheholinessofPhoebePalmerandtheWesleyanMethodistsappearedinNorthCarolinain
the1850s,Caroline’sperfectionismharkenedtoJohnWesley’seighteenthcenturysermons.Randall
J.Stephens,“’OhioVillains’and‘PretenderstoNewRevelations’:WesleyanAbolitionistsintheSouth,
Perfectionism,andtheAntebellumReligiousDivide,”inSouthernCharacter:EssaysinHonorof
BertramWyatt‐Brown,ed.LisaTendrichFrankandDanielKilbride(Gainesville:UniversityPressof
Florida,2011),73‐88,CherylFradetteJunk,“’Ladies,arise!TheWorldhasneedofyou’:Frances
Bumpass,religion,andthepowerofthepress,1851‐1860,”Ph.Ddiss.,UniversityofNorthCarolinaat
ChapelHill,2005,andSchneider,TheWayofTheCrossLeadsHome,51‐52.
47
Caroline’sperfectionismdrovehertoapersistentdesireforself‐
improvement.Sheprayed,“IdobeseechtheetograntmetheSanctifyinginfluences
ofthyholyspirittopurifymyheart.”29Butprayerwashardlyenough.Doubtabout
herownChristiancharacterplaguedher.Soonaftersheopenedherdiary,Caroline
criedout,“Iamsomedistressedforaccountofmyextremeunworthinessinthe
sightofaproud&holyGodwhoismybestfriendandtowhomIamindebtedforall
theblessingsthatIenjoy.”30OnApril15,1837,shewrote,“Iammuchoppressed
withcaresandanxietiesofvariouskindsbutchieflybecauseIamnotabetter
Christian.Theadversaryofsoulshasassaultedmeduringthisweek.”31This
arrestingstatementrevealsmuchaboutCaroline’sworldview.“Caresandanxieties,”
thoughunstatedinthispassage,maybeanallusiontoaconflictsheperceived
herselftobeinwithanotherteacher,oritmayhavearisenfromherongoing—and
disappointing—attemptstostanchahabittowardrecriminativegossip,orher
uncertaintyaboutfutureemployment.32Whateverthecause,sheclearlydidnot
baseherspiritualunhappinessdirectlyonherworldlyannoyances.Sheattributed
her“caresandanxieties”toherapparentfailureasaChristian.Herseculartroubles
camefromthedoubtsheharboredaboutherabilitytoserveGod’swill.The
lineamentsbetweenspiritualanxietyandearthlybehaviorcouldnothavebeen
29April20,1836,LillyDiary.
30April18,1836,LillyDiary.SeealsoDecember1,1836.
31April15,1837,LillyDiary.
32SeeAugust31,1837,LillyDiary.
48
shorter.Thetheologicalproblemwas,indeed,averytangibleearthlyproblem.But
thekeyhereisthatthespiritualsolutionwasalsoanearthlysolution.
PhysicalpainsandanxietiesmanifestedinCaroline’smindasreligiousdoubt
mostintenselyduringpregnancy.Inthesummerof1839,duringherfirst
pregnancy,shedescribedtheinterconnectednessoffaithandphysicalpain.OnJuly
21,nearhersixthmonth,shedesiredtoattendchurch,but“theinfirmitiesofthe
fleshandthecaresoftheworldpressheavilyuponmeandverymuchretardmy
progressinspiritualthings.”Thoughshestayedhomefromchurch,shestill
attendedasessionofher“SabbathSchool,”where,“thoughsufferingpainspentan
hourortwoquitepleasantly.”33Sheovercame,oratleastfoundthefortitudeto
endure,herpainbecauseshefoundthetimefordevotion.Threemonthslatershe
foundthatfaithdidnotforestalltheweightofgravidity.“Ihavenowbecome
familiarwithafflictionbeingveryseldomfreefrompain.”Butshecontinuedto
alleviateherdiscomfortwithappealstoheavenandinterpretherphysicalpainas
theological,notbiological.“Iprayforresignationandsubmissiontothe
chastisementsofmyHeavenlyFather.”34Perhapsshethoughtthathadshebeen
moredevoted,herHeavenlyFathermighthavesparedherthepains.Herreactionto
33July21,1839,LillyDiary.
34September14,1839,LillyDiary.
49
anapparentmiscarriagethefollowingyearwastodesirean“increaseoffaithinthe
promiseofGodwithrenewedstrengthtoperformhiswill.”35
OnAugust23,1844,MaryCaroline,oneofhertwins,died.Thatportionof
Caroline’sdiaryismissing,butwhenitpicksupagain,fivemonthslater,wefindher
shatteredandstillseekingsubmission.“Letmebeentirelydevotedtohisservice
andsubmissivelyresignedtohisholywill.”36Ayearlater,thedeceaseddaughter
stillhauntedhermother.“SweetMaryCarolineisfrequentlybeforemewithher
innocentprattleandchildishgleeandfrolicsomemotions.”Thevisionunsettled
Caroline,“Doesshenotrestinahappierspherefreefromthecaresand
disappointmentsthatawaitedher,”sheasked.37Astoherself,Caroline“feltfeeble.
Metwithtrials.Knownothowtoact.Wantacleanheartandarightspiritandentire
conformitytotheWillofHeaven.”38Herlamentsshorter,reflectingoverwhelming
grief,shestillyearnedtoadheretothe“WillofHeaven.”Inthefinalmonthsofher
lastpregnancy,andnear‐paranoidwithfear,shebegantosimplyquotescriptural
verse,fromPsalm32:5(“Iacknowledgemyiniquityandmysiniseverbeforeme”)
toHebrews13:6(“Thelordismyhelper.”)October24thand25thmarkedtheapogee
offear,asshescribbledinherdiary“Troubledwithheadache—Nervous—Longfor
thehourofd2l3v2r5butstrivethroughdivineaidtoexercisepatience,”and“’Get
35November2,1840,LillyDiary.
36January1,1845,LillyDiary.
37August5,1845,LillyDiary.
38August3,1845,LillyDiary.
50
theehenceSatan’andterrifymenottosinagainstGod.ForthroughdivineaidIam
resolvedtofleetothestrongholds.’”39TwodayslatershegavebirthtoGeorge
HenryAlbertinanuneventfuldelivery.
AsafedeliverydidnotrelieveCarolineofheragoniesandsheplunged
furtherintomonotonousscripturalprayer.TheBiblicalpassagessheregularly
copiedintoherdiaryafter1845werenotsimplyaresponsetoageneralspiritual
anxiety,butkeyeddirectlytoavarietyofdaily(orlonger)events.“Blessedishethat
considereththepoor,theLordwilldeliverhiminthetimeoftrouble(Psalm41:1),”
shewroteatacornshortageinNovember1845.40FromMatthew25:36,she
recalledthecommandto“visitthesick”onadaythatJamescarriedhertovisitan
ailingrelative.41Thisstrategyfailedtoofferrelief,asshewroteonDecember14,
Iamconsciousofhavingdeviatedfarfromthatpathofpietyandusefulness
inwhichIhavefrommyinfancybothwishedandendeavoredtowalk.Wish
towalkmorecloselynearGod.42
Noneofherstrategiesdid.Fortheremainingmonthsofherlife,Carolinewrestled
withunnamedtemptations,sufferedafflictions,pleadfordivineaid,and“Contented
[sic]withahostofSpiritualenemieswhichIfounddifficulttovanquish.”43While
39October18,19,24‐25,1845,LillyDiary.“d2l3v2r5”isdeliverance,withnumbersreplacingvowels.
Idonotunderstandthismodeofexpression.
40November12,1845,LillyDiary.
41December6,1845,LillyDiary.
42December14,1845,LillyDiary.
51
herappealsdidnotrelieveher,theydidofferherfortitude.Onaparticularly
fatiguingdayinJune1846,shenoted“Iamgreatlystrengthenedatintervalsand
enjoyanalmostinvisibleflowofspirits.”Thosespiritshelpedher“regulatemy
conductbythepreceptsoftheHolyScripturesregardlessofthecreedsandopinions
ofmen.”44Thus,notwithself‐actualizationbutwithself‐regulationdidCaroline
seekpersonalsatisfactionfromGod.Caroline’sperfectionismdiddrivehertoa
lifetimeofdesperateanxietyandfear.Yetthesameurgetounsettlingspiritualself‐
criticismalsoproducedasecularimpulsetoaction,tobediscussedbelow.
Individualevangelicalsoperatedinmentalspacesthatviewedthephysical
worldandthespiritualworldsintandem,andthedynamicsneverremainedstatic.
IfonewerenotsubjecttoanoutpouringofGod’sspirit,orifonedidnotprogress
towardfulfillmentofGod’sintentions,onewasintheterriblegripsofapathy,the
enemyofsouls.Theapatheticstaterequiredtheurgentattentionsofprayerand
piousbehavior.Increasingly,peoplemeasuredtheprogressofsoulsbytheevidence
ofpiousbehaviorinthesecularworld.
Evangelicaldenominationsoperatedwithsimilarassumptions.Ministers
describedthe“stateofreligion”withincongregations,circuits,orentireregionsas
eitheradvancingorretreating.Theadvancingreligiouslifeofacongregationwas
exhibitedbythenumberofconverts,enthusiasmexpressedatordinaryfunctions,
43May21,1846,LillyDiary.SeealsoMarch6,April8,April18,andMay7,1846.
44June18,1846,LillyDiary.
52
andincreasingly,inparticipationinbenevolentandeducationalcauses.Places
sufferingfromapathyexhibitedmoribundcongregations,fewconverts,andlittle
interestinbenevolentactivity.Tomaintainreligiousenthusiasm,denominational
leadersinNorthCarolinabuiltthebureaucraticstructuresnecessarytosustain
missionaryandeducationalefforts.Throughthesestructures,evangelicalsadapted
tothelatestreligiousstylesandmeasuresofpiety.
DomesticandForeignMissions
Thedomesticmissionendeavorwascentraltotheinstitutionalgrowthof
evangelicalchurches.Domesticmissionswereasuccessortoboththeearly
itinerancysystemofministerialsupplyandanexpressionofthepatternsofadvance
andretreatevidentindenominationallife.Intheworkofdomesticmissions
denominationsdidnotseektobreaknewgroundbuttoshoreupflagging
spiritualityinanalreadyevangelizedplace.AgentsrepresentingtheBaptistState
ConventionortheMethodistsConferencestouredthestateandidentifiedplaces
thathadoncehadreligionbutthenlostit.AsoneLutheranwhosurveyedthe
languishingconditioninDavidsonCountynoted,theseplaceswere“likeadying
man…unlessimmediatelyattendedto,wouldbelost.”45Theythencommitted
denominationalresourcestothesupplyofministersandpublishedmaterialtothe
destituteregion.
45MinutesoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina,1847(Salisbury:
PrintedattheCarolineWatchmanOffice,1847),28.
53
“Destitute,”ofcourse,isasubjectiveterm,butonethathadaveryspecific
meaningtochurches—notpoverty‐stricken,butanarealackinginministers,
functioningcongregations,oraccesstoreligiousmaterials.Destitutionofthese
thingsamplydemonstratedtodenominationalleadersthatanareadidnotpossessa
suitablelevelofspirituality.TheReverendEliPhillipsservedasamissionaryin
Randolph,Rowan,MontgomeryandDavidsonCountiesandreported“thatsectionof
theStateislamentablydestituteofBaptistpreaching.”46TheBaptistreportonhome
missionsin1834laidoutafrightfulscene:
Ourchurchesaresomeofthemdestitute,otherscoldanddeclining,withthe
wallsofdisciplinebrokendown,somepastorscoldandbacksliden,andthe
flocksscattered;error,withitsmanyheads,introducedbyfalseteachers,
professingtobepreachersoftheeverlastingGospel,andtoomany,alas!
corruptedfromthesimplicityofthetruth.
Destituteareasriskedspiritualdamnation.ElsewhereintheConvention’s
proceedings,AgentJ.CulpeperdescribedhealthyBaptistchurches,inwhich“a
gloriousworkisprogressing,andextendingitsreforming,powerful,and
harmonizinginfluencethroughdifferentgradesofsociety.Hundredsandthousands
arebowinginobediencetotheRedeemer’sstandard.”Culpepercouldidentify
healthyassociationsnotjustbytheirpietybutbythefactthatthey“approveof,and
46ReportoftheThirdAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1833
(Fayetteville:PrintedbyEdwardJ.Hale,1834),13.
54
encouragetheInstitutionsoftheday”namely,theConvention’seffortstopromote
education,tractcirculation,andtemperance.47
TheLutheransin1847recognizedtheirowntenuouscondition.The
leaderlessflocksinCatawbaCountylookedhopefullytoBrotherJ.D.StinglyofSouth
Carolinatobecometheirpastor.ButwhenStinglyarrivedexpectingtheSynodto
payhissalary,hewasdisappointed.ThelocalchurchesinCatawbahadnot
informedtheSynodoftheexpectation,andtheSynodhadneitherthemoneynor
mechanismtoofferthestipend.StinglyreturnedtoSouthCarolina.Theminister
overseeingcongregationsinDavidsonandStokesCountiesremovedto
southwesternVirginia,andleftthosetwocountieswithoutpastoralcare.
Meanwhile,BrotherBenjaminArey,theordainedministerinStatesville,reported
thatanumberofLutherans“ontheStatesvilleRoad”nearSalisbury,towhomhehad
beenpreaching,desiredtoerectachurch.HopewellChurch,SandyCreek,Pilgrim’s
andBeck’sChurchalsopetitionedtheSynodtosupplyaminister.Inthefaceofthese
needs,theLutheranSynod’sMissionary&EducationSocietyresolvedtoencourage
furthercongregationalgivingbyhaving“alltheMinistersinconnectionwiththis
SynodpreachMissionaryandEducationsermonstotheirseveralchurches,andtake
upcollectionsinbehalfofthisSociety.”48
47ProceedingsoftheFourthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1834
(NewBern:PrintedattheofficeofTheRecorder,1835),10,15.
48MinutesoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina,1847,6,20,26‐27.
55
Threeyearsearlier,in1844,thePresbyteriansmovedtocreateastronger
infrastructure.TheirSynodresolvedthateachPresbyterybecomeanauxillaryofthe
GeneralAssemblyBoardofMissions,requesttheGeneralAssemblytodeploy
missionariestothem,thatchurchesreceivesaidmissionaries,andthatcongregants
subscribetotheMissionaryChroniclenewspaper.Tosupportthiseffort,theSynod
chargedeachPresbyterytocreatethreedifferentcommittees—“standing,
corresponding,[and]ExecutiveCommitteeofDomesticMissions”—tocoordinate
missionaryworkandthefundraisingrequiredtosupportit.Tothelatterend,the
Synodchargedthatpastorsregularlyappealtotheirchurches“fortheirliberal
support.”49TheBaptists,ofcourse,hadthebestdevelopedsystemforsending
agentsintoavarietyofassociations.In1846,forinstance,missionaryR.J.Devin
reportedthathehadtraveled2,000milesintheYadkinandLibertyAssociations,
delivered140sermons,andconverted100people,whilemissionaryJ.Robertson’s
185daysinStokes,Surry,andGuilfordCountiesyielded119sermons,60
conversions,andfourSundaySchoolsorganized.50In1849,theConvention
employedelevenmissionariesinthestate,sixinthePiedmont.51
Supportingamissionarymeantprovidingnotonlyhispay,butincreasingly,a
houseinwhichtostayandafarmbywhichamarriedministermightsupporthis
49MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐FirstSessions,1844(Fayetteville:EdwardJ.
Hale,1845),16‐17.
50ProceedingsoftheSixteenthAnniversaryoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1846
(Raleigh:PrintedattheRecorderOffice,1847),17‐18.
51MinutesoftheTwentiethAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1849
(Raleigh:PrintedattheBiblicalRecorderOffice,1849),18‐24.
56
family.Methodists,afterabandoningtheitinerantsysteminthe1810s,beganto
increasecollectionstosettlepreachers,evencircuitministerswhotendedtoa
numberofcongregationsinaoneortwo‐countyregion.52TheIredellCircuit,for
instance,in1849purchasedfifty‐sevenacresnearStatesvillefor$260fora
parsonage.53Thepurchaseentailedmorethanbuyingahouseandland—sinceit
wascongregationalproperty,itrequiredcongregationaloversight.Trustees
appointedfortheparsonageorganizedacommitteein1853toraisemoneytopay
thedebtincurredforpurchase.54Tohousingforacircuitministerwasaddedthe
costsassociatedwithtravel.Whathadbeenanannualstipendof$80in1800had
increasedto$650in1854.55ThroughouttheMethodistconference,circuits
organizedcommitteesandtrusteestoraisemoney.TheMethodistsin1840
stridentlyadvocatedparsonagesbywriting,
Shouldadoubtbeentertainedwhetherthispermanentlocationofa
preacher’sfamilybefortheinterestoftheConference&Church[then]it
shouldberecollectedthatthesebrethren[theministers]haveadoptedthat
courseinobediencetothefirstlawsofnature,selfpreservation,andinthis
presentstateofthingsmanyothers[ill.]soonfollowtheirexamples,because
theChurchhasnotprovidedfortheiraccommodations&support.
52JohnH.Wigger,TakingHeavenByStorm:MethodismandtheRiseofPopularChristianityinAmerica
(Chicago:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1998),184‐185.
53April8,1849,IredellCircuit,UnitedMethodistChurchRecords,1784‐1984,DavidM.Rubenstein
RareBook&ManuscriptLibrary,DukeUniversity,Durham,NorthCarolina.HereaftercitedasUMC
Records.
54February26,1853,IredellCircuit,UMCRecords
55n.d.1854,IredellCircuit,UMCRecords.Wigger,TakingHeavenByStorm,49.
57
TheConferencestilllamentedthatministersmarriedandsettled,butthedaysof
Asbury’scircuitriderswerefarbehind.Toadaptrequiredcongregationstoboldly
confrontnewrealities:thattheyneededtopayfortheinevitablefarmsandfamilies.
Infact,theConferenceconcluded,toneglectthischargewouldbeabetrayalof
Methodismandcongregationsthemselves—“anevilofnoordinarymagnitude.”56In
theprocess,denominationsaddedlayersofbureaucraticcomplexitytothe
evangelicalenterprise.
ThecauseofforeignmissionsbecamethepurviewofNorthCarolina’sBaptist
andPresbyteriandenominations.Moravianshadongoingmissionaryendeavorsto
NativeAmericans,buttheirconsiderableglobaleffortsdidnotreceivemuch
attentionwithinNorthCarolina.57TheGermanReformedsandQuakersdidnot
participateinmissionaryactivity.TheLutheransofNorthCarolinaputtheirefforts
intoopeningachurchinWilmingtonintheantebellumperiod,andwhilethey
contributedtoHomeMissionefforts,showedlittleinterestintheGeneralSynod’s
missionaryeffortsinIndiaandLiberia.58
561840,JournaloftheAnnualSessionoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopal
Church,UMCRecords.
57JonSensbach,“Slavery,Race,andtheGlobalFellowship:ReligiousRadicalsConfronttheModern
Age,”inPiousPursuits:GermanMoraviansintheAtlanticWorld,ed.MicheleGillespieandRobert
Beachy(NewYork:BerghahnBooks,2007),223‐238.
58JacobL.Morgan,BachmanS.Brown,andJohnHall,eds.,HistoryoftheLutheranChurchinNorth
Carolina(n.p.:UnitedEvangelicalLutheranSynodofNorthCarolina,1953?),61‐62.Interestingly,
whentheLutheranGeneralSynodfoundedtheForeignEvangelicalMissionarySocietyin1843,they
reportedthattheSouthCarolinaLutherans,alongwithPennsylvanians,chieflysupportedit.
ProceedingsoftheTwelfthConventionoftheGeneralSynodoftheEvangelicalLutheranChurchinthe
UnitedStates,1843(Baltimore:LutheranPublicationRooms,1843),20‐23,30‐37.
58
Baptistsdominatedthediscussionofforeignmissions.Ennobledbythe
successoftheitinerantsystemandinspiredbyhighprofileeffortsbyWilliamCarey
andLutherRiceinIndia,manyBaptiststooktohearttheGreatCommissionofJesus
tospreadHisteachingsthroughouttheworld.59TheStateConventionfervently
followedthecareerofAndorinamandAnnJudson’smissiontoBurma,and
associationsintheeasternpiedmontcelebratedtheraisingupofnativeMatthew
YatestospreadthegospelinChina,startingin1849.60Yates,ayoungBaptistfrom
WakeCounty,wasactiveinBaptistStateConventionactivities,andwhilea
seminarianatWakeForest,committedhimselftotheForeignMissioncausein
China.HewasthefirstSouthernBaptistmissionarydispatchedtothatcountry.61
The1842StateConventionnotedthatenthusiasmforthemissionaryeffort
hadmultiplepositiveinfluencesathome.
Wecaneasilyimaginewhateagereyesthelittleboywouldfollowthefinger
ofafondmother,asshetracesthemapthespotthatmarksCalcutta;andasa
mother’slipstellsofthetoilsanddifficultiesofCaryandhispartnersin
missionarytoil,hislittleheartwouldpantthathewereamanandcould
59SidneyE.Ahlstrom,AReligiousHistoryoftheAmericanPeople(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,
1972),858‐860.
60OntheJudsons,seeJayRileyCase,AnUnpredictableGospel:AmericanEvangelicalsandWorld
Christianity,1812‐1920(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2012),24,31‐37,and46.Proceedingsof
theSecondAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1832(Edenton:
MiscellanyPress,1832),13,andProceedingsoftheFifthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistState
Convention,1835(Newbern:PrintedatTheRecorderOffice,1835),19.
61ProceedingsoftheSixteenthAnniversaryoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1846,7‐8.
59
followoverthewideAtlantic,standwherestoodthemanofGod,preachthat
sameGospel,andatlastfillsohonoredagrave.62
Theforeignmissionefforthadapurposeathome.Themissionarycausecould
plausiblyreinforcetheimaginationandeducationofyoungpeople,andstrengthen
thebondsbetweenmotherandchild.
Despitetheauthenticityoffeelingamongthepreachersandtheeditors,the
layBaptistsburnedwithmorefervorforhomemissionsthantheydidforforeign
missions,iffundraisingisanyindication.Atthe1842BaptistStateConventionthe
CartelegeCreekAssociationandthePeeDeeAssociationeachgavefivedollarsto
thehomemissioneffortandtotheforeignmissions.OrangeCounty’sSandyCreek
Association,however,gave$54.26tohomemissionsandnonetoforeignmissions.
TheCaswellForeignMissionSocietyraisedthreedollarsforeachcausewhilefour
peoplefromtheWilkesAssociationgavefourdollarstohomemissionsandnoneto
foreignmissions.Intotal,theconventionraised$316.62forhomemissionsand
$155.48forforeignmissions.63
MissiontotheSlaves
Evangelicalsdidnotlimittheirmissionaryeffortstowhitepeopleor
potentialconvertsoverseas.Somepiedmontersengagedinamissionaryeffortto
62ProceedingsoftheTwelfthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1842
(Newbern:PrintedattheOfficeoftheSpectator,1843),21‐22.
63ProceedingsoftheTwelfthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1842,
12‐13.
60
enslavedpeople.EvangelicalsinGeorgiaandSouthCarolinapioneeredthe“mission
totheslaves”inthe1820s,andbythemid‐1840s,itspractitionerscouldbefound
acrosstheslaveholdingstates.IntheeffortsformulatedbyCharlesColcockJones
andWilliamCapers,ministerscoordinatedwithmasterstoschedulepreaching,
SundaySchools,andcatecheticalinstructiontoplantationslaves.Further,
denominationalpublishingarmsproducedcatechismsandprayerbooksspecifically
foranenslavedaudience.Evangelicalspursuedthemissiontotheslavesfora
varietyofreasons,chiefofwhichbeingthesalvationofblacksouls.Yetthemission
servedpoliticalfunctionsandsocialneedsaswell.Partisansendorsedtheeffort
becauseitdemonstrated—againstthechargesofabolitionists—thatmasters
humanelyaddressedthecrueltiesofslavery,andthusneedednointrusiveadvice
fromantislaveryactivists.Therhetoricofthemissioncontainedasmany
prescriptionsformastersasitdidfortheenslaved.Itconcerneditselfequallywith
theproperroleofwhitepeopleinthemaster‐slaverelationshipbyemphasizingthe
familialaspectofslaveholding.Whiteshadaresponsibilitytocareforblacksasthey
wouldtheirownchildren,andthatincludedreligiousinstruction.64
CharlesC.Jones’promotionalmaterialconcerningthemissiontotheslaves
reachedtheConcordPresbyteryin1844.The“memorial”Jonessentlaidouthow
themissiontotheslaveswouldfitintothechurch’slargerdomesticmission
64DonaldG.Mathews,“CharlesColcockJonesandtheSouthernEvangelicalCrusadetoForma
BiracialCommunity,”JournalofSouthernHistory40(August1975):299‐320,ErskineClark,Wrestlin’
Jacob:APortraitofReligionintheOldSouth(Atlanta:JohnKnoxPress,1979),1‐81,andMitchellSnay,
GospelofDisunion:ReligionandSeparatismintheAntebellumSouth(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorth
CarolinaPress,1997),78‐109.
61
enterprise.Jonesassuredhisreadersthatmissionarieswouldonlyrespondto
requestsfrommasters(e.g.theywouldnotencroachuponamaster’sprerogativeby
goingamongunchurchedslavesastheymightamongunchurchedwhites.)He
promisedthatattentiontoslaves’salvationwould“practicallygratify
all…benevolentsympathiesforthenegroes”anddeflectpoliticalanxietiesby
focusingonevangelism.ThePresbyteryofConcordassembledacommitteeof
ministersandelderstoconsiderJones’proposal.Theyapproved,andnotedthat
thereligiousinstructionoftheColouredpeoplelivinginourmidst,and
constitutingapartofourfamilies,isadmittedonallhandstobeagreatand
importantwork.Importanttothehappinessoftheslavesthemselves,
importanttothepeaceofthefamiliesinwhichtheylive,importanttothe
increaseandprosperityofthechurchoftheRedeemer.
Thecommittee,however,madeanimportantchange.Whereasthemissionstructure
inGeorgiahadchargedonepreacherwithministeringtoablackflockseparatefrom
whitechurches,theConcordPresbyteriansinsistedthatenslavedpeoplebe
integratedintocongregationsaspartoftheirwhitefamilies.
Whatweneedatthepresenttime,intheboundsofthisPresbytery,isnota
distinctclassofministerstolaborexclusivelyforthespiritualgoodofthe
Colouredpeople;butthatallourministersshouldfeelthattheyaresettled
overchurchesmadeupofMastersandtheirservants,andthatitistheirduty
towatchoverentirehouseholdscommittedtotheirCare.65
65NeillRoderickMcGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge:AHistoryofthePresbyteryofConcord,1795‐
1973(n.p.:PresbyteryofConcord,1985),164‐167.
62
Thisoperationalshiftwasduelikelytotherelativedifferenceinslaveholding
betweenlowcountryGeorgiaandPiedmontNorthCarolina.Intheformer,large
plantationsofhundredsofbondspeoplerequiredtheattentionofseparate
ministers;inpiedmontNorthCarolina,thepoolofblackslavesdiffusedinsmaller
groupsonthesmallerfarms,thusnotrequiringthecreationofanewsystemto
bringtogetherslaveandminister.Indeed,thatintimacymadetherhetorical
positioningofthelanguageoffamilies,blackandwhite,farmoreachievableinthe
Piedmont.
ThePresbyteriansresolvedthatattentiontothespiritualinstructionofthe
slavesbeincludedamongtheincreasingnumberofbureaucraticdutiestobe
undertakenbyministers.Topromotetheendeavor,thePresbyteriansrecommend
“thatallourministerspreachasermon,beforethenextmeetingofPresbytery,to
Mastersandservants,teachingmasterstheobligationrestingonthemtogivetheir
personalattentiontothereligiousinstructionoftheirownServants.”Andfinally,
theyrequiredthatallministersreportbacktothePresbyterytheirindividualplans
tocarryouttheinstructions.66
Thoughthelanguageoffamiliesanddomesticityrunsthroughtherhetoricof
themissiontotheslaves—andeventhoughthePresbyteriansgaveconsiderable
thoughttotheeffort—littleevidenceexiststosuggestthatthemissionbecamea
concernfortheordinarylaypeopleinthecongregations.Noneofthedenominations
66McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,166‐167.
63
devotedfundraisingeffortstothecause,andthemissionpaledincomparisontothe
intenseadvocacyforschools,missions,andtemperance.Onlytwodiscretemoments
ofdefiancesuggestthatthemissionwasofanyconcerntoordinarylaypeople.The
first,atSt.Paul’sGermanReformedcongregationinCatawbaCountywillbe
discussedinthesecondchapter.ThesecondregardsthestrangecaseoftheBeavers
brothers,BaptistsofChathamCounty.OntheeveoftheCivilWar,theMt.Pisgah
BaptistcongregationchargedGeorge,R.H.,andSidneyBeavers—allyoungmen—
alongwiththreeothers,with
grosslyimmoralandunchristianlikeconductwhichconsistinformingaplot
andassemblingthemselvestogetherattheChurchonsundayofourlas[t]
meetingandclosingthedoorsandbrakingupthereligiousworshipofthe
churchandcongregation.67
ThecongregationacquittedR.H.,butexpelledGeorgeandSidneyBeavers.The
youngmens’forayappearsonthesurfacetohavebeenshenanigansfueledby
liquor.GeorgeandSidneyenlistedintheConfederatearmy,andSidneydiedof
diseaseinlate1861.Histombstonecarriedthedefiantclaimthathehadbeen
excommunicatedfor“opposingtheequalityofwhiteandblack.”Onlyinthecontext
ofthemissiontotheslavesdoesthismakesense,aswhatBeaverslikelyopposed
wasnotageneraldeclarationofequalitybetweentheraces,butachurch‐sponsored
67May,July,andOctober,1861,MinutesofMt.PisgahBaptistChurch,WakeForestUniversityBaptist
Collection,Z.SmithReynoldsLibrary,WakeForestUniversity.TheBeavers’Brotherslettersarein
theIshamSimsUpchurchLetters,DavidM.RubensteinRareBook&ManuscriptLibrary,Duke
University.MythankstoErnestA.Dollarforbringingthisstorytomyattention.
64
programtoevangelizetotheslavesandbringthemintocommunionwithwhite
people.
Schools
In1855MaryDavisBrownscoffedatanitinerantPresbyterian“begging
moneyforetopayforethefemalecollegeinYorkville.”68By1855,however,the
prospectofministerspreachingsermonsinfavorofeducationwashardlynew.
Denominations,forageneration,hadinvestedinschoolsanddispatched
missionariestoraisemoneyandpromotetheirestablishment.Evangelicaladvocacy
forschoolsbeganwithadesiretosupplyministerstothedomesticmissions,butby
the1850s,thatadvocacyhadcoalescedintoafull‐throatedsupportofliteracyand
educationingeneral.
In1813theGermanReformedcongregationsofNorthCarolinarecognized
lethargyamongthemselvestowardreligion.Thedisaffectionresultedfromalackof
ministers.AsdenominationalhistorianJacobLeonardwrote,“Therewasno
shepherdandthesheepwerescattered.”69Anumberoflicentiatesandlaypeople
oversawmeetingsandperformedsermons,butfordozensofcongregations,only
oneordainedminister,ReverendGeorgeBoger,waspresenttoperformsacraments
andothersacredfunctions.UnliketheBaptistsandMethodists,andmuchlikethe
Presbyterians,Moravians,andLutherans,theReformedsrequiredcollege‐educated
68Descendants,OilInOurLamps,p.24.
69JacobCalvinLeonard,HistoryoftheSouthernSynodEvangelicalandReformedChurch(Lexington,
N.C.:n.p.,1940),35.
65
andordainedministersofthegospelstobaptize,confirm,andmarrymembers,and
toorganizecongregations.ReformedchurcheseastoftheYadkinRiversent
pleadingletterstothenationalSynodfornewministersanddescribedthedestitute
conditionofthecongregations.TheReverendJamesReily,dispatchedfrom
Pennsylvania,wentsouth,andhisinspectiontour,punctuatedbymuchneeded
preaching,baptizing,confirming,andcelebratingCommunion,promptedthe
Reformedchurch,basedinPennsylvania,toinitiateaBoardofDomesticMissions.
ThoughtheSynodlackedtheresourcestodispatchordainedmentopermanent
positions,itdiddispatchmissionaries—temporaryanditinerantpreachers—forthe
nextdecade.Thelocalcongregationsstill“expressedanearnestlongingforasettled
ministeroftheGospelamongthem,”theSynodreported;“Thesecongregations
especiallydeservetheattentionofSynod.Inthematrueloveforreligionanda
specialinclinationtotheorderoftheEvangelicalReformedChurchismanifested.”
TherelianceonoccasionalmissionariesbythePiedmontcongregations,however,
wasnotrelieveduntil1828whenJohnFritcheyandJohnCrawford,graduatesofthe
denominationalseminaryinMercersburg,Pennsylvania,joinedtheranksofsettled
GermanReformedpastorsinNorthCarolina.Anincreaseincongregationsfollowed
thissupply.Inthe1820sand1830sfivenewReformedcongregationswere
founded,resultinginthecreationofthethrivingNorthCarolinaClassisin1830.70
70Leonard,HistoryoftheSouthernSynod,27‐31onthesearchforministers.CarlHammer,Jr.,
RhinelandersontheYadkin:TheStoryofthePennsylvaniaGermansinRowanandCabarrus(Salisbury,
N.C.:RowanPrintingCompany,1943),55‐56oncongregationalexpansion.
66
ThechronicdeficiencyofministershauntedtheGermanReformedswho,like
allotherChristiandenominations,knewthatthepromotionandpreservationof
vitalreligionrestedontheactiveengagementofacorpsofcapableandlearned
ministers.Thiscentralprinciplemotivatedagreatdealofinstitutionalgrowthas
denominationsdevelopedinfrastructuresofcommittees,schools,fundraising
efforts,andmanagementtoraiseuppotentialpreachers,educatethem,andhouse
them.TheGermanReformedClassisbegantoaddresstheconnectionbetween
educationforlocalchildrenandafruitfulministryin1834.Theycreatedan
EducationSociety“toaidintheeducationofindigentandpiousyoungmen…forthe
GospelMinistry.”71Nontheless,theeducationalagendabeganasameanstosupply
ordainedministersintheyearsaftertheGreatRevivalbutgrewthroughthelate
antebellumperiodtoofferasweepingendorsementofuniversalwhiteliteracy
throughpubliceducation.Evangelicaleducationalconcernssometimesdid,and
sometimesdidnot,workinconcertwiththeseculareducationalreformeffort.The
formersprangfromadesiretogrowandreinforcethetenetsofsalvation.Thelater
concerneditselfwiththecultivationofpublicvirtueandalsowiththeconcernsof
maintainingracialsolidarity.Both,however,promulgatedaliberalpublicethic.
ThesameeldersoftheGermanReformedchurchdeterminedthatthe
modernliberalethicincludea“relishforknowledge.”“[A]lmosteverychargeis
surroundedbythosewhoteachdoctrinesofdevils…allthewhilegloryingintheir
71Leonard,HistoryoftheSouthernSynod,35.
67
ignoranceandshame.”Theylamented“intellectualChristianintelligenceinmany
congregations”asthesourceofweakness.Pastors“musttarrylonginthe
inculcationoffirsttheprinciplesofourholyreligion,andcanbutfeedwithmilk.”72
“Feedwithmilk”isareferenceto1Corinthians3:2andindicatesthattheelders
consideredabasiceducationofyoungpeopletobetheprimeconcernoftheir
denomination.Alldenominationspromotededucationasnecessarytothelifeof
familiesandyoungpeople.Whenevangelicalsenshrinedabroadregardfor
education,theyendorsedageneralregardforacosmopolitanviewoftheworld.
Literacyleadtothetruthofsounddoctrine,andtheaccoutrementsofliteracy
includedschoolsandnewspapers.
TheBaptistsnotonlywantedtoenforcesounddoctrineontheirfractious
congregationsthroughsupportofeducation,butsaweducationasthemeansto
explainthemselvestoanunsympatheticworld.
Asadenominationwehavemuchreasontoseektobebetterunderstoodby
thepublic.Itisnotknownasitshouldbe,whywedonotbringourinfantsto
baptism,whywerefusetocommunicatewithotherprofessedchristiansat
thesacramentofthesupper,whywesotenaciouslyadheretoimmersion,
etc.Allthisissetdown,nottoourloveoftruthandstrictconformityto
scripture,buttobigotryandwantofbenevolence,ifnottosomethingworse.
Howplainandimportanttheduty,then,tomultiplyandcirculatesuitable
publications?Thereisnoothermeansbywhichwecanactsoextensivelyon
thepublicmind;and,caeterisparibus,thatcausewillmakemostprogress,
whichmakethemostuseofthepress.73
72MinutesoftheReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,1844,EvangelicalandReformed
HistoricalSociety,PhillipSchaffLibrary,LancasterTheologicalSeminary.
73ProceedingsoftheTwelfthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1842,
18.
68
TheeducationalimpulseamongNorthCarolina’sreligiouspeoplesprang
fromthedesiretodefendandpromotesectarianreligion.Thatthisimpulsewasnot
simplyanevangelicalconcernisevidentintheQuakereffortstoestablishschools.
Likeothersects,theSocietyofFriendshadsponsoredcommonschoolsassociated
withMonthlyMeetingsbuttheneedforadvancedfacilitiestoteachreligionledin
1829tothecallbytheMeetingforSufferingsforlocallibraries“ofbooksof
informationrespectingtheprinciplesanddoctrinesofFriends.”TheYearlyMeeting
endorsedtheplan,noting,
WebelievethatwithcareitmaybethroughDivineblessingsthemeansby
whichthemindsofouryoungFriendsinparticularmybecomeimbuedwith
moreenlargedandcorrectviewsofthenatureofourChristiantestimonies
andbetterpreparedtoresisttheinsidiousencroachmentofthespiritof
infidelityofourreligiousprofession.
AcommitteeoftheYearlyMeetingdiscoveredthefollowingyearthat“allschools
amongstFriendsareinamixedcondition,”meaningtheyhadbeeninconsistentin
applyingeducationalstandardsandindifferenttoenforcingthedoctrinesspecificto
theSocietyofFriends.Toresolvethisdistressingsituation,theYearlyMeeting
proposedthecreationofaboardingschool,graduatesofwhichwouldessentially
performpastoralworkincongregationsthatopposedtheministry.Theco‐
educationalNewGardenBoardingSchoolopenedin1837inGuilfordCounty.74
74SethB.Hinshaw,TheCarolinaQuakerExperience:AnInterpretation(n.p.:NorthCarolinaYearly
Meeting,1984),75‐77,andHiramH.Hilty,NewGardenFriendsMeeting:TheChristianPeopleCalled
Quakers(Greensboro:NorthCarolinaFriendsHIstorialSociety,1983),43‐44.
69
Evangelicalinterestintheeducationofministersaccompaniedapopularand
politicalenthusiasmforeducation.InNorthCarolina,statesenatorArchibald
MurpheyofHillsboroughinauguratedamovementintheGeneralAssemblyin1816
withawidelyreadreportcallingforstateaidforpublicschools.Forthenextten
yearsgovernorsandlegislatorsroutinelyrepeatedMurphey’scall.Ontwo
occasions,GovernorWilliamMillersuccinctlysummarizedtheprimaryconcernof
seculareducationadvocates:“Inacountrylikeours,nothingshouldbemore
carefullyguardedagainst,thantheestablishmentofanythinglikedifferentordersin
society.”(Clearly,theGovernorconsideredonlyfreewhitepeople.)Educationfor
thewealthyandpowerfulonlyriskedtheemergenceof“anorderofmen…[who]
lookuponthosewhohavebeenlessfortunate,withadegreeofsupercilious
contempt.”Education,hebelieved,wouldensurethemaintenanceofAmerica’s
Revolutionaryegalitarianism.Thefollowingyear,MillerdidnotoverlookNorth
Carolina’sraciallybifurcatedsocietyanddeclared,“Menintendedslavesthemore
ignorantthebetter.But,ifforfreedom,theyought,ofcourse,tobeenlightened.”75
HeencouragedNorthCarolinatolookto“aneighboringstate”asamodelfor
fundinguniversaleducation.Thenecessitytopromoteavirtuouscitizenry
permeatedtheeducationalreformrhetoric.Themostlikelytofallvictimtovice,
legislatorsnoted,werethepoor.Thusthestateboreprimaryresponsibilityfor
securingitsownfuturebyensuringtheeducationofitsmostmarginal—and
75CharlesL.Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublicEducationinNorthCarolina:ADocumentaryHistory,
1790‐1840,VolumeI(Raleigh:EdwardsandBroughtonPrintingCompany,1908),100,103.
70
potentiallymostdangerous—citizens.Legislatorsconsidereduniversalwhite
educationanInternalImprovement,andbythe1820s,addedcommercialaffluence
tothereasonsforfundingcommonschools.JosephCaldwell,presidentofthe
UniversityofNorthCarolina,approvinglycitedNewYorkCityadministratorswho
noted,“Nationalwealthproceedschieflyfromactivityofmind,andmusttherefore
beproportionedtotheextentanduniversalityofitsdevelopment.”76Advocates
lookedtoNewYork,Pennsylvania,andMassachusettsasexamplesofstatesthathad
successfullyinvestedinroads,canals,andschools—andreapedprosperityfromthe
investments.Anotheradvocatesuccinctlynoted,“Ourcitizensmustlearnhowto
spellInternalImprovementsbeforetheycancomprehendthemeaningofthe
term.”77
Thelegislativestruggleforstate‐sponsoredcommonschoolsstumbled,
however,asconservativemembersbalkedattheproposedtaxesrequiredforthe
schemeanddoubtedthestatecould,orshould,constructalargecentralizedsystem
ofschools.In1825,theLiteraryFundLawpassedtheGeneralAssembly.Legislators
intendedtheLiteraryFundtooperateschoolsbasedontheincomeofstate
investmentsincanalsandswampdrainagecompanies.TheFunddidindeedsupport
anumberofsubscriptionschoolsandprivateacademiesbutneverraisedenough
76CharlesL.Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublicEducationinNorthCarolina:ADocumentaryHistory,
1790‐1840,VolumeII(Raleigh:EdwardsandBroughtonPrintingCompany,1908),590.
77Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublicEducation,VolumeII,554,559,573,670.
71
moneytofundastatewidesystem,andspentthenextdecadesquabblingover
managementofitsinvestments.78
Intheyearsafter1815,aslegislatorspushedforwardpublicschoolsasa
cause,denominationsfirstpoisedthemselvesforinvolvementineducatingyoung
people.Initially,theyfavorededucationasawaytoenlargethepoolofpotential
ministers,andthecollegesthatdidemergeinthelateantebellumperiodremained
thechieffocus—outsideofSundaySchools—ofpopulareducation.Bythe1830s,
however,denominationsbegantocampaignforuniversalliteracyapartfromthe
preparationofministers.Theyreceivedlittleassistancefromtheirpotentialalliesin
thelegislature,especiallyaftertheLiteraryFundbegandolingoutsmallamountsto
localacademiesafter1825.Infact,theGeneralAssemblyhesitatedtogrant
incorporationtodenominationaleducationgroupsbecause,asonefailedbillnoted,
ifthesebillsbepassedintolawsaclassofindividualsintheircorporate
capacitymayhaveconferreduponthemprivileges,ifnotincompatiblewith
ourConstitutionandBillofRights,yetinconsistentwiththefreedomand
geniusofourinstitutions.
ButastheLiteraryFundcontinuedtobeineffectual,education’sadvocates,in
frustration,begantoweakentheirscruplesaboutseparationofchurchandstate.As
onebillauthornoted,“thesebillshavingnoobjectbuttofoundandestablish
institutionsorpromotelearninganddisseminateknowledge,itwouldseemtous,
78SeedocumentsinCoon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublicEducation,VolumesIandII.
72
thatnojustapprehensioncouldwellbeentertained.”Soonafter,thelegislature
begangrantingcharterstodenominationstofoundschools.79
Indeed,withincreasingpace,denominationsestablishedscoresofacademies
acrossthepiedmont.TheBaptistsimmediatelycharteredtheWakeForestInstitute
andtheMethodiststheGreensboroManualLaborInstitute.TheQuakersfounded
theNewGardenBoardingSchoolin1837,andtheGermanReformedClassisopened
theWesternCarolinaMaleAcademyin1853inMt.Pleasant.80TheBaptists,by
1850,backedtheRockfordFemaleInstituteinSurryCountyandtheMiltonFemale
InstituteinCaswell,whiletheMethodistsendorsedtheClemmonsvilleAcademyand
theFemaleCollegiateInstituteinGreensboro.81Theseschoolsremainedprivate,but
theMethodistsretainedtherightfortheConferencetoappointtrustees,thus
ensuringconcordancewithMethodistaims.TheMethodistConferencealso
endorsedregularpreachingonthenecessityforeducation.82
Evangelicaladvocatesforcolleges,academies,andcommonschools,like
theircounterpartsinthelegislature,searchedwidelyforpedagogicalguidance.
JosephCaldwellreferredto“Bell’splan”forcommonschoolsinBritishIndiaand
79Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublic,VolumeII,660‐669.
80Hilty,NewGardenFriendsMeeting,44,andActsandProceedingsoftheGermanReformedChurch,
1853.
81ProceedingsoftheTwenty‐FourthAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,
1853(Raleigh:BiblicalRecorderOffice,1853),23‐24.
821838,MinutesoftheNorthCarolinaConference,MethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords.
73
approvinglynotedtheeffortsofPhillipvonFellenbergatHofwylSeminaryin
Switzerland.83Inthe1830s,thelatestpedagogicalfad,ManualLaborInstitutes,
enchantedtheBaptistswhofoundedWakeForestandthePresbyterianswho
startedDavidsonCollege.ManualLaborinstituteshadoriginatedinEurope,but
grewwithaspecialpurposeintheUnitedStates.ManualLaborschoolscasttheir
netamongAmerica’smiddlingandpooryouth,offeringaninexpensive,and
thereforeaccessible,education.Theyspranguponthegroundsofafarm,where
studentsworkedparttimetoproduceacropandprofitthatpaidfortuition.Yet
manuallaborschools,advocatesclaimed,didmorethanprovideaccessible
education—theynurturedvaluesofhard,physical,laborinagenerationofyoung
menatriskofsuccumbingtothevanityandeaseoftheburgeoningmarketand
consumerworld.Newlyordainedministersmayhavebeenexpectedtopossessthe
collegeeducationnecessarytodefendsectariantheologiesandthepracticalskills
andintelligencetobalancebooks,buteldersknewthathoursanddaysatlabor“in
thevineyard”ofcongregations,orinmakingaparsonagesustainable,required
drainingexposuretotheelementsanddiligentphysicalexertion.Noministerofthe
gospelcouldfallvictimtothedesiccationoftheoffice‐boundbureaucrat.
ThechiefnationaladvocateofmanuallaborschoolswasTheodoreWeld,
whose1833reportontheOneidaInstitutebecamerequiredreadingforall
83Coon,ed.,TheBeginningsofPublic,VolumeI,573‐575.
74
prospectiveeducators.84TheConcordPresbyteriansapprovinglycitedWeld’s
reportwhenconceptualizingDavidsonCollege.YetwhereasWeld’sreport—andthe
discussionsurroundingmanuallaborinstitutesintheNorth—isawashinanxiety
overgenderidentityandclassinachangingeconomy,thesouthernadvocates
focusedalmostentirelyonthepreparationforthephysicallydemandingworkof
beingamissionary,“Theirconstitutions[willbe]preparedtoendurehardshipsas
Missionaries;andtheywillacquirehabitsofindustry,andaknowledgeofbusiness,
bywhichtheamountofcostfortheirsupport,toMissionaries[sic]Societies,willbe
greatlyreduced,andtheyenabledtosupportthemselves,incaseofemergency.”
WhatmatteredtothesePresbyterianswasnotsuppressinggenderanxiety;itwasto
preparestudentsforphysicallydrainingpastoralworkinagrowingmarket
economy.SuchlanguagemightbeexpectedfromanitinerantMethodist,butthat
Presbyterianscoulduttersuchconcernafter1830suggeststhattheministry
retaineditshazardsandrisksevenintheperiodofinstitutionalization.Anodtothe
moderndemandsofministryisgiven,however,withtheassertionthatonehadto
beascompetentinbusinessandcommerceasintheBible,asministersinthe
presentagehadtotendtobalancesheetsasdiligentlyasthegospels.85Weld’s
growingreputationforimmediateabolitionismdidnotseemtodisturbthefounders
84OnmanuallaborinstitutesandWeld’sinfluentialreport,seePaulGoodman,“TheManualLabor
MovementandtheOriginsofAbolitionism,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic13(Autumn1993):355‐
388.
85NeillRoderickMcGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge:AHistoryofthePresbyteryofConcord,1795‐
1973(n.p.:TheDelmarCompany,1985),96.
75
ofWakeForestandDavidson.Iftheywereawareofhisassociations,theydidnot
mentionthem.86Thattheconceptofmanuallaborinstitutesdidnotsurviveintothe
1840sisareflectionoftheirgeneral(nationwide)failuretoactuallyproducea
sustainingincome,ratherthananyconnectiontoradicallyinclinednortherners.87
Commonschoolsbecameapracticalrealityafterthestatereceivedjustover
$1.5millioninsurplusfundsfromtheUnitedStatesgovernmentin1837,andthe
legislatureappropriatedthosefundstotheLiteraryFundin1839.Themanagersof
theLiteraryFunddidsetouttoestablishschoolbuildings,teachers,andschool
superintendentsineachcounty,butadministrativelaxitycontinuedtobeaproblem
untiltheappointmentofPresbyterianministerCalvinH.WileyasSuperintendentof
theDepartmentofPublicInstructionin1853.88Baptistslookedapprovinglyonthe
foundingoftheWakeForestInstitute,butevangelicalsrealizedcollegeswerenot
enoughforthefieldofpioussociety.Theydirectedtheireffortstowardcolleges,
academies,andSundaySchoolsbutlargelyembracedtheprojectofthecommon
schools.TheBaptistStateConventionin1842describeditslogic.Itbeganby
decryingthefactthatlaygivingtomissionaryeffortsfellbehindthatofotherstates.
86GeneralizedprovincialismdidconcernthePresbyterianelders,whowereconcernedthat
northern‐bornministers“wouldnotbesowellfittedforusefulnesshereneitherintheconstitutions
norhabits.”Thathadapparentlybeenalarmedbyhowmanyofthemhadrushedtofillvacanciesin
thenewlyopenedsouthwest.McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,97.
87Schweiger,GospelWorkingUp,57‐64.
88HarryL.Watson,“TheManwiththeDirtyBlackBeard:Race,Class,andSchoolsintheAntebellum
South,”JournaloftheEarlyRepublic32(Spring2012):1‐26,andWilliamS.Powell,ed.,Encyclopedia
ofNorthCarolina(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2006),377‐378.
76
“Onlytwentyeightofour421churchessupposedtobefavorabletomissionary
operations,wererepresentedinthisbodylastyear,andthesecontributed,onan
average,only$16each.”Exacerbated,theCommitteewondered,“Isitproperto
provokeoneanothertoexertion?”Theylookedtoalackoftrainedministersasan
explanationforwhy“wedosolittle.”Aswithallevangelicaldenominations,the
Baptistsfoundthecruxofpiouscongregationstobeacharismaticminister.And
charismadependedontheabilityofintelligentministerstopersuadeintelligentlay
peopletopracticepietynotonlythroughspiritualrebirth,butthroughabenevolent
attitudetowardtheworld.
Theyneedmorethespiritofbenevolenceandgoodwillwhichactuatedour
Savior…[T]hecoursebeforeusisplain.Wemustlabortobenefitour
children,andourchildren’schildren.Theyyoungmustbeeducated…Ifour
churchesareeverbroughttodoanythingworthyofthenameofchristian
[sic]effortandchristianbenevolence,itmustbeaccomplishedbydiffusing
moregenerallyamongourpeoplethemeansofeducation.89
Itwasacircularprocess:educatedministersmustmeeteducatedcongregantsinan
agendatospreadpietyabroad.
Baptiststurnedto“FreeSchools,”thenewlyinitiatedcommonschools,asa
solution.Thecommitteepromptedministerstoencouragelayparticipationinthe
administrationofcommonschoolsasteachersandsuperintendents:nottoexert
Baptistinfluenceoverthem,buttopromotetheirquality.“Itshouldneverbe
89ProceedingsoftheTwelfthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1842
(Newbern:PrintedattheOfficeoftheSpectator,1843),15.
77
forgotten,thaninafewyearsthey[students]willmakethecommunity.Fromthese,
too,willbeformedthechurchesandtheministry.”WakeForest’sapparentsuccess,
thecommitteenoted,“hasawakenedtoaconsiderabledegree,aninterestonthis
subject[education]amongourchurches.”In1855thesamecommitteerejoicedat
theinterrelatedworkofcommonschoolsandtheirownInstitute,“Themeansof
educationarenowwithinthereachofalmosteveryone,”theywrote,echoingthe
desireforuniversalliteracysharedbysecularadvocates,“andthepeoplebeing
moregenerallythoroughinstructed,requireanenlightenedministry.”90
Thefinancialcommitmenttoeducatingbothministersandlaypeoplehad
increased.TheBaptistshaddeterminedthatanendowmentwasabsolutely
necessarytosustainacollegeandin1857reportednearingtheirgoalof$50,000—a
farcryfromtheinitialinvestmentof$2,000fortheWakeForestInstitutefifteen
yearsearlier.EventheLutheransby1853hadraisedmorethan$16,000fora
college.91Theseunprecedentedsumsreflectedtheevangelicalimmersioninthe
marketeconomy.Toadegree.
Individualchurchestookupregular,ifsparse,collectionsforthecollegeand
academies.Interestingly,whilethedesireforeducatedandordainedministers
90ProceedingsoftheTwenty‐SixthAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,
1855(Raleigh:BiblicalRecorderOffice,1855),36.
91ProceedingsoftheTwenty‐FourthAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,
1853,23‐24,andProceedingsoftheSixteenthConventionoftheGeneralSynodoftheEvangelical
LutheranChurch,intheUnitedStates,convenedinWinchester,Va.,May21,1853(Harrisburg:Royal&
Schroyer,Printers,1853),29.
78
permeatedreligiouscommunities,evidencethatthesupplyofministershadpriority
inthemindsofordinarypeopleremainssparse.Howwelldidpeoplerespondto
denominationaleducationinitiatives?TheBaptistStateConvention’s1854tallyof
moneycollectedbyvariousagentsissuggestiveandreminiscentoftheireducation
committee’s1842complaint.Noteverychurchdonated;somedid.Somemoneyis
accountedtoAssociations,suggestingthatministersnotcongregantscollectedthe
moneyfromamongthemselvesattheirassociationalmeetings.Byfar,thesum
collectedforHomeMissionsacrossthestate—$758.43—andforForeignMissions—
$577.20—outdidthe$385.83giventoEducation.TheBaptistChurchinHickory
gave$2toForeignMissionsandnonetoHomeMissionsorEducation.TheJersey
Church(Davidson/Davie)equallydividedits$10donationtoallthreecauses,asdid
thePeeDeeAssociation,whichgave$10.08toeach.Thelargestdonationsto
Education,notsurprisingly,camefromtheBaptistchurchesinRaleigh($14),New
Bern($30),andFayetteville($55).EventheHillsboroughBaptistchurchskimped,
giving$3.40toeducationwhileitgave$20tohomemissions.92Despitealevelof
popularambivalence,thedenominationalbureaucracytosupporteducationbythe
1850s,absorbedagreatdealofpiousenergy.
Notablyabsentfromtheevangelicalrhetoricaboutcolleges,academies,and
commonschoolswasadiscussionofslaveryoraccommodationtothepowerof
slaveholders.Evangelicalmomentumforgrowthdidindeeddrawthemclosertothe
92ProceedingsoftheTwenty‐FifthAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorth
Carolina1854(Raleigh:SteamPressofthe“SouthernWeeklyPost,”1854),27.
79
culturalmainstream.Butithappenednotbecauseofadesireforaccesstopower,
butadesiretofacilitatesalvationusingthemostcurrentmethodsavailableto
modernAmericans.
CarolineLilly’sVocation
ThedesiretofulfillChristiandutydroveCarolineBrookstoteach.Atage
thirty‐three,whenshebeganherdiary,thesingleCarolinepossessedsometeaching
experience—probablyinMontgomeryCounty—buthowmuchisunknown.In1836
sheacceptedapositionteachingataprivatesubscriptionschoolinConcord,
CabarrusCounty.There,inherfirstterm,shebegantoarticulateheridealsabout
“femaleeducation”anddevelopacurriculumforteachingherselfthecraft.Atthe
sametimeCarolineexpressedthelinksbetweenherdesireforperfectionandher
urgetoteach.
HonoringGodmeantteachingchildren.“CanIhonor&glorifymyHeavenly
Father,”shewondered,”byproperlytrainingthoseentrustedtomycare[?]”93Thus,
Carolineprayedearnestlybecauseherspiritualstatusdependedonhersuccessin
theclassroom.AtthefirstpublicexaminationofherclassinConcordshe
experiencedaratherimmodest“anxiety…ProbablyasmuchasBonapartefeltonthe
eveofthebattleofWaterlooorCeasaratthePharsalea[sic]orAlexanderatthe
93August14,1837,LillyDiary.
80
Granicus.”Theanxietydidnotstemfrompride,nordiditarisefromtheexpectation
offurtheremployment.
[M]ineisafarnoblercausethantheirsandifIsucceedinproperlyand
faithfullycultivatingtheiryouthfulmindIshallbeentitledtoriches_____than
they.Foreducationunquestionablyimpliespreparationforeternity,andifI
canbesofortunateastobethemeansofinfluencingonesoultomake
suitablepreparationofthatstatetowhichweareallhasteningitwillbea
starinmycrownwhichtheyhaveneverdreamedof.94
Sherestatedherconvictioninamorebluntfashionwhensheplacedherstudents’
successinthebalancewith“thydreadtribunalImustanswer.”95
DespiteCaroline’sdreadconcerns,shechanneledhermotivationintothe
pedagogyofmiddle‐classrefinement.Shelaidoutthatvisioninan1837prayer:
Letmebesuccessfulatimpartingscientificandmoralinstructiontothose
whoareentrustedtomycare…MayIbeenabledtoinculcatemychargesin
cultivatingsisterly&socialaffections&everydomesticvirtue,andtoacquire
elegant,refined&accomplishedmanners,andabovealltocherish
sentimentsofpietyanddevotiontotheAlmightytowhomtheyareindebted
forlifeandeveryblessingtheyenjoy.96
InanotherprayerduringhersecondterminConcord,Carolinehappilynoted
that“goodorderprevailedthroughouttheschoolroom,”aserenitysheattributedto
God.Shehopefullyadded,“IthinkIseeinthemamanifestimprovementinmanners,
94September4,1836,LillyDiary.
95September10,1836,LillyDiary.
96n.d.,February,1837,LillyDiary.
81
andanincreasedattentiontostudy.”Carolineplacedherrole,andherdutytothe
students,incontext:“Letmeomitnothingthatmightcontributetopromotetheir
intellectualprogressandtheformationofgoodmorals.”97Wherequietbehaviorand
moralimprovementrepresentedthefelicityofGod,disruptivebehaviorrepresented
adarkerpower.InAugust1836,“Aspiritofindolenceorirresolutionoradegreeof
mental_____…appearedtopervadetheschoolroom.”Carolinecouldnotabatethe
desultorybehaviorandevenchastisedherselfforsuccumbingtoit.“Insteadof
adoptingmeasureswhichwouldexcitetheinterestandstimulatementalactivity,I
becameimpatient&unstable&veryimprudentlyhadrecoursetoscolding.”Bad
pedagogyhadunderminedorderandcausedCarolinetolosehercomposure,but
shereferredtoitsimplyas“evil.”98Caroline’sclassroomstrugglesresembledthe
ebbandflowofdenominationallife.
PietyalsodroveCarolinetostudythelatesteducationaltheories.Shesought
herHeavenlyFather’saffirmationofherinterestinfemaleeducation.“Isitthe
sphereinwhichmyHeavenlyFatherdesignedmetomove?”Apparentlyreceiving
thataffirmation,sheresolved,“Thenletmecarefullyendeavortofillitwithdignity,
withhonor&unselfishness.”99CarolinereadontheSwissschoolatHofwyl,
consumedEmmaWillard’sjournals,andsoughtouttheguidanceoflocally
97October17,1836,LillyDiary.
98August2,1836,LillyDiary.
99April7,1837,LillyDiary.
82
renownedadvocateandteacherSusanNyeHutchinson.Afavoritepedagogicalguide
wasJacobAbbott,aNewEnglandministerandeducatorwhopioneeredChristian
teachingtheory.InTheYoungChristian,publishedin1832bytheAmericanTract
Society,Abbottusedfictionalproverbstoconveythe“principlesofChristianduty”
toayoungaudience.Thoughasmuchaparentingmanualasateachingguide,its
lessonsofpatience,restraint,andunderstandingcouldbeappliedinbothclassroom
anddomesticsettings.Intheintroduction,hedirectedaninstructiontomothers
thatteaching“mustbedone,notinthesuspiciousmannerofhearingalessonwhich
youfearhasnotbeenlearned,butwiththewinningtoneofkindnessand
confidence.”Abbottbelievedachild’sinstructionlayintheignitionofhisorherown
nativeimagination.100Thus,whippingwithswitchescounteredtheintendedeffect
ofeducation.Caroline,subjecttothe“austerepedagoge”andhisrodinheryouth,
paidparticularattentiontoAbbott’sinstructionsaboutdiscipline.Shecopiedtwoof
hisparagraphsintoherdiary.Theexcerptschargedteacherstosympathizewith
childlikeimpulsesthatmightdisruptaclassroomorbreakitsrules.Illustratingwith
anexampleofaboyunabletocontainhistalking,Abbotinstructed,“Nowifany
severepunishmentshouldfollowsuchatransgression,howdisproportionatewould
itbetotheguilt!”101ThoughCarolinecopiedAbbott’sparagraphsintoherdiary,she
alteredtheirwording.Shewrotethispassagetosay,“Shouldanyteacherinflict
100JacobAbbott,TheYoungChristian:or,AFamiliarIllustrationofthePrinciplesofChristianDuty
(NewYork:AmericanTractSociety,1832),5.
101Ibid.,45‐46.
83
severepunishmentforsuchafaulthewouldcertainlybeguiltyofanactofcruelty
whichnopersonwhodistinctlyrecollectedthefeelingsofchildhoodwouldcommit.”
SheclearlyunderstoodAbbott’sintent.Abbottpursuedthisthoroughlymodern
understandingofchildhoodandeducatingtheyoungindozensofotherpublications
andatthefemaleschoolshefoundedinNewEngland.102
Carolinestruggledwiththeproblemofclassroom(andlater,domestic)
discipline.Shetried,butshecouldnevercompletelygiveuptherod.Ayearafter
readingAbbot,shewroteofherConcordschool,“Ihavenotyetlearnedthevery
desirableartofgoverningwithouttherodthoughIamfullypersuadedthatitshould
beusedwithtemperandnotuntilothermeanshavefailed.”Shesucceededwell
enoughthataMrs.Ledbetter“toldmeplainlythatIwastooindulgentwithmy
pupilsandusedtherodtoosparingly.”Stilllater,though,sheconfessedto
frustrationabout“threeorfourrudechubbyboystowhomIgiveinstructionina
fewbranchesoflearning.”
SundaySchools
Indifferentteachersproducedindifferentresults,asSarahDavidsonof
Charlottenoticedin1837.“ASabbathSchoolwasfirstcommencedhere…[but]none
ofthemengagedasteachers…werepious[.]itsexistencewasbrief.”Therecently
converted,andveryfervent,Davidsonrecordedthisfactinpreparationforher
102“Rev.JacobAbbott”onShapingtheValuesofYouth:SundaySchoolBooksin19thCenturyAmerica,
http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/ssb/search.cfm?AuthorID=182(accessedDecember15,2011)
84
assumptionofteachingdutiesinarevivedSundaySchool.Noinstructionsfroma
churchmotivatedher;pietydid.
InmyignoranceIimaginedIcoulddosomethinginreturningtheloveof
God…Stimulatedbythesefeelings,Iexertedallmyinfluenceandpowersof
persuasion—andfinallyprevailedwithmyfemalefriendsandacquaintences
tojoinme—inrevivingtheSabbathSchool.
Davidsonandherfellowteachersalsofoundeda“Benevolentsociety”toraise
moneyforschoolbooks.103
SarahDavidsondiscoveredafterthreemonths,however,thatreligiousfervor
hadfailedtosustainherinterest,yetshedeterminednottoquit.“Ihaveconsidered
toomuchwhatwaspleasantto—myselfinteachingintheSabbathSchool,”
apparentlyheroverweeningspiritualsatisfaction.“[B]utfromthistimeIwill
endeavourtoavoidallselfishconsiderations&willingly&cheerfullydowhatis
consideredbythesuperintendantforthegeneralgoodoftheSchool[.]”Davidson
neverexplainedtheapparentdisagreementwithhersuperintendentbutconcluded,
“Itisnotbyourownstrengththatwedoanythingthisisinstrumentalinleading
soulstotheKnowledgeofGod&thewayofSalvation.”104Whethermovedby
religiousenthusiasmoraresignedsenseofduty,thegoalremainedthesalvationof
103KarenM.McConnell,JanetS.DyerandAnnWilliams,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte:The
PrivateJournalofSarahF.Davidson,1837(Charleston,S.C.:HistoryPress,2005),44‐45.
104McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte,69‐70.
85
souls.Shelatercomplainedofafellowteacherwhowas“notsowarmlyinterested
inthisblessedcauseasheoughttobe.”Shereiterated,
OhLordimpresseachoneengagedasaTeacherofaSabbathSchoolofthe
great&highpriviledgetheyenjoyofbeingcooperatorsnotonlyofGods
MinisteringServantsbutofGodTheFather—GodtheSon&GodtheSpiritin
leadingsouls.105
Davidsonherselfrecognizedthepositiveeffectofpiousenthusiasmonherstudents,
andherself.“AttendedSabbathSchool&feltmyselfparticularlystrengthened&
preparedforteaching&neverdidIdischargethedutyofteacherwithsomuch
satisfactiontomyself—Mypupilswereveryattentive‐‐&conductedthemselves
withbecomingsolemnity.”106
SundaySchoolsinthePiedmonttargetedboththeindigentandthe
establishedyouthoftheregion.InSarahDavidson’srevivedSundaySchoolin
Charlotte,sheherselfrecruitedstudentsfromamongthepoorinthetown’smining
neighborhoods.Thatshedidsobyridingherslave‐chaufferedcarriagetominer’s
housesmighthavebeenabitoff‐puttingatfirst,butsheseemedsatisfiedthatthe
girlssherecruitedpersistedinattendance.Anewclasslaterthatyear(1837),
however,consistedofthechildrenofherwealthyneighbors.107
105McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte,69‐71.
106McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte,115.
107McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte,50,53,109.
86
Theneedtosupplyministersledtothecreationofcolleges.Thedesirefora
steadypoolofministerialcandidatesspurredenthusiasmforcommonschool
education.Thus,evangelicalsstrodeconfidentlyintothepublicdiscussionaboutthe
imperativeofstateactiononpubliceducationastheyjoinedtheirrhetoricabout
strengtheningdenominationswithsecularrhetoricpromotingthenecessityof
broadeducationtoavirtuouscitizenryandaprosperouseconomy.Evangelicalshad
embracedtheliberaloutlookofmanyAmericansregardlessofregion.Southern
evangelicals’reachintothemodernizingsentimentsofthe“benevolentempire”did
nothappensmoothly,however.TheimplementationofaprogramofSundaySchools
inpiedmontNorthCarolinawasnotslowedbyoppositiontonationalreformsand
abolitionism,butbymoremundaneroadblocks.Disease,weather,andspiritual
apathycounteredfrequentmomentsofenthusiasmandorganization.These
successesandimpedimentsoffercriticalinsightsintohowtherhetoricandlanguage
ofrevivalismslippedseamlesslyintopublicdiscussionsandappraisalsof
institutionalization.
Churcheshadlongengagedincatecheticalinstruction,particularlythe
Lutherans,Presbyterians,andMoravians.Manycongregationshostedcatechetical
schoolsfromanearlydate.ThePresbyteryofConcordbeganformalclassesin1811
whiletheQuakersatNewGardenestablishedaSabbathSchoolin1818.Inthe
1820s,theevangelicalSundaySchoolbecameapopulareducationalforminthe
87
handsofurbannortherners.108AsAnneBoylanpointsout,urbanpeoplefounded
SundaySchoolsasawaytoteachliteracytoindigentchildren,butbythelate1820s,
assecularschoolsassumedtheinitiativetoteachreadingandwriting,evangelicals
changedthefocusoftheschoolstoexposingallchildrentothemeansof
salvation.109SundaySchoolsdifferedfromcatechismclassesinthattheytaught
morethanthedetailsofvariousdenominationalconfessions;theytaughtliteracy
andmoralsandreceivedpedagogicalguidancefrommarketsources.Whileunions
ofSundaySchoolteachersformedinPhiladelphiaduringthatdecade,interestin
SundaySchoolssproutedinNorthCarolina.Moraviansendorsedtheiroperationin
1827andsoenthusiasticallyembracedthemthatonemembercomplainedofpeople
“goingtoextremes”in1831.110DuringSamuelWait’sfirsttourastheagentofthe
StateBaptistConventioninthesameyear,henotedapopularoutcryforSunday
Schools.111Thoughimpossibletotellthenumberofchurches,teachers,andstudents
108TheBaptistsin1836noted“ThisStatehasenjoyedtheblessingsofSabbathSchools,tosome
extent,forsomethirtyyears.Schoolshavebeenformedandsustainedbysomeofthechurchesof
differentdenominationsduringtheperiod;inothercasesbybenevolentindividuals.”Proceedingsof
theSixthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1836(NewBern:Printedat
TheRecorderOffice,1837),16.
109AnneE.Boylan,SundaySchool:TheFormationofanAmericanInstitution,1790‐1880(NewHaven:
YaleUniversityPress,1988).
110C.DanielCrewsandRichardW.Starbuck,WithCouragefortheFuture:TheStoryoftheMoravian
Church,SouthernProvince(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:MoravianChurchinAmerica,SouthernProvince,
2002),255.
111ProceedingsoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1831(NewBern:JohnI.Pasteur,
1831),10‐12.TheLutheranshadestablishedatleastoneSundaySchoolasearlyas1807.Bernheim
andCox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorthCarolina,77.
88
engagedinSundaySchools,itissafetosuggestthatmanylocalclassesprecededthe
institutionalpushfortheminthe1830s.InSeptember1834,theCharlotteCircuitof
Methodistsresolvedtoforma“Bible,Tract,&SundaySchoolSociety,”andbythe
followingquarterlymeeting,reportednineschoolsandtwenty‐sixteachers.Someof
theschoolsweredeemed“flourishing”andsome“languishing,”butitseemsclear
thattheseschoolsprobablywereoperationalbeforetheCircuithadacted.112
Allsects,exceptofcoursetheAntimissionBaptists(AMBs),endorsedtheuse
ofSundaySchools.EverattunedtothenuancesofCalvinismandArminianism,
PiedmontProtestantscarefullyjustifiedSundaySchools’placeinecclesiasticaland
theologicalconstruction.TheSchoolswerenotconsideredtobedivinethings,nora
recreationofFirstCenturystructures,astheAMBsmightrequire.Theywere
recognizedasmodern,human,instrumentstoassistwiththedisseminationof
religion.BoththeLutheransandtheGermanReformedchurchesmadeclearthat
notonlywereSundaySchools“usefulhumanexpedients”butonesparticularly
“efficient...inchurchactivityandgrowth.”113Thus,bythe1830s,sixoftheseven
majorProtestantsectsapprovedoftheuseofthesemoderntools.BaptistJ.B.
Ballardreportedin1835thattheConventionconsideredSundaySchools“when
properlymanagedapowerfulmeansunderGodofpromotinglearning,themorals,
112SeptemberandNovember,1834,MinutesoftheCharlotteCircuit,MethodistEpiscopalChurch,
ArchivesoftheWesternNorthCarolinaConference,CharlotteNorthCarolina.
113BernheimandCox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumofNorth
Carolina,77.
89
andthesalvationoftherisingpopulationofourcountry;thatitisthemeansof
promotingabetterobservanceoftheSabbathandofproducingamissionary
spirit.”114HisreportthefollowingyearamplydemonstratesthegoalofNorth
Carolina’sSundaySchoolorganizers:
Howoftenhasitchangedthemoralaspectofawholeneighborhood.How
oftenhasthewaywardyouthbeenalluredbyit,fromthepathofviceandsin
tothatofmoralityandvirtue—Howfrequentlyhasitbeenthemeans,inthe
handofGod,ofthesalvationofsouls.Inmanydestitutepartsofourcountry,
wheretheschoolsarecarriedoninareligiousmanner,asallshouldbe,they
areasubstituteforthepreachingofthegospel.Theycollectthechildrenand
youth,andinmanyinstancesadults,whowouldperhaps,ifnotemployedin
thisway,beviolatingGod’slawinavarietyofways.
BallarddidnotclaimthatSundaySchoolswouldenablechildrentobebetter
citizens.ThatSundaySchoolsevidently(toBallard’scommittee)improvedthe
moralsofaneighborhoodwasproofnotnecessarilythatrepublicanismor
democracyhadsucceeded(orbeentempered)butthatlargecommunitieshad
foundChrist.Certainlyamoralneighborhoodnecessarilyprecededadesirablecivil
life,andtheBaptistsknewit,iftheydidnotfrequentlyarticulateit.TheBaptists
resolved,“thatweconceivethatthegreatobjectofS.Schoolinstructionisnotbarely
toimpartliteraryinstruction,buttobeinstrumentalintheconversionofthesoulto
God.”115
114ProceedingsoftheFifthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1835,19.
115ProceedingsoftheSixthAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1836,17.
90
Interestingly,whilethestatewidedenominationsencouragedlay
participationinSundaySchools,theymadelittleefforttoorganizethem.TheBaptist
StateConventionin1833urgeditsconstituentmemberstosystematicallysupport
them.116WhatfollowedwasayearlylitanyintheConvention,thatapathy
threatenedthesurvivalofSundaySchoolsandthattheConventionshouldmake
furtherappealsfortheirsupport,butnoformalresolutionappropriatingmoneyor
organizationalresourceswasforthcoming.TheConventionheartilyendorsedthe
entranceoftheAmericanSundaySchoolUnion(ASSU)intoNorthCarolinain1835
andenthusiasticallyreprintedtheASSUstatisticsintheirownminutes.Notuntil
1845didtheBaptistscommitConventionresourcestoSundaySchoolsbycreating
theNorthCarolinaBaptistPublicationandSundaySchoolSociety.Thisgroup
collectedmoneytopurchaseliteratureandestablishdispensaries(bookstores)
aroundthestatetostockthematerial.Itthrived,butbythe1850s,whennational
enthusiasmforSundaySchoolswaned,theSocietyhadbecomeprimarilya
publishingconcernwithnointerestintheactualoperationofSundaySchools.Many
Baptistschurches,however,becamedirectlyengagedasauxiliariestotheAmerican
SundaySchoolUnion,bypassingtheStateConvention.Presbyteriansendorsedthe
ASSUinboth1833and1835,thePresbyteryofConcord(nottheSynodofNorth
Carolina)beingtheconduitforASSUpublications.117InSalem,theMoravians
hostedgiganticSundaySchoolconventionsinthe1830s,numberingoverone
116ProceedingsoftheThirdAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1833
(Fayetteville:PrintedbyEdwardJ.Hale,1834),13,17.
117McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,126.
91
thousandattendees.Thecross‐denominationalmeetingsdrewmanyBaptist,
Methodist,andGermanReformedmembers.118
ThelifeofSundaySchoolsfollowedthesamepatternsofallbenevolent
institutions.Theythrivedanddeclinedonthelocallevelnomatterwhatchurch
eldersdesired.TheengagementofsomeonelikeSarahDavidson—orthe
disengagementofsomeofherfriends—matteredmore.InthePeeDeeAssociation,
aroundMontgomeryCounty,forinstance,theForksoftheLittleRiverChurch
alreadyhostedaSundaySchoolwhentheAssociationaleldersorderedtheother
churchestodothesamein1841.Asinterestintheschoolsfadedinthelate1850s,
Forkscontinuedsupportingitsschoolwhiletheotherswentdefunct.119Onthe
Methodist’sIredellCircuit,theeldersappointedacommitteetooverseeSunday
Schools.Theattentionproduced“avid”attendanceintheCircuitby1845,aninterest
thatthriveduntil1848.YetinthenearbyFranklinsvilleCircuit,theelderswrote
lamely,“ThepreacherreportedoneBibleSchoolinFranklinsville.Nothinghasbeen
doneforthespecialinstructionoftheChildren.”120
SundaySchoolssufferedthesameproblemsthatafflictedcommonschools,
andchurchesingeneral—weatheranddiseasecouldderailanymomentumthey
118CrewsandStarbuck,WithCouragefortheFuture,265.
1191841,1847,and1849,MinutesofthePeeDeeAssociation,WakeForestUniversity,Baptist
HistoricalCollection,Z.SmithReynoldsLibrary.
120March23,1850,MinutesoftheFranklinsvilleCircuit,UMCRecords.
92
mighthaveaccumulated.AreportedharshwinterinIredellCountyin1847‐48
effectivelystampedouttheSundaySchoolrevivalthathadbeenoccurringthere.121
AttheSuggsSchoolHouseSundaySchoolinRandolphCounty,thesuperintendent
notedin1843,“Manyofthescholarsaresick.Five(all)childrensickinonefamily,
oneofthematthepointofdeath.Someofthechildreninthecountry.”Inplaceofa
fulllesson,theteachermade“someremarks…inreferencetotheimportanceof
beingpreparedfordeath.”In1848Suggsreported,“Theschoolwasnotcontinued
duringwinter&waslateinbeingrevived.”122Coldweatherandsicknesscouldnot
onlystymietheenthusiasmofthechurchhierarchybutalsodampenanyspiritual
revivalamongthepeople.Religiouspeople,however,identifiedtheproblemnotas
environmentalorbiologicalhappenstancebutasapathytoreligion.
MaryDavisBrown’sFamilyCircle
Thepracticeofreligionforindividualsnotonlyincludedinternalstruggles,
butalsothereinforcementofsocialbondsonthemarginsonminister‐centered
congregationalactivities.EmileDurkheimcalledreligious‐socialgroups“moral
communities”unitedina“systemofbeliefsandpracticesrelativetosacred
things.”123Interactionaroundtheedgesofsacredthings,forruralAmericans,
121April8,1848,MinutesoftheIredellCircuit,UMCRecords.
122October1,1843,December3,1848,andJune3,1849,SundaySchoolMinuteBook,Tabernacle
andUnionChurches,SuggsSchoolhouse,RandolphCounty,UMCRecords.
123EmileDurkheim,TheElementaryFormsoftheReligiousLife(Mineola,N.Y.:DoverPublications,
2008;originallypublished1915),47,andIanHamnett,“Durkheimandthestudyofreligion,”in
93
cementedthebondsofcommunityandthelessonsofcontemporaryevangelical
morality.Sundayservicesandannualcampmeetingsofferedbelievers
opportunitiestoreinforcepiousnotionsaboutrelationshipsandpublicbehaviorin
informalways.
MaryBrown’sfamilyrangedthecountryside.HusbandJacksonvisitedYork,
attendedmuster,andwenttochurchatavarietyofplaces.124Mary’seldestdaughter
andadoptedniece,bothfifteenin1857,visitedfamilyandfriendsontheirown.The
comingsandgoingsofthesethreemeantMary,herhusband,andElizaandEmily
wererarelyathometogether.Forinstance,onMay2,1857,Jacksonattended
musterwhileElizaandEmilywenttotheirgrandparents’home.Thatnight,Jackson
andEmilycamehome,butElizastayedatthegrandparents’foraweek.The
followingweek,thetwoeldestwenttotheCainhouseholdtobidadieutocousin
MarthaAlexander,abouttoreturntoherhomeinAlabama.Maryherselfwasnot
confinedtohome,andshetraveledasmuchonherownasshedidwithherhusband
orchildren.OnAugust21ofthesameyear,shepaidacallonherfriendJane,newly
deliveredofababy,andthefollowingdayvisitedherparents.125Soonafter,she
skippedpreachingtovisitHannah,whowassickwiththecold.Inthemeantime,
DurkheimandModernSociology,ed.SteveFenton(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1984),
202‐218.
124Descendants,OilInOurLamps,41,42.
125Descendants,OilInOurLamps,45.
94
Elizaandanotherdaughter(Jaily)wenttochurchatSmyrna.126Mary’sfamilywas
onedefinedbyruralnetworksandpatterns.(Notprimitive,though:manyofthe
visitorstoherownhousearrivedbytrainfromTennesseeandArkansas.)Assuch,
herfamily—asitshowsupinherdiary—appearsnotasacohesiveunit,butasa
clutchofindividuals,eachpursuingtheircommunalobligationsathomeandabroad.
Inthatnetwork,Mary,morethananyotherwhitepersononherplace,was
homeboundwithnewchildren,sickfamilymembersandslaves,orpregnancy,and
thesereasons,morethananyother,preventedherfromgoingtoSundayservicesas
muchasherhusbandanddaughters.“Lawsonhasbeensicktoday,”shewroteon
June22,1856,”andIdidnotgotopreachentodaybutheisbetter.”Sicknessstruck
inmoredeadlyfashionduringameaslesoutbreakinthespringof1858.“[O]ure
peoplehasgotthemeasles.Sally,Nell,Martha,Johnhasgotthemnow.Sallyisbad.”
MarymissedthenexttwoSundaysatchurch,”tostaywiththemeaslespeopel
[sic].”127Laterthatyear,a“caugh”amongstthechildrencausedherabsenceagain.
Mary’sownillnesspreventedherattendanceatchurch,butherpregnancies
necessitatedlongabsences.128ShemissedallchurchfunctionsinOctoberand
Novemberof1857becauseofpregnancyandchildbirth.Sotoowassheunableto
attendmostfunctionsfromJulythroughSeptemberof1859.Thoughsheexpressed
126Descendants,OilInOurLamps,45.
127Descendants,OilInOurLamps,55.
128Descendants,OilInOurLamps,34.
95
occasionalsadnessuponmissingmeetings,shejustasreadilyfoundreligious
satisfaction,noting,“Theire[sic]isasacramenttheiretoday[atBethany
Presbyterian]andIhavebeenathomewiththelittlechildrentoday,havebeen
readinginouldBurchettoday.IhavebeenreddingChristsserminsonthemount,
anexplanation.Theireisgreatpromisesandpreceiptsandexamplescontainedin
themthreechapters.”129
Despitetheoccasionalabsencesfromcommunalworship,MaryBrown
attendedSundayservices,communions,singings,andthevisitationassociatedwith
religiouspractice.AtypicalspanoccurredinMayandJuneof1857.SheadmiredMr.
Davis’“tex”onMay11,noting“Hemad2goodsermonsandtheirewasagreatturn
outofpeople.”Whileshedidnotaccompanyherhusbandanddaughtersto
“sackrament”atanotherPresbyterianchurchonthe31st,shedidattend“prachen”
backatBeershebaonthe7thofJune.Onthe28thofthatmonth,she“heardfine
preachenandsawMr.JeamsDavisbaptissehisfirst”infant.“Idon’tthinkhecanbee
beetforehispractice.”130Marypaidparticularattentiontocommunion,or
sacraments,atBeersheba.CommunioninthePresbyterianchurchconsistedof
severaldays’ofpreaching,culminatinginasolemnceremonialbreakingofbread,
limitedtochurchmembersonly.MaryattendedallthreedaysoftheSeptember
1856communion.131TheApril,1857communionfeaturedtheordinationofanew
129Descendants,OilInOurLamps,35.Seealso66.
130Descendants,OilInOurLamps,42‐44.
96
ministerforBeersheba.ThoughtheBrownshostedvisitorsduringthecommunion,
Maryabsorbedthespirituallessons,“ohifwehavenotbeenmadebetter,itwillbe
farewroseforeinthegreatdayifwewareinheathernlands.Butihopeandtrustit
isnotsowithme.”132
VisitingenhancedthesocialaspectofreligiousfunctionsforMaryBrown.In
fact,aconsiderableportionofherreligiousinteractiontookplaceinthecontextof
visitstoorfromfamilyandfriends.OnJune13,1856,forinstance,shewrote,“I
havebeentopreachentodayandyesterdaywasthedayofsin[g]ingatbershaba.I
hadcompany,[cousin]JohnAlexanderfromalabamiawashere.”133AttheApril
1857communion,theBrownshosteda“MrWatson”attheirhouse,andinJanuary,
1858,shenoted,“MotherandHiramwasupherelastknightandwehavebeenat
preachentoday.”Onoccasion,Marymixedtravelandchurch.InOctobershe
combinedanovernightvisittohersisterandbrother‐in‐law’shousewith
attendanceatasermoninYork.134Marylovedtoattendsingings,whetheratchurch,
atsomeoneelse’shouse,oroccasionally,herown.Asingingmasterusuallyledthese
functions.Singingsandvisitingassociatedwithchurchservicescombinedsecular
andsocialneeds.Forinstance,Mary’sdaughterElizaAnncourtedRufusWhitesides,
herfuturehusband,andcultivatedhisrelationshipwithhisnewin‐lawsatsingings
131Descendants,OilInOurLamps,31.
132Descendants,OilInOurLamps,41.
133Descendants,OilInOurLamps,28.
134Descendants,OilInOurLamps,31‐32.
97
andonvisits.(ElizaAnnevenspentapartoftheircourtshipatWhitesides’Baptist
church.)135Maryevenincorporatedthehymns,declaringthatshehopedtohear
Mrs.Dana’shymns,Osingmeofheaven,“tohearwhenIamdieing.”136
Historicaldepictionsofsoutherncampmeetingshavetendedtohighlightthe
emotionalspontaneityofthereligiousgatherings,illustratedbytalesof
congregants’trembling,barking,andfainting.Suchscenesaredrawnprimarilyfrom
theGreatRevivalof1801‐1805andhaveofferedhistoriansastandardof
measurementforthedepthofreligiousfeelingbylaypeople.Historianshave
interpretedthedeclineofrevivalismandtheriseofamethodicandnon‐
spontaneousworshipstylebythelateantebellumperiodasalossofreligious
vitalityincongregations—thatreligiousfeelinghaddecreasingrelevanceforthe
livedexperienceofordinarylaypeople.137Thenatureofcampmeetingsdidindeed
change.Protractedmeetingsinthelateantebellumoffereddifferentsocialand
emotionalopportunitiesthanthoseofthelateeighteenthcentury.Yetprotracted
meetingscontinuedtobeanimportantelementinthereligiouslivesoflaypeople,
oneofmanylocationsforpiousfulfillment,eveninthebureaucraticlandscapeofthe
lateantebellum.
135Descendants,OilInOurLamps,72,73,75‐76.
136Descendants,OilInOurLamps,53.
137Somehistorianshavetakenintoaccountthecontinuedimportanceofperiodicrevivals,
particularlyLacyFordandStephanieMcCurryforSouthCarolinainthe1830s.
98
Themajordenominationsallestablishedascheduleandroutineforannual
campmeetings,usuallyintheautumnaftercongregantsbroughtintheirharvests.
Moraviansdidnothavecampmeetings,neitherdidQuakersorPrimitiveBaptists.
Thelargercampgrounds,however,becameimportantcommunalsitesonthe
landscape.InthePiedmont,placeslikeUnionGroveinIredellCounty,RockSprings
campgroundinLincolnCounty,andBall’sCreekCampgroundinCatawbaCounty,
drewthousandsofbelieversandobserverstoregularmeetings.138TheMethodists
andBaptistsclaimedownershipoftheselocations.TheLutheranswerenotinclined
torevivals,butmadeahalf‐heartedattemptinthemid‐1830stointroducethecamp
meetingtotheirrituals.AnewministerfromMaryland,DanielJenkins,began
hostingprotractedmeetingsatNewBethelChurchinStanlyCountyin1835.The
revivalspiritdidnotcatchonandafterseveralyears,Lutherancampgroundsstood
abandonedandsuccumbingtonature.139
Clergylookedtocampmeetingsasaplaceforrevivalorrefreshinginthe
samewaytheylookedtotheexerciseofdisciplineandthevitalityofvoluntary
societiesforthesameend.WhileclergyandlaypeoplehopedSundaySchoolsand
missionaryeffortswouldengenderreligiousfeelingonaroutinebasis,theystill
lookedparticularlytoprotractedmeetingsassourcesofnewmembersand
138AuthorUnknown,TheHeritageofIredellCounty(Statesville:TheGenealogicalSocietyofIredell
County,1980),141,andGaryR.Freeze,TheCatawbans:CraftersofaNorthCarolinaCounty,1747‐
1900(Newton,N.C.:CatawbaCountyHistoricalAssociation,1995),114‐115.
139BernheimandCox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynod,75‐76,G.D.Bernheim,Historyof
theGermanSettlementsandoftheLutheranChurchinNorthandSouthCarolina(Philadelphia:The
LutheranBookStore,1872),516‐517.
99
heightenedreligiousspirit.MethodistministerJohnRobinsonreportedonthree
meetingsthataidedintherevivaloftheapparentlymoribundRockinghamCircuitin
1837.Atthefirsttwomeetings,“wehadpleasantweather,andthepreachingofthe
gospelwithnotwithoutsuccess.”Despitehisambivalentlanguage,Robinson
countedseventy‐fivenewconverts.Atthethirdmeeting,“wehadbutlittle
opportunityforpreaching,owingtoseverweatheratthetime;andthecongregation
wasunusuallysmall.”Theweatherandsmallturnout,however,didnotforestallthe
spiritoftheLord:“ThepeopleofGod,however,appearedtobemuchrefreshedand
strengthenedinwaitinguponhim.”140Theregularnessofcampmeetingsmaybe
illustratedbyT.W.Postell’sreportofacampmeetingontheDeepRiverCircuit.He
founditnotablethatmanyattendeeschosetostayatthecampgroundovernight.In
fact,whatbeganasameetingintendedtolastbutadayortwolastedtwenty‐one
days,duringwhich“twenty‐fivesoulsweresoundlyconvertedtoGod;thirty‐three
joinedourChurch.”Inthisremarkableeffort,Postellhadtheassistanceofa
PresbyterianandaBaptistministerbutdidnotcountsoulsthatmighthavejoined
theirchurches.141
Theseroutinemeetingsoccurredineverycircuit,association,andpresbytery
ineveryyear.Participantsoftenfoundcampmeetingsasamusingastheywere
occasionallyprofound.Andwhatprotractedmeetingsdidforthesoulwasoften
140SouthernChristianAdvocate,December8,1837.
141SouthernChristianAdvocate,July13,1849.
100
surpassedbythesocialsatisfactionencountered.StrongThomasson’sobservations
oncampmeetinglifeareuniquebutlikelyrepresenttheexperienceofmany
piedmonters.InIredellCounty,MethodistThomasson,amemberofAylesbury
Church,attendedeveryextra‐ciricularchurchactivityhecould,includingpreaching
atthelocalBaptistschurchesandQuakermeetingsanduptotwoorthreecamp
meetingsayear.In1855,theThomassonfamilyhadatentattheTempleHillcamp
meeting,“erectedofsmallpinelogshewedon2sidesandnotchdup.Thesizeofit
wasabout12by16feet—quiteagoodtent.”Themeetingbegan“atthesoundofthe
hornforthe3o’clocksermon.”Afterthat,Strongandhisbrothererecteda“brush
arber”besidethetentandstoodupatablebeneathit.142Atan1854meetingthat
coincidedwithavisitfromthecircuitpreacher,Strong’sprogramincludeda
sermon,followedbythetrialofonecongregantfor“tellingonefalsehoodand
sanctioningtwoothers.”143In1853,atMountTabor,Strongsoldboxesoftobacco
outofhiswagonandconsideredthehighlightofhisfourdaysonsitetobeareunion
of“lotsofmyoldfriends,&brotherWiley.”Onthewaybackhome,hestoppedin
PfaffTowntobuysomenewclothesandbootsandinSalemtomendawatch.144
Strongenjoyedthecampmeetingsheattended;heappreciatedtheweather,
thecompany,thereunions,andparticularlythepreaching.Henotedwithapproval
142PaulD.Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862
(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996),95.
143Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,48.
144Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,6‐7.
101
theregularconversionofsinners.Yethejustasmuchnotedtheratherfrequent
disappointmentsatcampmeetings,causedasmuchbyhappenstanceasanything
else.StrongconsideredonemeetingatUnionGrovetobeabitstingyingiving,but
heguessedthat“theamountcolectedwassmallasthecongregationwasmostly
composedofpoorpeoplewhohadbutlittletolive,andwasrathersmallfor
Sunday.”145Weather,morethananyotherfactor,disruptedtheroutineofthe
camps.“Afterpreachingwewenttoourtentandsoonweresleepingsoundly,but
alas!ourrestwassoonbroken,andsleepdrivenfromoureyesbythenoiseyrain
dropswhichcamedownintorrentsmakingatremendousclatterupontheroofof
ourtent,andby‘thedreadfulthunder’whichroaredlongandloud.”Thestorm,
however,didnotwashthemeetingaway,andpreachingcommenced,despite
Strong’sunderstatement:“Thingsarealittlewet.”146Alessintensefreshetsent
anothermeetingrunningforcoverin1855:“Beforenightitrainedandwetthe
strawandseatsunderthearber,sothecongregationassembledinthechurchfor
nightmeeting.Therewasnopreaching,butthecongregationsung,afewprayed,
andmanyshoutedaloudthepraiseofIsrael’sGod.”Theraindidnotspoilthat
meetingforStrong;thelackofconvertsdid—“Amongallthecampmeetingsthat
everIattendedI’venorecollectionofonesuchasthis.Notwithstandingthemany
gospelswarningsermons,therewasnotthefirstsoulconvertedduringthe
145Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,94.
146Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,95‐96.
102
meeting!”147Strongandhiswife,Mary,wenttoonemeetingatUnionGrove
unprepared,and“sufferedwithsomehunger.”Theyleftearly:“Beforethemeeting
broke,andwhilethegoodpeoplewerebawlingandsqualling,andkickingupa
considerabledust,MaryandIleftfor‘home,sweethome.’”148
AVarietyofPlaces
In1837,MethodistministerDavidDerrickreportedonhisprogressinCentre
Circuit,CabarrusCounty,totheSouthernChristianAdvocate.Hisdescriptionoffour
yearsinthefieldreflectedmanyofthewaysdenominationshadthenexperienced
growth.DerrickdescribedCabarrusCountyin1837asdidmanydomestic
missionariesinnewground‐‐“strangersbothtoMethodismandvitalreligion.”But
Cabarrusdidnotlackreligion;thePresbyteriansdominatedaroundConcordand
theLutheransheldswayintheGerman‐speakingeasternhalfofthecounty.A
German‐speakerhimself,Derricklaboredandsoon,“thecircuitwasenlargedtofour
weeks.”Hecelebratedthecongregationalgrowth‐‐“wholefamilieshavebeen
convertedandjoinedthechurch;newsocietiesformed;churchesbuiltfor
worship—sixofwhichhavebeendedicatedduringthisyear[1837].”Certainly,
Derrickregardedtheconversionof“atleastonehundredsouls”hischief
accomplishment—thoughoneheattributedtoGod,nothimself—butthecreationof
societiesandbuildingsalsomarkedthesuccess.Derricknotedarelated
147Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,96.
148Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,94.
103
phenomenon.Conversionstookplace“inclass‐meetings,someinprayer‐meetings,
someinretirementforprayersinthewoods,andsomeatthefamilyaltar.”149
Thoughhedidnotmentionschoolsandforeignmissions,apparentinDerrick’s
summaryistheexpandedvenuesforpiousactivity.Oldvenuessawtheappearance
ofnewforms.Forinstance,traditionallyextemporaneousandemotionalinthe
evangelicaltradition,nowincludedregularlyscheduledadmonitionstopromote
missions,temperance,andschools.Butnewplacesfortheexpressionofpiety
appeared:inpublicinplaceofabarroom,inthebookshop,orinpublicschools.Most
importantly,asDerricknoted,pietyshouldbeconductedwithinthefamilycircle.
Denominationsinthe1830sand1840shadsuccessfullyjoinedtraditional
pietytothemodernsentimentofliberality.Tobeclear,liberalityisnotthesameas
liberaltheology.Bynomeansdidpiedmontreligiouspeoplepracticetheliberal
theologyonlythenemerginginthenorththatprioritizedtheabstractspiritof
scripturesoverthewordsoftheBible.Yetinliberalizing,piedmontchurchesfully
embracedanethicthatplacedselflessnessandpiousgenerosityaboveallelseinthe
modernworld.Religiousauthoritiesfirstpromoted“liberality”firstasamotivation
togivegenerouslytobuildingeffortsandotherfundraisingcampaigns.In1844,the
SouthernChristianAdvocatepublishedanotice—undertheheading“Liberality”—
aboutanOhioMethodistwhogave“twelvehundredacresoffinelyimprovedlands,”
totheOhioWesleyanUniversityandendowedamissionaryprofessorship.“The…
nobleinstanceofzealinthecauseofliberaleducation,iscommendedtothenotice
149SouthernChristianAdvocate,October28,1837.
104
ofourwealthyCarolinaandGeorgiafriends,whocould,withnogreateffort,‘goand
dolikewise.’”150Surely,denominationalleadersdidnotexpectdonationsofquite
thatmuchlandfromordinarylaypeople,buttheydidexpectthatlaypeoplewould
beequallygenerous.
TheGermanReformed“stateofreligion”in1845explicitlyappealedto
liberalityintheformof“brotherlylove.”“Wantofbrotherlylove,”theywrote,“hasa
tendencytolessenthetruedignityoftheChristiancharacter,inasmuchasloveis
thebondofperfectionandthebadgebywhichweareknownasChristians,who
beartheimageofthatGodwhoislove.”Thatyeartheeldersdeploredthewantof
brotherlyloveandacorrespondinglackof“divinelife”insomechurches.Yetthe
followingyearsawanincreasein“BibleClassinstruction”and“readingofsacred
scripturesinprivate”thatledto“bearingpleasantfruittothegoodofthechurch
andthepraiseofGod’sgrace.”Theseactivitiesmovedcongregants“tostrengthen&
extendthebondsofgospelcharityandthusenablealltoobeythe‘new
commonwealth’givenusofourLord‘toloveoneanother.’”Evangelicalsintended
thisbrotherlylovetotranscendtheinequitiesofwealth,andbridgedividesbetween
thebelieversandunbelievers.Thismindset,likeCarolineLillyandMaryBrown
demonstrated,indicatedthetandemnatureofspiritualandworldlyprogress.
The“progressive”natureofliberalitybecomesapparentwhencomparedto
otherdescriptionsofsouthernsocialethics,mostnotablythesystemofhonor
150April19,1844,“Liberality,”SouthernChristianAdvocate.ThenoticequotedLuke10:37.
105
elucidatedbyBertramWyatt‐Brown.Plantersandothersouthernersadheredtoan
OldWorldconceptofstatusandpridethatmadethemparticularlysensitiveto
reputationandprimedforviolenceindefenseofit.InWyatt‐Brown’sinterpretation,
however,honorcultureandevangelicalChristianityuneasilyadaptedtoone
anotherinthenineteenthcentury.Christiangentility,accordingtoWyatt‐Brown,
consistedofthreeelements:sociability,learning,andpiety.It“involvedmasteryof
quitesubtlemarksofstatus—theproperaccent,therightchoiceofwordsand
conversationaltopics,theappropriateattire,anacquaintancewithvariouskindsof
socialpropertiesandotherrulesnoteasytofollowwithaplomb.”Itservedasa
signifierofwealthandsuitabilityforcommand,thusasocialattributeofprivileged
plantersonly.151
Christiangentilitydependedonoutwardappearanceinperformanceand
display.TheperformativenatureofChristiangentility,however,marksits
significantdifferencefromevangelicalliberality.Wyatt‐Brown,forinstance,notes
thatsociabilitysignaledapreferenceforgregariousnessoverseriousnessand
indicatedthelargesseofthewealthy.Whileliberalitycalledforpeacefulandhappy
socialrelations,largesseisnotthesameascharity,andcharismaishardlythesame
asthestruggleofsouls.Inregardtolearning,thevenerationofknowledgeis
151BertramWyatt‐Brown,SouthernHonor:Ethics&BehaviorIntheOldSouth(NewYork:Oxford
UniversityPress,1982),88‐114,quoteonp.88.Somescholarshaveworkedtofindmomentsof
peacefulcoexistencebetweenhonorandChristianity,andIdonotwishtoperpetuateanartificial
distinctionbetweenthetwo.SeeEdwardR.Crowther,“HolyHonor:SacredandSecularintheOld
South,”JournalofSouthernHistory58(November1992):619‐636,andRobertElder,“Southern
SaintsandSacredHonor:Evangelicalism,Honor,Community,andtheSelfinSouthCarolinaand
Georgia,1784‐1860,”Ph.D.diss.,EmoryUniversity,2011.
106
apparentinbothethics,butwhereWyatt‐Brown’splantersvaluedclassical
education,theinitiatorsofNorthCarolina’sreligiouscollegesandcommonschools
pressedforpracticalapplicationofknowledgewhilevaluingthecosmopolitan
attitudeitcultivated.
Thechiefdifferenceistheprioritizationofthethreeelementsofgentility.In
Wyatt‐Brown’sinterpretation,plantersconsideredsociabilitytheprimaryvirtue
whilepietyremainedanafterthought,attachedafterthesecondGreatAwakening.
Inmyinterpretation,pietygeneratedthesocialandpracticalimperativesof
liberality.Evangelicalselvesreflecteddeep,ifshifting,valuesofthemoral
community.Religiouspracticewasthusnotanaffectationtoprovegenteel
refinementbutthesourceofpublicandprivatepromotionoflearning,ethical
behaviorinthemarketplace,andinsocialrelations.
ThemodernevangelicalethicappealedtoPiedmontersprimarilybecauseit
didnothavemaster‐slaverelationsasitsmotivatingengine.Scholarsofthe
antebellumSouthhavelongidentifiedslaveryastheunifyingcoreofsouthernsocial
andculturallife.Slaverydemandedstoicbehaviorandviolentreactionfromwhites
determinedtodemonstratemastery.Thedemandsofcaste,accordingly,prescribed
ruthlessanddomineeringbehaviorbywhites.“Virtuallyallwhitemen,”Edward
Baptisthaswritten,”agreedontheneedtorejectandresist—byviolenceif
107
necessary—theattemptsofotherstoforcethemintoapositionofsubordination.”152
AsIwilldemonstrateinChapter3,whitemenofallclassessubordinatedthemselves
tothedemandsoffaithandoftenthatmeantadisavowalofviolenceandarrogance
ofallkinds.Evangelicals—laypeopleandclergyboth—prioritizedtheology.Notan
abstractorintellectualtheology,butanadaptableandpracticalone,shapedby
modernimpulsesandordinaryexperience.
152EdwardE.Baptist,CreatinganOldSouth:MiddleFlorida’sPlantationFrontierbeforetheCivilWar
(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2002),102.
108
CHAPTERIII
DISCIPLINEANDTHEEVANGELICALSENSIBILITY
Friedberg,insouthernForsythCounty,hadbeenoneoftheMoravian
Church’scountrycongregationssince1773.Itboastedaschool,achurch,a
parsonage,andevenausedorgan.Tothisruralenclaveofreligiousinstitutionsthe
localMoravians,undertheleadershipofPastorHenrySchultz,addedtheSouthFork
DebatingSociety.In1834theDebatingSocietyposedthequestion,“nowwidely
presentedbytheTemperanceSocietiesanddiscussedsozealously:‘Isthedistiller,
ortheretailer,orthedrinkerofspirituousdrinkstobeblamedornot?”1Schultzdid
notrecordtheresultsofthedebateintheFriedbergDiary.
CarolineBrooks,alwaysself‐consciousaboutherlower‐classorigins,
occasionallydwelledonperceivedsocialslights.InApril1837,whilestillteachingin
Concord,sheencounteredanoldcolleaguewhohadoncebeenateacher,butwas
thenmarried.“Myformerrival,”Carolinewrote,“whohasrecentlyreturnedfrom
1AdelaideL.FriesandDouglasLeTellRights,RecordsoftheMoraviansinNorthCarolinaVolumeVIII
(1823‐1837)(Raleigh:StateDepartmentofArchivesandHistory,1954),4152,andC.DanielCrews
adRichardW.Starbuck,WithCourageoftheFuture:TheStoryoftheMoravianChurch,Southern
Province(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:MoravianChurchinAmerica,SouthernProvince,2002),73,133,200,
209,and260.
109
WashingtonwastheredressedinbettertastethanwhenIlastsawher.”Caroline
hadspenttimeinprayerfulstruggletoadheretoMethodistdoctrineonwealthand
status.Theyearbefore,shedeclared,Thepossessionofallwealth&honors&power
thatearthcouldaffordwouldbeinfinitelylessthanthesmallestatomofmatter
whencomparedwiththesoulennoblingandtrulysublimeprinciplesoflovetoGod.
Mrs.Coleman’saffectationsunnervedCaroline:“Tomesheappearsequallyas
distantandreservedasformerly,notmanifestingthesmallestdesiretocultivatean
acquaintancewithme.”Caroline,however,refusedtoharborresentmentordistrust
forherrival.Theevangelicalrejectionofostentatiouswealthwasnot,afterall,
aboutthewealthitselfbutabouttheabilityofwealthtospoiltheindividual’s
relationshipwithGod,andwithhisorherfellowChristians.Carolinedeterminedto
avoidthatunholystate.Sheexclaimed,
letmenotcherishimproperfeelingstowardher.Imeanttoloveher.Iwill
strivetodoit.SheisaprofessedfolloweroftheadorableSavior&an
instructressoftheyoung,andinallprobabilityisworthyofloveand
esteem.1
TheMoravianexample,ifbrief,offersanumberofimportantinsightsintothe
disciplinaryprocess.Thedefinitionofsin,forinstance,wasdebatableand
changeable.Forceswithinandwithoutecclesiasticalstructurescausedthose
changes.TheSouthForkDebatingSocietywasnotachurchbody,butitfully
engagedinshapingopinionaboutthemostimportanttheologicalcontroversyofthe
1March15,1836,andApril,n.d.,1837,CarolineBrooksLillyDiaryandAccount,SouthernHistorical
Collection,TheWilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.
110
day.Caroline’sencounterwithMrs.Colemanoffersaviewintohowordinary
evangelicalsenacteddisciplineinhighlypersonal,dailydecisionsthathavebeen
largelyinvisibletohistorians.Thislaterformofdiscipline—individual,internal
motivationtoadheretoreligiousprecepts,evenwhileawayfromthedirect
surveillanceofcongregationsandministers—offeredabridgeforevangelicalsto
findtheirwayinasecularworld.Individualevangelicalsaggressivelycarvedouta
morality‐basedplaceinthesecularworld.There,theyturnedthetheological
disciplineoftheircongregationsintoexpectationsformoralpublicbehaviorbyall
people.Evangelicalsapplyingtheirdisciplineinpublic,however,couldnotescape
tensionsinherentinthepracticeofdiscipline.
Disciplineconsistedofmorethansurveillanceandpubliccondemnation,but
wasacomprehensiveprogramformaintainingthereligiousandsocialcharacterof
thecongregation.Idefinedisciplineintworelatedways.First,disciplineisthe
methodsusedtoensureunitywithpiousgoalsofdenominations.Ofutmostconcern
toclergyandlaypeoplealike,activepursuitofdoctrinalunity,andsubsequent
harmoniouseffortsatbenevolence,signaledfulfillmentof“vitalreligion.”Second,
disciplinewastheindividualdesiretoadheretodoctrineandpiousgoals.Thefields
ofdisciplinarystrugglewerethusnotlimitedtoSundayproceedings.Toseethe
practiceofdisciplineatworkwithinandwithoutsacredandsecularinstitutionsis
towitnessthemultidirectionalflowofpowerintheantebellumSouth.
111
Historianshavelongconsideredtheinterplayofreligionandsocialreality
andhavelongsuggestedthatchurchesintheSouthhadsuccumbedto“cultural
capture”:thatis,agentsofsecularsocialpowerdemandedtheologicalsubservience
toexistinghierarchiesofgenderandracialpowerandprivilege.Thisthesishas
shapedahistoriographicalnarrativeofagranulated,oppressed,religiouslifeinthe
South,especiallyascomparedtoaflourishingsociallifeofevangelicalisminthe
North.2ForJohnBoles,the“southernmind”neverrecoveredfromtheimprintofthe
GreatRevivalsof1799‐1803.A“theologyofindividualism”madesouthernreligion
“personal”and“provincial.”Thatindividualismarosefromtheprimacyofthe
conversionexperienceandtheclergy’sneed—becauseofthevoluntarynatureof
churches—tomaintainsalvationwithinpeople,nottheircommunities.Therefore,
southernchurchesneveradoptedthecommunalconcernsthatoccupiednorthern
sectsandledto“numerousreformefforts,voluntarysocieties,andultimatelythe
socialgospel.”ThisdenialofanexteriormodeforChristianethicsmadesouthern
religionpersonal,provincial,andconservative.3
Historiansofwomen’shistorytookupthisthememostprominently.JeanE.
Friedmandeterminedthatevangelicalpractice(primarilythedominanceofmenin
churchadministrativefunctions)reinforcedthepoweroftraditionalpatriarchal
2SamuelS.Hillfirstnotedthe“culturalcapture”ofsouthernchurchesinSouthernChurchesinCrisis
(NewYork:Holt,RinehartandWinston,1967).
3JohnB.Boles,TheGreatRevival:TheOriginsoftheSouthernEvangelicalMind(Lexington:The
UniversityPressofKentucky,1972),Chapter9,quoteson127and130.
112
kinshipnetworksandsquashedbothwomen’sautonomyandanychanceatcreating
areformingwomen’sculture.4StephanieMcCurryenhancedFriedman’s
interpretation,anddescribedadesolatewomen’sexistence,crushedinthetension
betweenreligiousnotionsofegalitarianismandsecularneedforhierarchy.5Implicit
intheargumentsofthesehistoriansisthatevangelicalvaluesfailedtogaina
footholdasanethicinpublicorinotherformsofsociallifeandthatreligious
disciplineservedasthehammerofoppression.6
DonaldMathewsarguedtheopposite:thatreligionformedapositivebasis
forsociallife.Evangelicalsstressedthesacredaspectsofreligiouspoweranddidso
inawaythattranscendedsecularboundaries.“[C]haracteristicofsuchpeople,”he
wrote,“wastheirinsistenceoninitiatingtheindividualintoapermanentintimate
relationshipwithotherpeoplewhosharethesameexperienceandviewsofthe
meaningoflifeandwhowerecommittedtothegoalofconvertingtherestof
society.”Thisunderstandingofreligiousunderstandingcomplicatesourdescription
ofpower,asthesehistoricalactorsprioritizedsocial‐ecclesialethicsinwaysthat
subordinatedthestrictpolaritiesofraceandgender,masteryandsubversion,tothe
4JeanE.Friedman,TheEnclosedGarden:WomenandCommunityintheEvangelicalSouth,1830‐1900
(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1985).
5StephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,&thePolitical
CultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).
6ChristineHerymanarguedthatevangelicalsdidindeedsucceedincreatingapublicChristianethos
inthesouth,butatthecostofbetrayingtheegalitarianismoftheearlyevangelicalmovement.
Ministersthemselvesbenttheirmessagetofittheneedsofthepatriarchy.ChristineLeighHeyrman,
SouthernCross:TheBeginningsoftheBibleBelt(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,1997).
113
needsofdoctrinalunity.“Thepolarityof‘community’andthe‘individual’,”Mathews
wrote,“simplydidnotexistforEvangelicals.”7
HistorianswhohaveexaminedreligioninthePiedmonthavemirrored
Mathews’descriptionoffaithasaneffectivebasisforsocialbehavior.PaulEscott
recognizedthatmanyyeomenprioritizedsacredvaluesoversecularoneswhenhe
noted,“thisreligiousworldcreateditsown,autonomousstandardsbywhichthe
pretensionsofsecularpowerswere,bydefinition,dross.”Escottsuggested“faith…
moderatedthearistocratictendenciesinthesocialorder”ofNorthCarolina.Heis
correct,butneverexplainedhowthisprocessworked.8BillCecil‐Fronsmannotonly
tiedevangelicalbelieftothelowerclass,butheidentifieditsapplicationasan
alternativetoelitecodesofviolenceandaggression.Hiscommonwhitesutilized
religiontodefinetheirpublicbehaviorinawaythatsetthemapartfromelites.He
was,inpart,correct,inthatevangelicalcodesofbehaviorofferedanalternativeto
aristocraticconceptsofhonor.YetIinterprettheevangelicalethicaspracticable
acrossclasslines(evenwhileithelpeddefinenewmiddleclassboundaries).Cecil‐
Fronsmanfurtherwrote,“[T]hecommonwhites’religionscarcelyprovidedthem
withtheculturaltoolstheywouldneedtochallengetheplanterclass’shegemony,”
7DonaldG.Mathews,ReligionintheOldSouth(Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,1977),40‐
46.
8PaulD.Escott,ManyExcellentPeople:PowerandPrivilegeinNorthCarolina,1850‐1900(ChapelHill:
UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1985),24‐27.
114
becausetheirfaithencourageda“reject[ion]oftheworld.”9Thischapterwillassert
quitetheopposite;evangelicalpracticebraceditspractitionersforentranceintothe
world.Thatpeopledidnotmountaneffectivepoliticalchallengetothesocialorder
ofpatriarchyandslaveryisobvious.Prioritizingsacredvaluesoversecularonesand
devaluingtheneedfordramaticsocialchallenges,however,onlymeantthat
evangelicalattentiontotheworlddidnotproducepartisanpoliticalconflict.Yet,
evangelicalvalues,practicedasasocialethic,didproduceculturalchangein
southernsociety.Evangelicalpracticewasasocialact,andaspiouspeopleshaped
theirplaceintheworld,they,perhapsunwittingly,begantoshapetheworlditself.
Howtheydidsorequiresustonotonlyexaminetheprocessandlessonsof
disciplinebutalsohowevangelicalsblendedthoselessonswithothercontemporary
prescriptionsforpublicbehavior.Thechurches’engagementwiththemajorissues
oftheday—temperancereformandanti‐slaveryagitation—wasoftenambivalent.
Thatambivalence,however,didnotresultfromafearoftheworld,orofupsetting
itssocialorder,butfromtheinternalcontradictionsofavigorousdisciplinary
process.
Historicalanalysisofreligiousdisciplinehasgivenusbroadandvalid
observationsaboutchurchcourtcases.Forinstance,theypersistedlongerinthe
SouththanintheNorth,andthenumberofdisciplinarycasesdeclinedfromthe
9Cecil‐Fronsman,CommonWhites:ClassandCultureinAntebellumNorthCarolina(Lexington:
UniversityPressofKentucky,1992),170,188‐189.
115
earlynineteenthcenturyuntiltheCivilWarandcontinueddecliningthereafter.10
Disciplinarycasescorrectedmenfarmoreoftenthanwomen,menmostoftenfor
intoxicationandwomenforsexualtransgressions.11Tofocusonchurchcourttrials
asthegoalandsumofreligiousdiscipline,however,isanarrowandmisleading
viewandtendstomissthelargertheologicalreasonsformaintainingdiscipline.To
dosoisunderstandable,asthehistoricalrecordsoflocalcongregationsare
dominatedbyproceedingsmakingitappearthatchurchlifewasacatalogofjudicial
condemnation.Butthesejudicialproceedingsmustbeviewedasasingle,ifhighly
visible,portionofalargerdisciplinarypracticethatincludedbothinternalpersonal
regardfortheologyanddoctrineandextra‐congregationalstandardsofsocial
behavior.
Somehistorianshaverecentlyexploredtheimplicationofdisciplinebeyond
thatofsurveillanceandcontrol.“[V]iewingdisciplineassocialcontrolgoesonlya
shortwayinexplainingitsplaceinthelivesofchurchgoers,”writesGregoryWills.
“Thefaithfuldidnotexercisedisciplineinordertoconstrainawaywardsociety.
Thatwasthetaskoffamilies,communities,andgovernments.Churchesdisciplined
10Friedman,TheEnclosedGarden,11,GregoryA.Wills,DemocraticReligion:Freedom,Authority,and
ChurchDisciplineintheBaptistSouth,1785‐1900(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2003),andTed
Ownby,SubduingSatan:Religion,Recreation,andManhoodintheRuralSouth,1865‐1920(Chapel
Hill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1993),203.
11GuionGriffisJohnson,Ante‐BellumNorthCarolina:ASocialHistory(ChapelHill:TheUniversityof
NorthCarolinaPress,1937),450‐453,Friedman,TheEnclosedGarden,14,FrederickA.Bode,“The
FormationofEvangelicalCommunitiesinMiddleGeorgia:TwiggsCounty,1820‐1861,”Journalof
SouthernHistoryLX(November1994):711‐748,andCourtlandVictorSmith,“ChurchOrganization
asanAgencyofSocialControl:ChurchDisciplineinNorthCarolina,1800‐1860”(Ph.D.diss.,the
UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill,1966),206‐209.
116
toconstrainconfessingsaintstogoodorderandtopreservetheirpurity.Church
disciplinewasnotaboutsocialcontrolbutaboutecclesiasticalcontrol.”TheGeorgia
BaptiststhatWillsstudiedpracticeddisciplinenottokeepcongregantssegregated
fromtheworldbut“filledtheirconferencemeetingswith‘mattersoffellowship’that
establishedtheboundariesbetweeniniquityandpurity.”12Iniquityandpuritycould
existbothinsideachurchandoutintheworld,andcongregantshadtoknowhowto
negotiatethoseboundaries.Willsnotes,mostimportantly,thatactivechurch
disciplinesignaledtocongregantsthelikelihoodofsalvation,andgooddiscipline
requiredunity.LikeMathews,heconcluded,“churchesthatharboredanimmoral
memberwere‘notinunion’butdivided.Withoutdiscipline,theymightoutwardly
professunitybutinwardlytheyweretornasunder.”13
Forthefaithful,andeventherecalcitrant,thepracticeofdisciplineprimarily
concernedtheprioritizationofevangelicalideals,notthecoercionofsocial
dissentersofsecularpower.Essentialhereisthatdisciplineexpressed,firstand
foremost,theologicalanddoctrinalbeliefs.Infractionsofeachposedathreattothe
integrityofacongregation.Forexample,acongregantwhoabhorredinfantbaptism
orthetenetsofCalvinismhadthreatenedthesocialcommunityasmuchasthe
drunkorthemalcontent.Decadesofpractice,however,hadprovidedthereligious
12Wills,DemocraticReligion,9,13‐14.
13Wills,DemocraticReligion,32‐33.RobertElderagreedwithbothMathewsandWills,“oneofthe
aimsofchurchdisciplinewasundeniablythemaintenanceofpersonalholinesswithinthecontextof
communalpurityandharmony.RobertElder,“SouthernSaintsandSacredHonor:Evangelicalism,
Honor,Community,andtheSelfinSouthCarolinaandGeorgia,1784‐1860”(Ph.D.dissertation,
EmoryUniversity2011),69.
117
methodsofpeacefulresolutiontosins,thuscreatingaregion‐widemoodthat
definedacceptablesocialbehavior.14Whilethedisciplinaryprocessproveda
negotiationbetweendoctrinalorthodoxyandchangingsocialreality,itdidestablish
thatmood.Inshort,religioninstrumentalizedsecularsocietyasmuchassocial
powershapedreligion.
Thisassertionisnottosuggestthatordinaryevangelicalsobsessedover
separationbetweensacredpurityandworldlyiniquity.Infact,forlateantebellum
evangelicals,theboundarybetweensinandsalvationonlyvaguelyresembledthe
boundarybetweencongregationand“theworld.”Onecouldsinwithinareligious
communityjustthesameasonecouldbepiousinpublic.15Thisdistinctionis
importantbecauseitexplainsbettertheevangelicalapproachtolifeinthesecular
worldthatdisciplinedefined.Southernevangelicalscriticized“theworld,”—indeed,
criticismarosefromdisciplinaryexpectation—buttheydidnotrecoilfromentering
itforfearofcrossingaprohibitedboundary.16Sowhileenteringtheworldnever
14ThetermmoodisborrowedfromDonaldMathews.Hedefinesitas“thatinvisiblenexuswherethe
individual,family,class,andsocietyaredefinedandexpressed.”Expressed,thatis,amonga“social
constituencythatwasnotquiteaclass—althoughitwasfirstexpressedasaclassmovement—nor
quitestrictlyareligiousmoodapartfromsocialconflict,institution‐building,andclass
consciousness.”Mathews,ReligionintheOldSouth,xiv.
15MonicaNajardefinedthecongregationalunderstandingofspirituallifeasnotdividedbyrace,
class,andgender,butbetweenthesacredandthesecular,adistinctionoperablewithinandwithout
congregations.Najar,EvangelizingtheSouth:ASocialHistoryofChurchandStateinEarlyAmerica
(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2008),andalso,“TheDevil'sintheDetails:RevisitingtheEarly
BaptistSouth,”JournalofSouthernReligion13(2011):http://jsr.fsu.edu/issues/vol13/najar.html.
16KennethStartup,“’AMereCalculationofProfitsandLoss’:TheSouthernClergyandtheEconomic
CultureoftheAntebellumNorth,”inGodandMammon:Protestants,Money,andtheMarket,1790‐
1860,ed.MarkA.Noll(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2001),217‐235.
118
becameanevangelical“project,”evangelicalsthemselves,girdedwithlessonsfrom
discipline,aboutsin,andbehaviorreadilyandfrequentlydriftedovertheboundary
betweensecularandsacredthattheydidnotparticularlyfear.
Adistinguishableguidanceemergedfromthepracticeofdiscipline.First,
disciplinefosteredanaversiontoviolence,hostility,andconfrontation.Second,
disciplineelevatedpatienceandforbearance.Third,disciplineinsistedon
maintainenceoftheologicalanddoctrinalorthodoxy.Thesocialethicthese
characteristicsproducedstoodinmarkedcontrasttotheprevailingmoresofthe
planterclassthatprivilegedimpulsiveviolenceandtheindulgenceofwealthand
powerandthepublicdisplaythereof.17Yet,thefirsttwocharacteristicsstoodin
tensionwiththethird.Sinfulpractices,includingchallengestoorthodoxy,couldbe
resolved,intheend,byremovalorschism.Theaversiontohostilityandadherence
topatienceensuredthatlargeandsmallschismsintheantebellumeraremained
relativelypeaceful.Infact,thefirsttwocharacteristicsbecamepartoforthodoxy
itself,thatwhenviolatedincombinationwiththethird,producedimpassesthat
transcendedevangelicalpracticeandbehavior.Atthatpoint,evangelicalsdropped
theiroppositiontohostility,andreluctantlyendorsednon‐peacefulsolutionsto
doctrinaldisputes.
17Forthelatestiterationofthishistoriographicaltheme,seeCraigThompsonFriendandLorri
Glover,eds.,SouthernManhood:PerspectivesonMasculinityintheOldSouth(Athens:Universityof
GeorgiaPress,2004),vii‐xvii.
119
Eachdenominationhaditsownpeculiaritiesindisciplinarypractice.
Baptists,forinstance,featureddisciplinaryactionbythecongregationoflaypeople,
anddecisionsmadetherewererarelyappealedtosuper‐congregationalclergy.Not
sowiththeMethodists,whoencouragedthesettlementofdisciplinarybreachesby
classmeetingsandwithdirectclergyinvolvement,notinopencongregation.So,too
withtheGermanReformedchurchesinthePiedmont.FriendsinNorthCarolina,
muchliketheirBaptistneighbors,keptdisciplinaryactionattheMeetinglevel.Their
actionsprovedslower,butmorecomprehensivethanBaptistdiscipline.The
Moravianshadperhapsthemosthierarchicalchurchstructure,withcentralized
decision‐makingintheAeltestenConferenz,butitwasfarfromthemost
authoritative,anditsleadersoftenfollowedtheirflocksindisciplinaryenforcement.
Ininterpretingreligiousdiscipline,weencounteranobstacle.Whilesingle
churchcourtcasesordisciplinaryproceedingsmighthaveencapsulatedapointof
doctrine,asingleexamplerarelyoffersaviewofthespiritualandsociallessonsof
discipline.Withthisinmind,Iturnnowtoanarrative(andbriefdiscussion)ofa
varietyofdisciplinaryproceedings,hoping,intheprocess,toelicitthoselessons.
TheBlackwoodBaptistCases
Betweenitsfoundingin1852and1856Blackwood’sChapelBaptistchurch
ofMontgomeryCountyprocessedatypicalcourseofdisciplinaryactions.The
churchacceptedintomembershipfourteenindividuals,somebyletterandsomeby
experience;itexcludedsixteenpeople—severalmorethanonce.Itchargedonewith
120
abuseofhiswife,threewithintoxication,oneforstrikinganother,onefortheftand
flight(awhiteman),sevenforneglectofattendance,threeforunknownreasons.All
personschargedweremen.Thechurchconvenedsevencommitteestocite
individuals,ordecidetheirfate.18
WilliamUsery’stravailsbeganinNovember1852whenthechurchcitedhim
forintoxication.EldersW.B.Jordan,A.W.Chambers,andJeremiahLuthercomposed
acommitteetovisitUseryandcommandhispresenceatthenextmonth’smeeting.
Thecommittee’sentreatiesworked,asUsery“cameforwardandacknowledgedhis
faultandbeg[ged]forgivenessofthechurchwhichwasfreelygrantedandthe
committeedischarged.”19Thefollowingmonth,MartinBaldwin“acknowledgedthat
hehadbeendrinkingtoomuchandwassorryforit,andhopedthechurchwould
forgivehim,whichwasaccordinglydone.”Laterthatyearafterdrinkingagain,
Baldwinagain“acknowledgedhisfaultandbeggedforgivenessfromthechurch
whichwasgranted.”20LewisThompson,ayoungfarmlaborerwhohadpreviously
beenexcludedfor“whippinghiswife,”stoodalongsideWilliamUsery,alsocharged
withdrunkenness,andacknowledged“aportionofthechargeandaftermuch
admonitionandgoodadvicefromthemoderator,wereretainedinfellowship.”21
181852‐1856,BlackwoodChapelBaptistChurchMinutes,BaptistCollection,Z.SmithReynolds
Library,WakeForestUniversity.
19NovemberandDecember1852,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.
20FebruaryandDecember,1853,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.
21July1854,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850:
MontgomeryCounty,NorthCarolina.
121
Meanwhile,adeaconofthechurch,JeremiahLutherconfessed“ashavingbeen
provokedtowillfullystrikeamanwithastick.Thecauseofwhichheexpectedmuch
regret.Onmotion,BrotherLutherwasexcused[acquitted].”22
ThecongregantsatBlackwood’sChapelmaintainedgreatforbearance,
particularlyintherepeatedoffencesofUsery,Thompson,andBaldwin,butwhatall
thesecaseshaveincommonisthewillingnessofthechurchtokeeptheoffenderin
fellowshipsolongasthey“acknowledged”theirfaults,“begged”forgiveness,and
accepted“admonition”and“advice.”Thisoutcomestandsincontrastto
simultaneouscasesofE.SkinnerandCalvinKellis.Skinnerhadneglectedtoattend
meetings,whereuponthechurch“appointedacommitteetocitehimtothenext
conferenceandanswerthecharge.”HedidnotappearuntilJuneatwhichtimehe
“wish[ed]tohavehisnamestrickenfromthechurchBook.”23Itwas.In1854,along‐
timeprominentmember,CalvinKellis,was“convictedofviolatingrule12th(making
&vendingarduousspirits).”LikeSkinner,Kellisdidnotbegforgivenessbut“refused
tocomply.”24Hetoowasexcluded.
Thesecasessuggestakeyelementinchurchdiscipline.Theydonot
demonstrateaconcernforsecularhierarchy—aspoorlaborerslikeLewis
22June1856,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU
23MarchandJune1853,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.
24April1854,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.KellishadbeenpresentatthefoundingofBlackwood
Chapelin1852andhadservedonthecommitteethatcitedMartinBaldwininFebruary1854.
SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850:MontgomeryCounty,NorthCarolina.
122
ThompsonreceivedmoreforgivenessthanaplanterlikeCalvinKellis.Status,honor,
andpublicreputationplayednodiscernablepartintheirdiscipline.Repentanceand
submissionmattered.Thosewhoexpressedawillingnesstosubmit,publiclyor
privately,tothespiritualpurityofthecongregationreceiveditsforgiveness.Those
whochosenot,didnot,suggestingthatwhilethechurchdemandedconformity,
individualmembersmaintainedaconsiderableautonomyregardingtheir
relationshipwithit.Achurch,however,didnotendlesslyforgive.Blackwood’s
Chapel’sremarkableforbearancefounditslimitswithUseryandThompson.The
church’sprimaryconcern,afterall,wasfortheirspiritualstatus,nottheirchronic
alcoholism.Astheycontinuedtobecomeintoxicated,Blackwood’sreciprocated
withalossofpatience.TheappointedcommitteefailedtofindUserytocitehim,and
“uponmotionBrotherWmUserywasexcludedfromthefellowshipofthechurch.”
Theexclusion,however,wasnotmeanttopermanentlycasthimfromchurch
membershipbuttoofferarebukesostrongthathewouldreconsiderhis
recalcitrantposition.Exclusionsandexcommunicationswerealwaysissuedin
hopesthattheoffenderwouldeventuallyreturn.Itworked,asBlackwood’s
“welcomedagain[Usery]tofellowshipofthechurch.”Butafteratwo‐yearstruggle,
thechurchexpelledBrotherUseryafinaltimeinOctober1854.25LewisThompson,
interestingly,whohadalsobeenpreviouslyexcludedandreadmitted,didnot
25AprilandJuly1853,October1854,BlackwoodChapelMinutes,WFU.
123
receiveanofficialexclusion,butafterFebruary1855attendedBlackwood’sno
more.
TheBrownCreekBaptistCases
Theimportanceofmaintainingdoctrinalfellowshipwithone’scongregation
isapparentinahandfulofdisciplinaryproceedingsofBrownCreekBaptistChurch
inAnsonCounty.Intheearly1840s,theBaptistcommunionstillreverberatedwith
Antimissionarytremors.InApril1842,twocasesultimatelyrelatingtotheissueof
temperancereformappearedbeforethecongregationatBrownCreek.First,John
Cochranappearedandconfessedtohavingbeendrunk.Heaccompaniedhis
voluntaryconfessionwithanexpressionof“greatconsernandcontritiononthe
account,andaskedforgiveness.”26Cochran’swillingnesstoseekrepentanceandthe
forgivenessofthecongregationledthecongregationtomaintainhiminfellowship,
butthatdecisionrequireddeliberation,and“hisprivilidges[were]suspendedasa
matterofcourse.”Baptists,apparently,couldnotabideevenaregrettablesin.In
April,PeterandMarthaMayalsoappearedbeforeBrownCreek.Theyexplainedthat
theyweremembersofthenearbyLawyerSpringBaptistchurch,but“theWifehad
someyearspassedjoinedaTemperanceSocietyatB.C.andonthataccounthad
beenexcludedfromLawyerSpringChurch,andtheHusbandthinkingherilltreated
withdrew.”Inthiscase,honormayhavepropelledPeterMaytoaction,hiswife
havingbeen“illtreated,”butthemoreseriousconcernthecouplehadwasthe
26April1842,BrownCreekBaptistChurchMinutes,WFU.
124
doctrinalstanceoftheirchosencongregation.TheMaysrequesteda“fullmeetingof
members”atBrownCreek,apparentlytoassessthatbody’sfitnessfortheir
membership.Thefollowingmonth,thecongregationassembledandreceivedthe
Maysintofellowship.27
InJune,BrownCreekagainaddressedJohnCochran’scase.Heagain
promisedto“tryforthefuturetobemoreparticularandthatifheusedspiritsatall
itshouldbeprincipallyasmedicine.”Cochran,apparentlyinfirm,slippedintoa
disciplinarygrayareathatstillallowedalcoholconsumptiononsomeoccasions.His
attemptsatreconciliationworked.Thechurch“wasagreedonaccountofhis
debilityofbody&ofmindtoreturnhimtochurchpriviledgeswhichwasdone.”28
ButasiftheacceptanceofPeterandMarthaMayhadmarkedanofficial
confirmationofBrownCreek’sstandonthemissionary/anti‐missionarydivide,
threemembers,LurancyHorn,LucyHorn,andJoelRushing,withdrew.Thechurch
reported“thatthecauseoftheirdisaffectionwasthattheydidnotlikethe
missionaryprincipalsofourchurch&particularlywesupposebecausethechurch
favorstheTemperancereformation.”Theirofficialwithdrawaldidnotoccuruntil
Septemberofthatyear,butwhentheHornsandRushingreceivedtheirdismissal,so
didJohnCochran.WedonotknowifJohnCochran’sdecisiontorejectBrownCreek
wasbasedonopportunismordeeplyheldprinciple,butapparentinhisactionisa
desiretoavoidconflictwithhiscongregation.Indeed,thetransmissionofthe
27AprilandMay1842,BrownCreekBaptistChurchMinutes,WFU.
28June1842,BrownCreekBaptistChurchMinutes,WFU.
125
membershipsoftheMays,theHorns,Rushing,andCochranwereaccompaniedby
verylittlestrife,consideringthedoctrinaldisagreementsandpotentialpersonal
frictionatissue.Cochran’smotivationslikelyinvolvedbothdoctrinalconcernsof
societalimportance,hisindividualconscience,andhisbody.Heblendedthemina
fashionthatpreservedhispersonalautonomyandsatisfiedlargersocietalneedsto
amelioratedrinkingandmaintaincongregationalpeace.29
TheBackCreekandDeepRiverFriendsCases
Quakersdidnotrequire,liketheBaptists,toexercisedisciplinewithhopesof
revival.TheQuakerpathtosalvationwascontemplativeandhighlyindividualistic,
dependentonnurturingthe“innerlight.”Godwasnotlikelytopourouthisspirit
ontoaMonthlyMeetingasHemightinaMethodistChurch.Thus,thedisciplinary
thrustintheQuakercommunitydifferedabitfrommainstreamevangelicals.30Asa
self‐consciousminority,theSocietyofFriendsinNorthCarolinaconcerneditself
withmaintainingstrictmembershipritesinthecommunity.Yettheirdisciplinary
processmirroredthoseoftheevangelicalchurches.
TheMonthlyMeetingforWomenoftheDeepRiverFriendsMeetingis
illustrativeofthisconcern.InApril1848,havingfieldedtherequestofSamira
MendenhalltomarryNathanH.Clark,thecommitteereportedthat“theyfound
nothingtohindersheisthereforeleftatlibertytoaccomplishherMarriage.”The
29April,June,andSeptember,1842,BrownCreekBaptistChurchMinutes,WFU.
30ThomasD.Hamm,TheQuakersinAmerica(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2006).
126
MeetingappointedMatildaStuartandMargaretDavis“toattendtheMarriageand
Marriageentertainmentandseethatgoodorderbeobservedandreporttheirecare
tothenextmeeting.”31Thecommitteeoftworeported,“theyattended[and]asaw
nothingbutwhatwasorderly.”32Atthesamemeeting,thecongregationfiled
complaintsagainsttwowomen,PollyJeansandLidyaB.Hillfor“accomplishing…
marriagecontrarytoDiscipline.”PollyandLidyahadnotsoughtpermissionto
marryandthushadnotbeen“cleared.”ElvaLasandandPenelopeGardnerformeda
committeetocallonPolly,andMatildaStuartandMildredGluyesconstitutedthe
teamtoinvestigatethechargesagainstLidya.33InAugust,thecommitteethat
visitedLydiaHillreportedthat“sheproducedanoffering,tothismeeting,which
wasreadandreferedtonextmeeting,”andinSeptembersheagain“producedan
offeringwhichwasreadandshecontinuedunderfurthercare.”TheMeetinghad
forgivenherandwelcomedherbackintofellowship.Thecommitteedispatchedto
meetPollyJeansfoundalesswillingsubject.Theyreportedthat“shenotappearing
indispositionofmindtomakesatisfaction,thismeetingdisownsherfrombeinga
memberofoursociety.”34Intwoidenticalcases,thefatesrestedonthedecisionsof
individuals,notthechurches.
31April1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting(Women)Minutes,FriendsHistoricalCollection,Hege
Library,GuilfordCollege.
32Undated,probablyMay1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting(Women)Minutes,FHC.
33Undated,probablyMay1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting(Women)Minutes,FHC.
34AugustandSeptember1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting(Women)Minutes,FHC.
127
TheQuakerMeetingatBackCreekinRandolphCountytookawiderrangeof
disciplinarycases.In1840,forinstance,theMeetinggrantedfivecertificatesto
migrateout,acceptedthreetomigratein,took“undercare”twopotentialconverts
toQuakerism,investigatedthemembershipstatusoftwoQuakers,andchargedone
manwithmarryingcontrarytodisciplineandattendingamuster.35Thelattercase
involvedHenryHenley,firstchargedinFebruary.PhineasNixonandJosephCosand
formedthecommittee“tovisit&laborwithhimontheoccasionandreporttonext
meeting.”36Fromthelanguageoftheircharge,thecommittee’sdutywasclearlynot
toconfrontHenlywiththepurposeofexpellinghimbuttoattempttoreturnhimto
thefellowshipoftheMeeting,probablywithprayersandappealtoloving
brotherhood.Inthisregard—thedesiretohealriftsinthefellowshipwithlabor—
QuakerdisciplinaryproceduredifferedlittlefromotherProtestantdenominations.
NixonandCosanddidnotmeetwithHenleyinMarchbutinAprildiscovered
“thathedidnotappearinclinedtomakeanysatisfactionthisMeetingtherefore
disownshimthesdHenryHenleyfrombeingamemberofoursociety.”Aswiththe
Baptists,thetransgressorheldthepowertoeffectareconciliation,butchosenotto
doso.Interestingly,theQuakersdidnotconsiderthemattersettleduntiltheyhad
35January,February,MarchApril,May,June,July,andAugust,1840,BackCreekMonthlyMeeting
Minutes,FHC.
36February1840,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.
128
presentedHenleywithacertificateannouncingtheirdecision.Heevadedthat
committeeuntilJune.37Theentireprocesshadtakenfivemonths.
Thefollowingyear,1841,BackCreekwitnessedaseriesofmoreseveresins
uniquetoQuakerMeetingsyetstillexhibitedcharacteristicscommontoevangelical
discipline.InFebruary1841,theMeetingchargedMicajahDavis,whoseriteof
membershiphadbeenexaminedthepreviousyear(andfoundsound),with“joining
inPoliticaldevises&associationsalsoneglectingtheattendanceofourReligious
meetings.”Thenextmonth,theMeetingfoundhim“unrepentanttherefore
disowned.”38NixonHenleyandBarnabyNixonsimultaneouslyenteredintoan
unnameddisputeandturnedtotheMeetingforresolution.Fourmenformedthe
committeeandwhentheyfoundtheproblemintractable,requestedtheadditionof
anotherman.Thecommitteelabored,withadditionalmembers,forsevenmore
monthstobringareconciliationbetweenHenleyandNixon.Whentheeffortfailed,
inNovember1841theydecidedinBarnabyNixon’sfavor,statingthathis“claimis
just.”39Thedecisiondidnotbringpeace,asNixonHenleyapparentlystillfelt
aggrieved,forinJanuaryherequestedpermission“tosueamemberofthismeeting
atlaw.”TheMeetingconsideredHenley’srequestvalid,butinsteadofallowinghim
togotolaw,theyappointedyetanothercommitteetoalleviatethesituation.For
37April,May,andJune1840,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.
38January1840,FebruaryandMarch,1841,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.
39February,March,April,May,June,July,August,September,October,November1841,BackCreek
MonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.
129
fourmoremonthstheydeliberatedbeforetheyreportedthat“thematterofinterest
indisputeissettled…thatgoodorderwasobservedandthepartiesusedmoderation
towardeachother.”40IfNixonHenleyconsideredhimselfvindicatedisofnomatter.
Thedisciplinaryprocesshadprovensuccessfulbecauseitmaintainedpeace.
TheearliercaseofMicajahDavis,whohadengagedinpoliticsandneglected
meetings,illustratesacharacteristicuniquetoQuakerdiscipline—themultiplicityof
chargesinasinglemotion.ThishabitsuggeststhatQuakerstendedtomoveto
disciplinenotimmediatelybutafteramemberhadtimetoaccumulateanumberof
deviations.ForDavis,itwasbothparticipatinginpoliticsandneglectingmeetings.
ThisapparenthesitationtoactquicklymeantthatsomeQuakersfacedan
overwhelmingnumberofcharges.ManeringBrookshire,whohadbecomeaQuaker
in1841,foundhimselfchargedin1843withneglectingMeetings,the“unnecessary
useofSpiritousLiquorsandkeepingahouseofillfame.”BackCreekstruggledwith
Brookshiredespitetheoutrageousnessofthecharges,buthemadenosatisfaction
andtheMeetingdisownedhiminJune.41Likewise,aFriendnamedLeviB.Horneyof
DeepRiverhadneglectedhismeetings,deviatedfromplainnessindress,and
attendedamilitiamuster.Fortwomonths,acommitteepleadedwithhimtorepent,
but“henotappearingtomakesatisfactionaftertermofdeliberationthereonthis
40January,February,March,April,July,1841,BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.
41February1840,October,November,December1843,February,March,April,May,andJune1844,
BackCreekMonthlyMeetingMinutes,FHC.
130
meetingdisownhimfrombeingamemberofsociety.”42Again,theprocessoccupied
thetimeofthreecommitteesandtookfourmonths.
Quakerdisciplinedifferedfromthatofevangelicalsinitssingularfocuson
maintainingtheoutwardsignsoftheirdistinctcommunity.YetQuakerpracticealso
mirroredthatoftheirProtestantcousins.Theyapproacheddisciplineasastruggle
thatprizedunityoverindividualconsciences.Theyexhibitedpatience,andinsome
casesforbearance,beforeresortingtothedrasticactofdisownment.Andasin
evangelicalcases,Quakersplacedtheindividualmemberinchargeofhisorherown
fate.Thosewhorefusedtoreturntofellowshipdidnotdoso.Thosewhobegged
forgivenessor“offeredsomething”did.
TheIronyofOrthodoxyandChange
Statewidedenominationalorganizationsoftendiddictate,explicitlyand
implicitly,theexpectationsofpietyandthemethodsforachievingdisciplinary
adherence.ThePresbyterianSynodofNorthCarolinainthe1840s,forinstance,
addedthereligiousinstructionofslavesandthedistributionofreligioustractsto
thedutiestobecarriedoutbythePresbyteries.43Thereafter,Synodicalaccounting
ofPresbyterianpietyincludedsuccessesandfailurestopursuetheseobjects.Atthe
sametime,thePresbyteriansgrappledwiththestatusofTruthinthechanging
42August,September,OctoberandNovember,1848,DeepRiverMonthlyMeeting,Minutes,FHC.
43MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐FirstSessions,1844(Fayetteville,N.C.:
EdwardJ.Hale,1845).
131
world.InthePastoralLetterfor1845,Presbyterianeldersexpressedtheirfearthat
religionwaned.Theygavethreereasons.Firstwasthe“indulgenceofaworldly
spirit,intheformofselfishness,avarice,andcupidity.”Theeldersdrewadistinction
betweengreedand“direnecessity”andcondemnedtheformerbecauseit“shutsout
thesoulfromtheclaimsofbenevolence…freezesupthechannelsofcharity,
excludesGodandreligionfromthemind,”andotherwisehinderedliberality.
Second,theeldersmoredirectlyclaimedthat
solongasChristianslovetheirmoneyorpropertymorethantheylovethe
meansofgrace,orthesoulsoftheirfellow‐men,theyneednotexpectthe
HolySpirittogiveefficiencytothosemeansofgrace,eitherincomforting
theirhearts,orenlargingthechurch.
Inthesetwocomplaintsarereflectedtheeconomicprosperityandrelative
commercialabundanceofthelateantebellumdecades.44
ButmaterialwealthalonedidnotthreatenthePresbyterians.Newideas
hauntedthem.Intheirthirdcomplaint,“theloveofnoveltyandchange,instability
andvacillationofthemind,inregardtodoctrines,institutions,andministryofthe
church,mustbementionedasanothergrowingevil,ofdisastroustendency.”
Certainlytheseeldershadinmindthe1837schism,butthiscondemnationwasnot
ofaparticulartheologicalmovement.Theycondemnedageneralsensibilityevident
intheircongregationsthatvaluedallthingsnewanddiscardedtradition,eveninthe
religiousrealm.Theelderslamented,“men,underitsinfluence,wheneverthereisa
44MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐SecondSessions,1845(Fayetteville,N.C.
EdwardJ.Hale,1846)
132
protractedmeeting,orastrangepreacherwithinreach,willleavethemostfaithful
Pastortopreachtovacantseatsandemptywalls.”Thatsamespiritthreatenedto
drivefromtheirhomes,howevercomfortable,andfromtheirfieldsoflabor,
howeverimportantandinviting,thebestofmen,howevereminentforpiety,
soundindoctrine,andindefatigableinduty;fornoothercausethanthe
desiretochange,theloveofnovelty,orthehopeofhavingtheireartickled
bythepopularityofanewpreacher.
ThePresbyterianshadencouragedprotractedmeetings;theyhadbackeditinerants.
ThePresbyteriansinthe1840swereintheprocessofbuildinguptheireducational
andpublicationinstitutions.Indeed,thefirsttwooftheirthreecomplaintsrestedon
themodernlanguageofthechurch—“benevolence”and“charity.”Thenewmethods
ofevangelism,likethefactofpersonalwealth,didnotthemselvesconstitutesin.But
theymightsignifyit.Astheeldersexplained,
we…cautionyouagainstalltheseformsandsystemsoferror…whicheither
excludeorundervaluetheold‐fashioned,butfundamentallyscriptural
doctrinesofOriginalsin;totaldepravity;theabsolutenecessityofachangeof
heart;regenerationoftheHolySpirit;justificationbytheimputed
righteousnessoftheLordJesusChrist;andgoodworks,astheindispensable
evidenceofaman’sbeinginastateofgrace.45
ThePresbyterianshadchanged.Theyhadrecentlyembracednewmethods
butinpursuitof“old‐fashioned”doctrine.Theyencouragedmissionaries,Sunday
Schools,andthetemperancereformandmadethemmarkersofpiety,thus
fundamentallyalteringthedirectionoftheirchurches.Yet,theycontinuedtoabhor
45Ibid.
133
theologicalinnovation.SotoodidtheGermanReformedchurchofNorthCarolina.
“Fromeach[parochial]report,”the1844StateofReligionnoted,“isutteredawailof
intensesorrowoverthesinsthatarefoundintheirmidst.”TheClassis’diagnosis
mirroredthatofthePresbyterians.MembersofGermanReformedchurcheslacked
motivationtomaintainintellectualanddoctrinalrigorthatthreatened
thepurityofthechurch…ThedangerforourClassisisincreasedfromthe
fact,thatthereisalamentablewantofintellectualChristianintelligencein
manycongregations.Thisisabarriertoallrelishforknowledge&makeit
easyforerroriststoentrap;anddifficultforPasterstoeffectfavorablyforthe
interestsofthegreatcauseoftruthandbenevolence,oreventoraisethe
standardofpiety.46
WithoutunitedfocusontheelementsofGermanReformeddoctrine,church
membersriskederrorandadeclineinfellowship.
Whatcausedthislackoffocus?First—“afearfultendencytodrunkenness”
anda“neglectofsecret&familyprayer.”Moreimportantly,
[i]lliberalityisanevilthathasbeenmadetogrowbythelate[illegible]in
business.ChurchmemberswhoprofesstovaluetheGospel&tolovethe
soulsofmen,arediseasedbythecankerofcovetousness,whichiscorroding
theirbowelsofcompassion,andnowtheycanseetheirbrethrenhaveneed
&shuttheirearstothecry&closetheirheartstocharitysayingbytheir
actionsthattheloveofGoddwellethnotinthem.
461844,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,EvangelicalandReformedHistorical
Society,PhillipSchaffLibrary,LancasterTheologicalSeminary.
134
LikethePresbyterians,theGermanReformedelderscondemnednotwealthbutthe
“cankerofcovetousness”becauseitdroveapartmenandwomenandgavethem
excusestodisregard“charity,”the“loveofGod,”andtheprioritizationoftheir
fellows’souls.47The“purityofthechurch”—bothitsdoctrineandthewellbeingof
itsmembers—wasthreatenedbytherestlessnessandnoveltyofthesecularworld.
Thoughsmallinnumber(1,035membersin1844),thuslimitingtheirability
toputresourcesbehindinstitutionalbuildingefforts,theGermanReformedchurch,
becauseofitscloseconnectionstoMercersburgandPennsylvania,washardly
unawareorafraidofthemodernworld.48Theylookedhopefullytorevivals,funded
NorthCarolinascholarsatMercersburg,andhadtentativelyinvestedina
newspaper(itfailed).49In1851,theyfollowedtheirco‐religionistsinestablishinga
schoolforitsmembersinNorthCarolina(CatawbaCollege,eventually).50Theytoo
hadembracedthemodernworld.Yet,inalldenominations,thedemandsofthat
modernworldupendeddoctrinalassumptionsandelicitedinnovativeresponses,
evenifclergyandlaypeoplemaintainedanorthodoxstance.Often,shiftingdoctrine
producedconfusionincongregationsabouttheproperwaytoassesssinandrebuke
members.
47Ibid.
48Ibid.
491847,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.
501851,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.
135
PeterHarman,amemberofSt.Paul’sGermanReformedchurchinCatawba
County,encounteredsuchconfusionin1845.ThesessionatSt.Paul’s,includingthe
clergyandmostoftheelders,“decidedthatthey(thepeopleofcolor)oughttobe
receivedasmembers&churchpriviliges[sic]extendedtothem.”51Theirendeavor
toextendChristianfellowshiptoenslavedpeoplewasnotascomprehensiveasthe
Presbyterianeffort;St.Paul’sseemstohaverespondedtotheNorthCarolinaClassis’
1838resolutiontoafford“pewsforthecoloredpeopleinthehouseofGod.”52
Harmon,afarmer,nonslaveholder,andelderatSt.Paul’s,objected.53Thereasons
forhisobjectionarenotknown,butfeelinghimselfoutsideoffellowshipwithhis
congregation,hevoluntarily“lefttheClassis,onaccountofallegedindisposition,”
whileElderAndrewShufordappealedHarman’sobjectiontotheClassis.The
GermanReformedClassisinNorthCarolinahadnotpreviouslyheldapositionon
therelationshipbetweenmastersandslaves,exceptforanoffhandcommentin
theirconstitutionprohibitingcrueltytoservants.54ThattheSt.Paul’sconsistory
nowdeemedtheinclusionofenslavedpeopleinthe“churchpriviliges”asa
necessaryelementoffellowshipindicatesadoctrinalinnovationatwork.
511845,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.
52JamesI.Good,HistoryoftheReformedChurchintheUnitedStatesintheNineteenthCentury(New
York:BoardofPublicationsoftheReformedChurchinAmerica,1911),199.
53SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850:CatawbaCounty,NorthCarolina,andEighthCensusof
theUnitedStates,1860:CatawbaCounty,NorthCarolina.
54Good,HistoryoftheReformedChurch,199.
136
TheClassisdecisivelyupheldtheworkoftheSt.Paul’sconsistory.They
resolvedthat:
WhereasintheProvidenceofGod,domesticslaveryexistsinourmidstand
asmanyprofessorsofreligionholdtherelationofmasters:thereforebeit
1.ResolvedthatthedutiesthatdevolveuponChristianmastersand
mistressesarisingoutofthisrelationtowardthebodiesandsoulsoftheir
servantsbeexplainedandenforcedbytheministersofthisclassis.
2.ThattheministersandeldersofthisClassisberequiredtogiveparticular
attentiontothespiritualinstructionandtrainingoftheservantsbelongingto
thefamiliesundertheircare.
3.Thatwhereveritbepracticable,theyhavespecialpreachingfortheir
benefitandadaptedtotheirsituation.
4.Thattheviolationofthe11thArtofthe2ndSecofPartBoftheconstitution,
prohibitingcrueltytoservantsbemetwiththeyappropriatepenalty.55
Theappropriatepenaltywasnotmentioned.Unfortunately,PeterHarmon’sfateis
unknown.Perhapspromptedbythecase,theClassiselaboratedontheChristian
dutyofmastersin1848.
1.TherelationofChristianmaster&slavemakesthepartofourChristian
household&thatthemastershouldgivehisslaveseveryreligiousadvantage
&dischargetowardthemthedutyoftheheadofaChristianfamilyastoward
hisownchildren.
2.Believingthatslavesbepartofthemastersfamily&entitledtoitsreligious
privilege;itbeenjoinedonthemembersofourchurchestohavetheirslave
childrenbaptized,asAbrahamcommandedhis,andthattheypayparticular
attentiontogivethemreligiousinstruction&sotrainthemupastomakeit
aneternalblessingtotheirsoulstohavebeenmembersofaChristian
family.56
551845,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.
561848,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.
137
Thus,whathadbeenunarticulatedadecadebefore,by1850hadbecomedoctrine
fortheGermanReformedchurchinNorthCarolina.Disciplinaryactionwasoften
theresultofsuchswiftchanges.
TheMethodistsexperiencedasimilarmatterofconfusion,aschurch
disciplinaryguidancerapidlyevolvedtokeepupwiththechangingworld.Elam
GaitherofIredellCountydistilledliquorforwhichhisMethodistclassmeeting
chargedhimin1847.57Theapparentlysimplecaseproducedcomplicationsbecause
oftheshiftingMethodistdoctrineanddisciplineonthepermissivenessofspirituous
liquors.HistorianCourtlandV.SmithhaspointedoutthatGather’scase,whichhis
classmeetingturnedovertotheIredellCircuitQuarterlyMeetingforresolution,
aroserightwhentheMethodistConferencewasrethinkingitsstandonalcohol.
Theirlatestpublisheddisciplinedeclaredthatif“disordersoccurredonthe
premises”ofamemberwhodistilledliquor,thatmembershouldbeexpelled.As
Smithnoted,“Becausedistillingitselfwasnotforbidden,andbecause‘disorder’and
‘premises’werenotclearlydefined,variationsininterpretationandenforcement
developedthroughouttheConference.”58Apparently,Gaither’scrimewasnot
technicallyaviolationofdiscipline,buthecommitteditinthecontextofsocial—and
ministerial—pressuretoquashintemperatebehaviorofallsorts.Itshouldbenoted
57Gaither’scaseisrecordedintheNovember13,1847,andApril8,1848minutesoftheIredell
Circuit,UMCRecords.
58CortlandVictorSmith,“ChurchOrganizationasanAgencyofSocialControl:ChurchDisciplinein
NorthCarolina,1800‐1861”(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolina,1967),78and104.
138
thatElamGaitherwasnotaneasytarget.Holding$1,300inwealthin1850,witha
wifeandeightchildren,GaitherstoodsolidlyinthepropertiedranksofIredell
County.Further,hisbrother,Enos,andbrother‐in‐law,PerryTomlinson,hadserved
theIredellCircuitasSundaySchoolsuperintendents,firmlyentrenchedinthe
Methodisthierarchy.59
Gaither’scasecamebeforetheIredellCircuitprimarilybecausethe
publishedMethodistdisciplineswereunclearabouttheexactnatureofhiscrime.
ThenationalMethodistConference,in1790,haddeletedtheactivitiesof“buying
andselling”ardentliquorsfromitsobjections(whiledrinkingthemremaineda
prohibitedactivity.)TheMethodistProtestants,interestingly,aftertheysplitfrom
theMethodistEpiscopalconference,addedacompleterejectionofthe“fatal
custom”ofdrinking,exceptforsupervisedmedicinalapplication,buttheMethodist
Episcopalscontinuedtheirambivalence.60In1840,theNewYorkandNewEngland
Conferencesattemptedtorestore“buyingandselling”tothelistofobjectionable
actions,andNorthCarolina’srepresentativesaddedtothesuccessfulthwartingof
theproposal.Inthatsameyear,inresponsetotheDuplinTemperanceSociety’s
59OntheTomlinsonandGaitherfamilyconnections,seehttp://www.eaves‐klinger‐
genealogy.info/p723.htm(accessedJune20,2012).SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850:
IredellCounty,NorthCarolina.Also,March1844,MinutesoftheIredellCircuit,Duke.
60ConstitutionandDisciplineoftheMethodistProtestantChurch(Baltimore:JohnJ.Harrod,1830),
139‐141.
139
requestforanagent,theConferencedeclinedtoappointone,citingastatutory
inabilitytodoso.61
Gaither’scaseturnednotonlegalismsofthepublisheddisciplinebutthe
largerdangersofthecultureofdrinking:disorderliness.Underlyingthepublished
disciplinewasageneralrulethatwhatevercauseddisorderwasasin,whether
explicitlydelineatedinthedisciplineornot.There‐animatedcrusadeagainstliquor
(discussedbelow)morezealouslycondemnedparticipationintheliquortradeas
disorderly,nomatterthecircumstances,andElamGaitherfellvictimtothe
onslaught.In1848,theQuarterlyMeetingfoundhimguiltyof“violatingtherule
whichforbidsthedoingofharm&evilofeverykindinthematterofmaking&
vendingspirituousliquors.”62Unfortunately,therecordsdonotindicateifthe
Methodistsrebukedhim,expelledhim,orifhesoughtforgiveness.
Thecasedid,however,causetheNorthCarolinaConferencetoclarifytheir
stanceondistilling.In1848,theyresolvedthatanymemberengagedindistilling
ardentspirits—wherethatactivitydidnotproducedisorder—beprivatelyrebuked.
Thosewhodistilledliquor“wheredrunkenness,orintemperatedrinkingand
disorderareconnectedtherewithonthepremisesorinthenearneighborhood…the
offendershouldimmediatelybebroughttotrial.”Expulsion,presumably,followed.
61MatthewSimpson,ed.,CyclopediaofMethodism:EmbracingSketchesofitsRise,Progress,and
PresentCondition(Philadelphia:Everts&Stewart,1878),852‐854,1840,MinutesoftheNorth
CarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords.
62IredellCircuit,QuarterlyMeetingforApril8,1848,UMCRecords.
140
Gaithermightnothavebeenbotheredin1830,butin1848,hisactivitywasworthy
ofpunishmentandcorrection.TheConferencepenetrated,yetagain,thedeep
concernevangelicalsmaintainedaboutdrinking:“forthereasonthatittendsthat
way,isofbadexample,andcontrarytoChristiancharityandprudence,sothatit
cannotbeallowedwithoutabartoChristianfellowshipandastumblingblock
dangeroustomorals.”63
Religiousdisciplineorbitedaroundtheologicaldoctrine.Evangelicals
prioritizedthefundamentalelementsofProtestanttheology,includingChrist’s
sacrificeandthepurityrequiredtoapproachsalvation.Religiousdiscipline’s
primarypurposewastoupholdthoseelements.Howitdidsochangedthroughout
thelateantebellumperiod,asthemethodsofdisciplinestrovetokeepabreastof
socialreality.Intheprocessofdisciplinarychange,thepracticalmeaningofpious
behaviorshiftedinuncertainandconfusingfashions.
Thistensioncreatedanironyoforthodoxyandchange.Attheheartofthe
tensionlayadesiretoadapttotheworldwhilemaintainingTruth.Intheprocess,
disciplinarymethodsthemselvesbecamethebasisoforthodoxy.Forinstance,atthe
sametimethatthePresbyteriansinitiatedtheir“missiontotheslaves,”they
excoriatedtheemergingabolitionistmovement.In1835,theNorthCarolinaSynod
“ResolvedUnanimously,”
631848,MinutesoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords.
141
ThatthesayingsanddoingsofAbolitionists,‐‐theirbitterandindiscriminate
denunciationofSouthernChristians,‐‐theirattemptstofloodtheSouthwith
publicationsofanincendiarycharacter,fraughtwithconsequencesmost
disastrous,tendingtointerruptanddestroyallfriendlyintercoursebetween
thedifferentSectionsoftheUnion,andtodisturbthepeaceandtranquilityof
thewholeSoutherncountryexhibitindicationsofmind,surchargedwith
indiscretionandfanaticism,incompatiblewiththefeelingsofhumanity.64
Thoughastandardcounterblasttoabolitionistfervor,thelanguageofthis
resolutionrevealsthesocialandreligiousbehavioralexpectationsofevangelicals:
denunciations“bitterandindiscriminate,”thetendencyto“destroyallfriendly
intercourse,”and“todisturbthepeaceandtranquility”ofthecountryside.These
allegedorperceivedactionsstoodincontrasttotheproperworkingsofthe
disciplinaryprocess—prayerfulnegotiation,patience,avoidanceofhostility,andan
expectedpeacefuloutcome.ThoughsouthernPresbyterianshardlyagreedwiththe
politicalobjectivesofabolitionists,whathadmadethemtrulyintolerablewastheir
hostiletemperament.Andlikethedrunkman,whosesinwasnotdrinkingitselfbut
placingobstaclesbetweenhimselfandsalvation,thePresbyteriansfoundthe
abolitionistssinfulbecausetheywerewillfully“incompatiblewiththefeelingsof
humanity.”TheAntimissionBaptistsagreed.BurwellTemple,apreacherandeditor
oftheRaleigh‐basedPrimitiveBaptistnewspaper,describedandcondemnedthe
contentious“neighbor,”onewhois“proud,knowingnothing,butdotingabout
questionsandstrifesofwords,whereofcomethenvy,strife,railings,evilsurmising,
64MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirTwenty‐SecondSessions,1835(Fayetteville:Edward
J.Hale,1836).Theresolutionsalsorepudiated“sympathyandcooperation”withabolitionists,and
notedthatthe“movementsofAbolitionists”hadalreadyhadademoralizingeffectinthesouth.
142
perversedisputingofmenofcorruptminds,anddestituteofthetruth.”65Strife
threatenedthepeacethroughouttheantebellumperiod,butthepracticeof
disciplinefacilitatedausefulequilibriumtoaccommodatetheneedsofindividuals,
churchdoctrine,andsocialconstituencies.Religiouspeopledidnotshyfromstrife,
buttheydefineditprimarilyasasintobeavoided.
TheWesleyanEpisode
TheWesleyanepisodeof1847‐1851evolvedandescalated.Anditdid,inits
lateryears,becomeapoliticaleruption.Yetitbeganearly,stokedbythe
introductionofareligiousstylethatrejectedpeaceandembracedhostilityinaway
thatmobilizedandawakenedevangelicalstotheabolitionistthreat.Theresulting
conflagrationrevealedthetensionbetweenthesocialbehaviorprescribedby
religiousdisciplineandtheabilityofreligiontoshapesocialbehavior.
Between1847and1851,theOhio‐basedWesleyanMethodistChurch
attemptedtomakeinroadsintotheslavestates.TheseWesleyanspreachedan
explicitlyanti‐slaverygospel.66TheycametoNorthCarolinaattheinvitationofa
splintergroupofMethodistswhoseparatedfromthechurchatits1846schism.The
missionariesdispatchedtoGuilfordCounty,AdamCrooksandJesseMcBride,
65Burwellquoted1TimothyChapter6,verse4‐5.Intheeditorialthisisfrom,herepeatedthe
condemnationabout“dotingquestionsandstrifesofwords”numeroustimes.ThePrimitiveBaptist
(Raleigh),vol.13,no.14,July28,1849.OriginalinpossessionofDirkAllman,Charlotte,North
Carolina.
66ManyMethodistsadoptedtheterm“Wesleyan”duringthepre‐andpost‐CivilWareras,includinga
numberofsectsthatharkenedtomid‐eighteenthcenturyteachings.Wesleyansinthiscontextrefers
specificallytothedenominationfoundedinNewYorkandOhiobyOrangeScottin1843.
143
attemptedtoorganizeaWesleyancircuit,butby1850,couldnotpreachwithout
beingconfrontedbyviolentmobs.Localofficialschargedthemwithdistributing
anti‐slaveryliterature,andwhenconvictedbyaForsythCountyjury,wereforcedto
fleethestatein1851.67
ThemosttellingdoctrinaldifferencewasnotthatbetweentheWesleyans
andtheirproslaveryopponentsinNorthCarolina,butthedifferencebetweenthe
GuilfordsplintergroupinNorthCarolinaandtheAlleghenyWesleyansfromOhio.
ThecoregroupofGuilfordWesleyansformedin1846.DanielWilsonhadbeen
unhappyabouttheschismbetweenthenorthernandsouthernbranchesofthe
churchoverslavery.TheGuilfordCircuitoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,South
(MEC,S)expelledWilsoninMay1846withanunusualdistemper.68Wilson
elaboratedonthedesiresofhisco‐religionistsinalettertotheTrueWesleyan
newspaper,requestingacopyoftheWesleyandiscipline.Heclaimed,
therearemanyMethodistswithwhomIampersonallyacquainted,who
togetherwithmyself,feelsoconscientiouslyscrupulousonthesubjectof
67AdamCrooks’memoircontainsthemostcompleteaccountoftheWesleyanepisode.E.W.Crooks,
ed.TheLifeofRev.A.Crooks,A.M.(Syracuse:WesleyanMethodistPublishingHouse,1875.)
68May2,1846,GuilfordCircuitQuarterlyConference,UMCRecords.Thecitationreads“Resolved
thatitistheopinionofthisConferencethatDanielWilson,inwithdrawingfromtheM.E.Church
South,hastherebyplacedhimselfoutofthepaleoftheChurch&consequentlyhasnorightlegallyto
preachoractasanordainedministerandbeitfurtherresolvedthatthepreacherincharge,make
knownhiswithdrawalateveryappointmentonGuilfordCt.”ADanielWilsonappearsasaregular
attendeeattheQuarterlyConferencemeetingsfrom1835.Hewouldhavebeenthirtyyearsoldatthe
timehesplitfromtheMEC,S.
144
slaverythatwecannotholdfellowshipwiththeMethodistEpiscopalChurch,
South.69
FortheseGuilfordresidents,theformationofabodytopractice“trueandvital
religion”requiredthemtoformabodywithoutslaveholders.Tofellowshipwith
thosewhodidnotpracticethesamedisciplinewouldbeasinfulaction.Assome
Methodistsconsideredslaveholding—andslaveryitself—asin,thosewhoheld
slavescouldnotbecountenancedinthesamewayanunrepentantdrunkardor
recalcitrantcouldnotstayinfellowship.ThoughWilsonexpressedsympathywith
thegeneralWesleyanantislaverycause,hisfocuswasnotemancipation,abolition,
orevenministrytoenslavedpeople.Itwastofellowshipwithother
nonslaveholders.Wilson’sassertionin1847soundslikeabolitionist“comeouter‐
ism,”butintheNorthCarolinacontext,itisnotanarticulatedpoliticalpositionbut
anorganicexpressionofreligiousexperience.70TheGuilfordWesleyansstopped
shortofabolition.Thispointisimportant.Thatareligiousconstituencyaimedto
formtheirownfellowship—evenoneatoddswiththeprevailingsocialnorms—is
initselfnotoddnoroutofplace.Similardivisionsoverdoctrinehadawell‐
establishedhistoryintheregion,andatanationallevel.
69RoyS.Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth(Syracuse,N.Y.:TheWesleyanMethodist
PublishingHouse,1933),27‐28.TheTrueWesleyanpublishedtheletteranonymously,butCrooks
lateridentifiedWilsonastheauthor.
70WhenDanielWilsonagainbecamethechiefspokesmanfortheNorthCarolinaWesleyansafter
CrooksandMcBridedepartedin1851,hebegantoadoptthelanguageoftheAmericanMissionary
Associationandthe“comeouters,”expressedmomentsofsympathyforsomeslaves,andeven
advocatedintegratedSundaySchools.SeeStanleyHarrold,TheAbolitionistsandtheSouth,1831‐1861
(Lexington:TheUniversityPressofKentucky,1995),94.
145
AdamCrooksandJesseMcBride,theAlleghenyWesleyansmissionaries,
soughtothergoals.TheWesleyandisciplineincludedregularanduncompromising
hostilitytootherMethodists.Crooks’(passive‐aggressive)sermonsemphasizedthe
wholenessofMethodistdoctrine.Byusingtheword“wholeness,”Crooks
intentionallysignaledaninnovativeapproachtoscripturalinterpretationat
variancewithgeneralpracticeinNorthCarolina.Thus,asBurwellTemplehad
warned,Crooksacted“proud,knowingnothing…dotingonquestionsandstrifesof
words.”Wholeness,ofcourse,meantadoctrinethatincludedanantislavery
element.71McBridelandedinNorthCarolinaoneyearafterCrooks,andwhere
Crookshadbeencircumspect,McBride’ssermonswerefearlessinattacking
slaveholdingasaheresy.72Theybothdelightedinidentifyingandantagonizing
Methodistswhoownedandabusedslaves,especiallyMethodistministers.Crooks,
forinstance,identifiedJamesLumsden,aMethodistEpiscopalChurchministeron
theGuilfordCircuit,ashaving“tieduphisslave,whippedhimawhile,andthen
71Crooks’emphasisonwholedoctrineismostclearinasermonhedeliveredinMarch1848andis
discussedinE.W.Crooks,ed.,LifeofRev.A.Crooks,A.M.(Syracuse,N.Y.:WesleyanMethodist
PublishingHouse,1875),28.WhenCrookssaidwholedoctrine,hespecificallyinvokedtheanti‐
slaveryelementsoftheDisciplinecreatedbyFrancisAsburyforAmericanMethodistsearlyinhis
career.CrookscitedRobertEmory,HistoryoftheDisciplineoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch(New
York,1843).
72CrooksregardedMcBrideassaintlyandpure,thuscontributingtotherighteousferocityof
McBride’ssermons.Thedifferencebetweenthetwomaybeseenintworeportssubmittedtothe
TrueWesleyan,AdamCrooks,“FromtheSouth,”March8,1851,andJesseMcBride,“FromNorth
Carolina,”April12,1851.DenominationalhistorianRoyNicholsoncharacterizedMcBrideas“abit
moredaringinhispreaching.”Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth,45.OnWesleyansand
perfectionism,seeRandallJ.Stephens,“’OhioVillians’and‘PretenderstoNewRevelations’:Wesleyan
AbolitionistsintheSouth,Perfectionism,andtheAntebellumReligiousDivide,”inSouthern
Character:EssaysinHonorofBertramWyatt‐Brown,ed.LisaTendrichFrankandDanielKilbride
(Gainesville:UniversityPressofFlorida,2011),73‐88.
146
prayedforhim;thenwhippedandprayedforhim,whippingandpraying
alternately.”HereadilycondemnedPresbyterianslaveholders,ofwhomhewrote
sarcastically“(SeehowthoseChristians(?)—loveSLAVERY.)”73Theirpracticehada
hardedgethatbeliedtheirdisciplinaryaspirationsofbrotherlyloveandpeaceful
fellowship.
ThedifferencehereisthatforthegeneralpopulationinthePiedmont,simple
fellowshipamongnonslaveholderswassociallyacceptableandunexceptional.
Quakershaddoneso.SohadsomeAntimissionBaptists.74Theconfrontational
Wesleyanstyleofimpatienceandsarcasmwasnotordinaryoracceptable.One
offhandedcommentillustratesthistone.In1851whenCrooksattemptedtoexpand
hisministryintoMontgomeryCounty,hefoundasympatheticaudienceintheForks
community.Hispresencearousedthelocalsquirearchywhoturnedouttodemand
hisdeparture.Intheconfrontation,someonereferredtoO.Hulin,afriendofCrooks,
aWesleyan,andanativeofMontgomery—“Oh—wehavenothingagainstMr.
Hulen.”75Everyonetoleratedthedesiretofellowshipseparately;theyhadno
tolerationfortheintroductionofstrife.
73BothquotesinCrooks,ed.,LifeofCrooks,32.Thelastsentenceofthisquotationisasarcastic
renderingofTertullian’squote,“Seehowthey[Christians]loveoneanother.”
74Gilliam’sChurch,anAntimissionarycongregationinAlamanceCountyhadexpelledamemberin
1836.April30,1836,MinutesofGilliamsChurch,NorthCarolinaBaptistHistoricalCollection,WFU.
75Crooks,LifeofCrooks,82‐83.ThehaphazardeditingofCrook’saccountmakestheidentityofthe
accuserunclear,butitmayhavebeenSamuelChristian.FormoreontheHulinfamily,seeVictoriaE.
Bynum,TheLongShadowoftheCivilWar:SouthernDissentandItsLegacies(ChapelHill:The
UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2010).
147
TheAlleghenyWesleyansinadvertentlysparkeddenominationalcompetition
aswell.Coincidently,CrooksandMcBride’smissiontookplaceintheimmediate
wakeoftheMethodistProtestant(MP)Church’seffortstoexpandtheirsectintothe
exactsameregion.TheMethodistProtestantsinthelate1840slookedsimilartothe
MethodistEpiscopalsintermsofdoctrineanddenominationalactivity,including
theirstrongproslaverystance.Theonlysignificantdifferencewasthegreater
presenceoflaymenintheMethodistProtestantchurchhierarchy.TheMethodist
Protestantshadbeenasmallsectof3,452memberslocatedprimarilyaround
easternHalifaxCountywheretheyoriginated.In1845theyfoundedtheMethodist
ProtestantMissionarySocietytoexpandthedenominationandeyedGuilford
County,wheretheyhadanoutpostatLibertyMethodistChurch,asapromisingfield
ofwork.LedbyReverendAlsonGray,theMPssettotheworkofbuildingacircuit;
congregatingpeopleintomeetings;establishingmeetinggrounds;appointingclass
leaders,exhorters,andlicensedlocalministers;andestablishingthechurch’s
discipline—thesameworkCrooksandMcBridedidayearlater.76TheMethodist
Protestanteffortmetsomesuccess.TheylikelygainedfromtheEpiscopalschism,
offeringanewhomefordisaffectedmembers.AmongthosedisaffectedMethodist
EpiscopalmemberstheMethodistProtestantstargetedwereDanielWilson’s
Methodists.TheMethodistProtestantsinitiallycooperatedwithCrooks’and
76J.ElwoodCarroll,HistoryoftheN.C.AnnualConferenceoftheMethodistProtestantChurch
(Greensboro,N.C.:McCulloch&Swain,1939),particularly26‐62.
148
Wilson’sWesleyans.77Theysharedmeetinggroundsandchurchspaceand
occasionallyworshippedtogether,presumablyinanticipationofswellingtheirown
ranks.
WhentheMethodistProtestantsfullyrealizedCrooks’andMcBride’s
antislaverydoctrineandtheapparentsuccesstheyhadwithrecruitingnew
converts,therelationshipturnedsour.Atellingepisodeoccurredonanunspecified
datewhenAdamCrooksapproachedanoutdoormeetingbeingheldbyAlsonGray.
“Idonotthink,”GrayaddedextemporaneouslyintohissermonwhenCrooks
appeared,“itrightforthemartinstobuildthenestsandtheblue‐birdstocomeand
stealthemaway.”78Thereafter,accordingtoboththeWesleyansandtheMPs,Gray
andhiscohortbecametheimplacablefoesoftheWesleyaneffort.TheNorth
CarolinaMethodistProtestantConferenceissuedacondemnation(thoughsquarely
anti‐abolitionist)oftheWesleyansin1849,wellbeforecivilcourtstooknoticeof
CrooksandMcBride.79TheWesleyansinturnclaimedprizeswiththeadditionof
formerMethodistProtestantReverendWilliamAndersontotheirranksandacamp
77Crooks,LifeofCrooks,25.
78Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth,40‐41.
79Itread“ThatinviewofsomeeffortsthatarebeingmadeunderthespuriousnameofWesleyan
MethodismtointroduceandenforcethedoctrineofAbolitionofSlaveryinthisStatebytheagencyof
certainmenwhohavedaredtoassumethenameofChristianministersthatitisthedutyofallthe
ministersandpreachersofthisConferencetoshowtheirunqualifieddisapprobationofallsuch
associationsandnottoassistorparticipateinanyoftheirmischievousandwickedandlawless
effortstosubvertorder,peace,andprosperityofthecitizensofourState.Resolved,furthermore,that
thoseevilandarchagentsinthismischief,McBride,Crooks,andBacon,shouldnotbepermittedto
assumeanypartofanyreligiousserviceperformedinanyofourchargesorpreachingplaces.”
Carroll,HistoryoftheN.C.AnnualConference,34.ThemembersofthemobinMontgomeryCounty
hadbeenawareofthiscondemnation.Crooks,LifeofCrooks,82.
149
meetinginAlamanceCountyinwhichhalfoftheattendeescamefromtheMethodist
Protestantchurch.80Notuntilthenextyear,1850,didtheWesleyancauseinNorth
Carolinabecomeamajorsourceofpublicpoliticalcrisis.Butby1850theMPs
perceivedadeclineintheWesleyanmovement.MethodistProtestantmissionary
W.H.Willsreportedinlate1849thathebelievedtheWesleyangrowthhadreached
itslimit,andwassatisfiedthatitsappealandstrengthfaded.81
Willsperceivedcorrectly.Wesleyansclaimed275membersinNorthCarolina
inlate1849.82MethodistProtestantadvanceintheupperPiedmontbetween1845
and1850fueledthestatewidedenominationalincreaseof735members.83The
Wesleyanshadgrown,buttheMPshadgrownlarger.Neitherrateofgrowthwas
extraordinaryamongProtestantdenominations.Andasacomparison,ina
populationofapproximately553,028whitepeopleinthePiedmontin1850,nearly
20,000wereBaptist(MissionaryandAntimissionary),about8,745Presbyterians,
andabout13,000adheredtotheMethodistdenominations.84Againstthese
80Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth,36,49.
81Carroll,HistoryoftheN.C.AnnualConference,34.
82Nicholson,WesleyanMethodismintheSouth,40.AcensusofWesleyanmembersisdifficultto
compile,thismentioninNicholsonbeingtheonlyassessmentIhaveseenthatincludesahard
number.Healsocounted111membersinGraysonCounty,Virginia.Crookshimselflaterestimateda
membershipofnearly600,butthenumberseemsoptimistic.DanielWilson,in1856,reported213
members.Harrold,TheAbolitionists&TheSouth,197fn28.
83Carroll,HistoryoftheN.C.AnnualConference,62.AsignofMethodistProtestant’srapidgrowthin
GuilfordCountycanbefoundinNicholson,whonotedthattheMPcongregationatSandyRidgehad
risenfromfourto174memberssincethearrivalofAlsonGrayin1844.
84Thisestimationofpopulationandcensusofreligiouspeopleistakenfromconferenceminutes,
nationalyearbooks,andchurchhistories.
150
numbers,theWesleyanappealisputinperspectiveat275.Theirsuccessin
convertingsoulswaslimited,althoughtheirsuccessinalarmingNorthCarolinians
wasmorefarreaching.
InthisWesleyanepisodeweseehowtheidealofdisciplinemanifestedin
publiclife.Ultimately,theWesleyangospeltriggeredahystericalandviolent
politicalreaction.Yettheexpectationsforsocialorderarisingfromtheological
orthodoxy,congregationalpeace,andnon‐confrontationalinteractionsare
apparent.Southernevangelicalsderivedtheseexpectationsfromthedesiretoact
andtobeasinastateofgrace,notsin.Thethreatofabolitionprovedanexplosive
theologicalandsocialissue,butevangelicalscarriedtheirexpectationsintoother
publicrealms,withjustasmuchculturalconsequence.
TheTemperanceReformation
Disciplineprovidedabridgeformanyevangelicalstoembracethe
“temperancereformation.”Theimperativetoimproveindividualsoulsbyproviding
anurturingenvironmentblendedneatlywiththelargerreformefforttopurifythe
socialandpoliticalworldbyeliminatingtheproblemofalcoholism.Religious
doctrinesometimesconflictedwiththeseculartemperanceeffortandfew
denominationsestablishedcorrespondingtemperancesocieties.Thedifferencesdo
revealthelimitsofbothreligiousandsocialactionandacontinuingdividebetween
congregationalandworldlyaspirations.Butmoreoften,churchesfacilitatedthe
entranceoftheirmembersintotheworldofsocialreform.TheLutheranseffectively
151
summarizedthepositioninan1855Synodicalresolutionagainstmaking,vending,
andsellingliquor:“Whentheimmoralityofanybusinessisplacedbeyondthe
possibilityofdoubt,itisthedutyofallChristianstofrownuponeveryattemptto
licensesuchtrafficorcrime.”85
Churches’embraceofthe“temperancereformation”isillustrativeofhow
ordinaryevangelicalsapproachedthechangingmattersofthesecularworld.
Temperancewasauniquecategoryofthebenevolentimpulsebecauseit,unlike
educationandmissions,didnotcontributedirectlytotheinstitutionalstrengthof
denominations.Andtemperance,unlikethebuildingofschoolsorpublishing
networks,edgedevermorecloselytoanarticulatedpoliticalstanceinthesecular
world.Acrossdenominations,manyclericsdidindeedresisttheblendingofsacred
methodswiththesecularworld,resultingintheappearanceofanambivalent
approachtopoliticalpower;yetmany,ifnotthemajorityof,evangelicalssupported
ecclesiasticalandindividualparticipationinseculareffortstorestrictthe
manufactureandconsumptionofalcohol.Churchesmighthaveequivocatedover
theappropriateauthoritytoresolvesin,thusbluntingtheirpoliticalpotential,but
thesimilaritiesbetweenecclesiasticalandsecularremediestoalcohol
overshadowedthedifferences.Theconflationofbelief,doctrine,andbehavior
helpedbringthealleviationofsinandthesecularmovementformoralreforminto
85G.D.BernheimandGeorgeH.Cox,TheHistoryoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynodandMinisteriumof
NorthCarolina(Philadelphia:LutheranPublicationSociety,1902),80.
152
onesocialact—theexpressionof“middleclassvalues.”Inthisway,southern
evangelicalsexertedindirectinfluenceonthepoliticalworld.
Churches,asdiscussedabove,consideredthechiefproblemwithalcoholto
beaproblemofsin.Vendingit,eveninanorderlyfashion,asElamGaither
discovered,anddrinkingit,producedandpromotedbarrierstosalvation.“Evil,”the
Methodistscalledit,andclassedthe“sellingorusingofintoxicatingliquorsasa
beverage”alongside“neglect…impudentconduct,[orthe]indulgingsinfultempers,
orwords.”86In1844theGermanReformedjudgedofintemperatemembers—“that
theircrimewillexcludethemfromthekingdomofheaven.”87Alcoholabuse
remainedasintochurchesbecauseitsusepreventedpeoplefrombehavingina
mannerdesignedtoachievesalvation.Itwas,afterall,a“spiritual”concern.
Nonetheless,temperancesocietiesflourished,nurturedbychurches.The
PresbyterianstookthefirstorganizedstandwhentheOrangePresbyterycreated“A
SocietyfortheSuppressionofIntemperance”in1826andlaterurgedallchurchesin
itschargetoformtemperancesocieties.88TheBaptistStateConventionandthe
Moraviansmostwholeheartedlyendorsedthecreationoftemperancesocieties
861840,MinutesoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,UMCRecords,
JournaloftheNineteenthAnnualSessionoftheNorthCarolinaConferenceatitsSessionHeldin
Greensboro,1856(n.p.:n.p.,1857).
871844,ReformedChurch,NorthCarolinaClassis,Minutes,E&RHS.
88RobertHamlinStone,D.D.,AHistoryofOrangePresbytery,1770‐1970(Greensboro,N.C.:Orange
Presbytery,1970),83.Apparently,theOrangePresbyterianscopiedtheirnamefromthepioneering
temperancegroup,theMassachusettsSocietyoftheSuppressionofIntemperance,createdin1816.
153
withincongregations.Beginningin1833,theBaptistStateConvention,
simultaneoustothedevelopmentofotherbenevolententerprises,recommended
that“immediateeffortsbemadetoformSocietiesinallourchurchesand
neighbourhoods[sic],andbyexampleandeverylawfulmeans,toputastoptothe
destructivepracticeofintemperance;andtobecarefultoavoidallargumentsthat
willprejudicethemindsofthosethataretakencaptivebythissnareofthedevil.”In
thispartoftheendorsement,thelanguageofdisciplineispresent;thesinof
intemperancelayindrink’sabilitytopsychicallystandbetweenanindividual,God,
andhisfellows.Non‐doctrinallanguage,however,seepedintothereport:“They
[ThecommitteeonTemperance]deemthisSocietytobeworthyofthepatronageof
allreligiousandphilanthropicindividuals,especiallywhentheyconsiderthehappy
effectsofitinreclaimingmanyofourfellowmenfromthedestroyingmonster,
Intemperance;andrestoringthemtothebosomoftheirfamilies,andtothe
respectabilityofsociety.”89Thesensibilityofliberality[discussedinCh.1]ispresent
here,withitsimplicationsofChristianmoralityinthesecularworld.
Butthegreatconcernofthispassagehasshiftedsubtlyfromthesinand
disorderofintemperancetothesocialandpublicconsequencesofintoxication.Not
thesoul,butthe“bosomoftheirfamilies,”nodoubtlovingandwarm,andthe
“respectabilityofsociety,”werenowinthebalance.Theseconcernsforthephysical
safetyofthedomesticcirclemirroredtherhetoricofthelargertemperancereform
89ProceedingsoftheThirdAnnualMeetingoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina
(Fayetteville:PrintedbyEdwardJ.Hale,1834),17‐18.
154
movement.Bythe1820s,nationalreformeffortsfocusedonthedangerintoxicated
menposedtofamilies,largelybecausethosesamereformerswerethemselvesinthe
avant‐guardofmiddle‐classfamilies.Secularreformerswerenotwithoutreligious
languagethemselves,asthecalamityofdrunkennessriskednotjusttheprecious
nuclearfamilybutGodlyfoundationsonwhichitwasbuilt.90
TheStateConvention’sactionremainedarecommendation,notadirective,
eveniftheConventionreiteratedthecallonayearlybasis.Associationsvariously
implementedthecause.ThewealthyandinfluentialBuelahAssociationinCaswell
Countywaiteduntil1845tobringuptemperance,andnotuntil1852didtheyform
acommitteetoformallyadvocatethecreationoftemperancesocieties.91ThePee
DeeAssociationproactivelypushedtheformationoftemperancesocieties
beginningin1841.InthatyeartheyreportedthatBethelBaptistChurch(thehome
churchoftheLillyfamily)hadthirtymembers.Temperance,likethestateofreligion
ingeneral,underwentundulationsovertheyears.ThePeeDeeAssociationbelieved
thatin1847,“TemperanceSocietiesandSabbathSchoolsareonthedeclinewithin
ourbounds,”buttwoyearslaterdiscovered“thatthetemperancereformationis
rapidlyadvancinginmanyplacesinourAssociation.”92
90ScottC.Martin,DeviloftheDomesticSphere:Temperance,Gender,andMiddle‐classIdeology,1800‐
1860(DeKalb:NorthernIllinoisUniversityPress,2008),20‐25,andIanR.Tyrrell,SoberingUp:From
TemperancetoProhibitioninAntebellumAmerica,1800‐1860(Westport:GreenwoodPress,1979).
911845and1852,BeulahBaptistAssociationMinutes,WFU.
921841,1847,and1849,PeeDeeBaptistAssociationMinutes,WFU.
155
DespitetheBaptists’frequententhusiasmabouttemperancesocietieswithin
theirchurches,theydespisedtheirmembers’participationinparticularanti‐alcohol
movements.EvensomeBaptistStateConventionchurchesandAntimission
churchescouldagreeontheirdislikeoftheSonsofTemperance.TheSons,founded
in1842,cateredtoreformeddrinkersamongtheworkingclassesinurbanareas,yet
itspreadquicklyamongtheruralpeopleofNorthCarolina.Atitshighpoint,in
1851,theSonsofTemperanceclaimedtwelvethousandmembersinNorthCarolina.
DanielWhitenerclaimsthattheSonsmetobstaclestogrowthbecauseofits
democraticreputation.93Indeed,oneoftheprimaryfunctionsoftheSons(andthe
DaughtersofTemperance)wasthecollectionofduestoprovideinsuranceand
deathbenefitstoimpoverishedmembers.In1851,Baptistassociationsinthe
northwestPiedmontsplitapartovertheSonsofTemperance.Theschismdeveloped
whentheMountainBaptistAssociation(inwesternWilkesandAsheCounties),
connectedtotheAntimissionaryBaptists,announceditsrejectionoftheSons.Atthe
sametime,theMissionary‐friendlyLewisForkAssociationexpelledtwomembers
formembershipintheSons.94BaptisthistorianG.W.PaschallconcludedthatLewis
Forkobjectedtotemperancesocietiesbecauseofthethreatthelatterposedto
“personalliberty”—perfectlyinkeepingwiththelong‐heldconcernsofthe
93Whitener,ProhibitioninNorthCarolina(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1946),
29‐34.
94M.A.Huggins,AHistoryofNorthCarolinaBaptists,1727‐1932(Raleigh:TheGeneralBoardBaptist
StateConventionofNorthCarolina,1967),155‐156,andGeorgeWashingtonPaschall,Historyof
NorthCarolinaBaptists,Vol.II(Raleigh:TheGeneralBoardNorthCarolinaStateBaptistConvention,
1955),307.
156
Primitives.TheprimarystatedreasonforobjectionstotheSons,however,wasthat
itwasasecretsociety,completewithspecialgestures,handshakes,andsymbols.
Baptistsweretouchyaboutsecretsocieties—particularlytheMasons—and
campaignedrelentlesslyagainstthem.Thus,BaptistobjectiontotheSonsof
Temperancecombinedtheprimacyofchurchlawwithhostilitytosecretsocieties.95
NotalldenominationsrejectedtheSonsofTemperance;theSons
collaboratedwiththeMoravianYoungMen’sMissionarySocietytobuildameeting
hallindowntownSalem,withtheapprovalofthechurch,in1849.96Notevenallthe
Baptistsobjected.SeventymembersoftheLewisForkBaptistAssociationwithdrew
andformedtheTaylorsvilleAssociationsotheirmemberscouldcontinuein
membershipwiththeSons.97
In1831theNorthCarolinaTemperanceSocietyorganizedtocoordinatethe
rapidlygrowingnumberoflocaltemperancegroupsandassociatedwiththe
AmericanTemperanceSociety.Aconventionoftemperancesocietiesfromthe
westernPiedmontmetinSalisburyin1839andreportedtwenty‐onesocietieswith
3,599whiteand240coloredmembers.DanielJayWhitenerexaminedthedelegates
totheSalisburyconventionanddiscoveredthatmostofthemwerepreachers,
95Paschal,HistoryofNorthCarolinaBaptists,Vol.II(Raleigh:GeneralBoardoftheBaptistState
Convention,1930),305‐311.
96C.DanielCrewsadRichardW.Starbuck,WithCourageoftheFuture:TheStoryoftheMoravian
Church,SouthernProvince(Winston‐Salem,N.C.:MoravianChurchinAmerica,SouthernProvince,
2002),281‐282.
97Huggins,AhistoryofNorthCarolinaBaptists,146.
157
doctors,orprofessionalmen.98Thisdevelopingvanguardoftemperance,beforethe
1850s,consistedofindividualsfromtheranksofthewealthyandthepoor;
professionalsandruralpeople;menandwomen;andblackandwhite.Theywere
whatIanTyrrellcalled“improvers”;“ambitiousandupwardlymobilemen…working
tocreateasocietyofcompetitiveindividualsinstilledwiththevirtuesofsobriety
andindustry.”99
Ordinaryevangelicalsinteractedwithseculartemperancesocietiesatregular
meetings.Seculartemperancesocietymembershipincludedapublicpledgeof
abstinence,regulardebatesandaddresses,andafter1840,participationinparades
andotherdisplays.Inthreeways,seculartemperancesocietiesresembled
congregations.First,memberswhoviolatedtheirpledgesriskeddismissalfromthe
organizations.Second,thefocusoftheireffortswasthereformofindividualandof
societybymeansofpersuasion.Onlyinthe1850sdidadvocacyoflegalprohibition
becomeagoalofNorthCarolinatemperancereformers.Finally,temperance
experiencedhighsandlowsofenthusiasmovertheantebellumperiod.Thelate
1830sandearly1840sappeartohavebeenonepeakoftemperanceactivitywhile
theyears1850and1851sawanotherriseintemperancezeal.100
98DanielJayWhitener,ProhibitioninNorthCarolina,BruceStewartsecondsthisassessmentofthe
conventionin“’TheForcesofBacchusAreFastYielding’:TheRiseandFallofAnti‐AlcoholReformin
AntebellumRowanCounty,NorthCarolina,”NorthCarolinaHistoricalReview87(July2010):310‐
338.
99Tyrrell,SoberingUp,125‐131.
100EverythinginhereisfromDanielJayWhitener,ProhibitioninNorthCarolina,1715‐1945.
158
Ordinarypeopleworkedpublictemperanceactivityintoregularroutines.
Forinstance,farmerandQuakerThomasHuntofGuilfordCountyrecordedhis
attendanceatmonthlymeetingsthroughout1845and1846,occasionallyheldin
conjunctionwithQuarterlyMeetings,thoughhenevercommentedontheir
content.101JennieSpeer,thedaughterofaSurryCountyfarmerandaMethodistin
searchofperfection,wenttoatemperancemeetingonChristmasDayin1847and
noted“[w]ehadseveralinterestinglecturesandsixpersonsgavetheirnamestothe
temperancepledge.”Likelyherfather,Aquilla,afarmerandMethodistelder
organizedandspokeatthatparticularmeeting.Threeyearslater,MissSpeer
attendedaSonsofTemperancemeetingwhereaspeaker,PhillipL.White,
electrifiedher.
HisspeechfarexceedsanythingIhaveeverheardonthesubjectof
temperance.TheSonsalllookedsoindependentandhappythatforonceI
wasgladthatIhadabrotherandfatherwhosenameswereenrolledamong
thebraveSonsofTemperance.
TheSonsexperiencemovedJennietoapplyformembershipintheDaughtersof
Temperance,who“initiated”herinan“affecting”ceremonyinlateJanuary1851.
Jennie’ssister,Ann,asixteen‐year‐oldstudentattheJonesvilleAcademy,was
likewiseinspiredbytheSonsandcomposedtheselines:
101August3,September7,October5,November5,1845,March14,andApril5,1846,Emsley
BurgessandThomasH.Huntpapers,SHC.
159
Hailnobleband,thycausedivine,
Encirclesallthehumanrace—
Ineverylandineveryclime,
Thydeedsofcharitywetrace.
Deliverusfromagallingchain,
Whosefettersbind—whoseironsway,
Enslavesourfriends—totheewelook,
Andhailthefirstgreypeepofday.
Themother’ssighbytheeishushed,
Theorphan’slowandbitterwail,
Thewidow’stearsarestanchedthatgushed,
Onbrothersthen,webidtheehail!102
LiketheBaptistStateConventionbeforeher,Annhadredefinedtheproblemof
intemperanceawayfromthedistractionofsinandtowardthedangertodomestic
orderwherethefamily,notthesoul,wasatstake.
Thesecularappealtodomesticorderhadimplicationsforevangelicalaction
inthesphereofpublicmorality.Itconflatedthesinofintoxicationandthedomestic
disorderofalcoholism,therebytacitlysanctioningsecularsocialactionevenwhile
strictchurchdoctrinecauseddenominationalhesitancy.
IndirectInfluence
Theevangelicalcommunitywasfarfromunifiedonadoctrinalapproachto
thesecularworld.Butthemajorityoflaityandclergydidapproachitbyactive
participationinthetemperancereform.Denominationsnevermobilizedtheir
memberstodirectpoliticalaction,andthus,evangelicalreformersdidnotforma
102AllenPaulSpeerandJanetBartonSpeer,eds.,SistersofProvidence:TheSearchforGodinthe
FrontierSouth(1843‐1858)(JohnsonCity,Tn.:TheOvermountainPress,2000),42,56‐57,71‐72.
160
politicalbloc.Historianshaveinterpretedthisapparentaversiontopoliticalaction
asareactiontothepoliticalcontestoverslavery.Asawaytoopposeabolitionists
whomadeevangelicalantislaveryarguments,southernreligiouspeopleeschewed
politicsofalltypes.103Yet,southernreligiouspeople’sapproachtoslaveryasa
partisancausemirroredtheirapproachtotemperance.Southernchurches
expressedtheirpoliticalwillregardingslaveryindirectlythroughtheculturaland
institutionalactionofthe“missiontotheslaves.”Thatwaytheycouldprioritize
bothinstitutionbuildingandtheenactingoffaith.Thetemperancereformdidnot
obviouslyofferawaytobuilddenominations,butfaithcouldstillbeenacted
throughtemperanceadvocacy,thushavinganindirectinfluenceonpolitics.104The
approachtosecularpoliticsisabsolutelyambivalent,butinpracticingdiscipline,
evangelicalsenteredtheworldwhere—ifnotpoliticallyarticulated—theirconcerns
forpeace,domesticity,andsobrietybecameelementsoftheculturalconversationin
the1850sthathadsignificantpoliticalconsequences.
103SamuelS.Hill,Jr.,SouthernChurchesinCrisis(NewYork:Holt,RinehardandWinston,1966),and
JohnBoles,TheIronyofSouthernReligion(NewYork:P.Lang,1994).SeealsoLauraRomingerPorter,
“TheLosingWarAgainst‘Sin’intheUpperSouthwest,1861‐1877,”paperdeliveredatTheSocietyof
CivilWarHistorians,BiennialMeeting,2012,Lexington,Kentucky.
104Theevangelicalsinthisstudycertainlymovedclosertorectifyingsacredandsecularmovements,
buttheyfallsomewhatshortofthepartisannatureofRichardJ.Carwardine’sMethodistsin,
“Methodists,Politics,andtheComingoftheAmericanCivilWar,”inMethodismandtheShapingof
AmericanCulture,ed.NathanO.HatchandJohnH.Wigger(Nashville:KingswoodBooks,2001).See
alsoCawardine,EvangelicalsandPoliticsinAntebellumAmerica(Knoxville:UniversityofTennessee
Press,1997).
161
CHAPTERIV
THEPRIVATEFACEOFDISCIPLINE
Thepublicfaceofdisciplinedoesnotofferacompleteviewofhowbelief
shapedthelivedexperienceofordinaryevangelicals.Tocompletethepicture,the
internalworkingsofdisciplineonevangelicalsmustbeexamined.Peopleadheredto
disciplinethroughindividualaction.Thoughtheydidnotarticulatetheiractionsas
disciplinary,individualsmadeeffortstoseekpeacefulrelationshipsdevoidof
hostilityandstrife,inaccordancewiththelessonsofdiscipline.Discipline
manifestedinindividualactiondidnotalwaysresultinarticulatedbehaviorsvisible
tocongregationalrecordbutininternalways—decisionsaboutrelationshipsand
theworld—onlyapparenttotheindividual.JohnFlintoffandStrongThomasson
eachrevealtheshapinginfluenceofdisciplinaryadherenceintheirdiaries.This
perspectiveonadherence,however,doesnotrevealstrictconformitywiththethree
lessonsofdiscipline.Thoughingeneral,theybothaspiredtopeaceandorthodoxy,
themanifestationsoftheiradherencelayalmostentirelyintherealmofthesocial
andeconomicdecisionstheymade.
162
JohnFlintoff’sCompetency
OnApril27,1841,JohnFletcherFlintoffnotedinhisdiary,“YesterdayI
arrivedheresafefromOrangeCounty,N.C.”1“Here”washisuncleJohnRobson’s
cottonplantationjustoutsideofNatchez,Mississippi.Flintoff,seventeenyearsold,
hadmigratedfromNorthCarolinatooverseehisuncle’sfarm,andpresumably,set
himselfupasaplanter.Heneverexplicitlystatedhisreasonsformigrating,but
mostofhisextendedfamilyhadmadethetrek.Ifpersonalambitiondrovehimorif
hehadsimplybeensweptalongwithhisfamilyisnotknown.ButFlintoffdid
embarkuponafamiliarpathdesignedtobringprestigeandprosperitytosouthern
planterfamilies.ButlikemanypoormigrantstothecottonSouth,hefailedinhis
aspirations.2JohnFlintoffdidnotenjoyagoodrelationshipwithhisuncle.They
foughtoften,andthoughtheyoungoverseerhintedthatthecauseoftheirfriction
waspecuniary,itisapparentthatthetwocouldnotexistoutsideofastateofstrife.
FlintoffattendedcollegeinMississippiandoversawonothermen’splantations
beforehereturned,frustrated,toOrangeCounty.Itwasthefirstofhistwotenures
inMississippi,andhissecondattemptincludedanewwifeandslaves.Hestillfailed
andlimpedbacktoNorthCarolinain1854withasickwife,fewerslaves,anda
wagonloadofdespair.TherootofJohnFlintoff’sunsettledexistencelaynotinhis
1April27,1841,JohnF.FlintoffDiary,OfficeofArchivesandHistory,Raleigh,NorthCarolina.
(Hereafter,FlintoffDiary.)
2EdwardE.Baptist,CreatinganOldSouth:MiddleFlorida’sPlantationFrontierbeforetheCivilWar
(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001),19,andCharlesC.Bolton,PoorWhitesof
theAntebellumSouth:TenantsandLaborersinCentralNorthCarolinaandNortheastMississippi
(Durham:DukeUniversityPress,1993),chapter4.
163
financialfailure(thoughthatcertainlyswayedhim)butbecausehisinitialambitions
clashedwithhisdesiretoadheretodoctrineandpiousgoals.
InMississippiJohnFlintoffdiscoveredaperpetualconcernforevangelicals,
thetensionbetweenpiousaspirationsandthestrifeinherentinworldlylife.Flintoff
didnotdrawboundariesbetweenthetwoanddidnotwithdrawfromtheworld.
Instead,herevisedhisearthlyexpectations,nottothedictatesofeconomicand
socialambitionbuttotheneedsofhissoul.Flintoffisperhapsnottheobvious
choicetofollowadiscussionofchurchdiscipline.Hedidnotflauntchurchdoctrine.
Hedidnotdisagreewithhisfellowcongregants.Henever,asfarascanbe
discovered,hadanydisputeswithhiscongregations,thoughhelikelyunderwent
examinationtoreceivelettersofdismissal.ButthispatternmakesFlintoffanalmost
perfectexample.Themajorityofreligiousadherentsdidnotencounterchurch
courts.Likemostreligiouspeople,JohnFlintoffemployedthedictatesofdiscipline
inhisdailylife.
TheFlintoffshadalwaysbeenonthemarginsofthewealthierRobsonfamily.
AlloftheeldergenerationhailedfromEngland,andwhentheRobsonfamily
decidedtomigratetoAmerica,sisterMaryRobson,whohadmarriedWilliam
Flintoff,wentalong,in1818.TheyenteredthroughWilmingtonandsettledin
OrangeCounty.ThebrothersWilliamandEdwardFlintoffinvestedinlandanda
millonNewHopeCreek,andtheyallingratiatedthemselvesintotheexisting
OrangeCountygentryofHogansandJohnstons.WilliamFlintoffdiedin1826,
164
leavinghiswidowandthreechildrendependentonathirdRobsonbrother,John.
ThethirdFlintoffchild,JohnFletcher,wasbuttwoyearsold,andthusraised
entirelybyhismother,whoneverremarried.JohnFlintoff’solderbrotherWilliam
diedintheMexicanWarandtheireldersisterJanejoinedtheRobsonmigrationto
Mississippi.3Mary’sdependencyonherRobsonrelativescontinuedwithJohn
Flintoff’ssubserviencetotheminMississippi.Otherwise,littleisknownaboutthe
FlintofffamilyinOrange.YoungJohnrecordedhisdateofconversionasOctober4,
1833,threedaysafterhistenthbirthday.4Underwhatcircumstanceshefound
religionisnotknown.
Flintoff’sdisappointmentinMississippibeganalmostimmediately.Whenhe
arrivedathisuncle’sProspectHillplantation,expectingajob“managing”theplace,
hediscoveredthatUncleJohnhadalreadyhiredanoverseer.5Flintoffinstead
attendedschoolandinthesummertookupmanagementofH.J.Bass’plantation
nearFortAdams.6Heconsideredthelandgood,butabsent“goodpreaching,”he
consideredthe“societyirreligious.”7In1842,Flintofffinallyassumedthepositionof
3BiographyofJohnF.FlintoffinJeannineD.Withlow,ed.,TheHeritageofCaswellCounty(Winston‐
Salem,N.C.:CaswellCountyHistoricalAssociation,1985).SeealsoStewartDunaway,GeorgeJohnston
andWilliamRobson,MillHistory(n.p.:LULU.COM,2009).
4October1,1843,FlintoffDiary.
5July1,1841,FlintoffDiary.
6HenryJoelBass(1814‐1870).BassfamilyfromFayetteville.H.J.marriedaMargaretP.Robson
http://familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/b/r/o/Eleanor‐M‐Brown/GENE1‐0008.html
7July1,1841,FlintoffDiary.
165
overseeronUncleJohn’splantationandfinishedtheyearinhisfamily’sgood
graces.8Flushwithcash,Flintoffyearnedtoattendcollege,apparentlyinaneffortto
advancehisambitions.
JohnFlintoffhadnotnoticedthechange—oratleasthedidnotnoteitinhis
irregulardiaryentries—buthistimeinplantationcountryhadsappedhisreligious
convictions.9OnlywhenheenteredJackson’sCentenaryCollegein1843andits
nurturingatmospheredidherecognizethedifference.“IfearIhavemiserably
backsliden,”henotedathisenrollment,“thoughGodinhisgoodnesstomehasnot
yetentirelydesertedme.”10SurroundedbythepiouscommunityattheMethodist
schoolandmentoredbythecollegepresident,Flintoffregainedhisspiritualfocus.
“[M]ySoulhasbeenrevivedmuch,”hewroteaftersevenmonthsofstudyand
prayer.“Ihaveenjoyedtheprivilagesofattendingclas=meetings&associatingwith
ChristianFriends.PraiseGodforthoseblessings[.]”11Theyoungman’ssemesterat
Centenaryreinforcedhissensibilityofcontentednessinpiousliving.Piousliving
requiredacombinationofpersonalandsocialhabitsofpeace.Assurancearosenot
justfromsatisfactionwithproperdeportmentofself,butinhowoneinteractedwith
hisorherpeers.
8January17,1842,FlintoffDiary.
9OnreligioninthequicklydevelopingMississippifrontier,seeRandyJ.Sparks,OnJordan’sStormy
Banks:EvangelicalisminMississippi,1773‐1876(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1994).
10January5,1843,FlintoffDiary.
11July28,1843,FlintoffDiary.
166
JohnFlintofftestedthisconvictionuponhisreturntoProspectHillinthe
summerof1843.UncleJohnfellillthatAugust,andyoungJohntookover
managementoftheplantation.WhereFlintoffhadalwaysbeenonthemarginsof
thefamily,nowhesatatitscenter,andhefelttheburden.“GivemeO!Lordaword
inseason,”heproclaimedinatraditionalprayerfortheweary.“[M]ayIbeenabled
toacttowardallmeRelativesinthatmannerthatbecomesmesituatedasIam,&
enablemetobecontentedwithwhateverThouseebesttoblessmewith.”12Inhis
cryforrelief,onesensesaconscienceprickedbyirritablerelations,oratleasta
youngmanprofoundlydiscomfitedbyhisposition.13
UncleJohnreturnedtohispostattheheadofhisfamilythatOctober,just
afteryoungJohn’stwentiethbirthday.Flintoff,despitehisearlierdiscomfort,felt
deposed,oratleasthumiliated,ashesteeledhimselfwithaprayerto“acttowards
myRelations&friendsinthatmannerthatbecomesmesituatedasIam.”14Bythe
endofthemonth,boastingnewclothesandhavingdevotedhimselftostudy,he
returnedtoCentenary.Hearrivedtohosannahsandaspiritoflovehehadnotnoted
atProspectHill.15Hesoakedupwhathecouldnotontheplantation—aregular
12August15,1843,FlintoffDiary.
13JohnandhisUncle’sfrequentstrifewasbynomeansunique.WilliamK.Scarborough,infact,noted
thetransientnatureandhostilerelationshipsparticulartoLowerSouthplantations.William
KauffmanScarborough,TheOverseer:PlantationManagementintheOldSouth(BatonRouge:
LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1966).
14October7,1843,FlintoffDiary.
15October13,16and28,1843,FlintoffDiary.
167
routineofsermons,quarterlymeetings,andclassmeetings,someofwhichthe
CentenarystudentsheldinFlintoff’sownroom.JudgeShattuck,thecollege’s
professoroflaws,sermonizedontheadmonitionto“keeptheGodofourFathers.”
CertainlyFlintoffreflectedinthatmomentuponthetemptationsofspiritual
lonlinesssubjecteduponhimatProspectHill.Altogether,Flintoffconsideredhis
stayatCentenarytobe“glorioustimes.”16
Flintoff’srevivalcontinuedinthespringof1844.Herededicatedhimselfto
theserviceofGodandstoredupreservesofspiritualstrengthforhisinevitable
returntohisfamily,expecting“thatwhenIshallhavetofaceagaintheunfriendly
worldImayconductmyselfinaprovident[?]&God‐likemanner.”17Bytheendof
histermthatsummer,Flintoff’sdiaryentriesfilledwithprayers,exaltations,and
callsforself‐improvement.HeleftthatJulywithaprayerfor“GodtodirectmeforI
calculateandifficulttrial,turmoils&deprivations.”18
Upongraduation,FlintoffassumedmanagementofJohnThornton’s
plantationjusteastofJackson.Inthislocation,Flintofffoundhimselfisolatedfrom
whitesociety.Theenslavedpeoplewhosurroundedhimmayormaynothavebeen
Christian,butitmatterednottotheoverseer.Heaspiredtobettersociety—notonly
16November5and18,December10and17,1843,FlintoffDiary.
17May12,1844,FlintoffDiary.
18July25,1844,FlintoffDiary.
168
suitableforawhiteman,butsuitableforaChristian.19Hissojournamongtheslaves
lastedonlytwomonths,atwhichtimehereturnedtoProspectHill.Therehefound
twocousins,WesleyRobsonandJosephJohnson,justarrivedfromNorthCarolina.
Thereunionpleasedhim,butnotforlong.20WhencousinJosephdepartedforNew
Orleans,Flintoffexclaimed,“Oh!ThatImayeverliveholy&acceptablybeforeGod.”
CousinWesleystayedatProspectHillbutbeganimmediatelytoindulgehimself
withthesocialroutinesoftheplanter‐‐“CosWesleyhasgonetoWoodvillewithtwo
ladies&Unclescarriagetobebackshortly[.]”Johndisapproved,“Iwanttogetinto
businessagainnotidleIfeelgratefultoGodforprovidingaplentyforme.”21
Thecousins’interludeonlyreinforcedforFlintofftheconvictionthata
particularstyleofworkandspiritualsatisfactionrequiredoneanother.UncleJohn’s
offerofyetanothermanagerialpositionmadehimhappy.Heattendedclass
meetingsandsermonsagainwithregularityandnoted,“Ifeelencouragedtopress
forwardinthecauseofChrist.”22ThatspringFlintoff’sreverieendedwhenJohn
Robsonsuddenlyfiredhim.Hedidnotstatethereason,thoughheevidentlyfelt
wronged,ashe“leftitwithaclearconscience,”whichheattributedto“walk[ing]
uprightly.”23UncleJohnhiredhimbackthenextweek,butamonthlater,Flintoffleft
19September15,1844,FlintoffDiary.
20November3and5,1844,FlintoffDiary.
21November16,1844,FlintoffDiary.
22January12,1845,FlintoffDiary.
23May6,1845,FlintoffDiary.
169
ProspectHillinahuff.24HereturnedtohisuncleyetagainthatAugusttowork“to
keepclearofexpenses,”buttheexperiencelefthim“ratherlowspiritedbecauseI
ammakingnothing.”25FlintoffthenwenttoJohnRobson’sDryBayouplantationto
workforthebalanceoftheyear.
Flintoff’sunsettledworkroutinecontinuedwhenhegotfreeofUncleJohn
andwenttoworkforStephenDuncan,anenormouslywealthyplanter,atDuncan’s
HollyRidgePlantation,somemilesawayfromProspectHill.26Flintoffwasgrateful
forthework—moretowardGodthanDr.Duncan—buthesoonsankintoadeep
depression.Heonlymadetwopainfulentriesintohisdiarythatyear.InMayhe
noted,“HaveheardnopreachingsinceIleftNatchez.SisterhasleftUncles&goneto
N.C.Iwasopposedtothisbutofcoursesaidnothing.”27Hewasagainsuccumbingto
thesinofisolation,aloneamongslavesandwithoutaccesstopreachingormeetings,
hisdiredeepenedbythedepartureofhisonlyfriendlyrelation.Duncandidnot
renewFlintoff’scontract,andthelater“LeftHollyRidgeforNatchezoutof
employmenthavenotenjoyedReligionthisyearmanagingnegros&largefarmis
24June3,1845,FlintoffDiary.
25August6,1845,FlintoffDiary.
26OnDuncan,seeMarthaJaneBrazy,AnAmericanPlanter:StephenDuncanofAntebellumNatchez
andNewYork(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2006).
27May24,1846,FlintoffDiary.
170
souldestroying.”28Thephrase“souldestroying”neatlysummarizedFlintoff’s
despair,causednotbyeconomicfailurebutbyspiritualdesolation.
FlintoffnotonlyleftHollyRidge,butMississippialtogether.Johnreturnedto
hismothers’farminOrangeCountyandconcernedhimselfprimarily—atleasthis
diaryentriesseemtosuggest—withtheacquisitionofslaves.Between1848and
1849hepurchasedatleasttwoyoungblackmenandpleasedhimselfbypayingfor
onebeforetheentireamountwasdue,thusescapingindebtedness.29At
Christmastimein1849,Flintoffrecordedavisitto“MissMaryMPleasantswho
visitedMyMothersfamilylastJune[.]”MaryPleasantslivedinCaswellCountyand
howsheknewJohn’smotherisunknown,butJohnfoundhimself“pleasedwiththe
younglady[.]”30HiscourtshipcontinuedintotheSpringof1850whenFlintoffmade
atellingobservation:“visitedMissMaryPleasantinCaswellCobettersatisfiedin
youngladiescompanythanIusedtobewhendeprivedofSocietyofbothsexes.”31
FlintoffalludedtohistimeinMississippi,nearfamilybutdistantinmeaningful
relationships.Steepedintheloveofhismotherandsister,hefoundhappinessin
societyingeneral,andMaryinparticular.ThetwomarriedattheCaswellCounty
homeofMicajahPleasantsonJune5,1850.32
28December15,1846,FlintoffDiary.
29April15,October1,December7,1848,andDecember26,1849,FlintoffDiary.
30December26,1849,FlintoffDiary.
31February15,1850,FlintoffDiary.
171
Flintoffcontinuedtoconcernhimselfwiththeacquisitionofenslaved
people—hegainedonebymarriagewhenMary’sfatherofferedatwelveyearold
girlasaweddinggift.Forthenextfewyears,hetookspecialnoticeonhisbirthday
(October1)tocontemplatehisplaceintheworld.In1850,onhistwenty‐seventh
birthday,henotedthecompetinginterestsofspiritualsatisfactionandeconomic
ambition:“Iamtoohasty&impatientinbusinessmatters&oftimespraygodto
enablemetobemoremod=erateIintendtoovercomethis.”33Flintoff’saspirations
fordomestichappinessandhisaspirationsforsuccessasaslaveholderhadcaused
discordinhislife,andheturnedtoGodformediationandmoderation.
Inthespringof1853,John’smothersoldherfarmandmovedtoMississippi,
accompaniedbyJohn’ssister.JohnandMaryspentthebalanceofthegrowing
seasoninOrangeCounty,butintheautumnofthatyear,heloadedMaryandeight
enslavedpeopleintohiswagonandheadedagaintoNatchez.Hehadsecured,yet
again,apostmanagingatProspectHillforhisuncle.(Heevidentlyhopedtoprofit
alsobyrentinghisslavestohisuncle.)Ifheharboredhopeforanewstartin
Mississippi,certainlyitwasdashedbeforethefirstmonthpassed.Hewroteon
January20,1853,“Myhealthisnotgoodtoomuchfatiguedwithlaboringtraveling
&exercizeofminddisappointedinlife.”34InMississippi,oldhabitsreturned.“[L]ow
32June5,1850,FlintoffDiary.
33October1,1850,FlintoffDiary.
34January20,1853,FlintoffDiary.
172
spirited…UncleJohnheisunkindtome,”Flintoffwroteinearly1853.35Laterthat
year,Marygavebirthtotheirfirstson,Johnny,inthesameweekthatUncleJohn
dischargedFlintoffandyellowfeverragedintheneighborhood.Hesoonregained
hispositionatProspectHill—“becauseIcandonobetter”—whileMarysuffered
frommastitis.InNovemberthetroublebetweenFlintoffandhisunclecametoa
head,andtheyoungmanburstout,
DischargedbyUncleJno.&treatedshamefully,brutallynothingbut
aggrivation&distraction&abusehewillnopaymemywagesthorich&can
commandmoneyoutofahouse&homeForfamily&negroesputtheminold
houseneartheStonetreslinginGodforprotection.Thishasbeenthemost
unhappytimeofmyliferatherworkformydailybreadthantolivethisway
oh!Goddeliverme.36
Flintoff’slamentrevealedagreatdeal.ThestrifebetweenJohnandhisunclehad
indeedbeenpecuniary.ButUncleJohnhadnotonlydeliveredyoungJohnapersonal
slight,butinhismiserlinessrevealedastandardofbehavior—thatofanarbitrary
aristocrat—thathisnephewfoundabhorrent.Flintoffhadonceaspiredtothat
status,butnowherejectedit—notbecausehefailed,butbecausethesocial
behaviorrequiredstoodinstarkcontrasttohisowngrowingappreciationforthe
ethicsofevangelicallife.
Thecryaboutworkingforhisdailybread,however,isperplexing.Hehad
workedatProspectHillandhadworkedhard.Hisoversightoftheplantationhad
35April15,1853,FlintoffDiary.
36November20,1853,FlintoffDiary.
173
notbeenaccomplishedbyleisurebyanymeans.Withthiscry,Flintoffappearsto
haverecognizedthatthelifeofacottonplanterdemandedparticipationinbehavior
unbecomingaChristian.Flintoffcouldnotfindsatisfactionaspartofapatriarchal
network,butrather,determinedtoconstrainhisaspirationstohimselfandhis
immediatefamily.Bymovinghiswhiteandblackfamilytothe“oldhousenearthe
Stonetresling,”hedeliveredhisfamily(includingslaves)notonlyfromProspect
Hill,butintothehandsofGod,asifrepresentinghisfinalrejectionofyouthful
aspirations.
FlintoffstillhadtoendureMississippiforalmostanotheryear.Hefound
workforhimselfandhisslavesontheplantationofRobertTickell,somefiftymiles
southofNatchez.Inmovinghisgoods,henotedwearily“nothingtofeedmyhorse
withmySoulisdisquietedalmosttiredofmylife.”37Inhistorment,exiledfromhis
motherandsurroundedbysickness,heappealed,“Lordhelpmetostandfast&see
asMosesdidtheSalvationofGod.”38HistenureatTickell’slasteduntilAugust1854,
whereuponhesoldofftwosickslaves,boardedariverboatwiththerest,and
headedeast.Hisannualbirthdayreviewfoundhimandhisfamilytrudgingthrough
StokesCounty,NorthCarolina,beggingmilkforhissickwifeandson.“MayIliveto
provideformyfamily.”39Inhisdespair,hehadidentifiedanewaspiration.
37November23,1853,FlintoffDiary.
38February27,1853,FlintoffDiary.
39October1,1853,FlintoffDiary.
174
JohnFlintoffneverdrewadirectlinebetweenhisreligiousandhisearthly
aspirations.Followinghimfrom1854inNorthCarolinauntiltheoutbreakofCivil
Wardoesnotleadtoclearnarrativepointsatwhichhemadedecisiveturnsaway
fromeconomicstrifetowardreligioushappiness,oreschewedaristocraticchoices
infavorofmiddle‐classones.Butby1861,thedirectionofhislifeasayeoman
farmerhadbecomeapparent.Flintoffcontinuedtoworkhard,andavoidanceof
debtandacquisitionoflandandslavesalwaysremainedprimeconcerns.He
purchasedlandfromhisfather‐in‐lawjusteastofYanceyvilleandhemissedhis
mother.Hesettledintothelifeofayeomanfarmer,growingtobaccoandcorn;
haulingcropsinhiswagon;toilingalongsideslavesinfieldsandgroves;tendingtoa
chronicallyillwife;andbaptizing,raising,andburyingnewchildren.His
contentednesswasadawningsensibility.In1857helamentedthedistancebetween
himselfandhisownfamilybutrejoicedthat“IfeelasthoIhadmanyfriends”among
whichhenowlived.40In1859anaccidentwhileloggingshockedhimintoa
realizationoftheroleGodhadplayedinhisrecentlife.Atreefellnearhimandhis
slavesandkilledtwoofhishorses.“KindProvidenceisgoodtome,”hereflectedon
hisfortune.“Iamthemoreresolvedtoservehimbetterbeentryingtodothismany
yearsohhelpmetoprovefaithfultotheend.”41
40December25,1857,FlintoffDiary.
41January17,1859,FlintoffDiary.
175
Flintoffattendedchurchandevidentlycountedmembersofhiscongregation
hisfriends.Butheneverwroteaboutthemandhowtheirsocietycontributedtohis
ownsenseofhappiness.Nevertheless,hisMethodistchurchbecameanever‐
growingelementofhislife.InDecember,1859,hewrote,“Somemembersofthe
churchhaveasked[?]metobeClassLeader.”Hefeltuneaseaboutthehonor,but
withtheLord’sguidanceandseveralmonths’deliberation,heaccepted.42Hebegan
toregularlyattendQuarterlyandCircuitmeetingsandsubscribedtotheNorth
CarolinaChristianAdvocate,thenewspaperoftheNorthCarolinaMethodist
Conference.43Yeomanry,therefore,presentedthesurestpathtosalvation.
NotuntilaftertheCivilWardidFlintoffbegintoarticulatehissatisfaction
withagriculturalandreligiouslife.Yethisantebellumcareerrepresentedastellar
exampleofreligiousconcernsshapingsociallife.JohnFlintoff’sconceptionof
happinessdependedonthepresenceofanurturingreligiousenvironment—notjust
thestatusofhisownsoul,butthestateofhisrelationshipwithotherChristians.
Thispracticewasadherencetodiscipline,evenifFlintoffneverexpresseddoctrinal
disagreementwithhiscongregations.Hedesiredtoliveinharmonywithhisfamily
andpeers.HediscoveredinMississippithathisaspirationtoplanterstatusdirectly
conflictedwithhisdisciplinaryideal.Aristocraticarrogance,theelitestylesof
leisureandease,andphysicalisolationfromsocietythatlifeonsubsidiary
plantationsrequiredallconspiredtocreateastateofpersonalstrifeforFlintoff.
42December25,1859,September25,1860,FlintoffDiary.
43October6and28,1860,FlintoffDiary.
176
Whenhereadjustedhisearthlyaspirationsandfoundtheminaccordancewith
expectationsforapiouslife,heachievedself‐satisfaction.InNorthCarolinaasa
yeomanfarmer,Flintofffoundpeacewithafocusonhisnuclearfamily,theabilityto
controlhisincomeandfinances,andasettledcommunityofreligiouspeoplewho
recognizedhisevangelicaltalents.
StrongThomasson’sBalancingAct
ThesonofMethodistlocalpreacher,StrongThomassongrewnaturallyinto
thehabitsofaChristian.Hedidnotrecordaconversionexperienceorspeakofa
timebeforehefoundGod;hepresumablyhadalwaysbeensaved.Bythetimethe
twenty‐three‐year‐oldbeganwritinghis“BookofRememberance,”hewas
intelligent,curious,andfamiliarwiththesocio‐religiouslandscapeofYadkinand
upperIredellCounties.HishomechurchwasAylesburyMethodistEpiscopal,buthe
didnotgothereexclusively.HeregularlyattendedsermonsatMacedonia,andFlat
Rock(“Flatrock”),aBaptistChurch.AtAylesbury,Thomassonattendedclass
meetingsandSundaySchoolclasses,andsanginachoir.44Healsoenjoyedregular
attendanceatMethodistProtestant,Presbyterian,Baptist,andQuakerservices.
Strongthoughtfullycritiquedmanyofthesermonsheheardandthe
preachershesaw.Heexpectedpreacherstoexhibitcertainstandardsofeducation,
reserve,andclarity,andhedidnotshyawayfrompassingpositiveandnegative
44PaulD.Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862
(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996),4,32,167,174,and242.[HereafterEscott,ed.,
Diary.]
177
assessments,oftenwithagreatdealoflevity.Hisfavoritestyleofsermonwasa
shortandplainone,whichheconsidered“therightkindofsermonsforthecommon
people.”45Byplainhedidnotmeantrite—heengagedbestwithsermonsthat
presentedthenprovedanargument—butratheronesthatmadeasimplea
theologicalpoint.MostpreachersStrongfrequentedshiedfromhellfireand
sermonizedinthoughtfulandlivelytones.Hedisapprovedof“Mr.Briam,”who
“preachesmildly,andusesbutlittleenergy,”whilehecommendedMr.Wood,who
“preacheswithenergy.”46Thomasson’sfavoritepreacherswereJohnGunn,a
MethodistEpiscopal,QuintonHolton;MethodistProtestant;andZachariahAdams,a
Baptist.HiscommentsonHolton’spreachingindicatethepriorityheplacedon
contentratherthanstyle.Hepreacheddoctrinesnewtome,andcontradictedthe
preachingofmanylearneddivines.Hesays‘Wearenotsinnersbynature’!Manysay
thatallmenaresinnersbynature,theRev.Hsaysitisnotso;andIam[of]his
opinion.”Helatercommentedthat,“Holtoncanpreachifheisugly.”47Ofthe
ReverendJosephR.Cheek,Strongwrote,“IdonotrememberthatIeverheardthis
textusedbefore.IgainedafewnewideasfromMr.C’ssermon.”48IsaacAvent,a
preacheratMasadonia,regularlydazzledThomassonevenifhissermons
45Escott,ed.,Diary,139.
46Escott,ed.,Diary,95‐96.
47Escott,ed.,Diary,10,94.
48Escott,ed.,Diary,77.
178
occasionallywere“tedious”orhadnot“containedanynewideas.”49Afteran
impressivesermonbyJohnGunn,hequipped,“theGunnshotusall.”50
Thomassondidnotrefrainfromcriticizingpreachers.“Edward[s]preacheda
short&drysermon,‐‐thentriedafewofthemembersfornotattendingchurch,and
left.”51Hisfavoriteswerenotimmunefromcriticism;“Adamsspoilshispreaching
withtheoldBaptisttone,orhamrather.”52Onanotherdatehenoted“oneTom
Poindextertr[ied]topreachbuthecouldnotcomeit,”53and“Rev.JohnWebster,a
Baptistminister,tr[ied]topreach.”54Thomassonbelievedapreachermustbe
educated.HecriticizedtheyoungReverendJamesMinish’ssermon,stating,“Ifhe
hadbeeneducatedhemighthavebeenofgreatusetothechurch,butasitishecan
onlyexertquitealimitedinfluence.”55Thomassondidnothesitatetocritizepoints
oftheologyanddoctrine.HelaughedataReverendCarterformistakesinhis
sermon.56Ofanotherpreacher,theReverendG.W.Brown,“saidinhispreachingifI
understoodhimrightly,thattheloveofsinoncekilledinthesoulneverreturned!
49Escott,ed.,Diary,195‐204.
50Escott,ed.,Diary,45.
51Escott,ed.,Diary,44.
52Escott,ed.,Diary,49.
53Escott,ed.,Diary,67.
54Escott,ed.,Diary,77.
55Escott,ed.,Diary,129.Seealso57.
56Escott,ed.,Diary,176.
179
Poorman!tofallbackonthatlongsinceexplodeddoctrine.”57Hiscriticismand
commentspointnotonlytoThomasson’scompleterejectionofCalvinism,asmight
beexpectedofaMethodist,buthisinterestinrigorouslyupdateddoctrine.
StrongThomassoneagerlyattendedtheservicesofotherdenominations.He
twiceattendedPresbyteriansermonsandfrequentlylistenedtoBaptistpreachers.58
ThoughheconsideredBaptiststhemselvesratherclannish,theyseemedtopopulate
hisviewofthelandscape.Oftheirpreachers,heconsideredtheReverendDr.Parks
“theablest.”59ThomassonharboredakeeninterestintheSocietyofFriends,andhe
approachedthemwiththeusualhumor,“HeardaFriendorQuakerpreach.Hesaid
someverygoodthings,butitwasalongtimebetweendraws.”60Oneanotherdatehe
noted,
IandMarywenttotheQuaker’smonthlymeetingatHuntingCreekChurch.
Thecongregationwasnotverylarge.TheRev.Martin,aQuakerminister,
talkedinterestinglyonthepecularitiesoftheirchurch,givingreasonwhy
theydiscardBaptism,theSacraments,etc.”61
57Escott,ed.,Diary,57.
58Escott,ed.,Diary,31,93,11,282.
59Escott,ed.,Diary,282.
60Escott,ed.,Diary,67.
61Escott,ed.,Diary,105.
180
HeevensawAnnBenbowpreachandnoted,“shegaveus,asIthink,verygood
advice.”62
Afeistyandplayfuldesiretoengageothersindiscussingdoctrinal
differencesdroveStronginhisinterestinotherdenominations.Ofparticular
interesttohimwasbaptismandhowotherspracticedit.“NotmanymonthssinceI
conversedwithamemberoftheQuakerChurch,”hewroteinearly1856,“whotold
methereasonwhytheirchurchdidnotbelieveinbaptismis,becauseitused(they
say)atipeofthe‘HolyGhost’whichwasto,andwhichdiddesendonthe‘Apostles,’
ActsII,4,andthatit(Baptism)wastheredoneaway,asthescripturewasthen
fulfilledsofarastobaptism.”ButStrongdisagreedandhecitedPeter’sadmonition
to“repentandbebaptizedeveryoneofyou”asjustificationforindividualbaptism.
ThedifferencecausedhimnohardfeelingstowardQuakers,buthisresponse
exhibitedadefensiveness.Strongclaimedthat“theApostles,notwithstandingsome
ofthem‘wereunlearnedandignorantmen,’knewasmuchaboutthismatterasthe
mostlearnedofourQuakerfriends.”63YetheturnedaroundandsaidofBaptists,“I
can’tseeforthelifeofme,howtheBaptistscanconceivethatBaptismisessentialto
Salvation.Whereistheirscripturalproof?”Strongspeculatedthatthe“proof”could
befoundinMark16:16butarguedthatthepassagewasapplicableonlytoJohn,not
62Escott,ed.,Diary,280.
63Escott,ed.,Diary,143.
181
Christ.64Thomassonhowever,didnotpresstheissuetothepointoftension
betweenhimselfandothers.Infact,hereportedhavingleftacampmeetingsermon
byBillyGarner“asIchosenottohearhimtalkaboutBaptismandotherchurches,”
preferringhisministerstopreachthegospel,notrailagainsthisco‐religionists.65In
short,StrongThomassonwieldedakeenandinformedinterestindoctrine.He
neverentertainedunorthodoxpositionsanddiscourageddoctrine‐basedhostility,
yetatthesametimeenjoyeddoctrinaldebate.Hewashisownagentinreligious
affairs,andashiswalkoutonBillyGarnerdemonstrated,Strong’sreligiousfaith
tookprecedenceinhisenactmentofsocialbehaviors.
InMarch1860,theeldersatAylesburyMethodistChurchappointedStrong
ThomassontothepositionofClassLeader.Inthatrole,Strongwouldhavebeen
expectedtoshepherdagroupofcongregantsbymeetingwiththemregularlyto
discussreligiousprogressandofferrebuketoindividualsforsinfulbehavior.This
latterelementwasthefirststageinthedisciplinaryprocess.Thepotentialfor
confrontationinapositionofleadershipunnervedtheyoungman,asheexplained
howhefelt,“likeIneededleadingmyselftha[n]Idolikeleading.I’mtooblind,andif
Iknownottheway,asIshould,howshallIleadotherstherein?”Heconsideredhis
ownfaithsoundenough,butdoubtedhisabilitytoleadothers.“[W]illthesheep
follow?Somewill,otherswillnot,oratleastveryreluctantly,frequentlystraying
64Escott,ed.,Diary,142.
65Escott,ed.,Diary,149‐150.
182
fromthefold,andgenerallyatagreatdistancebehind.”Hefearedmostthosewho
drank,notingthat
itsometimeshappens,onapublickdayatleast,thatweseemembersofour
churchnotamongthesoberqui[e]tmenofthecrowd,butwiththedrunken
rabble,atthetaleendofsomeliquorcart,justwherethedevilwantsthemto
be.now,whatshouldbedonewithsuchmembers?Theysaybytheir
actions—whichistheloudestkindofsaying—thattheyarenotfollowersof
Christ,thattheyhavegoneovertotheranksoftheenemy.Iftheywillsuffer
thedeviltoleadthem‘captiveathisownwill,’whynotdismissthemfrom
thechurch?66
HereluctantlyacceptedtheroleofClassLeaderbutneverrecordedconflict
resultingfromit.ThispassagerevealsagreatdealaboutStrong’sviewofreligious
disciplineandsocialbehavior.Hewasastrictdisciplinarian—insistingonone
occasionthatamanwhodesiredforgivenessforlyingbedeniedbecauseof
insufficientevidenceofrepentance.67Sinners,“bytheiractions,”signaledanon‐
rigorousmaintenanceoffaithandthusaconscientiousrejectionofGod.Strong
insistedonaffirmingandsignalingsalvationbydailypracticeofreligiousbelief.The
chiefpracticeStrongaffirmedwassobrietyandconstantwarfareagainstliquor.
Stronghateddrunkennessandexpressedhishatredthroughmembershipin
temperanceorganizationsandcondemnationofdrunkenbehavior.Helikelylearned
thisbehaviorfromhisfather,whoregularlypreachedtemperancesermonsaround
66Escott,ed.,Diary,270‐271.
67Escott,ed.,Diary,174.
183
Hamptonville.68Stronghabituallyattendedtemperancesermonsandlecturesand
readCharlesDeems’TheBallotBox.69In1855,whileworkingasaclerkinastorein
EastBend,heandsomefriendsjoinedtheProvidenceTemperanceSocietyafter
attendingameetinghostedbyAquillaSpeer.Hisconvictionshardlyneeded
reinforcing,buthewas“moved”in1859whenhewitnessedthedeathofaviolent
olddrunk,DenisDinglar.Dinglarremainedquietforseveralhoursbeforehis
passing,tacitlyindicatingthathediedwithoutGod.Butworse,Strongnoted,“No
effortsweremade,thatIknowoftoprolonghislife.Allseemedwillingforhimto
depart,asitwasthoughtheneverwouldbeanybetter.”70Dinglarhadchosen“king
Alcohol”overtheKingdomofHeaven,andthus,chosetodieseparatedfromGod,
friends,family,andtheassuranceofsalvation.71
Strongconsideredthescourgeofalcoholtobenotjustaspiritualproblem
butalsoasocialproblem.“Howlong—Ohowlongwillthepeoplecontinueto‘layup
forthemselveswrathagainstthedayofwrath?’”72Hemadeconsciousdecisionsto
stayawayfromfunctionslikelytobeflushwithliquor.Heskippedtax‐collectingday
atJimGreen’splacebecauseofitsrowdyreputation:“IdontgotoGreenswhenIcan
68Escott,ed.,Diary,200.
69Escott,ed.,Diary,15,51,24.
70Escott,ed.,Diary,228‐229.
71Ondeathrituals,seeCraigThompsonFriend,“LittleEva’sLastBreath:ChildhoodDeathand
ParentalMourningin‘OurFamily,WhiteandBlack,’”inFamilyValuesintheOldSouth,ed.Craig
ThompsonFriendandAnyaJabour(Gainesville:TheUniversityPressofFlorida,2010),62‐85.
72Escott,ed.,Diary,128.
184
stayathomeorgoanywhereelse.”Henotedindisapprovalthat“theyhadnoless
thantwofights,andthatonepoorwretch,BillFoster,wastakenofftojail.”73He
avoidedcommunaleventssuchasbarnraisingsandcornhuskingsthatthreatened
liquor.74Thosehedidattend,andthosehehosted,werestrictlytemperanceaffairs,
evidentbythelackoflocalenthusiasm.“Preparedthegoodies,”hewroteofa
huskingathishousein1856,”butnoonecametohelpus.”75Thomassonclerkedat
an1857electionandnotedwithreliefthatthe“sixteengallonsofliquor”provided
fortreatingdidnotlast,and“theTownwas,whenIleftafterthepoleswereclosed,
unusuallycalm.”76
Helinkedthewasteofspirituousliquortoignoranceandattendantsocial
consequences.Once,lamentinglowfemaleparticipationinatemperancesociety,he
lamented,“ourfemalesgenerallyareraisedupinstupidignorance,hencetheyare
notawareoftheextentoftheirinfluence,andofthegoodtheymightdowerethey
toengageheartilyinthetemperancereform.”77Andayearlater,henotedthat“if
themoneythatisanualyexpendedinthetraficofrum,tobacco,&coffee,wasadded
totheSchoolfundwhatagreatblessingitwouldbringuponourpeople,whereasit
73Escott,ed.,Diary,177.
74Escott,ed.,Diary,182.
75Escott,ed.,Diary,183.
76Escott,ed.,Diary,178.
77Escott,ed.,Diary,68‐69.
185
nowonlyaddstothecupoftheirmiseryandwretchedness.”78Earlyinthespringof
1859,whensuppliesofcornlagged,hecomplainedthat
notwithstandingthescarcityofbreadstuffmanyareboilingup4and5
bushelsofcornaday,convertingthe‘staffoflife’intothevilestofthevile,
anddealingitouttotheirneighbors.Suchmenareacursetothelandtheylie
in.Insteadoffeedingthehungry,andclothingthenaked,someofthemwill
takethelastpeckofcornfromafamilyofstarvingchildren,andgivetheir
drunkenfatherinexchangeaquartofnastyliquor.Remember,Oman!that
forallthisGodwillbringtheeintojudgment.79
Withthisoutburst,Strong’sevangelicalobjectiontoliquorblendedwitha
moralcritiqueofsocietybasedonamiddle‐classsensibility.Hereadilyequated
drunkenness,poverty,andfilthinananimalisticfashion.“HowcanIdescribethe
scene?”heaskedatonemusterday.
Imagin[e]50halffamishedhogsinalot,throwthemanearofcorn,seethe
rushandbustle—thestrongeroverpoweringtheweaker—andalltogether
makingahideousnoise,andyouwillhaveafaintideaofthescuffle,today,
aroundthetincupthatcontainedtheliquor.Howdisgusting!80
Heconsideredpoorpeopletobeboundbyfilthandsin.Afterarained‐outfuneral,
hejudgeda
‘showerbath,’…would,nodoubt,dosomeofourunwashedneighborsavast
amountofgood,asthelargedropsofpurecoldwatermightremovethe
78Escott,ed.,Diary,128.
79Escott,ed.,Diary,230.
80Escott,ed.,Diary,128.
186
scalesanddirtwhichhaveforyearsbeenaccumulatingontheirfilthy
persons,opentheporesoftheskinandcoolthefeveroccasionedby
filthynessofperson.81
Hisspiritualfearofpeoplemiredinpovertyextendedtophysicalfear.Whenhe
purchasedlandandahouseinIredellCounty,hehadtoevicttwosquatters,“those
oldwomen,AnnSudivan&TillCass.”Hetookalong“OldMr.Wm.Coffin,”as“akind
of‘bodyguard,’”as“Idonotliketogoamongsuchstock…Theladies,ifladiesthey
be,areinourhouseyet.”82Bywayofcomparison,StrongThomassonowned
propertybutneverpossessedmuchwealth,andspentthedaysonhisfarmde‐
hidingprematurecalves,chasingpigsthroughcreeks,andshovingnewcudsinto
cow’smouths.Hespentnosmallamountoftimecoveredinfilthandgorehimself,
butasfarashewasconcerned,faithmadehimentirelyclean.
Strong’sdedication—indeedanyfarmer’sdiligence—circumscribedhis
activitiesprimarilytohisland.Thefarmdemandedconstantattentionandthe
majorityofStrong’stimewasspentinplowing,sprouting,tendinglivestock,
repairingfences,puttingupbuildings,andhaulingfuelfromthewoodsorcornto
themill.Hedevotedhistimeawayfromhisfarmtovisitingwithhisandhiswife’s
extendedfamilies.Still,hedirectedallhisfreetimetoworshipandendeavors
calculatedtoproducepersonalimprovement.Strongdisparagedidlepursuits.He
refusedtogotoamagiclanternshowand“tablemoving”withsomefriends,
81Escott,ed.,Diary,98‐99.
82Escott,ed.,Diary,232.
187
declaring,“That’sanotherhumbug,andnomistake.”83Heregrettedattendingan
“exhibition”inIredellCounty,sayingitwas“nonsense,verywickedandvery
disgusting.IhadotherbusinesselseIshouldnothavebeenthereatall.”84LikeJohn
FlintoffandCarolineLilly,StrongThomassoncouldnotabideidlechatter,or
gossipingamongfriends:“Whatasad,andawfulthingitistospendourgolden
momentsinidlechit‐chat,whentherearesomanygoodbookswemightreadand
beeternallybenefitedthere‐by.Thereisseldomany[sic]anythinggainedby
visiting,soImustvisitlessandreadmore.”85Hisimpulsetousetimewisely
ultimatelyledhimtothe“domesticfelicity”ofSabbatarianismaftermarriageand
fatherhood,tobediscussedinthenextchapter.Inthemeantime,heoccupied
himselfwithdebatingsocieties,booksellers,temperancemeetings,school
committeemeetings,andmostofall,withreading.86
StrongThomasson’spracticeofreligiousdisciplinedidnotcenteronchurch
courthearings,buthenonethelessapplieddisciplinetohisdailylife.Indoingso,he
conscientiouslydemurredfromopportunitiestoexhibitphysicalprowessor
otherwiseengageinthemanlybehaviorsofthemusterground,electiontreating,
andotherviolentribaldry.Thoughheneverlivedinanyenvironmentotherthanthe
83Escott,ed.,Diary,38‐39.
84Escott,ed.,Diary,205.
85Escott,ed.,Diary,126.
86ThisisaratherWhiggishsocialagenda.PaulEscottcontendsthatThomassonsidedwiththeWhigs
andtheirsuccessors,IamnotsosurehedidnothaveDemocraticsympathies.
188
ruralSouthofextendedfamiliesandcommunalrelations,heveryevidentlyhad
adoptedthesensibilitiesofanemergentmiddleclass.
EasedbyDiscipline
Abroadgeneralizationmaybesafelymaderegardingreligiouspracticeinthe
Southafterthe1820s:thefaithfulvanguardcontainedforward‐looking
Protestants—confidentandengagedintheculturalandsocialcurrentsof
contemporaryAmerica.87Religioussouthernersfoundtheirwayintothosecultural
andsocialcurrentseasedbydiscipline.Evangelicalvaluesexpressedindiscipline
boreastrikingresemblancetoemergingmiddle‐classvalues.Asnineteenthcentury
evangelicalsdidnotreadilyidentifyafirmboundarybetweentheircongregations
andtheworld,theimpulsetocreateanenvironmentfreeofsineasilyspilledoverto
thepublic,secularspace.Asaconsequence,religioneasedsouthernersthroughthe
largerculturaltransformationsofantebellumAmerica.
Further,religiousdisciplinecreatedanevangelicalsensibilityintheNorth
CarolinaPiedmont.Evangelicalsdidnotforegroundstrugglesoverraceorpoliticsin
theirdailylives,evenasinterpretedthroughreligion.Their“primaryreality”
consistedofthedesiretoachievethegoalsofreligiousdisciplineandthoseincluded
87Onothersouthernerswhofitthisdescription,seeJohnW.Quist,RestlessVisionaries:TheSocial
RootsofAntebellumReforminAlabamaandMichigan(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,
1998),JonathanDanielWells,TheOriginsoftheSouthernMiddleClass,1800‐1861(ChapelHill:
UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),andL.DianeBarnes,BrienSchoen,andFrankTowers,eds.,
TheOldSouth’sModernWorlds:Slavery,Region,andNationintheAgeofProgress(NewYork:Oxford
UniversityPress,2011).
189
anadherencetopeace,anaversiontohostility,anddevotiontoorthodoxdoctrine.88
Theexactmeaningsofdoctrineandthemethodsusedtoenforceit,however,
changed,forcingreligiouscommunitiestocontinuallyadapttonewrealities.Secular
andsacredforcesultimatelyexertedacentrifugalpullononeanother.Evangelical
communitiesdidnotactasonebodyinthechangingworld,buttheylargely
approacheditinaprogressivefashion.Veryfewrejectedtheworld.
Asevangelicalsstrovefordisciplinaryadherenceintheirpubliclives,they
pursuedandproducedsocialandculturalobjectivesthatmanifestedthemselvesin
thesecularworld.Theevangelicalsensibilityactuallyresembledtheculturalnorms
oftheemergentmiddleclass:sobriety,self‐restraint,andthenuclearhousehold.
Andtheevangelicalsensibilityencouragedparticipationinthedomesticityof
temperancereformandresistedthehostilityofferedbyabolitionists.Perhapsthis
contrastbestillustratestheconflictedsentimentsofPiedmontNorthCarolinaasthe
Southcareenedtowardwar.
88ThisinterpretationistakenfromDanielWickberg,“WhatistheHistoryofSensibilities?:On
CulturalHistoriesOldandNew,”TheAmericanHistoricalReviewVol.112,No.3(June2007):661‐
684,“primaryreality”onpage663,andTheSensesofHumor:SelfandLaughterinModernAmerica
(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1998),1‐12.
190
CHAPTERV
DOMESTICFELICITYINTHEPIEDMONT
AcolporteurfortheAmericanTractSocietyinNorthCarolinareportedin
1853aboutthedismalprospectsinhisfield:
[T]heworldhastakenapowerfulholdonthemindsofthepeoplegenerally;
eventheSabbathissacrificedinhonorofit.Thespiritofreligionisverylow.
FamilyinstructionandgovernmentaccordingtoBibleprinciples,aremuch
neglected.Inadistrictcontaining104families,therearebutthreefamily
altars,andontwoofthese,nonebuttheSabbathoblationispresented.Inthe
samedistricttherearenineplaceswhereliquoriskeptforsale;andthree
families,whoaresopoorthattheycannotbuyabarrelofwhiskeyatonce,
getsomeinajug,andapetheretailedbypouringitoutintoagillcupfor
theirpliantandperishingneighbors.Ofthese104families,35weredestitute
ofanentirecopyoftheScriptures,andmorethansixtydestituteofall
religiousbooksexcepttheBible.Herewegetonveryslowly.Wehavetogo
intothesedarkplacesandkindleupalittlebrush‐lightwiththepicturesinThe
Child’sPaperandAlmanacs;andwhentheinterestissufficientlyraised,read
alittle,talksome,andshow‘TalesabouttheHeathen.’1
Darkness,literallyilluminatedbythepagesoftracts;theagentcouldnothave
describedhismissionbetter.ThelocalheathenslearnedaboutAmericanmissionary
effortstotheheathensinCeylonandIndiafromtheAmericanTractSociety’s1849
1Twenty‐eighthannualmeetingoftheAmericanTractSociety(NewYork:n.p.,1853),100‐101.
191
publication,Dr.Scudder’sTalesforLittleReaders,AbouttheHeathen.1Thatthe
powerdynamicsinherentintherelationshipbetweenwhitemastersandblack
slavesprovidedtheideologicalfoundationfortheorderingofallsocial,cultural,
economic,andpoliticalrelationshipsintheSouthhasbeenhistoriographical
assumptionforseveralgenerations.FromEugeneGenovese’sdescriptionofpre‐
modernseigneurslockedinagive‐and‐takewiththeirbondsmentoStephanie
McCurry’srepublican‐orientedyeomanhouseholds,thenecessityforwhitemale
dominanceexplainedaspectsoffamilialrelationshipsinalltypesofsouthern
households.2Inthesetraditionalfamilies,themaleheadaloneissuedforthallmoral,
judicial,andpoliticalauthority,authoritythefamilywasboundtoobey.Incontrast,
otherhistoriansdescribednorthernurbanareasasharbingersofmodernfamilies
owingtoeconomicinnovation.Middle‐classsensibilitiesaroseinplaceswheremen
leftthehouseforaprofessionalcareer,womenturnedthedomesticspaceintoa
placefornurturingchildren,andmaterialabundanceprovidednuclearfamilieswith
1JohnScudder,Dr.Scudder’sTalesforLittleReaders,AbouttheHeathen(NewYork:AmericanTract
Society,1849)
2EugeneD.Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll:TheWorldtheSlavesMade(NewYork:PantheonBooks,
1974).SeealsoEugeneGenovese,“’OurFamily,WhiteandBlack’:FamilyandHouseholdinthe
SouthernSlaveholders’WorldView,”inInJoyandInSorrow:Women,Family,andMarriageinthe
VictorianSouth,ed.CarolBleser(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1991),69‐87,andStephanie
McCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,&thePoliticalCultureofthe
AntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).ElizabethFox‐
Genoveseconfirmedthatthephysicalnatureofsouthernplantationlife,andthepresenceofslavery,
causedplanterfamiliesrejectedthe“separatespheres”ofthenorthernmiddleclassandso,to,did
CatherineClinton,whodescribedthesubservientplaceofwomenontheplantation.ElizabethFox‐
Genovese,WithinthePlantationHousehold:BlackandWhiteWomenintheOldSouth(ChapelHill:
UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1988),andCatherineClinton,ThePlantationMistress:Woman’s
WorldintheOldSouth(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1982).
192
aglossofrespectability.3Theseexplanationsallarisefromthepresenceofslavery—
thattheneedforpatriarchstomaintainracialsupremacyservedasaconservative
forceinallsocial,political,andeconomicrelations.StephanieMcCurryextendedthis
explanationinMastersofSmallWorlds.Shedescribedplanterinstrumentalizationof
culturalpower—particularlyreligiousandrepublicanrhetoric—toensurethe
survivalofelitepoliticalpower.Yeomanfarmers,accordingtoMcCurry,embraced
therhetoricofpatriarchybyapplicationofthegenderedauthorityofplantersto
theirownmodestfarmsteads,therebydefiningthemselvesasonequalpolitical
footingwiththeirwealthyneighbors.Plantationsandfarmsmightbeseenas
independentfiefdoms,girdedagainstthefloodofmodernismsgushingfromthe
industrializingNorth.4
Inanswertothisgeneralthesisofpre‐modernfamilylife,scholars,
particularlywomen’shistorians,haveidentifiedemergentelementscharacteristicof
middle‐classvaluesintotheSouth.JoanCashin,JaneTurnerCenser,JanLewis,and
StevenM.Stoweeachdescribedtheprevalenceofnuclearfamilyforms,intimate,
3SeeforinstanceNancyCott,TheBondsofWomanhood:“Woman’sSphere”inNewEngland,1780‐
1835(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1977),MaryP.Ryan,CradleoftheMiddleClass:TheFamily
inOneidaCounty,NewYork,1790‐1865(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1981),andStuartM.
Blumin,TheEmergenceoftheMiddleClass:SocialExperienceintheAmericanCity,1760‐1900(New
York:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989).
4StephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,GenderRelations,&thePolitical
CultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1995).
193
affectionate,bonds,andthecreationofanurturingenvironmentforchildrenamong
planterfamilies.5
CraigThompsonFriendandAnyaJabourneatlysummarizedsouthernwhite
familiesasa“confusingquagmireof‘tradition’and‘modernity.’”6Theycarefully
describethelandscapeofthesouthernfamilyasawashinavarietyofrhetoricaland
prescriptiveinfluencesandmarketandculturalforces.Thenuclearfamilyform,in
short,laidaskewatoptherural,productive,slaveowninghouseholdandwas
directedbythemaleheadinterestedinupholdingracialandgenderhierarchiesof
power.Modernismsemerged,yetthedominantinfluenceinsouthernliferemained,
accordingthem,aggressivepatriarchs,defensive,andanxiousfortheirpositionsof
power.“Iftherewasasetofcorevalues,”theywrite,andsubsequentlysuggest
“thosevalueswererootedinthecommonexperienceofracialslavery.”7
Thedescriptionofthehodge‐podgeoffamilystylesthatFriendandJabour
offerisinvigorating.Yetthedescriptioncontainslimitations,thatwhenexamined
5JoanCashin,“TheStructureofAntebellumPlanterFamilies:‘TheTiesthatBoundusWasStrong,’”
JournalofSouthernHistory56(February1990),55‐77;JaneTurnerCenser,NorthCarolinaPlanters
andTheirChildren,1800‐1860(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversity,1984);JanLewis,The
PursuitofHappiness:FamilyandValuesinJefferson’sVirginia(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,
1983);andStevenM.Stowe,IntimacyandPowerintheOldSouth:RitualintheLivesofthePlanters
(Baltimore:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1987).Stowe,toagreaterdegreethantheothers
stressedtheoverarchingneedsofpatriarchicalhierarchy.SeealsoWilliamKauffmanScarborough,
MastersoftheBigHouse:EliteSlaveholdersoftheMid‐Nineteenth‐CenturySouth(BatonRouge:
LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2003),90‐121.
6CraigThompsonFriendandAnyaJabour,“Introduction:Families,Values,andSouthernHistory,”in
FamilyValuesintheOldSouth,ed.CraigThompsonFriendandAnyaJabour(Gainesville:University
PressofFlorida,2010),7.
7FriendandJabour,FamilyValues,10.
194
mightallowformorecomplexityinourviewofhowmodernelementsbecame
integratedintothesouthernfamily.Thechiefweaknessoftheirargumentis
continuedfocusonwealthy—usuallylowcountry—plantersasthelodestarsof
familymodelingforallothersoutherners.Thisfocushasstronginterpretive
foundations;thepoliticalandeconomicswayoflargeplantersoversouthernsociety
isevident,andtheirprevailinginterestinimposingracialandgenderhierarchymay
besafelyassumed.BeginningwithGenovese,mostscholarshavetakenforgranted
thatwealthysouthernersexertedpoliticalandsocialhegemonyoverallother
classesofwhites.Recently,Friend(inaseparateessay)hassuggestedthatplanter
hegemony,byforceorexample,wasthesingularsourceofculturalinfluenceover
thefamiliesofallothereconomicandsocialclasses.Andpatriarchsthemselves
lookedto“aristocraticconceptionsofmanhood”—inparticular,theadviceofBritish
essayistLordChestfield—tomodelfamilialbehavior.Chesterfield,asFriendnoted,
“encouragedtheindividualtouseinstitutionsandpeopleforhisownends,”those
endsinvariablybeingself‐interested.Plantersperformedgenderedbehavioras
“affairs‘oftheaterandideology,’”actingpartstoprovetootherswhattheyimagined
aboutthemselves.8
8“Beyondliterature,patriarchsdevelopedarhetoricofmasterythatappealedtoyeomanfarmers
whocontrolledsmallworlds,bindingthetwoclassesincommonpoliticalinterest.”Byliterature
(checkthis),FriendmeansprimarilyChesterfield.CraigThompsonFriend,“Sex,Self,andthe
PerformanceofPatriarchalManhoodintheOldSouth,”inTheOldSouth’sModernWorlds:Slavery,
Region,andNationintheAgeofProgress,ed.L.DianeBarnes,BrianSchoen,andFrankTowers(New
York:OxfordUniversityPress,2011),250‐251.Inthe“affairs”passage,FriendquotedStephenStowe.
FriendcitesTedOwnby,“SouthernManhood,”inAmericanMasculinities:AHistoricalEncyclopedia,
ed.BretE.Carroll(ThousandOaks,Calif.:SAGE,2003),JenniferR.Green,MilitaryEducationandthe
195
Thisinterpretationdependsontheviewofwealthypatriarchsasmediators
ofsocialandculturallifeforallwhitesouthernersbutoverlooksthefactthat
ordinaryfamilieseagerlyconsumedalternativesourcesoffamilialrhetoricand
prescriptiveauthorityunmediatedbytheslavepowers.Evangelicalreligionoffereda
foundationforindividualautonomyfromworldlystrictures,andabasisforthe
organizationofsocialcommunitiesandcreatedavarietyofexperiential
relationshipswithauthorityandpower.OrdinarypeopleintheNorthCarolina
Piedmont,relyingonthepowerofreligiousbelief,rejectedtheconsiderationof
planterpatriarchsandconstructedasocialmoodbasedoncontemporarypractice
andtheconversationofthereligiousmarketplace.Thefollowingdoesnotdispute
FriendandJabour’sdescriptionofthesouthernfamilyasanunsteadyamalgamof
traditionsandmodernisms.Itdoessuggestthattheforcesthatshapedsouthern
familiesdidsoindependentlyofplanterhegemony.Anditsuggeststhatadherence
tofaithledtomodernfamilystylesbeforeanyothermarketforcesbegantheirwork
intheruralSouth.Throughtheuseoftractsocieties,biblesocieties,newspapers,
SundaySchools,andothertoolsofthepublishingmarket,evangelicalsources
servedasachannelformodernideasaboutfamiliesandsocialrelations,sourcesnot
implicatedinthemaintenanceofpatriarchicalpower.Ordinarysouthernwhites
whoconsumedthesesourcesenactedtheirlessonsinthecreationofnewfamilial
forms.
EmergingMiddleClassintheOldSouth(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2008),andMcCurry,
MastersofSmallWorlds
196
TextualModels
Inthe1840sand1850s,thecountrysidecrawledwithagentsdistributing
booksandtracts.Scoresofministersandseminarystudentsscouredtheroadsand
cabinsoftheUnitedStatesseekingtosellorgiveawayreligiouspublications.Both
secularanddenominationalpublishinghouseshopedtodistributetheWordas
widelyaspossible.TheMethodistcircuitridershadsincethe1780scarriedandsold
bookspublishedbytheirBookConcern,andtheBaptistsinauguratedtheirGeneral
TractSocietyin1824.After1820andadvancesinprintingtechnology,religious
peopleharnessedthepowerofthepublishingindustrytoaidinthespreadof
religiousdoctrine.TheAmericanBibleSocietyandtheAmericanTractSocietytook
thelead.Foundedrespectivelyin1816and1825,theseorganizationsbasedinNew
YorkCityaspiredtoplacereligiouspublicationsintothehandsofeveryAmerican.9
FromNorthCarolina,PresbyteriansandtheStateBaptistConventionparticipated
mostheavilyinthenationalecumenicalendeavor,evenwhilecontinuingtheirown
publishinghouses.10(TheunorganizedAntimissionBaptists,naturallyeschewedall
participation.)ThePresbyteriansin1844foundthemselves“impressedwiththe
belief,thatthepressisanimportantenginetooperateuponthemindsofmen”and
resolvedto“bringtheseworks,or,atleast,oneormoreofthem,withinthereachof
9OnreligiousreadingandtheoriginsofnationalpublicationnetworksintheearlyNineteenth
Century,seeDavidPaulNord,FaithinReading:ReligiousPublishingandtheBirthofMassMediain
America(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2004),particularlychapter4.
101837,MinutesofthePresbyterianSynodofNorthCarolina,PresbyterianHistoricalSociety,
Philadelphia,Pennsylvania.
197
everymemberofourrespectivecongregations.”11TheMethodists,foralltheir
desiretopreachwithothersects,didnotaffiliatewiththenationalorganizations
andmaintainedtheirownpublishinganddistributionnetworks.12Theirministers,
however,formedthebackboneofnationaltractdistributioninNorthCarolina.
TheuseoftractliteraturebyordinaryNorthCarolinianslikelyprecededthe
avalanchesentforthbythenationalsocieties.SamuelWait,agentofthenewly
formedBaptistStateConvention(BSC),embarkedin1831toraisemoneyfor
Baptistschools.Muchtohissurprise,thechurcheshevisitedweremoreengagedin
theologicaldisputesarisingfromtheformationoftheBSCdisputesenflamedby
members“engagedinthebusiness”oftractcirculation.Waitdidnote,perhapsnot
recognizingtheirony,acontradiction:heencounteredoppositiontotheBSCby
proto‐AntimissionBaptistswhobelievedthat“thewholeMissionaryconcern,
togetherwithBibleandTractSocieties,isonlyamerespeculation,”meaningthese
institutionsonlysoughttomakemoney.Wherehadthesepeoplelearnedto
articulatetheiropposition?“Theseeffectsitisbelieved,havebeenchieflyproduced
11MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐FirstSessions,1844(Fayetteville:EdwardJ.
Hale,1845.)
12TheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,SouthinNorthCarolinadidnotcreateastatewideTract
distributionsocietyuntil1854.JournaloftheSeventeenthAnnualSessionoftheNorthCarolina
ConferenceoftheMethodistEpiscopalChurch,South,1854(Raleigh:Wm.C.Doub,Printer,StarOffice,
1855),4.
198
bybooks,sermonsandpamphletsofacertaincharacter,whichhavebeen
industriouslycirculatedamongthepeople.”13
Oppositiontotractsocietiesandothercentralizedchurchgovernmenthad
beenorganizedbythecirculationoftracts.Itwashardlyhypocrisy—Primitive
Baptistsreadilyadoptedthemoderntoolsofevangelism—itsimplyrepresented
theirhesitationtosanctionasBiblicaltheentrepreneurialcharacteristicsofnational
organizations,particularlythecommerceinmoney.14Tractsthemselveswerenot
necessarilyimpermissible.(Theevangelicalpublishingindustryingeneralharbored
scruplesaboutturningaprofitandonlyoccasionallyconcededthatprofitsalone
couldsustainanoperation.)15Thisearlyadoptionoftractculturerepresentedtwo
things:first,evangelicalsbefore1830participatedintheliteratecultureofthe
market,andsecond,thatculturehadavisibleeffectondenominationalchange.
Wait’sobservationabouttractshadasignificantandimmediateeffectonBaptist
StateConventiondevelopment.TheStateConvention,initiallyorganizedtosupply
ministerstowantingcongregations,quicklyprioritizedengagementintheprint
markettoaggressivelyconfronttheheresiesandignoranceoftheAntimission
13ProceedingsoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,1830(NewBern:JohnL.Pasteur,
1831),10‐12.
14JamesR.Mathis,TheMakingofthePrimitiveBaptists:ACulturalandIntellectualHistoryofthe
AntimissionMovement,1800‐1840(NewYork:Routledge,2004).
15CandyGuntherBrown,TheWordintheWorld:EvangelicalWriting,Publishing,andReadingin
America,1789‐1880(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004),chapter2.
199
Baptists.CreatingaBaptistcollegeinNorthCarolinaremainedthelong‐termgoalof
theBSC,butbeginningin1831,itplacedgreatemphasisondistributingliterature.
Amarkofhowentrenchedbookagentsbecameintheevangelical
consciousnessbythe1850sisthattheterm“colporter”—onewhodistributesor
sellstracts—hadreplacedtheterm“itinerant”inBaptistlanguagetoindicatealmost
anytravellingorunsettledminister.TheAmericanTractSociety,theAmericanBible
Society,andtheAmericanSundaySchoolUnionmanagednationalnetworksof
travelingagentsmuchlikeFrancisAsburyhadnurturedtheearlyMethodist
itinerancy.Localpreachersoftenservedasagentssellingbooks,whilethenational
organizationsdeployedother,usuallynewministers,onthecircuitsasagents.16
DespitetheMethodist’sofficiallackofenthusiasmforthenationalorganizations,
manyoftheirministersservedascolporters.PeterDoub,astalwartoldreverendin
Guilford,Forsyth,andIredellCounties,servedasanagent.17TheAmericanBible
Society,in1841,dispatchedtwenty‐year‐oldCharlesForceDeems,anativeof
BaltimoreandrecentgraduateofPennsylvania’sDickinsonCollege,asGeneral
AgentoftheNorthCarolinaBibleSociety.DoubintroducedtheyoungDeemsto
campmeetingpreaching,which“physicallyandmentallyitnearlyworemeout,but
itloosenedmymentaljointsandmademeuncommonlysupple.”Theexercise
16DavidPaulNord,“ReligiousReadingandReadersinAntebellumAmerica,”JournaloftheEarly
Republic15(Summer1995):241‐272.
17OnDoub,seeRev.M.T.Plyler,“PeterDoub,ItinerantofHeroicDays,”inHistoricalPapersSeriesIX
(n.p.:TrinityCollegeHistoricalSocietyandTheNorthCarolinaConferenceHistoricalSociety,1912),
33‐50,andSamuelBryantTurrentine,ARomanceofEducation:ANarrativeIncludingRecollections
andOtherFactsConnectedWithGreensboroCollege(Greensboro[?]:ThePiedmontPress,1946),62.
200
provedusefulasitconditionedDeemstotheskillsofextemporaneousspeakingand
readysolicitationofstrangersthatanagentrequired.Deemsopenedhisagencyby
“visitingandpreaching,andbecomingacquaintedwithprominentclergymenand
laymenofalldenominations.”18Deems,asgeneralagent,hadanimperativetovisit
onlytheprominentmen—andthoughhedidliveasacolporter,hedidnot
personallycarrybookstosell—butindividualagentscarriedbooksandtalkedto
everyone.Theystoppedateverylikelyplaceontheirroute,orasoneagentputit,“I
trytovisitall—fromthegovernortothepoorestnegro.”19
ThechiefgoalofAmericanTractSocietyandAmericanBibleSociety
ministerswastheconversionofsinners—throughtextualrevelationpreferably—
andtheypursuedthisgoalwithpreachingandfamilyprayer.Thismethodsignaled
asubtlebutimportantchangeinAmericanpiety.Someagentsdidreportmiraculous
conversions,butmostagents’reportsconveysuccessinmoreplodding,everyday,
fashions.“Onepoorwidow,”AgentJ.R.B.wrote,“thankedGodthatIhadbeensent
thatway,forherchildrenwereevidentlyimprovingmuchfromtheirnewbooks.”20
AnotherTractSocietyagent“succeededinformingaSabbath‐schoolataplace
18EdwardM.DeemsandFrancisM.Deems,eds.,AutobiographyofCharlesForceDeems(NewYork:
FlemingH.RevellCompany,1897),71‐72,79.SeeDeemstoJosephHyde,Esq.,December13,1841,
AmericanBibleSocietyPapers,DavidM.RubensteinRareBook&ManuscriptLibrary,Duke
University.
19SummaryofColportage,bytheAmericanTractSocietyintheyearendingApril1,1853(NewYork:
AmericanTractSociety,1853),31‐32.
20SummaryofColportage,bytheAmericanTractSocietyintheyearendingMarch1,1855(NewYork:
AmericanTractSociety,1855),21.
201
calledH‐‐‐‐‐,inthiscounty.Formerlyitwasnotedforthedissipationofitspeople,
butnowthereisapparentlyadispositiontoreform.”21Yetanother
visitedaveryintemperateneighborhoodandleftaManualwithaman
opposedtotemperance;sincethattimeIlearnedthatthewholecommunity
hasabandonedtheuseofardentspirits,usingcoffeeinplaceofwhiskeyto
refreshthemwhileatwork.22
Nodoubtsomepeoplehadconversionexperiences,butitisunrealistictoexpect
thatentirecommunitiesdid.Yettheagentsconsideredthemoralimprovementor
thedispositiontoreformasuccess.ThePresbyterianSynodofNorthCarolina
describedthegeneralapproachtheagentmusttake,
thesendingroundsuitableindividuals,intotheverybosomofourfamilies;‐‐
that,thence,shelteredbythemightyaegisofSouthernhospitality,andaided
byallthetenderassociationsconnectedwithhomeandthedomesticfire‐
side,theymayurgethesepublicationsupontheacceptanceofall;
recommendthemtotheirseriousperusal;and,atthesametime,accompany
theirpresentationwithsolemnandaffectionateconversationonthesubject
ofreligionandwithprayer.23
Thus,notasharbingersofrevelation,butastutorsinnewformsandstandardsof
piousworshipdidtractandBiblesocietyagentsproveaninnovativeforce.Theydid,
indeed,continuetopreachatcampmeetings,asdidDeems,buttheyenteredthe
familyhomeinawaythatnocampmeetingsermoncould.Oneagentreportedthus:
21Ibid.
22Ibid.
23MinutesoftheSynodofNorthCarolina,attheirThirty‐FirstSessions,1844.
202
RecentlyIcametoahouse;thechildrenranoff,andtheoldmanstartedasI
drewnearhim.Donotbealarmed,saidI;Ihavecometotalkwithyouand
yourfamilyaboutyoursouls.Nowletusallgointothehouseandspenda
shorttimeprofitably,asitisourfirstandmaybeourlastmeeting.Thecabin
wasaboutsixteenbyeighteenfeet,servingasadwellingfortwelvepersons,
kitchen,smoke‐house,dog‐kennel,andpigsty.Aftergreetingeachonekindly
andexplainingmywork,Iagainaddressedthechildren.Isaidtoaboyof
fourteen,‘Well,myboy,doyouknowwhomadeyou?’‘Ireckondaddydid,’he
replied.AskedhisgrownsisteriftherewasaBiblethere.‘Don’tknow,sir.’
‘Didyoueverseeone?’‘Idon’trememberwhetherIeversawhimornot.’I
talkedofthegoodnessandmercyofGodinsendingJesusChristtodiefor
sinners.Thefatherlookedamazed:‘Why,youdon’tsaythatJesusChristis
dead,sir?’Longago,saidI.‘Well,Ineverheardofit.’TheBiblesays,‘Hehad
powertotakeuphislife,andtolayitdown.’GetyourBible,andIwillread
youaboutit.‘IhavenoBible,andnoneofmyfamilycanread.’Ireadfrommy
own;hesaidhehadneverheardtheBiblereadbefore.Iprayedwiththese
poorpeople—thefirstprayerthechildreneverheard.Thereisachurch
withinthreemilesofthisfamily.24
Anotheragentreportedhismethodforassemblingfamiliesforimpromptuprayer
meetings:
Intheafter‐partoftheday,wetellthefamilieswesee,thatweintendtostay
atsuchahouse,sayuncleJohn’s,overnight,andifyouwillcomeover,and
bringthechildren,IwillshowyouallthebooksIhave,andreadtoyou:these
arelongnights,andyoucanseeallthebooks,andgethomeintimetoget
plentyofsleep.Thus,aboutdarkwewillhavefromfivetofifteencomein—
noextrapreparations—theneighborsjustcomeintosee.Thenwesetouta
boxofbooks—putinabigpieceoflight‐wood,(pitchpine)—thengiveeach
oneabookortract,andthechildrenanAlmanactolookatorread,andbe
readyto[CHECK]changethemabouttogratifytheircuriosity;andwhen
theyhavedonelooking,givethemsometracts,andthenproposetothehead
ofthefamily,assomanyofhisneighborsarepresent,tohaveprayersbefore
wepart.Thuswecanhaveaprayer‐meetingeverynight.25
24SummaryofColportage(1853),30‐32.
25SummaryofColportage(1853),29‐30.
203
Thecolportersthusnotonlydistributedreligiousliteraturetopotentialconverts,
buttheyphysicallymodeledthestructureofafamilyprayermeeting.
Itis,ofcourse,impossibletogaugehowgenuinelypeopleregardedtheir
apparenttransformationsduetothereadingofatractorBible.Anditisevenmore
difficulttojudgethepersistenceofaconversion.Butwhatisreadilyapparentisthat
thePiedmontinthe1840sand1850swasawashinthelanguageandtoolsof
modernreligion.Oneagent,theReverendE.K.B.,“soldbookstothevalueof$168.57,
andgranted,or,gaveaway,$22.13.”Hespokeat63meetings,andvisitedwith683
families,ofwhichheprayedwith101.26ThiswastheworkofoneagentinNorth
Carolina.Fortheentirestatein1855,theAmericanTractSocietyreported18,555
familiesvisited(10,375prayedwith).Ofthatmany,1,542families“habitually
neglectedthehouseofGod,”and1,001were“destituteofthebible,”asmallnumber
thatbeliestheagents’claimsofregion‐widedestitution.Thesameagents—31in
total—held740“religiousmeetings,”sold22,978volumes,andgaveaway7,951
more.27ThisreportisjustfortheAmericanTractSociety(ATS)anddoesnotreflect
thenumbersofvolumessoldorgrantedbytheAmericanBibleSociety(ABS),the
AmericanSundaySchoolUnion(ASSU)orthedenominationalsocieties.Thatthe
effortsoftheABS,theATS,andtheirlocalauxiliariesdidinfactactuallyreacha
26SummaryofColportage(1855),22.
27Ibid.,4.
204
broadspectrumofwhitesocietyisclearfroman1851subscriptionlistofthe
MontgomeryBibleSociety.
Theagent’snameisunknown.Hewaslikelyalocalpreacher,ashislistisfor
theMontgomeryBibleSociety,notthenationalorganization,anditresidesinthe
familypapersofoneofthecounties’moreprominentfamilies.28ThoughtheSociety
istitledMontgomery,onethirdoftheBiblerecipientslivedinStanlyandother
surroundingcounties.SixhundredeightytwopeoplereceivedBibles,ofwhich364
areidentifiableinthe1850FederalCensus.Ofthe364individualswhoobtained
bibles,91paidcash,155promisedcashinthefuture,and34receivedbiblesfreeof
charge.Readingthelistsuggeststhatbibledistributiontrulywasafamilyaffair.Of
the364,388weremenand280ofthe364wereheadsoftheirhouseholds.Most
patronsfarmed—253—followedby50laborersandasmallnumberofcarpenters,
millers,teachers,wheelwrights,aconstable,amechanic,ashoemaker,anda
gunsmith.FourwidowsreceivedBibles.Purchasersincludedthewealthy,orwell
off,amongthemHenryFreeman,with$1,025inproperty,awifeandeightchildren;
WilliamLucas,a58yearoldfarmerworth$1,000,withafamilyof10;andAaron
Sanders,afarmerwhoclaimed$2,225inpropertyalongwithawifeand5children.
SomelaborerswithnoreportedpropertyalsopurchasedBibles.GeorgeWhitley,Jr.,
a28‐year‐oldlaborerwithawifeandfourchildrenpurchasedone,thoughfarmore
propertylesspeopleobtainedBiblesoncreditorforfree.Amongpurchasers,those
28Skinner,McRae,Wooley,andDeberryPapers,NorthCarolinaOfficeofArchivesandHistory,
Raleigh.
205
withoutpropertytendedtobethechildren(childoradult)ofheadsofhouseholds
withmodestpropertyclaims.SeveralwomenpurchasedBibles,includingElizabeth
Boles,the57‐year‐oldwifeofWilliamB.Jordan’soverseer;andNancyMunn,a75‐
year‐oldpropertylesswidowwholivednextdoortohersonandhisfamily.Green
Hoganpurchasedonebible,buthewas2yearsold,thesonofamillerZachHogan.
Inhiscase,wemightimagineGreencomingforthwithcashundertheapproving
eyesofhisentirefamily.Someestablishedpeopledidbuybiblesoncredit—orat
leastthepromisetopayatalaterdate.WilliamHaywood,a40yearoldfarmerwith
awife,8children,and$1,500inpropertyacquiredabiblethisway.Morecommon,
however,arethefarmerswithmodestproperty,ornoneatall:WilliamFraser,a36‐
year‐oldwithawife,onechild,andnoproperty;ReubenMorris,49‐year‐oldfarmer
withawife,sixchildren,and$200inland;andLewisUsry,a53‐year‐oldfarmer
withawife,fourchildren,andnoproperty.MichaelWooley,a33‐year‐oldfarmer
withawife,5children,and$75inpropertyreceivedabible“gratis,”asdidlaborer
JesseGad,BlacksmithDumasTedder,andfarmerChristopherSingleton,all
propertyless.Often,teenagedoradultsonsanddaughtersreceivedbiblesoftheir
own,asdid19‐year‐oldAndyCrowell,alaboreronhisfather’ssmallfarm;Berry
RossofStanlyCounty;and13‐year‐oldElizabethMcCallum,wholivedwithher
propertylessmotherandfoursisters.29
29EighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:Montgomery,Stanly,Randolph,Davidson,Richmond,
Anson,andMooreCounties,NorthCarolina.
206
ThesesalesandgiftsofBiblesdidnotdependontheconversionofthe
recipient.Religiouspublicationsocietiesintendedtheirliteraturetobecome
integratedintoafamily’sdailylifeandroutines.Theefficacyofthisoutsideof
individualtestimony(seebelow)isdifficulttodetermine.Someevidenceis
availabletosuggestthatafewfamilies,atleast,treasuredreligioussocietybibles
andliteratureintheirfamilies.BiblessurvivecarryingtheAmericanBibleSociety,
AmericanTractSociety,andAmericanSundaySchoolimprintsthatservedas
valuablerecordsoffamilyhistoryforseveralgenerations.Infact,someimprints
cameequippedwithpagesreservedforrecordingbirths,marriages,anddeathsof
familymembers.Forinstance,HarperandAchsasBlackburn,afarmcouplewith
fourchildrenlivednearSaleminForsythCountyon$250ofland.Their1845
AmericanBibleSocietyHolyBibleremainedinusebytheirfamilytoatleast1871.30
TobiasandCatharineSigmonMoser,farmersinCatawbaCountyon$235worthof
propertyobtainedan1830ABSNewTestamentandmaintainedtheirfamilyrecords
initforageneration.31JosephG.Taylorinheritedhis1845ABSfromhisuncle
WilliamandcarrieditwithhimtoIndiana.32B.AlexanderHoltofStanlyCounty,
thirty‐twoyearsoldin1860andmarriedtoB.CarolineHoneycuttwasamechanic
withnoproperty,buthis1850ABSNewTestamentremainedinusebyhisfamily
30BlackburnFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:Forsyth
County,NorthCarolina.
31TobiasandCatharineSigmonMoserFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,EighthCensusoftheUnited
States,1860:CatawbaCounty,NorthCarolina.
32TaylorFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH.
207
until1913.33SmallfarmersJohnandSusanahMorton,alsoofStanlyCounty,
recordedfamilymilestonesuntilthe1880sintheirABSHolyBible.34Ketton
GillelandofIredellCountynotedintheflyleafofhisBible,“R.K.GillelandhisBookto
ReadAndStudyBoughtofhewcimble[HughKimball]Prise$6.00.”Theidentityof
HughKimballhasnotbeenrevealed,andthepriceseemssteep,buttheGillelands
usedtheAmericanTractSocietybiblewellintothetwentiethcentury.35William
BodenheimerinscribedinhisAmericanSundaySchoolUnionGerman‐language
Bible
WilliamBodenheimerismyname
GermanyismyNation
NorthCarolinaismyDwellingPlace
DavidsonCtyismyStation
August17,1845
William’swifeMaryalsonoted“HerBook1845.”36Ofcourse,adherencetotheWord
isafardifferentthingfromloyaltytoapublisher’sideology.Andcertainly,the
greatersentimentalvaluelayinthefamilyrecordsandnotthepublicationplace.
33B.A.HoltFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:Stanly
County,NorthCarolina.
34JohnWrightMortonFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:
StanlyCounty,NorthCarolina.
35RobertK.GillelandFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH,andEighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:
IredellCounty,NorthCarolina.
36BodenheimerFamilyBibleRecords,NCOAH.Bodenheimer’sinscriptionwasnotoriginal.The
“identificationrhyme”formula,“myname…mynation…mydwellingplace…mystation…,”is
commontoEighteenthandNineteenthCenturyAtlanticworlds.KevinJ.Hayesnotedthatsuchan
identificationinabook“reflectstheowner’sattitudethatbookswerepermanentobjectsandthat
theywouldbesavedandusedbyfuturegenerations.”Hayes,FolkloreandBookCulture(Knoxville:
TheUniversityofTennesseePress,1997),99‐100.
208
Nonetheless,thepenetrationofactualreligioussocietyliteratureintothe
hinterlandsandlowerclassesofNorthCarolinaisatestimonytothesuccessof
nationalnetworksatworkinthePiedmont.
Themostpopulartractswerethosethatfocusedonindividualsalvationand
amountedtowhatMarkY.Hanleycalled“acadenceofsin,salvation,andjudgment
messages.”Baxter’sCall,theDairyman’sDaughter,andTheAnxiousInquirerratedas
highlyastheperennialProtestantfavorite,ThePilgrim’sProgress.Hanleysuggested
thattractliteraturerepresentedaneffortbyProtestantclergytomaintain“pulpit
themes”aspartofthereligiousdialogueinoppositiontotheperceived
encroachmentofliberaltheology.AccordingtoATSstatisticscitedbyHanley,lay
peoplereceivedandreadfarmoreoftheformerthanthelatter.37Yet,asCandy
Brownspecified,theworldofevangelicalpublishing,includingtheATS,embraced
moderntheologicalideas.38SundaySchoolbookstaughtthatfutureadultsshould
exhibitbehaviorsofpatience,kindness,andaffection,andeschewthoseof
intemperance,passion,andviolence.Andadviceliteratureforparents,distributed
throughtheATSandASSU,taughtmothersandfathershowthemselvestobehavein
ordertocorrectlyinculcatechildrenwiththesamemoralfoundation.39This
approachisquitedifferentfromthearistocratic“lessonsofmastery”prescribedby
37MarkY.Hanley,BeyondaChristianCommonwealth:TheProtestantQuarrelWiththeAmerican
Republic,1830‐1860(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1994),150,152.
38Brown,TheWordintheWorld,79‐114.
39DanielT.Rodgers,“SocializingMiddle‐ClassChildren:Institutions,Fables,andWorkValuesin
NineteenthCenturyAmerica,”JournalofSocialHistory13(Spring1980):354‐367.
209
Chesterfieldandsubscribedtobylowcountryorfrontierplanters.Childrenwould
indeedcontinuetobesoulsimpresseduponbyparentstoensurealegacy,butthere
thesimilaritiesend.Theconceptualizationofchildren,themethodsofreproducing
valuesinthem,andparentalaspirationsforthem,asdescribedinChristian
literaturepromulgatedintheSouth,reflectedmodernmiddle‐classidealsoffamily
formandfunction.40
CandyBrownfindslittletrepidationfromevangelicalswhoembarkedonthe
publishingtrade.Accordingtoher,Christianpublishersdidnotshrinkfromthe
worldbutforgedintoit.Publishersandreadersformeda“textuallydefined
community”andemployedthelatestliteraryformsandstylestoexpanditsreach.41
Theliteraturesouthernersconsumedemphasizedsentimentandfeeling,notcold
rationality;illustratedmorallessonswithfictionalizedvignettes,notwithsermons;
anddescribeddoctrinewithpersonalmemoirs,notgospelexegesis.These
developmentswerenotintroducedinaTrojanhorseofevangelismbutwerethe
clearlystatedintentofauthors,publishers,distributors,agents,andreaders.These
broadchangestoevangelicalculturehavebeendescribedbyscholarsassignalinga
dilutionofevangelicalpower—asdeclensionintoanon‐controversialcivic
40AnneM.Boylan,SundaySchool:TheFormationofanAmericanInstitution,1790‐1880(NewHaven:
YaleUniversityPress,1988).Onfrontierplanters’advicetotheirchildren,seeMarkR.Cheathem,
“PatriarchyandMasculinityinAntebellumAmerica:AndrewJacksonandHisMaleWards,”paper
presentedatthe126thAnnualMeetingoftheAmericanHistoricalAssociation,Chicago,January6,
2012.
41Brown,TheWordintheWorld,61.
210
nationalismandblandmoralism.42Othersconsiderthisshifttohavebeenamarker
ofthe“feminization”ofAmericanculture.Asfeminizedreligion,then,modern
evangelicalismwouldfindnopurchaseinthepatriarchicalSouthandchurches
remainedinmasculinehands.43Therefore,asRandySparkshasnoted,“thescopeof
women’scontributionstosouthernchurches,therolereligionplayedinwomen’s
lives,andtheemergenceofawomen’sculturecloselytiedtosouthernchurchesand
religionaretopicsthatremaineitherunderstudiedorcontestedbyscholarsof
southernreligionandsouthernreligion.”44Brownoffersareinterpretationofthis
transformation,andtheevidencepresentedhereagrees.“Theproblemwiththisline
ofreasoningisthatitobscurestheextenttowhichtheologymatteredtonineteenth‐
centurywomenandtotheimaginativetextstheyproducedandconsumed.”45The
shifttosentimentalstylesconferredgreatpowertowomenwithlittlediminutionof
devotionrequiredforindividualsalvation.Moreimportantly,themorallessons
containedinevangelicalliteraturehadthepowerfuleffectofmakingsacred
domesticsettingsandtherelationsenactedinthem.Scenesoftheeveryday—the
punishmentofachild,atthesickbedofawife,oraSundayathomewitha
husband—werenotmerelythewaningglowofdissipatedreligionbutnewlysacred
42Hanley,BeyondaChristianCommonwealth,1‐11.
43Thebroadoutlinesof“feminization”onthenationalscalederivesfromAnnDouglas,The
FeminizationofAmericanCulture(NewYork:Knopf,1977).Onthesouthernreligiousgrapplingwith
perceptionsoffeminization,seeamongothers,ChristineLeighHeryman,SouthernCross:The
BeginningsoftheBibleBelt(NewYork:Knopf,1997).
44RandyJ.Sparks,“ReligioninthePre‐CivilWarSouth,”inACompaniontoTheAmericanSouth,ed.
JohnB.Boles(Maulden,Mass.:BlackwellPublishing,2004),168.
45Brown,TheWordintheWorld,99.
211
toolsformaintainingsalvation.Asitwaswithindividuals,soitwaswithfamilies;
dailyactionsecuredassuranceofsalvation.
Subtlebutinformalchangesinpietyalsoincludesubtlebutimportant
changesinlanguagethehistorianmustaddress.Theabove‐mentioned
transformationinfamilyrearingstylesdidnotincludethediminutionofauthorityin
thefamily.Indeed,prescriptiveliteraturecontinuedtoinsistonyoungpeople’s
absoluteandunquestionedsubmissiontoadultauthority.Thechangecanbestbe
describedasaswitchfrompaternalisticauthoritytoparentalauthority.Powerno
longerderivedfromamasculineLord,inlessonswhereinobedience,restraint,and
honorweretheobjects.Powerstillexisted,butbothmothersandfathers,asmoral
exemplars,sharedandexercisedit.Theyinsistedonobedienceandrestraintbutfor
thepurposesofinstillinglessonsofChristianmoralbehavior.SomeChristianadvice
literatureplacedthemotherintheroleofmoralauthority,whileotherpublications
continuedtoenvisionthefatherinthatposition.Onebook,TheHome‐Altar,written
inGreensborobytheformerAmericanBibleSocietyagentCharlesForceDeems,
preservedthefather’sprerogativeinmoralinstructionbutdidsointhecontextof
innovativefamilyprayer.
Deems’sPrescription
Deems,thoughborninBaltimore,spentthefirsttenyearsofhisministryin
NorthCarolina.InhistravelsfortheABS,aninterestingconversationwitha
Moravianbishopanticipatedhisaffectionateviewofmarriageheldbymany
212
Protestants.TheMoraviansstilloccasionallysubmittedmarriagedecisionstothe
Lot—acommunalvotingritualmeanttorepresentthewillofGod.46Deems,the
Methodist,insistedthatarightmarriageintheeyesofGodcouldonlybepossible
whenthemanandthewomanhaddeveloped“sentiment,”—or,love—forone
another.TheLot,suggestedDeems,riskedtarnishmentshouldthemarriagefail.The
MoravianretortedthatbytheLot,Godhadadirecthandinthedecisionofmarriage,
andshouldaMethodist’smarriagefail,onlythehumanpartnerscouldbeblamed!47
Attwenty‐twoyearsold,DeemsbecameaprofessorattheUniversityofNorth
Carolina,followedbyatwo‐yearstintinthelate1840saspresidentofRandolph‐
MaconCollegejustovertheborderinBoydton,Virginia.In1850,theGreensboro
FemaleInstitutecalledhimtoitspresidency,whereDeemsspentfouryearsatthe
helm.Whilethere,heactivelyparticipatedintheSonsofTemperance,pushed
legislationfortheabolitionofalcohol,preachedonthelocalcircuits,published
Methodistannuals,andwrotehisbook,TheHome‐Altar.48
SubtitledAnAppealinBehalfofFamilyWorship;withPrayersandHymns,and
CalendarofLessonsfromScripture,forFamilyUse,Deems’bookconsistedofone
hundredfifteenpagesofargumentinfavoroffamilyworship,onehundredsixty
fourpagesofprayers(twoadayforeverydayoftheweekfortwoweeks),hymns,
46CrewsandStarbuck,WithCouragefortheFuture,42.
47DeemsandDeems,eds.,AutobiographyofCharlesForceDeems,73‐74.
48CharlesForceDeems,TheHome‐Altar:AnAppealinBehalfofFamilyWorship;withPrayersand
Hymns,andCalendarofLessonsfromScripture,forFamilyUse(NewYork:M.W.Dodd,1851).
213
andatableoflessonsmatchingabibleversewitheverydayoftheyear.The
argumentisacuriousmixoftraditionalandmodernassertions,likelywelltailored
tothesouthernenvironment.TheHome‐Altarappearstobeapatriarchical
manifesto.Theman,thefather,istheheadofthehouseholdandthesoledispenser
ofreligiousinstruction.Infact,Deems’mothersplaynopartexceptasamemberof
thefamily(thoughonewhodidhaveauthorityoverthechildren.)Fathersmight
persuadehisfamilytoprayer,butDeemscitedAbraham’spaternalswayand
endorsedcommandastheheads’prerogative.49Deems’visionofthehouseholdalso
explicitlyincludedslaves,visitors,oranyoneelseontheproperty.Heclearlystated
thatadherencetoChristiandutywouldprovideexampleandencouragementfor
servantstobediligentonbehalfofthemaster.Foralltheseusualtropesabout
traditionalmaleauthority,Deems’prescriptionforfamilyprayercontainedaquite
modernperspectiveontheroleoffamilymembersandthenatureofChristian
nurture.Thefather’sprimaryobligationwastothemoralandChristianupbringing
ofhischildren.Habitualprayer,Deemsclaimed,couldestablishalifelongpatternof
Christianbehavior,orserveasasourceofinspirationforawaywardsoul.Thisview
reflectedthegenerallynewapproachtomoralinstructionasadailyendeavor.A
father’sChristianchildrenandsubsequentgenerations,nothisestateorreputation,
wouldbehislegacytotheworld.Thechiefbenefitoffamilyprayer—asidefrom
soul‐saving—wastheharmonyitproducedinthefamily.Deemsexplained,“for
peaceandhappiness,andsuccessfullabor,itisnecessarythatthemembersofa
49Deems,TheHome‐Altar,24.
214
familylivetogetherinharmony.”Soundandcommonplaceadvice,butDeems
presentsanoftenobserved,ifundesirable,model,“Itispossiblethatamananda
womanandseveralchildrenherdtogetherwithoutsympathy,withoutreciprocal
tenderness,eachstandingofftohimself,or,whatisworse,eachobstructingand
irritatingtheother.”Only“thereadingoftheWordofGodandtheunionofallthe
membersinprayer”mightsaveafamilythelaterdesolation,andby“sympathy,”
“reciprocaltenderness,”andmutualobligation,secureharmony.50Deemsmadeno
gendereddistinctionsinhisadvice,sothesameappealsforaffectionandrestraint
appliedtoboysasequallytogirls.Andwithhisemphasisonharmony,hisbeliefs
tiltedtowardexpectationsformodernmiddleclassfamilies.
Asidefromsoulsalvation,familyprayersteeledthechildfortheworld,and
reinforcedpublicChristianbehaviorfortheadult.Thecurseofprosperitytroubled
Deemsthemost.Wealth,andthesupposedlyhardworktoachieveit,provedthe
primarydistractionfromfamilyprayer.Deemscautioned,
inthemorning,thetemptationwillbetorunoffassoonaswecantodoour
business.LetusrememberthatunlessGod’sblessingsgowithus,wemaybe
runningintodestruction.Thiswere[sic.]indeedtobeabsorbedinMammon‐
worship,ifouranxietytobeengagedintheactivitiesofagainfulbusiness
shouldpreventtheworshipoftheLordourGod.51
50Deems,TheHome‐Altar,29.
51Deems,TheHome‐Altar,82.
215
ChristianpracticethusstoodincontrasttoBenjaminFranklin‐likevaluesofdiligent
worksopopularinmid‐centuryAmerica.Prosperitymightactuallybeacurse,in
disguise,fromGod.YetDeemsdidnotprecludeacquisition.Heendorsedwealthasa
rewardfromGod,shouldtherewardedhavesucceededwithinthevaluesystemof
thefaithful.Thefamilythatdevotedtime,daily,toworship,wassurelyblessedby
wealth.52Lesttheheadofthehousesuccumbtothepassionsofcommand,Deems
assured,familyprayercouldhedgethataswell.Theidealcharacterofthefather
includednotonly“suppliesofgrace,”butthatpracticewouldhabituatehimto
“wholesomerestraintuponhistemper,histongue,andhisgeneralbehavior.”53
Deemsprescribedapatriarch,andonewiththepowertocommand,butthat
patriarchwastoaspireto“wholesomerestraint.”Notdispassionaterestrainbut
“wholesomerestraint.”Notrestraintgovernedbyrationality,butrestraintgoverned
bymorality.54
Deemsacquiescedtotherealitiesofsouthernhouseholds.Hefrequently
citedAbraham’smaximthatwhereverhepitchedhistent,hesetupanaltar.55The
importanceofthefamilyaltarlaidnotinanactualpieceoffurniture,increasingly
availableonthemarket,butthetime,space,andsocialitydevotedtoauthentic
52Deems,TheHome‐Altar,49‐53.
53Deems,TheHome‐Altar,37.
54Still,aman’smanhooddependedonhisfulfillingtheobligationofleadinghisfamilytoreligion,but
hischildrenandhiswife.Deems,TheHome‐Altar,56‐57.
55Deems,TheHome‐Altar,24‐25,66,86.
216
worship.Hedidadvocate,ifpossible,theallocationofspaceforthegathering:‘This
dutywillbemoreeasilyandprofitablydischargedifacertainplaceinthehouseand
acertainhourofthedaybesetapartandconsecratedtofamilyworship.”56Buthe
acknowledgedthatthatrequirementmightbesetaside,solongasthegathering
tookplace.Thoughnotillustrated,TheHome‐Altarcontainedaclearvisionforhow
theserviceshouldappear.Father,kneeling,seated,orstanding,surroundedbythe
kneelingfamily(astraditionalaviewofthefatheraslordasimaginable.)Hebegins
theservicewithaprayer,whichDeemshelpfullyincludedforeachdayoftheweek,
morningandevening.AScripturereading,discussionofitsthemes,andan
extemporaneouspetitionfollowedbysingingroundedoutthedevotion.Deemsdid
notinsistonstrictchoreographybutencouragedfatherstosuittheirprayersto
theirparticularspeakingstylesandtheneedsofthefamily.Deemsengagedother
advocatesoffamilyprayerandexemplarsofsentimentalreligiouswriting.He
approvedofJacobAbbot’sTheMotheratHome,admiredJamesAlexander’s1847
ThoughtsonFamilyWorship,andexcerptedArvine’sCyclopediaofReligious
Anecdotes.
Inthematterofgenderroles,Deemshardlyswayedfromthepaternalism
andexpansivevisionoftraditionalsouthernfamilies.Fathersdidcommand
subordinatesandmothersrarelyspoke.YetDeemsadvocatedmiddle‐classfunction
56Deems,TheHome‐Altar,84.
217
offamiliesassacredinstitutions.Bymid‐century,AmericanProtestantswouldfind
thedomesticsettingtobeasreligiouslycompellingasthepeworthecampground.
“HowtoTreataWife”
Discussionsoffamilyformsinreligiousliteraturehadananalogin
ecclesiasticalandsecularnewspapers.Editors,inoriginalcolumnsandinexcerpts
frompapersacrossthenationbegantoarticulateforward‐thinkingadviceon
genderrelations,advicestrikinglycompatiblewithevangelicalexpectations.
VictoriaBynumidentifiedadiscourseinPiedmontnewspapersthateschewed“the
codeofmoderngentility.”Newspapereditorscondemnedtheallegedlyfrivolouslife
ofplanterwomen.Farmwomen,editorsclaimed,shouldnotsuccumbtoalife
devotedtoeaseandmaterialism.Bynumnotesthat“thepracticalneedsofafarming
economyandtheinfectiousspiritofprogressencouragedtheviewthatwhite
womenshouldbeactivehelpmatestotheirhusbandsratherthanornaments.”57To
the“practicalneeds”andthe“spiritofprogress”mustbeaddedtheevangelical
expectationofmaritalfulfillmentthroughmoralgenderequity.
ReligiousnewspapersproliferatedinNorthCarolinabythe1850s.Among
thedenominations,thePresbyterianspublishedNorthCarolinaPresbyterianin
Fayetteville,theBaptistscreatedtheBiblicalRecorderinRaleigh,andtheMethodist
ProtestantsreceivedTheMethodistProtestantfromBaltimore.TheMethodist
57VictoriaE.Bynum,UnrulyWomen:ThePoliticsofSocial&SexualControlintheOldSouth(Chapel
Hill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1992),48‐50.
218
Episcopalsdidnothostastatebasednewspaper,butsubscribedtotwopapers,the
SouthernChristianAdvocatefromCharlestonandtheChristianAdvocatefrom
Richmond.EventheAntimissionBaptistshadaccesstoThePrimitiveBaptist.
Secularnewspaperscrowdedthemarketaswell:GreensboroPatriot,The
WatchmanfromSalisbury,andThePeople’sPressofSalem.
Womenshould,accordingtothepapersthatPiedmontersread,devote
themselvestotoil.Thisisnottosuggestthatthepublicdiscourseencouragedan
eighteenthcenturystyleeconomichelpmeetorapatriarchicalsubmissive.The
modernfarmwifeperformedavitalfunctionaseconomicmanagerofthehousehold,
skilledlaborer,andnurturerofchildren.Ahousewifeenchantedbythelatestdress
pattersorfrivolousgossipcouldnotpossiblybeseriousaboutmakingbritchesor
nursingbabies.58
Religiousnewspaperselaboratedonthedomesticdutiesofwomen.They
urgedthemoralauthorityofmothersratherthanthelaboriousdutiesofthewife.In
1837,theAdvocateapprovinglyquotedanunnamedFrenchwriter:
Itisher[thewife’s]happinesstobeignorantofalltheworldcallspleasure;
hergloryistoliveinthedutiesofawifeandmother,andsheconsecratesher
daystothepracticeofsocialvirtues.Occupiedinthegovernmentofher
family,shereignsoverherhusbandbycom??;overherchildrenbygoodness.
58D.HarlandHagler,“TheIdealWomanintheAntebellumSouth:LadyorFarmwife?,”TheJournalof
SouthernHistory46(August1980):405‐418.
219
Thepassagesoundslikeasevereproscription,asifitcondemnswivestoalifetime
oftoil,butitisnot.“[T]obeignorantofalltheworldcallspleasure”istohappily
avoidalifedevotedtofalseattainments.Truehappiness—humanfulfillment—could
notbefoundintheleisurepracticedbytherich.Reading,fashion,andidlenessled
notto“filialorder,peace,sweetsleep,andgoodhealth.”Ahard‐workingwife,the
quotecontinued,generatedmoralvirtuebyherverywork:“Economicaland
studious,shepreventsanddissipatestheevilpassions;theindigentwhoclaimher
charity,areneverrepulsed;thelicentiousavoidherpresence.”59Twoweekslater,
theAdvocateexcerptednotedBritishwomen’seducationadvocateHesterChapone:
Theprincipalvirtuesorvicesofawomanmustbeofaprivateanddomestic
kind.Withinthecircleofherownfamily,anddependants,lieshersphereof
action,thesceneofalmostallthosetasksandtrialswhichmustdetermine
hercharacterandherfate,hereandthereafter.Reflectforamoment,how
muchthehappinessofherhusband,childrenandservants,mustdependon
hertemper,andyouwillseethatthegreatestgoodorevilwhichshemay
haveinherpowertodo,arisesfromhercorrectingorindulgingits
infirmities.60
Again,theadviceconfinedwomentothehome,butatthesametimethehomearose
intheestimationofmiddleclasssociety.Thehouseholdwasnotonlythesceneof
femaletoilandtrouble,butalsothewellspringofvirtue,emanatingdirectlyfrom
women’swork.
59July8,1837,SouthernChristianAdvocate.
60July22,1837,SouthernChristianAdvocate.
220
Oneeditorialadvocatingfemaleeducationoutlinedthebenefitsofa
regularsystemofcharacter…Icalleducationnotthatwhichismadeupof
shredsandpatchesoruselessarts,butthatwhichinculcatesprinciples,
polishestastes,regulatestempers,cultivatesreason,subduesthepassions,
directsthefeelings,habituatesthereflection,trainstheselfdenial;andmore
especiallythatwhichrefersallactions,feelings,sentiments,tastesand
passions,totheloveandfearofGod.61
Evidenthereisthetendencytoemotionalandmoralself‐control.Theverbs—
polishes,regulates,cultivates,subdues,directs,habituates,andtrains—promoted
theidealcharacteristicsofmodernizingmiddle‐classgenderroles.Inherentalsois
theideathatmoralityandvirtuecouldarisefromhabitualpracticesintheeveryday,
inplacesoffemaledominance.
Womenwereacounterpointtotheiconicman,notasan“other,”butin
equilibrium.Anadviceformenbegan,“HOWTOTREATAWIFE.”Answering
puckishly,“First.Getawife,”thecolumncontinued,describingavisionofgender
apartheid,withmaninthe“openair”andwoman“shutinfromthesehealthful
influences.”Yetthatveryinequityengenderedtheconscientiouscharacteristicsof
patience,attentetiveness,andsolicitousness.Themanmustrealizethat“[y]ourwife
mayhavehadtrials,which,thoughoflessmagnitude,mayhavebeenashardto
bear.Donotincreaseherdifficulties…shehastrialsandsorrowstowhichyouarea
stranger,butwhichyourtendernesscandepriveofalltheirkeenness.”Abandon
impulsiveself‐interest,then;restraintheimpulsetoheapyourproblemsontoher.
61August19,1837,SouthernChristianAdvocate.
221
“Donottreatherwithindifference.”How?“Sometimesyieldyourwishestoher.”For
menwhofoundthethoughtdistasteful,thewriterappealedtoempathy:“Thinkyou
itisnotdifficultforhertogiveupalways?”Submissiontomasculineimpulseand
ragewaskeytoreciprocalloveandrespect—theidealrelationshipbetween
husbandandwife,thewritersummarized.Traditionalpatriarchicalinequality
lingered,asintheinstruction:“Showyourselfmanly,sothatyourwifecanlookupto
you,andfeelthatyouwillactnobly,andthatshecanconfideinyourjudgment,”but
awifelookinguptoahusbandhadbeensurpassedbytheadmonitionforthemanto
yieldhiswishes.62
Evangelicalpublicationsthusobjectedtoimpulsivemasculinebehavior
advocatedbysexuallyandraciallyanxiousplantersandofferedanalternativecode
ofconductbasedonevangelicalstandards.Newspapers’advicetomenencouraged
acompanionaterelationshipinmarriage.AChristianhousehold,then,shouldbea
placeofharmony,butmoreso,aplacewherethewillofamanshouldbesubjugated
infavorofharmony.Newspapersurgedthedomesticationofmasculinebehavior
andpromotedthemoralauthorityofmothers,therebyreinforcingthemiddleclass
viewoffamilyformsandfunctions.Thismessageofgenderedharmonyand
manhoodrestrainedmadeinroadsintoruralNorthCarolinathroughevangelical
publications.Therouteisimportantbecauseitdidnotoriginatewiththeregion’s
socialelite.Theprojectorsofmiddle‐classvaluesmayhavebeenjustasimperious
62April12,1844,SouthernChristianAdvocate.
222
asthegreatplanters,buttheirlessonsforbehaviorcouldnothavebeenmore
different.InthediariesandlivesofCarolineLillyandStrongThomasson,wemay
seethebeginningsofthesenewculturalcodesintheSouth.Carolineandher
husbandJamespracticedacompanionatemarriage.SodidStrongandhiswife
Mollie.Bothcouplesmadetheirhouseholdsintosacredspaces,andbothdidsoin
thebeliefthatsuchactionwouldensuretheirsalvation.
223
CHAPTERVI
FAMILYLIFEINTHELILLYANDTHOMASSONHOUSEHOLDS
CarolineandJamesLilly
CarolineBrooksreadavidly.1SheconsumedtheclassicsofLatin,botanyand
astronomy,religioustracts,newspapers,andtreatisesonfemaleeducation.Thata
poorgirlfromMooreCountygrewtobeasvoraciousaconsumeroftheprinted
wordasshewasissomethingofamystery.Caroline,inherbriefautobiography,
describedherselfasadisruptivestudent,disinterestedinlearning:“Iwassenttoan
oldfieldschoolsixweekstoarusticausterepedagoguewhotaughtinamiserable
pinecabin,keptnoorderinhisschool,andyetappliedtherodwithalltheseverity
ofaSyciliantyrant.”Despitethedilapidatedcircumstances,she“learnedtoread&
wasextremelyfondoftheemployment.”Carolinedescribedanotherofhercountry
schoolsaspopulatedwith“arudeilliteratesetofcountryboys&girls,andofcourse
mymannersreceivedbutlittleimprovementfrombeingassociatedwiththem.”
Thoughshelaterattemptedtodistanceherselffromherclassmates—anddespite
theapparentliteracygap—Carolinewasclearlyoneofthepoorstudentsshe
described.Sheremembered,“indeeditisnottobewonderedwhenIwasfrequently
engagedinmischievouspranksandindoingofmanythin
1CarolineBrooksLillyDiaryandAccountBook,SouthernHistoricalCollection,TheWilsonLibrary,
UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.
224
toannoy&____them.Iwouldmisplacethebooksofone,tickleanother,laughatthe
brokendialectorbadspellingorrudemannersandtawdrydressofathirdand
neverfailedtodomybesttobearthesecretofthelargergirlsandcommunicate
themtoothers.”Ateightyearsold,Carolineremembered,herparentsendedher
scantscholasticcareerandsethertoworkin“theparlor,thekitchen&thefield.”
Betweenhereighthandeighteenthyear,sheimprovedherhandwritingby“copying
thedeedsnotes”ofherstepfather,and—despiteliving“inaneighborhoodwhere
booksarescarce”—readingeverythingthatpassedbeforeher.Caroline’s
deprecationofherownchildhoodfulfilledtherequirementsofaconversionstory
byacknowledgingevilbehaviorbeforeturningtoGod.Bystrikingoutasection,she
exhibitedaparticularbitofhumiliationandregretforbehavioraltransgressions
thatcontinuedtoplagueherinlaterlife.Havinglaterachievedtheperspectiveofan
educatedwoman,Carolinedevelopedcontemptforherformerstationandpridein
herenlightenedstatus.Shetooktwolessonsfromherchildhoodexperiences:
ferventdesiretocontinuelearningandadisdainfortheclassroom’s“austere”
pedagogy.1
Asthedaughterofapoorfamily,Carolinemightneverhavebeenableto
affordandpursuehereducationalaspirationswereitnotforafortunateand
completelymysteriousencounter.Shewrote:
Inmy19thor20thyearIwasintroducedtoseveralpersonsofdistinctionwho
treatedmewithattentionandkindlyloanedmeasmanybooksasIhadtime
1n.d.,1835,LillyDiary.
225
andleisuretoread.ForseveralyearsIhadfreeaccesstotwoexcellent
librarieswhichIshallneverforget.Istudiedgeography&arithmetic,
reviewedmygrammar&readhistory&poetryuntilIbecametolerablywell
acquaintedwithRollin,Plutarch,Hume,Homer,Shakespeare,Milton,Scott,
&c.BypreservingindustryIwasenabledtopurchaseafew_____andtheir
writingsof___________affordedmeadegreeofpleasure.
Thisisallshesaid,leavingusnootherclueabouttheidentityofherpatronsor
underwhatcircumstancessheaccessedtheirlibraries.Nonetheless,thisexperience
invigoratedherintellectandprovidedherwithasolidfootingintheworldofletters
andeducation.Duringhersingleyears,andforafewyearsintohermarriage,
Carolinecontinuedtoreadtheclassics.Shemadeaconcertedefforttocontinue
lessonsinLatinandregularlyreadbotanyandastronomybooks.
TheprivatelibraryepisodeisthelastofCaroline’sautobiography.Theevents
between1823and1836,whensheopenedherdiary,areunknown.Wedoknow
severalfacts.Shedidnotmarry,asayoungwomaninhertwentiesmight;she
becameateacher;andshetaughtinMontgomeryCountywhilelivingwiththeJames
MartinfamilyatAllentonnearthePeeDeeRiver.Whyshedidnotmarryisopento
conjecture.Carolinelaterexpressedalackofconfidenceinherphysicalappearance
andseemedresignedtolifeasasinglewoman.Itisentirelypossiblethatshechose
toremainsingleinordertomaintainthesmallindependencesofanunmarried
woman.Teachingwasoneofthefewcareeropportunitiesforsuchanunmarried
woman,butCaroline’senthusiasmsuggeststhatshechosetheprofession,rather
thanenteritfromeconomicnecessity.In1836shecommittedherselftothelifeofa
226
singleteacherwhensheleftruralMontgomerytoacceptapositioninprosperous
Concord,NorthCarolina.
Caroline’sfirstimpulsetoteacharosefromadesiretoaidyoungpeoplein
achievingsalvation.“Foreducationunquestionablyimplies,”shewrote,
”preparationforeternity.”2Herownexperienceofeducationalopportunityand
conversionundoubtedlyshapedthisgoal,butCarolinesupportedexperiencewith
rhetoricfromChristianeducationaltheory,primarilyJacobAbbott’sTheYoung
Christian.Attheopeningof1837sheprayed:
Letmebesuccessfulinimpartingscientificandmoralinstructiontothose
whoareentrustedtomycare,fullygivingmyselftotheworkanddevoting
mywholetimeandtalenttothedischargeofmyhighresponsibilities.MayI
beenabledtoinculcatesuccessfullytheimportantdutiesofself‐government,
toinstructmychargesincultivatingsisterly&socialaffections&every
domesticvirtue,andtoacquireelegant,refined&accomplishedmanners,
andabovealltocherishsentimentsofpietyanddevotiontothatAlmightyto
whomtheyareindebtedforlifeandeveryblessingstheyenjoy.3
Notlongafter,Caroline,inamomentofreflection(“Ifeel,Ifear,toolittleanxietyfor
thesuccessofmylabors”),expressedaninterestin“theinterestingandimportant
causeoffemaleeducation.”ShelookedtoGodforguidance,“Isitthespherein
whichmyHeavenlyFatherdesignedmetomove?”ApparentlyGodapprovedher
direction,butshealsohadsecularguides.Caroline’sinterestinfemaleeducation
hadbeennurturedbyJacobAbbott,andshedrewinspirationfromWillburFisk’s
2September4,1836,LillyDiary.
3January1,1837,LillyDiary.
227
descriptionoftheHofwylSchoolinSwitzerland4(ifthisisfromhisbook,published
thesameyearasshereadit,orinanewspaperexcerpt,Idon’tquiteknowright
now.)ShealsofollowedEmmaWillard,headoftheTroyFemaleInstitute,authorof
textbooks,andwell‐knownadvocateoffemaleeducation.CarolinereadWillard’s
JournalsandLettersfromFranceandGreatBritaininApril1837andtookthe
opportunitytoreinforceherownpedagogicalapproach:“MayIbeactivated(?)by
motivesofbenevolencefarmorethanbyameanandsordidloveofpecuniarygain
andnot(asaladyinLondonrepliedtoMrs.Willardteachmainly)becauseitisa
genteelwayofmakingaliving.”5CarolinedidcastacriticaleyeonEmmaWillard,
however,describingheras“evidentlytoofondofdressandamusementfora
professorofreligion.”6
CarolinediscoveredateachingmentorclosertohomeinSusanDavisNye
Hutchison.Hutchison,anemigrantfromNewYork,hadmarriedasouthernerand,
afterhisdeath,operatedanumberofregionallyrenownedfemaleacademies.In
1837,whenCarolinetaughtinConcord,HutchisonopenedanacademyinSalisbury,
whereanumberofyoungteacherssoughtherguidance.Carolinevisitedapublic
examinationofHutchison’sstudentsinJune1837,andthatNovember—aftershe
hadrelocatedtoMontgomeryCounty—travelledtoSalisburyto“gainknowledgeon
4October3,1838,LillyDiary.
5EmmaWillard,JournalandLetters,fromFranceandGreat‐Britain(Troy,N.Y.:N.Tuttle,1833).See
page382fortheLondonlady’sremark.
6April7,1837,LillyDiary.
228
theimportantsubjectoffemaleeducation.”7ShetaughttwoclassesinConcord,then
failingtogetanothercontract,consideredanofferinChesterfield,SouthCarolinato
teach.HerformerconnectionsinMontgomeryCounty,however,foundhera
positionandsheglumlyreturnedtotheMartinhousehold.8
AftershemarriedJamesLillyonJanuary1,1839,Carolinecontinuedtoteach.
Thistransition,infact,hadlittleeffectonherstateddesiretouseteachingtoguide
childrentosalvation,andherhusbandencouragedhercontinuance.Infact,James
builtCarolineherownschoolhouse—thatshenamedSylvania—somewhereonthe
Lillyproperty.9CarolinepublishedanadvertisementforherschoolinThe
Watchman,aSalisburynewspaper:
Mrs.CarolineM.Lilly,
FormerlyMissBrooks,respectfullybegsleavetoinformherpatrons,andthe
publicgenerally,thatshewillresumetheexercisesofherSchoolonthefirst
MondayinFebruarynext,atherownresidence,nearAllenton,Montgomery
county.Thegovernmentwillbematernal,andthetermsasmoderateascan
behadinanySchoolofequalrespectability.Excellentboardinhighly
respectablefamiliescanbehadatthelowpricof$6permonth.TheTeacher
ispreparedtoaccommodate8or10youngladieswithboard,towhose
mental,moralandphysicalimprovementshepledgesherselftopaythe
strictestattention.Fromherlongexperienceinteaching,andher
determinationtorelaxneitherzealnoreffortfortheimprovementofthose
entrustedtohercare,shehopestoreceivealiberalshareofpatronage.10
7November24,1837,LillyDiary.Hutchesonservedasmentortoanumberofaspiringfemale
teachers.SarahFrewDavidson,theCharlotteSundaySchoolteacherslookedtoherasamentor.
KarenM.McConnell,et.al.,eds.,ALifeinAntebellumCharlotte(Charleston,S.C.:HistoryPress,2005),
46,49,65‐66.SarahandCarolinedidnotappeartoknowoneanother.
8November18,1837,LillyDiary.
9February6,1839,February11,1839,LillyDiary.
10January26,1839,CarolinaWatchman.SeealsoJanuary14,1839,LillyDiary.
229
Inadditiontoregularteaching,CarolineopenedaSundaySchoolatSylvania,noting,
“mayitbeablessingtothecommunityandmaythemostunworthyofallprofessed
followersofChristbeactivelyemployedindoinggoodwhileinastateof
probation.”11Continuingherteachingwhilebeingthemistressofthehouseholdhad
twomajorimplications.First,Caroline’swasaboardingschool,sowithintwo
monthsofhermarriageandassumptionofhouseholdduties,shealsohadtenyoung
girlstocarefor.12Aninstantfamily.Second,thoughshedidnotexplicitlysayso,her
teachingenterpriseevidentlybecameacriticalpartoftheLilly’shousehold
economy.TheLillys,thoughrichinlandandslaves,seemedtoalwayshavebeenon
thevergeofbankruptcy.13Thestakesofherteaching,formerlypersonaland
ideological,nowincludedcash.Perhapsitwasbecauseoftheimportanceofthe
schoolforthefamilyfinancesthatJamesfrequentlyhelpedherintheclassroom,but
Carolineneverinterpretedtheassistanceasanythingotherthansignsofaffection
andlove.14HetookoverclassesparticularlywhenCarolinesufferedfrom
pregnancy.Shenotedthat“Mr.Lillyaccompaniedmetoschoolintheeveningand
assistedmeverymuchininstructingaclassinwriting.”Shewelcomed,and
evidently,enjoyedhishelp;“Ihopehewillrepeathisvisitsfrequentlywhenhemay
11June16,1839,LillyDiary.SeealsoJune9.
12March2,1839,LillyDiary.
13March14,1839,LillyDiary.
14April16,April22,1839,LillyDiary.
230
haveanopportunityofdoingso.”15Carolineexpressedherpleasureinthe
occupationinJune1839:“Theschoolroombecomeseverydaymoreandmore
interestingandtomethelaborsItherehavetoperformaremorelikerecreations
thandullmonotonoustiresometaskswhichtoomanyteachersareapttocomplain,”
butshenotedafterhertermendedandherboarderswereaway,“Mr.LillyandI
werealonelastnightforthefirsttimeinsixmonths.16Ifindatemporaryrespite
fromthecaresofschoolextremelypleasant.”17
Thisrelief,almostfourmonthsbeforeherfirstdelivery,provedherlast.
WhilemarriagedidlittletoalterCaroline’sviewofherteachingcareer,having
childrenofherowndid.TwinsAnnMartinandMaryCaroline,bornSeptember29,
1839,werefollowedbyJamesMarshall,Junior,onMarch9,1841.Notunexpectedly,
Caroline’sloveandattentionturnedtothem.Shefoundherchildren“interesting,”
andafterfourmonths,shenoted,“DuringthisperiodIhaveenjoyedthedelicious
sweetsofmaternalloveandfeltmyselfmorethanrepaidforthepainsand
privationsmysweetbabeshavecausedme.”18Sheconsideredherdutyto“train
themupindisciplineandadmonitionoftheLord,”19butunlikeherpupilsand
boarders,“they…contributenosmallsharetohappinesstoourlittledomestic
15April16,1839,LillyDiary.
16June27,1839,LillyDiary.
17June5,1839,LillyDiary.
18January29,1840,LillyDiary.
19November29,1840,LillyDiary.
231
circle.”20Caroline’sdomesticcircle,neverbeforearticulated,previouslyincluded
(probably),herhusband,herboarders,andherslaves.Becomingamother,
however,causedCarolinetonarrowthisvisiontoincludeonlyherhusbandandher
ownbabies.Thetugof“domesticfelicity”didnotcease.21Thebirthofsixchildren—
oneofwhomdied—reorientedCaroline’s“domesticvision”inmorewaysthan
simplyherhouseholdcomposition.Asawife,Caroline’sdutieshadvastlyincreased
aftermarriage.Sheoversawthehouseholdofboardersandslaves,performed
physicaltasksalongsideherslaves,plantedandcultivatedalargegardenand
nurturedflocksoffowl,andmaintainedherparticipationinservicesandcamp
meetingsintheMethodistcommunity.Shelovedteaching—femalesinparticular—
andcontinuedit,evenwhenherfamilybegantoleanonitforfinancialsupport.But
asearlyas1840shehadcometodespisetheforcedabsencesteachinghadcaused
hertotakefromherownchildren.Sheaddedanironictwisttoherresentment:
Ifindmysmallschoolbutlittlecalculatedtoadvancemypecuniaryinterest
orenhancethepleasuresofmysweetdomesticcirclesasthepriceoftuition
islowandIamcompelledtobeabsentfrommydearbabesseveralhoursin
everyday.Theservantsalsoperformlesslaborsthanifundertheeyeofa
director.ButsecularconcernsofmyfamilyrequirethatIshoulddowhatI
canforitslivelihoodandIfeelitmydutytousemybestexertionstoprovide
forthewelfareofthosewhoaredependentonme.22
20November14,1840,LillyDiary.
21January1,1845,LillyDiary.
22May22,1840,LillyDiary.
232
DomesticconcernshadcausedCarolinetobecomedependentonteachingasan
economicactivity,amotivationsheherselfhadcondemnedbutthreeyearsbefore.
Butshecontinued,finishingherlastterminschoolinJune1845.Economicneedhad
trumpedidealism,butdomesticfelicityoverpoweredboth.
MotherhoodalonedidnotpushCarolinetoward“domesticfelicity”;that
processhadbegunwithherunexpectedmarriage.Earlierinlifeshehadbeen
infatuatedwiththeReverandArchibaldMcGilvray,theministerwhooversawher
conversion,buthedidnotreturntheaffection.Sheresignedherselftosinglehood
anddidnotonce,atleasttoherdiary,divulgeanyinterestinmarriage.Asasingle
womanwithexperienceraisingchildreninacommunitylargelyuntouchedbythe
populationturnoverofurbanareas(thoughnottheoutmigrationtothesouthwest),
Carolinelikelyrepresentedafinecatchtotheolderbachelors—fathersamong
them—ofCabarrusandMontgomery.Fivemenproposedmarriage,orindicatedan
intentiontodoso.Carolinerejectedfourofthemandacceptedone.Inthe
deliberationsinherjournal,Carolinerevealedastrongandmodernvisionofthe
conjugalrelationship.Sherejectedallappealstoeconomicdependencyandcomfort
anddeterminedthatshouldshemarry,shewoulddosoforlovealone.Herfirst
(known)suitorin1836,a“C.H.L.,”didconvinceher“thatheisdevotedlyattachedto
meandbesidethisquestionofmind&heartwassuchasentitlehimtouniversal
respect,”whichsheconsideredafairfoundationformarriage.“[B]utforseveral
233
reasonsIfeelmydutytodiscardhim.”23Shedidnotstatethereasons.Caroline
expresseddistastewiththeideaofsteppingintoanotherwoman’splacewhenshe
notedofanotherperceivedsuitor,“Idohopehe[‘Mr.C’]isnotlookingoutfor
anotherwife.”24Hercontemptfordesperatebachelorsandunfamiliarmatesis
apparentwithhersnubofoneman,“RumorsaysthatL.S.awidowerwithfive
childrenisresolvedonaddressingmeonthesubjectofmatrimony.Iamnot
acquaintedwiththegentlemanandamverymuchastonishedthatheshouldspeak
sofreelyonthesubject.Hemusteitherfeelverycertainofsuccessordreada
disappointmentbutlittle.”25Thisman’ssubsequentproposalabsolutelystunned
her:
TomyutterastonishmentMr.L.Simmonscamehereonlasteveningand
actuallyproposedmarriage.Nothingcouldbefurtherfrommythoughtsthan
theideaofaccedingtothepropositionevenifhewerepossessedofthe
wealthoftheIndies.Hetakesagreatdealofpainstohaveknownthatheis
richandgoessofarastosayheisindependent.Beitso.heiswelcometo
enjoyit.Iwantitnot.Iwouldratherworkfor____acottagethantopossess
princelyhonorswithhim.26
LockeySimmons,indeed,hadreasontoboast.Alandowner,cottonplanter,and
BaptistpatronintheeasternportionofMontgomery,thewidowerSimmons
23October13,1836,LillyDiary.
24April22,1838,LillyDiary.
25May29,1838,LillyDiary.
26November21,1838,LillyDiary.
234
claimedafarmvaluedat$4,000in1850,withthirty‐threeslaves.27Amatchwith
Simmonswouldhaveprovidedasmucheconomicstabilityandsocialstatusascould
havebeenhopedforinMontgomeryCounty.ApparentinCaroline’srejectionsarea
numberofassumptions.Shecouldnotcountenancetheideaofmarryingaman
solelyfortheeconomicsecurityheoffered,noramanforwhomshedidnotfeelan
affectionateattachment.WhateconomicindependenceCarolinehadachievedasa
teacherinConcordappearedtenuousatbest,andhavinggrownupinpoverty,she
didnotromanticizeordesireitsdispossessions.Povertyhauntedher.InApril1837,
uponseeingan“oldmaid,”shefalteredthenrightedherself,“Iamalmosttemptedto
acceptM.D.’sproffer,butno,thatwillnotdo.Themarriagestatemustbetruly
miserablewithoutreciprocityofaffection,similarityoftastes&congenialityof
Soul.”28Caroline’sdesiresmatchedthegrowingnationalsentimentregarding
marriage.Inshort,Carolineprioritizedanaffectionatemarriageoveran
economicallyorsociallyadvantageousone.Historianshavenotedthis
characteristic—theadventofaffection—amongcourtingplanters.29Caroline—nota
planter—expectedit.Jamespracticedit,ashischoiceofapoor,dependent,school
teacher—assherecognized—wouldnotraisehisstatusinanyway.WhenCaroline
27OnSimmons,seeWilliamCathcart,ed.,TheBaptistEncyclopedia,2ndedition(Philadelphia:LouisH.
Everts,1833),SixthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1840,SeventhCensusoftheUnitedStates,1850,
EighthCensusoftheUnitedStates,1860:MontgomeryCounty,NorthCarolina.
28April,n.d.,1837,LillyDiary.
29JanLewis,ThePursuitofHappiness:FamilyValuesinJefferson’sVirginia(NewYork:Cambridge
UniversityPress,1983),Chapter5;JaneTurnerCenser,NorthCarolinaPlantersandTheirChildren,
1800‐1860(BatonRouge:LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1984),72;AnyaJabour,Marriageinthe
EarlyRepublic:ElizabethandWilliamWirtandtheCompanionateIdeal(Baltimore:TheJohns
HopkinsUniversityPress,1998),andStowe,IntimacyandPowerintheOldSouth,50‐51and88‐89.
235
finallyacceptedanoffer,shedidsobecausethesuitorhadcapturedherheart.
Fortunatelyforher,JamesLillyalsoofferedafinalstepintotheworldofthemiddle‐
classSouth.
TheLillyswereamongthefirstsettlersofwhatwouldbecomeMontgomery
County.ThepatriarchoftheLillyfamily,Edmund,hadarrivedinthePiedmontin
theearly1750sfromFluvannaCounty,Virginia.Edmundacquiredaconsiderable
competencyonthePeeDeeRiver.Hepurchased“thousandsofacres,”ownedslaves,
operatedamill,andservedasjuroronAnsonCounty’sCourtofOyer.EdmundLilly’s
wealthdidnotprecludehimfrompiety;heserved,inthe1790s,asthepreacherof
theRockyRiverBaptistChurch.Edmundsiredtenchildrenfromthreewives.
Edmund,Junior,thefourthchild,inheritedtheLillyseat,Scuffleton,atthe
confluenceofLittleRichlandCreekandthePeeDeeRiver.Edmund,Junior’sbrood
includedeightchildren.Themostprominentofthese,Edmund,becameawealthy
merchantinFayetteville,whileJamesMarshallLillytookoverScuffleton.James
Marshall’searlycareerisdifficulttodetermine.James’brotherEdmund,evenfrom
Fayetteville,appearedtomanagethefamilyresourcesinMontgomery.James
participatedincountypoliticsatnearbyLawrenceville,wherehesocializedwiththe
Cochrans,Christians,Gainesesandotherprominentfamilies,andevenrepresented
MontgomeryintheHouseofCommonsfrom1827to1830andtheStateSenatein
236
1832.30Atfortyyearsofagein1838,Jamesfoundhimselfstillunmarried.When
James’sisterMarymarriedA.CochraninMay1838,Carolinefoundherselfin
attendance(aspartoftheweddingparty.)Thoughmoreinterestedinthedressand
fashionofthebride,Carolinedidnotethatshe“hadateteatetewithJamesM.Lilly.
Somewhatagreeable.”31Itwasaninconspicuousbeginning,butpairedwithCaroline
intheweddingpartyandseatednexttoherinacarriageonatwo‐dayjauntwiththe
brideandgroom,Jamesbuiltupamodestrapportwithher.Carolinenoted,“the
agreeableconversationofMr.L.renderedthetripquitepleasant.”32Jamesescorted
CarolinehomefromchurchthatSunday,butnothingabouthimmadeherthinkof
himasmorethanafriendofafriend.33James,however,haddesignshedeveloped
overthesummer.HiswidowedmotherhostedCarolineforsupperatherhouse,and
sentCarolineabasketofpeachesfromScuffleton.34Whileshemayhavesuspected
James’interest,CarolinebecamefullyawarewhenJamesvisitedtheMartin
householdinAugust.35“Theworldwillsayhehassomeparticularmotiveinvisiting
Mrs.M.’s,”shesaidbeforenotinginacooltone,“Icarenot.”36Butherpracticed
30Genealogicalinformationistakenfroma1952profileoftheLillyfamily,deliveredatthededication
ofthefamilyburyingground,intheGeneaologyVerticalFileintheN.C.StateGovernmentand
HeritageLibrary,Raleigh,NorthCarolina.
31May10,1838,LillyDiary.
32May11,1838,LillyDiary.
33May13,1838,LillyDiary.
34July3,1838,August16,1838,LillyDiary.
35July30,1838,August4,1838,LillyDiary.
36August19,1838,LillyDiary.
237
indifferencecouldnotsuppresshergrowingfeelings,forthenextdayshewrote,“I
seemyselfexposedtodangerswhichofmyownstrengthIcannotavert.”37
MuchtoCaroline’ssurprise,shehadgrownaccustomedtoherown
autonomyandresentedtheunexpectedfeelingsgrowinginherheart.Inthis
respect,sheprocessedthroughacommoncourtshippractice—analmostritual
defenseofherindependenceexpressedthroughfearofmarriageandastudied
indifferencetohersuitor.ScottStephandetailedthereasonsforwomen’shesitation
inthefaceofcourtshipasfearofbothsexuallyimpulsive(anddeceptive)men,and
ofthepotentialforamismatchthatthreatenedpiety.38“Feltthatmyheartwasin
danger,”CarolinewroteinSeptember,“butprayedforaidtoguarditcarefully.”39
Carolinedidnotspecifythereasonsshefearedforherheart.Interestingly,shemade
nomentionofthefactthatJameswasnotaprofessedChristian.Shebasedher
assessmentofhimentirelyonhisaffections.Shecouldnotcontainherfeelingsand
wrotewithbarelyconcealedresentmentandsarcasmataperceivedlackof
attentionfromhim:“AfriendtoldmethatthegentlemanwhomDameRumorhas
longsincegivenmeasabeauistoomuchimmersedinbusinesstopaymeavisit.Be
itso!”40OnNovember12,JamesproposedmarriagetoCaroline.Shenoted,“nothing
37August20,1838,LillyDiary.
38ScottStephan,RedeemingtheSouthernFamily:EvangelicalWomenandDomesticDevotioninthe
AntebellumSouth(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,2008),62‐67.
39September24,1838,LillyDiary.
40October7,1838,LillyDiary.
238
inthehistoryofmypastlifehadappearedhalfsomuchlikeromanceandsolittle
likerealityastheeventsofthisday.”Feelingsovercameher:“ButIdonotdream.I
cannotdoubttheevidenceofmysenses…”Jameshadconfirmedwhatshehad
alreadylearnedfromtheirbriefcourtship,thatthepairtrulylovedoneanother,and
Jamespossessednoothermotive.Carolineclaimedthat“nomercenarymotives
couldprompthimtomakesuchachoice.Iamdestituteofwealthofbeautyof
honorableconnectionsandyethedeclaresheonlywishesfortuneformysake.”41
Shedeliberatedforthecustomarylengthoftimeandnotifiedhimbyletterthree
weekslaterthat“Ihaveconsentedtobecomehiscompanionforlifefullybelieving
thatmutualaffectionistheonlysolidbasisofconjugalfelicity,andbeingpersuaded
thatnoothermotivehasinduced____tosoimportantengagement.”42Shereassured
herself,“Noprinceorpotentateonearthcouldrivalhiminmyaffection.”43Caroline
marriedJamesatthehomeofMr.andMrs.MartinonJanuary1,1839.
Clearly,Carolinearticulatedayearningforacompanionatemarriagebutthe
exactsourcesofherfirmidealismareunknown.Herevangelicalfaithfostered
companionaterelationshipsacrossthesocialspectrum.Herelevationfrompoverty
41November12,1838,LillyDiary.
42December8,1838,LillyDiary.CarolineandJames’courtshipcontainedelementsofepistolary
ritualthatStevenM.Stowedescribed,particularlyinJames’actualproposalandinCaroline’s
affirmativereply.Unfortunately,theletterstheyexchangeddonotsurvive.Theircourtshipalso
includedquiteanumberofface‐to‐facevisitsthatapparentlyincludedunguardedemotional
expression—notelementaltoStowe’sdescriptionofplanterritual.StevenM.Stowe,Intimacyand
PowerintheOldSouth:RitualintheLivesofthePlanters(Baltimore:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversity
Press,1987),Chapter2.
43December17,1838,LillyDiary.
239
totheupperclassesexposedhertoideasandpracticesofmodernmarriagesthenin
vogue.TheliteratureCarolineconsumedtendedtowardthereligious,theclassical,
andthescientific.Nothingaboutherreadinghabitssuggestaparticularinterestin
contemporarysocialrelations.Thebestexplanationisthataffectionatemarriage
waseasilyblendedwiththereligious,literary,andsocialworldsembracedbythis
poorgirlfromMooreCounty.Caroline’sphysicaltravelshadbeenlimited.Asfaras
onecantell,sheneverlefttheconfinesofMoore,Cabarrus,Rowan,andMontgomery
Counties.Charlotte,probably;Chesterfield,perhaps;butCarolinenevermadeitas
farasColumbia,Raleigh,orevenGreensboro.Concord,whereshelivedforatime,
andSalisbury,whereshevisited,werenodesofcontemporaryculture.Butbyand
large,Caroline’smodernsentimentsaboutteaching,marriage,andfamilywere
nurturedinoutofthewayplaces.FromAllentonandScuffletononthebanksofthe
PeeDee,CarolinehadaccesstothelatesteducationaltheoryfromSwitzerland,she
knewthedetailsofEmmaWillard’svisitsinLondon,andmaintainedherrobust
curriculumofreading.Shewasneverparticularlyisolatedbyrurallifeandhad
completeaccesstothenewsoftheworld.Thisflowofinformationandideas
continuedafterhermarriage,evenwhenhervisionof“domesticfelicity”became
herprimaryexperience.
Caroline’saspirationforanaffectionatemarriageprovedout.Sherepeatedly
notedtendermoments,indulgences,andprotectivesolicitationsJamesprovided.
Thetwooccasionallywentfishingforpleasure,strolledinthewatersofLittle
240
RichlandCreek,andtouredthefieldsofthefarm.Carolinetreasuredthesemoments.
JamesandCarolinecomfortedoneanotherintimesoftrial.Infact,Caroline
frequentlyrevealedepisodesofirritationandanger,forwhichJamesprovided
relief:“themorningfoundmequiteillinbodyandmind.Myindispositionsoexcited
mynervoussystemthatIlostallcommandofmyselfandscoldednotalittle.Felt
ashamedandmadesomeapologytomydearhusbandwhowitnessedmyperturbed
stateofmind.Herepliedmildlythatheattributeditalltomybadhealthanddidnot
blameme.”44Shedidnotfearhisjudgmentbutratherwasanxiousaboutupholding
herendoftenderreciprocity:“Thekindattentionsofmyhusbandarenotall
diminishedbutratherincreaseasmybodilyafflictionsaccumulate.”45Hisattentions
soothedheranxietiesandherphysicalailments.Jamesnotonlyfrettedoverher
whenshesuccumbedtoillnessbutfrequentlysubstitutedatherschoolwhenshe
couldnotattend.46Shereturnedthefavorswhenhewasill,orjustill‐tempered.At
onepoint,Carolinerecordedthat“myhusbandisperplexedwithmanycaresand
requiresthesoothingattentionsofaprudentandaffectionatewife.Letmenot
forgetthevowsof1839.”47Duringherfirstpregnancy,Carolinewrotean
extraordinaryandrevealingstatement;“Asweetcalmresignationtothewillof
HeavenandtheassiduousattentionofmybelovedJameshavegreatlytendedto
44September7,1839,LillyDiary.
45September9,1839,LillyDiary.
46July25,1839,LillyDiary.
47October28,1840,LillyDiary.
241
alleviatemybodilyaffliction.”48ShehadplacedJamesonanequalfootingwithGod
inrelationtoherownwellbeing.Butherpositioningiscritical.Shereserved
submissionasanactforGod,notherhusband.Shehadnotlearnedtosubsumeher
ownhappinesstoherhusband.ThatstillremainedforGod.No,fromJamesshehad
learnedtoexpect“assiduousattention.”
Jamesneverbehavedasthedomineeringpatriarch,anxiousaboutstatusand
honor,sooftendescribedbyhistorians.OnonlyoneoccasiondidCarolinesuggest
thatJamesevenpossessedsuchqualities:“Mr.Lindisposed,aggrievedfroman
incidentthatoccurredattheGainesonyesterday.Hepossesseshighsenseofhonor
thatwillnotreadilybookaninsult.”TheinsulthadapparentlyregardedJames’
compromisedfinancialsituation.Itshouldberepeatedthatthismentionistheonly
timeCarolinereferredtoJames’senseofhonor,andthispricklyhonordidnothave
adomesticface.Jamesdidnotparadehishonorwithinthehouseholdanddidnot
exhibitthedominanceofhisfamilyasaperformanceofhishonorinpublic.He
thoughtnothingofbeingasubstituteteacherinhiswife’sschooloranurseather
sickbed,andhetriedtoallayheranxietiesbyreturningdirectlyfromLawrenceville
courtinsteadofcarousingwithmalefriends.49NordidJamesactthepatriarchin
mattersofreligion.TheLillyfamilywasBaptist,butJamesandCarolineattendeda
Methodistchurchbecausesheadheredtothatfaith.Hefacilitatedherabilityto
attendSundayworship,QuarterlyMeetings,andcampmeetings.Jamesnever
48August1,1838,LillyDiary.
49February5,1839,LillyDiary.
242
wieldedspiritualauthorityinthehousehold.Carolinewastheundisputedheadof
familydevotionatScuffleton.Hestruggledwithhisfaith.Heneverhadaconversion
experience,eventhoughheprayedforone.ThisshortcomingconcernedCaroline:
“mybelovedhusbandhasnotyetobtainedahopeofregenerationthoughhehas
dailysoughtitformanymonths.”50JameswasnotaChristian,buthismarriedlife
conformedtotheexpectedbehaviorsofaChristianmanandhusband.
In1844,Caroline’sdaughter,fouryearoldMaryCaroline,suddenlydied.The
circumstancesofherpassingareunknown,“butall,allinonesadhourweresnuffed
outbythecruelhandofrelentlessdeath!”Carolineneverfullyrecovered.Thefinal
threeyearsofherdiaryexpressdeepanxietyandmelancholy,lackherusualwit,
anddripwiththelanguageofsentimentality:“Ohowseverewasthestrokewhich
severedoneofthegoldenchainsthatboundmetohumanexistenceandentwinedin
itscordsthebrightestandloveliestsweetthatcheeredmypathwaythroughthis
thorncladvaleoftears.”51WhileCaroline’searlierprayersmimickedthelanguage
oftractsandsermons,herexpressionsofloveforherfamilyreflectedthe
contemporarylanguidaffectionfor“domesticfelicity.”Herchildren“contributeno
smallshareofhappinesstoourlittledomesticcircle.”52Hertwinscausedherto
enjoy“thedelicioussweetsofmaternallove…morethanrepaidforthepainsand
50August16,1840,LillyDiary.
51August23,1845,LillyDiary.
52November14,1840,LillyDiary.
243
privationsmysweetbabeshavecausedmetorealize.”53Onhersixthanniversary,
Carolineenvisioned“fourlovelychildrensmil[ing]allroundmecontributingmuch
tomydomesticfelicity,whilealovelierthanallhasescapedtothe_____ofunfailing
bliss.”54AsmightbeexpectedofaChristian,Carolinededicatedherselftoraisingher
children,whoshe“look[ed]upon…asaloanfromtheLord,”forGod.55Sheprayed
thatGodallowherto“trainthemupinthedisciplineandadmonitionoftheLord.”56
Thisdesireflowed,ofcourse,fromtheprescriptionsofherfaith,butshealso
entwinedlessonsfromherteachingphilosophyintoherparentalbehavior.
Particularly,Carolinestruggledtocorrectherfeistytoddlerswithoutphysical
punishment.WhenJames,Jr.mistreatedhislittlebrother,Caroline“representedto
himthewickednessofhisconductandtoldhimthatGodwasangrywithhimand
wouldpunishhimifhedidnotrepentanddobetter.”57Soonafter,however,James
againmisbehaved,and“Ifeltitmydutytopunishhimwiththerod.hepromised
amendmentbutwasheconvincedofhiserror?”Sheregrettedhersteps,“Havebeen
tooharshandtoofrequentlyresortedtoroughmeans.Mustendeavortoimprove.”58
53January29,1840,LillyDiary.
54January1,1845,LillyDiary.
55January29,1840,LillyDiary.
56January10,1840,LillyDiary.
57January4,1846,LillyDiary.
58January9,1846,LillyDiary.
244
ReadingandliteratureinformedCaroline’sparentingstyle.Sheturnedtothe
brotherofJacobAbbott,whowroteTheMotheratHomein1833.59Carolinereadthe
bookin1840,afterthebirthofhertwins,“forthesakeofproperlygaining
instructionontheimportantsubjectoftrainingmysweetbabes,”andimmediately
recognizedthecentralpremise:“parentsshouldhavedeepdevotionalfeelings
themselves,shouldpresentreligioninacheerfulaspect.”60Indeed,Abbottclaimed
thatparentsshouldnotonlypassmorallessonstotheirchildren,butshouldactually
bemoralthemselves.Thereasonforthisfinedistinctionwasthatchildrenabsorbed
theexampleoftheirparentsandthatlearningtookplacewitheveryinteraction
betweenparentsandtheiroffspring.Thepointofeducationbeingtheconveyanceof
moralsandthedevelopmentofcharacter,theactualacquisitionofintelligenceand
civicknowledgewouldnaturallyfollow.WhereasCharlesForceDeemsenvisioneda
householdgovernedbyafather,twentyyearsearlier,inthetractreadbyCaroline,
Abbottplacedthatresponsibilitysolelyinthehandsofthemother.Caroline
explainedAbbott’sideas:
Ifthemotherisunaccustomedtogovernherchildren,ifshelooktothefather
toenforceobedience,andtocontrol;‐‐whenheisabsentallfamily
governmentisabsent,andthechildrenarelefttorunwild;tolearnlessonsof
disobedience;topracticeartsofdeception;tobuild,uponthefoundationof
contemptforamother,acharacterofinsubordinationandiniquity.61
59JohnS.C.Abbott,TheMotherAtHome(NewYork:TheAmericanTractSociety,1833).
60November29,1840,LillyDiary.
61Ibid.,17.
245
Abbottadvocatedpatienceandtoleranceinteachingmorals,buthemadeclearthe
foundationofgoodeducation—authority.Hedescribedafinelinebetween
forbearanceandindulgence.Thewell‐meaningbutmisguidedchildwouldcome
aroundtothelessonsofapatientmother,butaspoiledchildriskedbecoming“self‐
willed,turbulent,andrevengeful”andspendingalifetimedisappointinghismother.
Abbott’schoiceofadverbsmarkingundesirablebehaviorisinteresting.Considered
inamorefavorablelight,theymightdescribeanimpulsivemanofhonor:willful,
violent,andprimedforvengeance.Topreventthisunfortunateoutcome,Abbott
insistedthatmothersmustexerttotalauthoritytoachievetheobedienceoftheir
children.Theymustnotbeaccustomedtodefyingauthority,sowhenapunishment
iscalledfor,itmustbeunhesitatinglydelivered.AndbypunishmentAbbott
presumablymeantspanking.Suchpunishmentwasnecessarybecausechildren
oftencouldnotbereasonedwithinthemannerofanadultandwouldrespond
bettertocorrection.Itisnot“enoughthatachildshouldyieldtoyourarguments
andpersuasions.Itisessentialthatheshouldsubmittoyourauthority.”But
punishmentmustbedeliveredwiththecorrecttone.“Guardagainsttoomuch
severity,”headvised,
bypursuingasteadycourseofefficientgovernment,severitywillvery
seldombefoundnecessary.If,whenpunishmentisinflicted,itisdonewith
composureandwithsolemnity,occasionsforpunishmentwillbevery
unfrequent.Letamothereverbeaffectionateandmildwithherchildren…
Andletherfeel,whentheyhavedonewrong,notirritated,butsad,and
punishtheminsorrow,butnotinanger.62
62Ibid.,24,30,60‐61.
246
Thus,Caroline’sdespairaboutcorrectingJames,Jr.,withtherodisanexampleof
herenactingthebehaviorAbbottprescribed.Physicalcorrectiondidnotbetraya
maternal,Christiancode.Carolinedidnotfearthatabeatingdeliveredwasthe
wrongapproach.Shefearedbecausethecorrectionwasinflictedinamomentof
passion,notsolemnityandsadness.CarolineapprovedofAbbott’streatise,butnot
withoutabitofcriticism:“Ifindmanyexcellentremarksonthegovernmentof
childrenthoughalittletootheoretical.”SheparticularlyapprovedofAbbott’s
prescriptionsforreligiousinstruction,includingthechargesto“imprintpleasing
ideasandsuchasthescripturesholdforthofthehappinessofHeaventhatthereby
excitethemostintensedesiretoenterthathappyworld.”Hersummaryperfectly
describedthemodernapproachtoreligiousnurturing—“Weshouldnotonlypray
forourchildrenbutpraywiththemandteachthemtopray.”63
InthelifeexperiencesofCarolineandJamesLilly,weseeanimperfectly
articulatedmiddle‐classfamily.Shedidnotdescribeherselfassuchbutlearned
fromandperformedtheroutinesofmiddleclassdomesticity.Carolinedrewinideas
fromafullspectrumofevangelical,classical,andcontemporaryliterature.She
maintainedaninterestineducationaltheorythroughbooksandnurturedher
teachingphilosophythroughcommunicationwiththeforemosteducatorsofher
day.Carolineinsistedonacompanionatemarriageandtherebyrejectedany“pre‐
63November29,1840,LillyDiary.
247
modern”considerations.Thus,shemarriedJamesLillyandhadasuccessfully
affectionaterelationshipwithhim.
StrongandMollieThomasson
StrongThomassonwaspossessedbyperiodicals.Hereadmorevoraciously
thanCarolineinhersinglehood.Hereadsomanymagazinesthathemimickedtheir
styleinhisowndiaryentriesandonceimaginedhimselftheeditorofanewspaper.
Strongreadonweekends,nights,andevenreadwhiledrivinghiswagon.
NewspapersandmagazinesinterestedStrongthemost,buthealsoreadworksof
piousfictionandmoretraditionalreligiousmatter.Strong’sdiaryreflectedhis
literaryinterests,butmoreimportantly,thewaysheintegratedthelessonsof
readingintohisdailylifeareapparent.64
StrongtooklocalandregionalnewspapersincludingtheSalemPeople’sPress,
TheGreensboroMessage,OldRip’sPopGunfromShelby,andforatimehetook
CharlesForceDeems’temperancenewspaper,TheBallotBox.65Thomasson
enthusedabouttheNorthCarolinaPlanter.66Hesubscribedtopapersfromother
placesintheUnitedStates.HeenjoyedtheDollarTimesfromCincinnatibutdisliked
64PaulD.Escott,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862
(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996).
65Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,11,50,56,24.
66Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,192‐193,201.
248
theGeorgiaBlister&Critic,amedicalreview.67TheUnitedStatesIntelligencergraced
hispostoffice,asdidtheIndependentfromNewYork.68Strong’sabsolutefavorite
paperwasTheSpiritoftheAge,theorganoftheSonsofTemperanceinNorth
Carolina.TheAgebeganpublishingin1849andcarriednotonlytemperance
advocacybutalsoworksoffictionandnonfictiondesignedtoimproveChristian
moralsingeneral.69“TheAgeis,”Strongwrote,“oneofthebestpapersinNorth
Carolina.”70
Strongenjoyedmagazinesandcompendiumsperhapsmorethan
newspapers,andhesubscribedtodozens.AmongthemweretheYouth’sCabinet,
Arthur’sHomeMagazine,theLady’sWreath,TheWaterCureJournal,LifeIllustrated,
TheCountryGentleman,TheCultivator,TheU.S.Magazine,TheCriterian,Mother’s
Magazine,andMerry’sMuseum.71Hisfamiliaritywithmagazinesallowedhimroom
tocriticizethem.OftheWaverlyMagazinefromBostonhenoted,
Thepaperisgood,printfineandtolerblyclear.Don’tseehowDowcan
affoardtopublishitat$2ayear,norIdon’tseehowanyonewhohas
anythingelsetodocanaffoardtoreadit.Whocouldstandsuchaweekly,
literarygorgeforawholeyear?Mr.Dow,‘Thatcantbedidintheseparts.’
67Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,26,46.
68Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,16.
69EncyclopediaofNorthCarolina,s.v.“SpiritoftheAge.”
70Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,3.
71Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,7,11,38,and60.
249
YourMagazineisto[o]large,andpublishedto[o]farfromhome—the
south.72
Strongreaditanyhow.
Americanhistory,geography,andsciencealsointerestedtheyoung
Thomasson.HereadThomasLowNichols’EsotericAnthropology,abookabout
hydrotherapy,the“N.C.editionofMitchell’sGeography,”Phelps’100CitiesandLarge
TownsofAmerica,Hitchcock’sGeology,CaptainR.B.Marcy’sExplorationoftheRed
River,andtheIlluminatedHistoryofNorthAmerica.Fromthelastofthese,Strong
learned“thatNorthAmericainsteadofhavingbeenfirstdiscoveredbyChristopher
Columbus,issupposedtohavebeenvisitedbyabandofNorthmenabouttheyear
1000.”And,astypicalofmostimprovement‐mindedAmericanboysofthe
nineteenthcentury,hereadBenFranklinandlitteredFranklin’sproverbsallover
hisdiary.73
AsanevangelicalChristian,Strongdidreadtheclassicsofreligiousliterature,
ProtestantstandardsingeneralandreadingimportanttoAmericanevangelicalsin
particular.HeheldalongfascinationwithParadiseLost.Hecopiedfavoritepassages
intohisdiary,someofwhichmovedhimtopray:“OhGod,forbidthatI,themost
unworthyofallcreatedbeings,shouldeverbefoundintheranksoftheArchenemy
ofThee,andoffallenman,whomtosave,ThouhasgiventhineonlySon.Forthy
72Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,195.
73Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,30,31,50,67,139,191‐192.
250
Son’ssakehavemercyuponme;guidemebythyHolySpiritthro’life,andatlast
savemeinHeaven.”ThispassagewasunusualforStrong,beingoneoftheveryfew
timesherevertedtotheemotionallanguageofrevivalreligion.Hesteepedhimself
inthesermonsofJohnWesley,thehymnsofCharlesWesley,Fox’sHistoryofthe
Martyrs,andAdamClark’sCommentariesontheNewTestament.He,ofcourse,also
readPilgrim’sProgressandDow’sWorks.In1858,afterhismarriage,Strongbegan
anintenseself‐directedreadingoftheBible,asifheneededtoreasserthis
commitmenttothesacredscript.Heclaimed“theBibleisthebookofbooks,and
shouldbereadthroughbyeveryperson,aftertheyhavelearnedtoreadwell,at
leastonceayear.”74
StrongalsopursuedcontemporaryChristianliterature.Hepurchased
moralitytalesfromtheAmericanTractSociety.(Infact,oneTractSocietyagent,
Rev.SamuelCaliway,occasionallystayedatThomasson’shouse.75)Tracttitles
includedElizabethDavidson,EmilyMaria,GoldenTreasury,ComandmentsExplained,
TheExcellentNarrative,TheLittleOne’sLadder,andWouldstKnowThyself.76
Strong’sfavoritereligiousreading,asidefromtheBibleandParadiseLost,wasa
bookcalledTheSacredChainofWonders.Stronghadgoodreasontofavorthe
authorwithatellingname—SamuelArminiusLatta.AMethodistminister,a
74Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,72,119,130,188,and189.
75Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,39.
76Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,26,77,220.
251
temperanceadvocate,andaphysicianinOhio,(andincidently,afriendofCharles
Deems),Lattaturnedtomedicineafterpursuingaministerialcareerandadvocated
homeopathicmedicinebeforehisdeathin1852.77Strongmayhavediscovered
Latta’sworkbywayofhisinterestinhydrotherapy.TheChainofSacredWonders
attempted,infloridprose,tolinkBiblicalhistorytocontemporaryfindingsin
geology,geography,andnaturalhistory.Thepublishers,Appleton&Co.of
Cincinnati,advertisedLatta’sworkasavaluablematerialpossession:“Itis
illustratedwithbeautifulengravings,andisgottenupinthebeststyle,”or,“Itis
beautifullyexecutedonfinewhitepaper,theprintingistheneateststyleofart.”78By
makingappealstotheelevatedqualityofproduction,Appleton,inthewordsof
CandyBrown,had“sanctifie[d]theworldlydomainofhighfashion,”thus“unif[ying]
diversemembersofthechurchuniversal.”Thekeyhereisthatmaterialvaluehad
notreplacedspiritualvalue,butthatit“augment[ed],evenasessentialtoachieving,
itspiritualvalue.”79Iftheappealsbywayoffineengravingsandqualitypaperdid
nothintattheintendedmarket,thepublishermadeitclearbynoting“[i]tiswell
adaptedtotheChristianfamilycircle,toSabbathSchoolandreligiouslibraries.”In
77LattabiographyinWilliamB.Sprague,ed.,AnnalsoftheAmericanMethodistPulpit…Vol.7(New
York:RobertCarter&Brothers,1861),756‐758.Interestingly,thougharesidentofOhio,Latta
apparentlysidedwiththeSouthernMethodistsafter1847.SeealsoJohnHarleyWarner,“Power,
Conflict,andIdentityinMid‐Nineteenth‐CenturyAmericanMedicine:TherapeuticChangeatthe
CommercialHospitalinCincinnati,”JournalofAmericanHistory73(March,1987):934‐956.
78AdvertisementsappearedinavarietyofAppletonpublications,includingRev.ReubenHatch,A.M.,
BibleServitudeRe‐examined:withspecialreferencetopro‐slaveryinterpretationsandinfidelobjections
(Cincinnati:Applegate&Co.,1862),andRev.R.Abbey,Diuturnity:ortheComparativeAgeofthe
World(Cincinnati:Applegate&Co,1866)
79Brown,TheWordintheWorld,27‐33.
252
short,TheChainofSacredWonderswasnotmeanttosupplementrevivalreligion
buttobeastorehouseofreligiousknowledgeinthenewdomesticityof
evangelicalism.
StrongThomassonprobablyreadmorewidelythanmostordinaryNorth
Carolinians,buthisselectionoftopicswasfarfromesotericorunusual.Pre‐
Darwiniangeologicaltheorieswerecommoninthesouth.SarahDavidsonhad
encounteredthem.VariousscientificpursuitsenrapturedmanyordinaryNorth
Carolinians.Nearlyeveryoneattemptedpoeticverses.Strong’sexplorationof
hydropathyisthemostuniqueofhisinterests.Thedepthofhisdevotionto“the
watercure”isnotknown,buthedidpracticeit.HereadtheWaterCureJournaland
ahydropathypromotionalbookcalledEsotericAnthropology.In1854,Strong
“bought…1½oz.ofspungeonpurposetouseinbathing.Ihavegreatfaithincold
water.”Hydropathydidnotconsistentirelyofcoldwaterappliedasmedicalremedy
butclaimedaholisticviewofhumanhealthincludingprescriptionsfordietand
exercise.Indeed,in1855,StrongThomassonlamentedtheeatingofmeatandcried
“O!thatwehadafewCasperHousersandLutherstoreformourtaste,andthus
bringabout,orestablis[h]apurelyvegetabledietthroughouttheworld.”Though
notdestinedtobecomepartofthemedicalorthodoxy,hydropathyandassociated
therapieswerecompletelyconventionalinthemid‐1850s.80Stronghimselfhad
80OnhydropathyandTheWater‐CureJournal,seeSusanE.Cayleff,WashandBeHealed:TheWater‐
CureMovementandWomen’sHealth(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1987),24‐27.Onthe
proto‐orthodoxmedicallandscapeofthesouth,seeStevenM.Stowe,DoctoringtheSouth:Southern
PhysiciansandEverydayMedicineintheMid‐NineteenthCentury(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorth
253
troublemaintaininghiscommitment,however,asby1858hewasagaineating
swine.81
Thomassonminedcontemporaryliteraturemostdeeplyforguidanceonhow
toconstructamodernfamily.Mostofthemagazinesandnewspapershesubscribed
tocontainedarticlesandcolumnsdevotedtodescribingidealgenderrelationships.
Forinstance,Strongtooknoticeofanarticleentitled“ComingDown”inhisfavorite
newspaper,theSpiritoftheAge.Theauthor,AliceCary—whoStrongconsidered“a
goodwriter”—describedtherapidsocialdecentofawealthyyoungcoupledueto
thelossoftheirfortune.Thetragedythreatenedtheirmarriage,buttheydiscover
thevirtuesandjoysoflovederivedfromcompanionshipinhardtimes.Theclear
lessonwasthatsocialstatusandwealthwerehollowmarkersofasuccessful
relationship,whilecompanionshipandtendernessmadetrulyvirtuousmarriages.82
Strongevencopiedpoeticadvicehefoundina“Lotterypaper”hereceived.
Treatladies’favorwithrespect,
Goodwillofwomanne’erneglect,
Nomaneverslightedwomanyet,
Butfoundgoodcauseforsharpregret.
CarolinaPress,2004).Atthistime,IdonotunderstandStrong’sreferencetoKasperHauser,ayoung
Germanwhoallegedlyspenthischildhoodinaclosetdeprivedoflightandsound.Thereissome
suggestionthatHausermayhavebeenatotemforhomeopathsandother“alternative”medical
practitioners.
81Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,30,50,101,and191.
82Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,92.
254
Here,Stronghadtakenavisionfromtheculturalstreamandadopteditforhisown
use.Inthiscase,theadvicebadementoberespectfulofwomen.Fromapoemby
ThomasMaCeller,Strongderivedadvicethat“shouldbelaidawayandfrequently
rememberedbyallhusbandseekers.”
Bewareofhimwhosespeechissmooth
Themotherspakeherdaughter
Thedeepestdepthsareeverfound
Whereflowsthesmoothestwater.’
Beadvised,youngladies,and‘lookbeforeyouleap.’
Inthisextendedmetaphor,amalepoethasawomannarratorenjoinher
daughtertofindamatenotina“smoothtalkingman,”onelikelytobedomineering,
prideful,orwealthy,butonewhoexhibitedthemostcalm.Strongadoptedthis
advicefrommothertodaughterandturneditintoadvicefromarecentlymarried
mantootheryoungmenstillinsearchofawife.Thereciprocityoftenderness
criticaltoformationofbothmasculinityandfemininityisapparentintheadvice
itselfandtheusetowhichtheadvicewasadaptedbyThomasson.Strongfound
similarguidanceincontemporaryfiction.Inthemagazinestory“thehappyTypo,”
Strongtooknoteofthemaincharacter,“aMr.GettyphatTake,whosaid‘The
happiestdayIeverspentwasonetimewhenIhadnotbutoneshirtandapairof
pantstoputon,hadspentallmymoneyandgonehungryforfortyhours.’”This
visionofmanhood,asmodest,unassuming,restrained,calm,andaboveall,cheerful,
movedStrongtoscratchoutaverseofhisown.
255
Ahappymanishe,
Whothuscanfastandbe
Alwaysingoodtemper.
Strong’scourtshipofMary(Mollie)Bellwasalreadyunderwaywhenthe
diaryopenedin1853,andthereneverseemstohavebeenanyquestionthatthetwo
wouldnotbeengagedandmarried.Therefore,whenStrongreadArthur’sHome
MagazineortheYoungBride’sBook,hehadspecificapplicationsinmind.Ofthe
former,heremarkedthathemustsubscribe,“ifnotnow,assoonasIgetpossession
of,‘aprettylittlewife,andabigplantation.’Since‘There’snoplacelikehome’I
intendtohaveahomeifIlive.”Infact,whenhereceivedtheYoungBride’sBook,
eighteenmonthsbeforehismarriage,Strongnotedthathewouldpresentthebook
toMollieontheirweddingday.83Strongdidnothaveacommandingtone;rather,he
conductedhimselfingenialways.GivingMollietheYoungBride’sBook,subtitledAn
epitomeofthedomesticdutiesandsocialenjoymentsofwoman,aswifeandmother,
wasnotacommand,butanexpresswishandencouragementthatMolliebea
certainkindofChristianwife.IttoowasanimplicitstatementthatStrong,the
husband,wouldbehaveasaChristianman.Theprefacetothe1839editionofThe
YoungBride’sBookestablisheditsvisionofaChristianmarriage:
Thatconjugalfelicitymaybeatoncereciprocalandlasting,theremustnot
onlybeequalvirtueoneachpart,butvirtueofthesamekind;notonlythe
sameendmustbeproposed,butthesamemeansmustbeapprovedbyboth.
83Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,12,27‐28.
256
Thecriticaldistinctionhereistheprescriptionforthebalanceofpowerina
marriage.Itdoesnotallowseparatestandardsforbehaviorforhusbandsandwives
but“equalvirtue…virtueofthesamekind.”Publicdisplaysofpoliticaldominance
andprivateactsofsexualcontrolwerenotsanctioned.The“sameend”and“the
samemeansmustbeapprovedbyboth.”Again,thestandardofbehaviorfor
husbandsandwives—formenandwomen—dependedinpartnotonindependent
sexualizedvariablesbutontheunityofvirtuespracticedbyoneanother.
ThoughtheBellandThomassonfamilieswerelikelysociallyand
economicallyacquaintedintheirruralcommunity,thecourtshipbetweenStrong
andMollietookplacearoundchurchandthehome.StrongsawMollieregularlyon
Sundays,whenheescortedhertochurch.Followingtheservice,Strongwenthome
withMollietotheBellhomeandquiteoftenspentthenight.Thistimespent
togetherconfirmedtoeachother—andtoMollie’sfamilyaswell—thatthecouple
wouldhavearelationshipbasednotoneconomicadvantagebutonthestrengthof
theircooperativepersonalities.ItisunlikelythatStrongandMolliehadsexual
contactonhisovernightstays.Heneithermentionsitnoralludestoit.Butthey
likelysleptsidebysideinasmallhouseunderthewatchfuleyesandearsofMollie’s
fatherandmother.ThelatenightsoftenleftStrongexhaustedonMondays,buthis
enthusiasmforMollieonlygrew.Strongdrewonavarietyofpoeticsourcesto
expresshislove:“AsIcamehomeIsawMissM.A.B.,theprettiestgirlinallthe
country.‘MaytheRuleofheavenlookdown,AndmyMaryfromevildefend.’Amen.”
257
Here,hequotedLordByron.Onanotheroccasionhedrewfromlocalfolkloreand
thetaleofNaomiWise,whenhereferredtoMollieas“’thefairestofearth’s
daughters,Agemtodeckthesky.’”Nomatterthesource,hisadorationofMolliewas
fullysentimental.84
Strongandhisfamily—hiswholefamily—exemplifytheuniquenatureof
middle‐classideasappliedinaruralagriculturalregion.PaulEscottnotedthat
StrongandMollieremainedfullyintheeconomicorbitof—evensubmissionto—
Strong’sfatherAndrew.StronglookedtoAndrewforadviceonthepurchaseofland.
StrongandhisbrothersClarkandCalebworkedeachother’slandasmuchastheir
own.ImportantfamilymeetingsandeventstookplaceatAndrew’shouse;Clark
wentthereforhisdeathbed.YetinsideStrongandMollie’shousehold,thepicture
vastlychanges.Strongconsciouslyconstructedthesettingformiddle‐class
domesticitynotonlyinthephysicalsettingsofthehousehold,butintherelationship
hecultivatedwithMollie.Strong,likeJamesLilly,caredforhiswifewhenshewas
sickandassumedherdutiesinthehouse.“FoundMaryinbedwiththesickhead
ache,”henotedaweekaftertheirmarriage.“Bathedherfeetinwarmwater,and
gavehersomeDitneytea,andawarmrockforherfeet,coveringherupnicelyin
bed.”WhenMolliefellillin1859,Strongundertookataskfewsouthernmen
admittedto:hecookedandwasheddishes.“Itiswellenoughforamantoknowhow
tocook,washdishes,etc.,”heconcluded.“HadIbeenignorantofthesethings,I
84Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,26,27,and28‐29.
258
wouldhavebeenlikelytohavegonetobedto‐nightminusmysupper.”Nodoubt,
Molliewouldhavetoo.Heconfessed,“I’dmakeagreatcookifIhadenoughoftwo
things:‐‐viz.practiceandsomethingtocook.”Strongsteppedintoaidinothertasks
suchasquiltmakingandwashing.StrongnotonlyaidedMolliewithphysicallabor,
buthealsotaughthertoread.“GaveMollieherfirstlessoninGrammar,”henoted
sixmonthsaftertheirwedding.“Shelearnedandrecitedthreelesson[s]!Theywere
ofcoursenotverylong,butIamwellpleasedwithherstart.Thinkshe’llbea
grammariansomeday.”85Withsuchacts,Strongenthusiasticallyperformedtherole
ofamodernChristianhusband.Inthesecases,heoccupiedapatriarchicalposition,
beingthepossessorofpower.Buthedidnotperformthesetasksbecauseexerting
powerwashisdutyorthatperformancebestowedreputationuponhim.Hedidso
becauseheaimed,ashehadreadintheYoungBride’sBook,tohave“reciprocal”
relationshipwith“equalvirtue”achievedthroughthe“samemeans.”
TheThomassondomesticfelicityexerteditselfinasubtleandmoreprofound
mannerinthewayStrongutilizedhisSundays.AftertheThomasson’smarriage,and
particularlyafterthebirthoftheirson,StrongandMolliemoreandmorefrequently
stayedhomefromchurch.Thoughdueinparttothedifficultyofcoordinatinga
familyofthree’sattendancewithfrequentsicknessandpoorweather,Strong’s
decisiontostayhomeSundaysgrewintoaconscientiousefforttoconstructasacred
domesticsphere.StronghadexpressedSabbatariansentimentsbeforehismarriage.
85Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,90,225,231,229,and124.
259
Henotedthat“SundayvisitingisnotinaccordancewiththeDivineLaw,unlessitsto
dogood;thiswayofneighborsgettingtogether,andspendingthedaythatshouldbe
keptholy,inworldlyconversationisnothingshortofrobbery.”Robbery,thatis,of
God’stime,thecaveatsuggestedthatvisiting,ifdevotedtoworship,mayhavebeen
acceptable.
Strong’sacquisitionofhisownhomeandfamilyfacilitatedenactmentof
domesticity:“Thisisapleasantday,indeed,andwhileIwriteMaryissittingnear
withtheBible&SundayBook,andatmyrightelbowisawhitepitcherofredand
whiteWinterRoses—emblemsofloveandpurity,andjustbeforemeliesthatgreat
‘StorehouseoftheEnglishlanguage’—Webster’sAmericanDictionary.”Itisaperfect
sceneofdomestichappiness,includingacontentwifeindevotionandasymbolic
flowerarrangement.Webster’ssuggestsasecularcomponent,asdothepitcherand
flowers,inablendofsacredandworldly.Mollie’sreadingchoice,however,reflected
Strong’spreferenceforsacredconsumptiononSundays.Strongexplained,
staidathomeandread,amongotherthings,twoofWesley’ssermons.Oneon
familyreligion,fromthetext…andtheotheronredeemingtime,fromthe
text…WestayathomeonSundayandreadourgoodbooks—theBible—
ChainofSacredWonders—PrinceoftheHouseofDavid—etc.,etc.
Strongdidnotquitchurch;hisfamilycontinuedtoattendservicesregularly,buthis
replacementofcongregationwithfamilyisobvious.ThearrivalofhissonJodyonly
increasedStrong’sdomesticfelicity:“Staidathomeallday.Ialwayslovedhome,and
wasneversatisfiedanywhereelselongatatime,andnowthatthehomechainhas
260
anotherandastronglink(myboy)attachedtoit,anditbindscloserinproportionas
itincreasesinlengthguessIshallhavetostayabout.”TheJulyafterJodie’sbirth,
Strongwrote,
I&Molliearesittinginthesouthendofourcabin;thewindowisuptoadmit
thepleasantsouthwindwhichcomesingentlythroughthegreenleavesof
thepeach‐treethatstandsjustinfrontofthewindow.Ourboyissleepingon
apillowinachairjustatmylefthand,andthedogieisalsoquite[quiet]just
now.I’vebeenreadingthismorning,intheTestament,andIcan’tsee,forthe
lifeofme,howtheBaptistscanconceivethatBaptismisessentialto
Salvation.86
Strongdidnotindicatethatheengagedinthepracticeoffamilyreligionas
advocatedbyAbbotorDeems.Buthedidpracticereligionwithhisfamily.His
contemplationofBaptisttheologyonlyhighlightsanimportantaspectofStrong’s
felicity:domesticlifemayhavesupplantedchurch,buthomelifewasnolesssacred
thanchurch.Thisisaslightdistinction,andamajorone.ItisslightbecauseStrong
stillprioritizedsalvationandmoralbehavioramongallotherthings.Butthatbarely
concealsthatatectonicshifthadoccurred.Scholarsofreligionhavelongnotedthe
theologicalandmaterialchangestotheAmericanhouseholdasaresultofmarket
expansionandindustrialization.Fewhoweverhavedescribedthisprocessin
southernhouseholds,letalonenon‐slaveowningones.YetStrongThomasson
exemplifies—intheologymorethanmaterialism—thatshift.Hestayedathomeon
Sundaysinreveriesofquietude,madepossiblebyahome,awife,andachild.Strong
turnedhisdomesticsceneintoasacredscene.AsStrongputit,“themanthatloves
86Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,215,225,25,103,203,222,141,and142.
261
not,andsoneglectshishome,ifhehasone,mustbelookingoutforhappinessinthe
wrongdirection.”Perfecthappiness,thatofaconfidentChristian,couldonlybe
foundinthecontextofmarriageandparentalrelations,inahouseholdsetting.
Strong,likemanyothers,turnedtheireyesfromaheaveninasupernaturalworld,
toaliteralheavenonearth:“Home.Thereismusicintheword.Othatwemay
alwayshaveagoodhome;‐‐ahomeonearth.”87Theshifttodomesticfelicityis
emblematicofatheologicalshiftfromsalvation‐focusedreligiontoafocuson
secularmorality.Overalongperiod,thisbroadershiftiscertainlytrue,butStrong
didnotleapsofar.Salvationremainedthegoalofhouseholdhappiness.Strong
reflected,
howmuchmorepleasantitistospendtheSabbathathomereadinggood
booksandpapers,thanitistospenditgad[d]ingaboutoverthe
neighborhood.Andtosaynothingoftheagreeableness,howmuchmore
profitableitis.SincetheLordissogoodastoletuslive,weshouldnotspend
ourtimeinidleness,norinfrivolousconversation,butweshouldbeallthe
timelayingupforourselves‘treasuresinheaven.’88
Theactof“layingupforourselves‘treasuresinheaven’”thusincludedstayingat
home.Notatarevival,notincommunalsinging,andnotinthelisteningtoasermon,
butinstayingathome.
87Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,256.
88Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,183.
262
Strongworkedtowardthenuclearfamilyasasacredideal.Historianstendto
suggestthatitiseconomicchangethatbreaksdownhabitsofmutuality.89But
Stronglivedfullyinaworldofhabitsofmutuality.Historianstendtosuggestthat
communitiesthreatenedwithdissipationfromeconomicforcesclingmore
forcefullytoreligion.90Buthereitisreligionitselfthatisfacilitatingthechange.
Strongcertainlylostsomethingoftraditionalsocialrelationships.Hedidnot
worshipwithfriends,neighbors,andfamilyasmuch.Hedidnotvisit,orreceive
visitorsinsuchawayastoreinforcesocialbonds.Allthewhilehemaintained
communaleconomicrelationshipswithhisfamilyandneighbors.Cultureprevailed
overeconomicsinStrong’sworld.Habitsofmutualityremainedwhilereligious
practicedirectedhimtowardhabitsofdomesticity.Strongneverexpressedregret
overthetransition.Heembracedit.
Middle‐ClassBehaviorintheRuralSouth
IntheLillyandThomassonhouseholdsweseeclearexamplesofwhatmight
becalledmiddleclassbehavior.CarolineandStrongbothanticipatedandpracticed
companionatemarriages,bothnurturedtheirspousesandchildrenwithaffection,
andbothsacrilizedtheirdomesticspaces.Thedemandsofracialandgender
hierarchydidnotmarkCarolineandStrong’sfamilialendeavors.Theirconceptions
89StevenHahn,TheRootsofSouthernPopulism:YeomanFarmersandtheTransformationofthe
GeorgiaUpcountry,1850‐1890(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1983).
90BertramWyatt‐Brown,TheShapingofSouthernCulture:Honor,Grace,andWar,1760s‐1880s
(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2001),chapters4and5.
263
offamily(includinggender)relationshipsarosefromtheculturalworldoftheir
evangelicalChristianity,nottheChristianityoftheGreatRevivals,butmid‐
nineteenthcenturyAmericanChristianitythatpromotedanexpandedviewofmoral
behaviorandinstruction.ThisChristianityanditsmiddleclassstylesfilledthe
culturalworldsofNorthCarolinians.Carolineattendedprotractedmeetingsand
deeplystruggledwithherownsalvation,butshelearnedhowtobeawife,amother,
andmemberofsocietyfromChristian‐infusedliteratureonfemaleeducationand
theadviceliteraturecirculatedbynationalevangelicalpublicationsocieties.Strong
imbibedofthefictionalandmoralisticformsofChristianliteraturepresentin
magazinesandnewspapers.Ofinteresthereistheobservationthatthesecultural
changesareapparentlongbeforeeconomicandpoliticalchallengesmanifested
themselvesintheSouth.Inthemidstoftraditionalsouthernfarmsteadsofslave
labor(Caroline)andextendedfamilies(Strong),bothturnedtheirfamiliesandtheir
homesintothemeansofsalvation.Theireyesdidturnearthward,buttheywereno
lessChristiansfortheirnewmethods.Indeed,insteadofadecreaseinthesocial
influenceofChristianbehavior,theprescriptionsforsalvationbecamemoredeeply
embeddedineverydaylife.
Partoftheculturalchangenotnecessarilyspecifictoevangelicalsisthatof
malegenderroles.StrongandJamesLillyenactedandrepresentedamodelof
masculinebehavioratoddswitheliteplanterstandardsbasedonhonor,command,
orpoliticalindependence.ThoughwedonothavetheinteriorthoughtsofJames,we
264
canreadinCaroline’sobservationsamanfullyinconcertwithhiswife’smarital
expectations.Theirbehaviorwasnotfeminized,andnothingsuggeststhattheir
peersconsideredthemlessthanmen.WhenJamesaccededtoCaroline’sreligious
prerogatives,whenStrongfedMollie’sreadinghabitswithbridalmagazines,both
fulfilledstandardsofmanlybehaviorpromulgatedbymiddle‐classChristianity.
Specifically,theyregardedtheirwivesasmoralequalsinthedomesticsphere.
Thereby,StrongandJamesbecamethementhattheAmericanTractSocietyandthe
SouthernChristianAdvocateencouragedthemtobe,morallyfulfilledbytheirwives.
ThesetwohusbandsactedthepartsthathistorianAmyGreenbergrecently
describedas“restrainedmanhood…practicedbymenintheNorthandSouthwho
groundedtheiridentitiesintheirfamilies[and]intheevangelicalpracticeoftheir
Protestantfaith…Restrainedmenwerestrongproponentsofdomesticityor‘true
womanhood,’Theybelievedthatthedomestichouseholdwasthemoralcenterof
theworld,andthewifeandmotheritsmoralcompass.”Greenberg’srestrainedmen
couldbefoundincitiesandinthecountryandamongDemocratsandWhigs,evenif
theirculturalpreferencestendedthemtowardbusinessandprogress‐oriented
Whiggery.91ThenotablyWhiggishorientationoftheNorthCarolinaPiedmontthus
maybepartiallyexplainedbytheembrace,withinhouseholds,ofthenew
evangelicalconceptionoffamilylife.
91AmyGreenberg,ManifestManhoodandtheAntebellumAmericanEmpire(NewYork:Cambridge
UniversityPress,2005),11‐12,and238‐258.
265
Thesefindingsalsopointtoanothercriticalrelationshipinsouthernlife—
thatofeliteplantersandordinarywhitepeoplewhocomposedthemajorityofthe
freepopulation.HistoriansfromGenovesetoMcCurrytoFriendhavedescribedelite
culturalpowerasthebasisofsocialexpectationsforallothers.Plantersexpected
commandrelationshipswithsubordinates,sosecuredthatbehaviorinnon‐planters
throughpolitical,religious,andsocialpressures.Thosechannelsarenotsoapparent
inthisstory.Infact,whatisnotableistheunmediatednatureofcontemporary
evangelicalliteratureandpractice.CarolineandStronglearnedtheirbehaviorsnot
bylisteningtoelites,oraspiringtobelikethem,butbyengagingwithnational
evangelicalpublishingnetworksandotherculturalconversations.92Implicittothis
argumentisthecapabilityofevangelicalsocialbehaviortocrossclasslines.Iamnot
proposingthateliteplantersmaintainedonestandardofbehaviorandtheir
economicinferiorsanother.Instead,evangelicalsocialbehaviorcanbeseenasan
alternativecodeofconductavailabletowealthyandpooralike.IntheNorth
CarolinaPiedmont,withitssmallnumberofplanterelites,this“domesticfelicity”
settledrightinthemiddle.
92FriendfoundthisaspirationalbehaviorinoneSouthCarolinaPiedmonterin“Belles,Benefactors,
andtheBlacksmith’sSon:CyrusStuartandtheEnigmaofSouthernGentlemanliness,”inSouthern
Manhood:PerspectivesonMasculinityintheOldSouth,ed.CraigThompsonFriendandLorriGlover
(Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2004),92‐122.
266
CHAPTERVII
EPILOGUE
EvangelicalsintheSecessionCrisisandWar
JohnFlintoffdidnotcareforthewar.Hethoughtitlamentableand
unnecessary.OnJune10,1861,afastdayinthenewConfederacy,heexpressed
trepidation—“asoluumfeelingprevailedweareinwarwithournorthernfriends.”1
Thethirty‐eightyearoldCaswellCountyfarmerstayedoutofthearmyaslongas
possible.YethebelievedheartilyintheConfederatecause.Sixdaysafterthefast
day,andwithnointentionofactuallyenlisting,Flintoffexpressedsolidaritywiththe
newnation’smilitaryeffort.“Shouldwefallindefenseofourproperty&rightsas
SouthernersmaywedieShoutingthepraisingofGodandtogohometorestwith
hispeople.”2JohnFlintoffwasneitheracowardnorahypocrite.Indeed,thousands
ofpiedmontNorthCaroliniansechoedFlintoff’sdreadandtheirlackofenthusiasm
presagedtheregion’sreputationfordisaffectionfromthewareffort.Atthesame
time,thousandsmoreNorthCarolinianscommittedthemselvestotheConfederacy.
Thecontradictionrequiresexplanation.JohnFlintoffcouchedhisreservationsinthe
languageoffaithandfamily.HeprayedthattheLordrelievehim
1June10,1861,JohnF.FlintoffDiary,OfficeofArchivesandHistory,Raleigh,NorthCarolina
(Hereafter,FlintoffDiary).SeealsoApril12,1861.
2June16,1861,FlintoffDiary.
267
ofthedistresscausedbythewar.“Lordmakeustofeelthatthouarestrongable&
willingtodeliverusfromtheravagesofwar&hastenthedayweshallhavepeace,”
hewrote,andconcluded,asanyevangelicalwouldhaveknown,thatonlyGod,not
thedecisionsofmen,couldoffer“consolinghope.”1ThewardistressedFlintoff,
becauseitrepresentedaspecificthreattoallhehadbuiltinhislife.“myheartis
heavymyprospectsinlifearebrokenupwhatIhavelongprayedforappearstobe
deniedme[.]IfgodthinkbesttodenymewhatIhaveworkedprayedyealongedfor
helpmeohgodtobesubmissivetobecheerfulunderallthecircumstancesor
afflictionsthatmaybesetme.”2AfterstrugglingforadecadeinMississippi,Flintoff
hadfoundrelativesuccessasalandownerandslaveownerinCaswellCounty,a
husbandandfather,andhadrecentlybeenappointedaClassLeaderinhis
Methodistcongregation.Flintoff’scompetencyincludedasecurehouseholdanda
serenefaith.Secessionthreatenedallthat.SodidYankees.
LikeFlintoff,IredellCountyfarmerStrongThomassonexpressedtrepidation
aboutthecourseofsecession.“Thesearegloomytimes,andseemtobegrowing
darkeranddarkereveryday.Everymailbringsussomebadnews,‐‐newsof
disunionandwar.”3NorwasMaryDavisBrownenthusiastic,butsheconsideredthe
1October1,1861,andJuly21,1861,FlintoffDiary.
2July28,1861,FlintoffDiary.
3PaulD.Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman:TheDiaryofBasilArmstrongThomasson,1853‐1862
(Athens:TheUniversityofGeorgiaPress,1996),305.
268
Confederacy“oureendangeredcountry.”4OnlyJamesLilly,Jr.,thesonofCaroline
Lillydidnothesitate.HeenlistedinthearmybeforeNorthCarolinaevenseceded.5
JohnFlintoffeventuallyandunenthusiasticallyservedintheConfederate
military.StrongThomassondidnotserveatall.Intheseindividuals’sdilemmas,and
theirinterpretationsofthem,weseetheproblemthathasbedeviledcountless
historians.Whydidsomanyordinarywhitesouthernerssofullycommitthemselves
tothesecessionists’cause?Why,atthesametime,didsomanyotherordinary
peopleexpresssoambivalentanattachmenttothatsamecause?6Theevangelical
ethosservestoexplainthereactionofboththosewhosupportedandthosewho
opposedtheConfederacy.
WhenNorthCarolinalefttheUnionin1861,itchosetoalignitselfwithanew
governmentdedicatedsolelytothepreservationofslaveryandtheperpetuationof
planterpower.Secessionhadexposedthenumerousparadoxesatworkinthe
4TheDescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps:TheJournalsofMaryDavisBrown
fromtheBeershebaPresbyterianChurchCommunity,York,SC(n.p.:n.p.,2010),88.
5CompiledServiceRecordsofConfederateSoldiersWhoServedinOrganizationsfromtheStateof
NorthCarolina,NationalArchivesandRecordsAdministration,Washington,D.C.SeealsoLilly
Collection,NorthCarolinaofOfficeandHistory,Raleigh,NorthCarolina.
6SeediscussionsinStephanieMcCurry,MastersofSmallWorlds:YeomanHouseholds,Gender
Relations,&thePoliticalCultureoftheAntebellumSouthCarolinaLowCountry(NewYork:Oxford
UniversityPress,1995),297‐302,CharlesC.Bolton,PoorWhitesoftheAntebellumSouth:Tenantsand
LaborersinCentralNorthCarolinaandNortheastMississippi(Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,
1994),139‐160,StephenA.West,FromYeomantoRedneckintheSouthCarolinaUpcountry,1850‐
1915(Charlottesville,Va.:UniversityofVirginiaPress,2008),KennethW.Noe,ReluctantRebels:The
ConfederatesWhoJoinedtheArmyafter1861(ChapelHill:TheUniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,
2010),andKennethW.NoeandShannonH.Wilson,eds.,TheCivilWarinAppalachia(Knoxville:
UniversityofTennesseePress,1997).
269
changingSouth.Planters,forinstance,intentonananti‐liberalpoliticalregime,led
thesecessionistmovement,yettheyenvisionedademocraticfutureandwerejoined
byeconomicmodernizersintheConfederacy.7Themosteloquent,andthemost
inelegant,whitesouthernvoicesforUnionisminlate1860,afterjustoneyear,had
becomeofficersintheConfederatearmyandrepresentativesinitsgovernment.8
Thatchampionsandpractitionersofmiddle‐classvaluessnubbedtheConfederacy
shouldcomeasnosurprise.Theydid.Butthefactthatmanymoregavetheirlivesto
thenewConfederatenationshouldalsocomeasnosurprise.Theydidtoo.The
questionsareapparent.Towhatextentdidtheevangelicalethicspeed,orstall,the
movetowardsecession?
ChurchesatWar
DenominationsandtheirchurchesremainedlargelyquietasNorthCarolina
voterswenttothepollsinFebruaryandApril1861todecideonremovingthestate
fromtheUnion.9Theydemurredfromofficialcommentaryorendorsementof
politicalaction.10Yetindividualclergyandlaypeoplefreelyexpressedopinionsand
7See,forinstance,JohnMajewski,ModernizingaSlaveEconomy:TheEconomicVisionofthe
ConfederateNation(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2009).
8SeetheexamplesofZebulonB.Vance,JohnAdamsGilmer,andJonathanWorthinDanielW.Crofts,
ReluctantConfederates:UpperSouthUnionistsintheSecessionCrisis(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorth
CarolinaPress,1993).
9MarcW.Kruman,PartiesandPoliticsinNorthCarolina,1836‐1865(BatonRouge:LouisianaState
UniversityPress,1983),180‐221.
10GeorgeC.Rable,God’sAlmostChosenPeoples:AReligiousHistoryoftheAmericanCivilWar(Chapel
Hill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2010),andMarkA.Noll,TheCivilWarasaTheologicalCrisis
(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2006).
270
actedinasimilarfashiontotheobliquewaychurchesapproachedthetemperance
reform.BothMarkNollandGeorgeRablehavenoticedthisphenomenonofsilence.
Beyondthesermonsoftheologianswhoenthusiasticallysupportedsecessionor
thosewhobitterlyopposedit,thelessvisibleoperationofdenominationspointsto
themoreambivalentstancechurchesadoptedinthecrisisof1860and1861.
Denominationsexperiencedthreenotableresponsestotheoutbreakofwar.
Churchesinitiallyconsidereddisunionwithasenseoftrepidation.Theleading
denominationsdideventuallyembracethenecessityofwarinamorestrident
fashionthanothers,butallrespondedwithprayers,grief,andcondemnation.
Second,denominationalinstitutionsbeganarapidattenuation,eveninearly1861,
asthe“distracted”natureofthecountrysappedresources,particularlyfrom
schools.Andfinally,attheoutbreakofthewar,denominationsturnedtheir
benevolentresourcestowardanewpoolofneedyChristians:Confederatesoldiers.
Theseresponsesareclosertotheexperiencesofordinarylaypeople.
AttendeesattheMoravians’“monthlymissionaryprayermeeting,”
coincidingwiththeNovemberpresidentialelection,tooktimefromtheirregular
scheduleto“remember[ed]andcommendtotheLord:ourCountry.”Naturally,they
desiredapeacefulresolutionofthecontest,butsucceedingeventsbodedunwell.
Their1861retrospectivenoted“theapprehensionsofpublicdanger,whichrested
likeagloomyclouduponthemindsofthethoughtfulandobservantatthebeginning
oftheyear,thenatureandextentofournationaltroubleshaveprobablyexceeded
271
ourworstanticipations.”11MinisterJacobSiewersinBethaniaalsodeployedthe
metaphorofstormyhorizons:“Thusclosedthiseventfulyear,withheavyclouds
loweringaroundthedestinyofourBelovedCountry.”Hecommencedaprayerthat
“God,ourGodinMercyspareusfromthefearfulresultsofDisunionandCivilWar,
andcementusagaininthepeacefulBrotherhood,andChristianBondsasa
nation.”12Religiouspeoplecringedwithapprehensioninthelastmonthsof1860as
therealityofwarloomed.ThePresbyteryofConcord,forinstance,declareda
Presbytery‐widedayoffasting,prayer,andhumiliation“inbehalfofourcountry.”13
AftertheshockingrealityoftheBattleofManassasinJuly,1861,theMoravians
establishedadailyprayermeetinginSalem.14
Religiouspeoplequicklyconnectedtheirapprehensionaboutthenational
situationtoadeclensioninfaith.Theyhad,afterall,spentsixdecadesdiagnosing
publicdissipationasfailuresofreligiousfeeling.TheCalvinistsamongthe
Piedmont’sevangelicalsparticularlytiedthepoliticaltroublestolackoffaith.The
PresbyteriansinConcord,forinstance,declaredelectionday(November5)1860to
beadayof“solemnfasting,humiliationandprayer,inbehalfofourcountry.”They
notcoincidentlydeclaredthesamedayas“adayoffastingandhumiliationon
11C.DanielCrewsandLisaD.Bailey,eds.,RecordsoftheMoraviansinNorthCarolina,Vol.12
(Raleigh:DivisionofArchivesandHistory,2000),6354,6393.
12CrewsandBailey,RecordsoftheMoravians,6382.
13NeillRoderickMcGeachy,ConfrontedByChallenge:AHistoryofthePresbyteryofConcord,1795‐
1973(n.p.:TheDelmarCompany,byorderofthePresbyteryofConcord,n.d.),222.
14CrewsandBailey,RecordsoftheMoravians,6399.
272
accountofthelowconditionofvitalpietyamongourchurches.”15Thetwoproblems
wereoneinthesame.TheStateBaptistConventionpleadedwithitschurchesto
increaseprayer“thattheyceasenottocryuntotheLordforHishelpinthisourtime
ofneed.”16Noproblemthathadasitsfoundationalackoffaithcouldbesolvedwith
politicalormilitaryacumen,butonlybydirectappealtoGod.
Thechiefproblemwithpoliticalexcitementandwarwasthat,likeanyother
publicpassion,itdistractedtheChristianandhisorhercommunityfromthetrue
pathofGod.Ministerscoulddetect,evenwhentheirpewsandschooldesksswelled
withpeople,whentheircongregationsfailedtofocusonsalvation.Secession
distractedeventheLutherans.MinisterD.IDreherreportedtohisSynodinMay
1861that“publicworship…iswellattended.WehaveagoodSundaySchool.”Buthe
stillconsidered“religioninmycharge…notveryflattering,”because“theexcitement
ofwarseeminglyinterfereswiththespiritualimprovementofmypeople.”The
ReverendJ.A.Linnnotedasimilarphenomenon:“theordinancesofGod’shouse
havebeenwellattended.”But“spiritualityintheseveralchurchesinmychargewas
veryfavorableuptoarecentdate,owingtothepresentdistractedstateofthe
country.”17TheBaptistsofthePeeDeeAssociationfullydiagnosedtheproblemina
circularletter.Theirfive‐pointobservationincludedchargesthatcongregants
15McGeachy,ConfrontedByChallenge,222.
16ProceedingsoftheThirty‐SecondAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,
1861(Raleigh:PrintedattheBiblicalRecorderOffice,1861).
17MinutesoftheFifty‐EighthAnnualMeetingoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynod&MinisteriumofNorth
Carolina,1861(Salisbury:J.J.Bruner,1861).
273
showedtoomuchconcernforpoliticsinchurchratherthanpreachingtheWord,
and,theyfailedtoadheretothedutiesofprayer.18
Denominationsdidnotwelcomewar,butoppositiontowarfaredidnotmean
automaticoppositiontotheConfederacy.Thelargestandmostvocaldenominations
foundintheeventsofthefirstyearsoftheconflictenoughevidencetocompelthem
toembraceastridentdefenseofthenewConfederatenation.ThePresbyteriansin
particularwerestunnedbytheirnationalGeneralAssembly’sMay1861“Spring
Resolutions”askingallPresbyterianstopledgefealtytotheUnitedStates
government.NorthCarolinaPresbyteriansindignantlyandpromptlywithdrewfrom
theGeneralAssemblyandjoinedinthenewPresbyterianChurchoftheConfederate
StatesofAmerica.Lestanyonethinktheirreactionrash,theConcordPresbytery
issuedastatementinSeptember,undilutedinitsoutrage,thattheGeneral
Assembly’sinsistenceindemanding
ofallMinisters&ChurchesintheConfederateStatestoencourage
Strengthen&SupportaGovernmentatpresentwagingamostunnatural
cruel&unjustWaruponallthatweholddearonEarthisinfactwhatno
ecclesiasticalCourthasrighttoinforce[sic.],asistoexpectLawabiding
Subjects&ChristiansChurchestobeguiltyoftreasonagainstthe
governmentoftheirownchoice.19
18MinutesofthePeeDeeAssociation,BaptistHistoricalCollection,Z.SmithReynoldsLibrary,Wake
ForestUniversity.
19McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,232‐233.
274
TheBaptists,inNovember1861,similarlycharacterizedtheactionsoftheUnited
Statesduringtheprevioustwelvemonths,
SincethelastsessionofthisbodyawarhasbeenwagedbytheUnitedStates,
upontheConfederateStatesofAmerica…inthespiritofthebarbarousages,
theUnitedStateshavedeclaredourcitizensoutlawed,andwithanavowed
determinationtosubjugatethewholecountry,eventotheentiredestruction
ofitscitizensandtheirproperty…tothisendtheyhaveimprisonedand
murderedmanyofourcitizens,stolentheirproperty,pillagedtheirhomes,
burnttheirhousesanddriventherightfulownersawayfromthem,
tramplingundertheirwickedfeetthewrittenconstitution,whichfortwenty
yearstheyhavebeentoilingtoundermine.20
ItwasathoroughlydecisivefeelinglikelysharedbythemajorityofBaptist
laypeople.Evenamongthemoredemurecongregations,asenseofmilitary
necessityprevailed.Itbetokenedtheterribledecisionmostsouthernersfaced:to
advocateforpeace,orprepareforwar.JacobSiewers,theMoravianminister,ceased
hiscondemnationofconflictonlylongenoughtoserveasadrillmastertoa
volunteercompanymusteringinhisneighborhood.21
Denominationsattemptedtocarryonoperationsasusualbutfoundthat
secessionandwarnecessitatedchangesintheirordinarypatterns.InMay1861,just
beforeNorthCarolina’swithdrawalfromtheUnion,theLutheranSynoddecided
thatsendingadelegationtotheGeneralSynodinLancaster,Pennsylvania,might
provetoodangerousandimpractical.Theyinsteadchosetoinviteothersouthern
20ProceedingsoftheThirty‐SecondAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,
1861.
21CrewsandBailey,RecordsoftheMoravians,6423.
275
LutheranstoameetingatSalisbury“forthepurposeofendorsingtheproceedingsof
thenextmeetingoftheGeneralSynod.”22TheMoraviansnoticedanimmediate
effectofwaranxiety.Theirannualwidow’sfestivalwas“keptinthe[ir]usualorder,”
butmanypeople,widowsincluded,didnotattend,“somebyfamilycircumstances,
others,itissaid,byanxietyandapprehensiononaccountofthepresentdisturbed
anddistractedstateofthecountryandthefearthattheirsonswillsoonhaveto
leavethemandtakeuparmsindefenseofthestate.”Beforethewarwaseventhree
weeksold,andbeforeNorthCarolinaofficiallyseceded,churchactivitycontracted.
Moreominously,thewarforcedtheMoravianstoconsidercancellingtheir
lovefeastsbecauseofthealreadyhighpricesofcoffeeandsugar.23Theshortage,in
May1861,onlyhintedatthedeprivationtocome.BaptistmissionaryR.H.Griffith,
workinginCharlotte,notedamoredireloss,“Fiveofourbrethrenareinthearmy.
Someothershavehadtoleaveforthecountrytosupporttheirfamilies.Thesisters
andafewbrethrenremain.”24
Thecontractionofdenominationalschoolsmostvisiblyindicatedtheeffect
ofwaronlaypeopleandtheirchurches.InMay,theLutheransobservedtheeffectof
secessiononclassesattheircollegeinMountPleasant:“Thepoliticalexcitementof
ourcountryhascausedsomestudentstoleaveourCollegeandhasnodoubtkept
22MinutesoftheFifty‐EighthAnnualMeetingoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynod&MinisteriumofNorth
Carolina,1861.
23CrewsandBailey,eds.,TheRecordsoftheMoravians,6397.
24ProceedingsoftheThirty‐SecondAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,
1861.
276
manyothersaway.”Currentenrollmentencouragedthetrusteestobeoptimistic,
buttheSynodresolvedthatthey“actwithextremecaution…anddiscontinuethe
exercisesoftheCollege,ifintheirjudgmentitbedeemedadvisable.”Thecollege
shutteredin[year?]25DavidsonCollegetwiceclosedtemporarilyforlackof
students.26Femaleschoolstoofeltthepressure.TheSalemFemaleAcademy
restricteditsyearlymatriculationtooneday,as“thepresentunsettledandalarming
conditionofthecountryhavingcausedmanypersonslivingatadistancetoprefer
havingtheirdaughtersathome.”Tediumandanxietygavewaytoaresignationthat
faithcouldnotforestallthebloodletting.27
Despitetheattenuationofdenominationalactivity,churchesadaptedtheir
missionstonewrealities.Specifically,theyenthusiasticallypursuedbenevolent
enterprisesinservicetotheConfederatearmy.Thebirthofanewnationenergized
thePresbyterians,atleast,toredoubleeffortstoraisemoneyforforeignand
domesticmissions.TheConcordPresbyteryresolvedinJuly1861thatdespitethe
separationfromtheGeneralAssemblyandtheonsetofwar,“ourchurchesbeurged
tocontinuetocontributemoreliberallytotheBoardofDomesticMissionsand
Educationbeforethenextmeeting.”Theyneededthemoney,asthePresbytery’s
domesticmissionariesspentthefirstsummerofthewarerectingnewchurch
25MinutesoftheFifty‐EighthAnnualMeetingoftheEvangelicalLutheranSynod&MinisteriumofNorth
Carolina,1861.
26MaryD.Beaty,AHistoryofDavidsonCollege(Davidson,N.C.:BriarpatchPress,1988),106.
27CrewsandBailey,RecordsoftheMoravians,6397.
277
buildingsinthetownofShelbyandPolkCounty.28Furtherafield,however,the
Presbytery’smissionaryeffortsdwindledasmenjoinedthearmy.WilliamGraves,
missionarytoHaywoodandJacksonCountiesdejectedlyreportedthatafterseeing
offtwovolunteercompanies,“ourserviceswereinterruptedforthepurposeof
callingoutthepeopletocompleteanothervolunteerCompany…itseemsthatbut
littlegoodhasbeenaccomplished.”29
Laterin1861,theBaptistStateConventionissuedinstructionstocombine
colportageoperationswiththe[Baptist]GeneralAssociationofVirginia,and
reportedon“adirectionit[theBoardonColportage]hastakenforthelastfew
months.WealludetoColportageamongthesoldiers…amoreimportantworkcould
notbepresentedforyourconsideration.”30TheMoravianstooshiftedtheir
publicationeffortstowardsoldiers.TheirTractSocietyappropriated$125and
collectedafurther$240todistributetracts,whiletheBibleSociety“supplied
volunteersfromthiscountywithBiblesandTestamentstotheextentofthesupply
onhand.31
OneMethodist,AdolphusMangum,enthusiasticallycampaignedtoraise
fundsforBiblesforsoldiers.Heassembled“allthedenominationsinSalisbury”to
28McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,231,234.
29McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,235‐236.
30ProceedingsoftheThirty‐SecondAnnualSessionoftheBaptistStateConventionofNorthCarolina,
1861.
31CrewsandBailey,eds.,ThePapersoftheMoravians,6398,6399.
278
organizetheBibleSocietyofRowanCounty.Attendeesdiscussed“waysandmeans
forprintingtheHolyScripturesforoursoldiersandotherswhomayneedthem.”
Mangum,andhisco‐chairS.H.Wiley,thenmadeastartlingpronouncement:“The
ruthlessinvadersofourCountry,notcontentwiththecountlessothergrievances
whichtheyhavecommittedagainstus,havedeclaredtheauthorityofwarabovethe
authorityofGodbypronouncingtheBibleCONTRABANDOFWAR.NowweALLMUST
havetheBible.”WhetherMangumbelievedthisallegationornot,thevisionof
hereticalandfanaticYankeestramplingHolyScripturemusthaverungtruetohis
audience.32
Perhapsbecauseofasubsequentdropindonationsasthefirstyearofthe
warprogressed,thePresbyterianslookedforwaystocontinuetofundtheir
missionariesandatthesametime,“supplyoursoldierswiththemeansofgrace.”In
May1862,aspecialcommitteerecommendedthatPresbyterianmissionariesgo
intothearmyaschaplains.There,theministerscouldnotonlysavesouls,butalso
receiveasalaryestimatedtobe$100permonth.Shouldthegovernmentnotaccept
thepaidserviceofthemissionaries,thentheyshouldstillbeencouragedto
volunteerforachaplaincy.Thecommitteerecommendedfourmissionariesforthe
task.33
32AdolphusW.Mangum,“CirculartoPastorsofMethodistCongregationsinRowanCounty,”North
CarolinaCollection,WilsonLibrary,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.
33McGeachy,ConfrontedbyChallenge,239‐240.
279
Altogether,inthefallof1860andthedurationof1861,denominations
carriedonroutinebusiness.Despitethedreaderuptionofwar,theyspentthebulk
oftheirtimeastheyalwayshad:preachingsermons,organizingnewcongregations,
raisingupnewministers,buildingschools,andtendingtothefinancialviabilityof
benevolententerprises.The“distraction”ofthecountryoccupiedbutsmallsections
oftheirproceedings,ifitdidultimatelymanifestitselfasconstriction,deprivation,
anddeathofreligiousbodies.Ifweviewchurchesasmoralbarometersofa
community,weseethattheyofferedmorethantheologicalandrhetorical
justificationforsecessionandwar.Theyexpressedacommunaldreadatthe
prospectsofdisunion.Beyondthelivedexperience,theevangelicalethicprovideda
foundationforavarietyofactions,oftencontradictory,duringtheCivilWar.In
expressionsofboth“Unionism”andConfederateloyaltycanbefoundelementsof
theevangelicalethic.34
BryanTyson’sObjections
IntheUnionistcautioninthesecessioncrisisof1860‐61,wemaywitnessthe
prescriptionsofreligiousdisciplinebeingappliedtopoliticalbehavior.BryanTyson
34ThisisperhapsthemostmisunderstoodcategoryofpeopleduringtheCivilWar.First,theterm
“Unionist”isordinarilyappliedtosouthernerswhoopposedsecessionin1861.Toadegree,the
appellationisfair:unionistsferventlywishedtoremainintheUnionandopposedthesecessionist
option.Butinadeeperfashion,thetermismisleading.TobeasouthernUnionistin1861didnot
makeoneunsympathetictosouthernpartisanship,loyaltotheRepublicanpartyortheLincoln
administration,orparticularlyanti‐slavery,pronetoabolitionistsentiments,orenlightenedabout
race.Infact,most“unionists”harboredsuspicionsoftherisingRepublicanpowerandfearsaboutthe
potentialforemancipation,soonconfirmedbyLincoln’scallfor75,000volunteersfollowingFort
Sumter.
280
wasnotaconventionalevangelical,buthedidrisetorepresentagreatnumberof
NorthCarolina’sdisaffectedUnionists.HepublishedprotestsagainstConfederate
authorities,forwhichhewasconfinedinjail;heorganizednetworksofUnionists
undertheHeroesofAmericabanner;andultimatelyhefledtheConfederacyforthe
North.Beforehisstintasapoliticalagitator,thethirty‐two‐year‐oldMooreCounty
mechanichadspentthe1850sassomethingofapart‐timeprophet.Tyson,theson
ofaformerQuaker,experiencedafour‐daylongreligiousvisitationfromGodin
1848inwhichtheDeityrevealedtoTysoncertainplansforthesalvationof
mankind.TysonneverjoinedachurchbutpreachedaroundMooreandRandolph
Counties.Hisapparentreligiouseccentricitiesbecamepoliticaloneswhenhe
publishedinearly1862histreatiseonthesecessioncrisis,entitledARayofLight.
InARayofLight;or,ATreatiseontheSectionalTroublesReligiouslyand
MorallyConsidered,Tyson,withnoapparenteditor,developedhisskepticalstance
onthenewConfederacy.35Hebeganinequivocalfashion,condemningboth
abolitionistsandsecessionists,butbytheendofhis150pageshaddevelopeda
conclusionaboutthedoomedConfederacythatrequiredhimtocallforan
immediatereturntotheUnion.Tysondiagnosedthesectionaltroublesasaproblem
ofextremes.TheNorth,spurredbyabolitionists,hadenactedclearly
unconstitutionalpersonallibertylaws.ThechiefproblemwiththeSouth,Tysonfelt,
waspoortreatmentofslaves.His“PlanofAdjustment”calledfortheabolitionof
35BryanTyson,ARayofLight;or,ATreatiseontheSectionalTroublesReligiouslyandMorally
Considered(Brower’sMills,N.C.:Publishedbytheauthor,1862).
281
personallibertylawsandadoptionofFederallawstoenforcethegoodtreatmentof
slaves,thusremovingthecausesforresentmentoneachside.Tysondidnotruleout
separationultimately,shouldthetermsnotbeagreeable,butinsistedthatshouldit
happen,thatitbedonepeacefullyandwiththeconsentofanationalreferendum.
BryanTysonwasnotaparticularlysophisticatedoraccuratethinker,often
subjecttotheincompleteinformationthatappearedintheFayettevilleObserver.But
hisanalysisofthesecessioncrisisandthecourseoftheConfederacybyearly1862
isstillrevealing.Theprimaryfaultofbothsidesinthecrisis,Tysondeclared,was
thatleaderstookdeliberatestepstoensureahostile,notpeaceful,outcome.After
JohnBrown’sHarper’sFerryraid,forinstance,hecondemnedsouthernersfor
hangingBrown:“Astheyappearedtobeapartyoffanaticsormadmen,letusofthe
South,asagreatandforgivingpeople,haveshownthatwecouldbesatisfied
withoutdesiringtheirblood.”36Theslavestates’humanitymighthavebeen
vindicatedhadtheypardonedBrown,thusunderminingtheabolitionists’core
argumentsaboutthebrutalityofslaveholders.TysoncondemnedNorthCarolina’s
secessionistconventionfornotsubmittingitsresolutiontothepeopleforavoteand
arguedthatthedecisionwascalculatedbysecessioniststoensuretheirultimate
goal.Inbothcases,extremistsabandonedprinciplesofforbearanceandpatience.
Tysonreservedhismostdamningevidenceforhisanalysisofthesituationat
FortSumter,inCharlestonharbor.HefoundfaultwiththeLincolnadministration
36Tyson,ARayofLight,10.
282
foritsdesiretonotsurrenderSumter,adesirethatwouldinevitablyleadto
bloodshed.Worse,Confederateauthoritiesdirectedthecourseofeventswiththe
intentionofcreating“alittlecollision”intendedtoinducetheUpperSouthstatesto
secede.37InthecycloneofeventsatCharlestonharbor,leadersbothNorthand
Southacteddeliberatelytoensureastateofwarfare.Tysondidnotforeswear
secessionitself;infact,hetookpainstoestablishhispro‐slavery,pro‐southern
credentials.Butheremainedconvincedthatapeacefulseparationmighthave
been—andcouldstillbe—hadatthenegotiatingtablewithoutaresorttoarms.
Theaspiringpeacemakerarticulatedhisdisgustwithsecessionistsand
abolitionistsalikewithcommonplacetales.Inacompellingparableatthebeginning
ofARayofLight,TysondescribedwalkingonacrowdedstreetinNewYork:“You
wouldimagineitimpossibleforthemalltogetthrough,yetallpassontheirway
withoutstopofmolestation.”Theproblem,Tysonnoted,layinthepotentialfor
chaosandconfrontationshouldeachman“toproceedexactlyinthesamelinein
whichhesetout.”Butinstead,eachman“yield[ed]alittle….Insteadofadvancing
square,stiff,witharmsstuckout,everyonewhoknowshowtowalkthestreets
glidesalong,hisarmsclose,flexible,histrackgentlywinding,leavingnowafew
inchesonthisside,nowafewonthat,soastopassandbepassedwithoutscarcely
touchinginthesmallestpossiblespace.”38Tysonregardedtheabolitionistsand
37Tyson,ARayofLight,26.
283
secessioniststhatallegedlyruledeachsectionas“menwhoweretoostoutintheir
naturesanddispositionstoyieldanything.”39
Despitethesecularnatureofthisexample,Tysonrootedhisdisaffectionin
theevangelicalethic,particularlytheprescriptionsofreligiousdiscipline.The
disciplinaryprocesshadalwaysencouragedmenandwomentoyield:toyieldtothe
authorityofGod,toyieldtoneighborsandfamily,andtoyieldforthesakeof
communalharmony.Religiousdisciplinealwaysfavoredpeacefulresolution.
Sometimesthatresolutionmightinvolveseparation,butthatseparationcamelastin
orderofaprocessmeanttoensurepeace.Menandwomenwhorejectedharmonyin
favorofdefianceriskedcondemnation.InTyson’sview,andperhapsintheviewof
manyPiedmonters,nationalleadershaddeliberatelyrejectedharmony—ashad
LincolnandtheConfederatesinCharlestonHarbor,orthesecessionistsinRaleigh—
andwerethusconsideredtobeactingoutsidetheacceptableboundsofevangelical
behavior.Inessence,Tysoncondemnedsecessionistsbecausetheyhadnotreceived
aproperletterofdismissalfromtheUnion.Thefactthattheyhadnotdonesoonly
confirmedtoevangelicalobserversthatthecourseofsecessionhadbeenmorally
reckless.
38Tyson,ARayofLight,6‐7.Tysondidnotcomposethisparable.HelifteditfromJohnAikinand
AnnaLaetitiaBarbould,EveningsatHome;or,TheJuvenileBudgetOpened(London:Cornish&Co.,
1793).Thisbookremainedinprintuntilatleast1858.
39Tyson,ARayofLight,61.
284
TysonbeganARayofLightattemptingtoforgeamiddlepathinthesectional
debate,butendedwiththeconclusionthattheConfederatecausewashopelessand
thattheonlysolutionwasimmediatereturntotheUnion.Hissubsequentcareeras
anotedConfederatedissidentconfirmedhimasahistoricallyimportantadvocate
fortheUnionintheslaveholdingSouth.ManythousandslikeTysonfound
maintainingamiddlepathasthewarevolvedtobeuntenable.40Some,likeTyson,
didadheretoaUnionistidentity.However,manymorewholikelyhadagreedwith
Tysonin1861werecompelledbythecircumstancesofwarandtherhetoricofwar‐
makingandfellintocompletesupportoftheConfederacy.41
MaryBethell’sFamily
CautiousevangelicalswhofelltowardtheConfederacyaremoredifficultto
analyzebecausetheyoftendidnotneedtoarticulatetheirprogressinlightof
contrarypublicconsensus.MaryBethell,amother,planter’swife,andMethodist
fromRockinghamCountyisillustrative.Inthesecessionwinterof1860‐61,she
expressedthecommontrepidationaboutthenationaldistractionandprayed,“God
wouldsaveusfromCivilwarandbloodguiltiness.”42She,likemostconditional
Unionists,whofoundfuturesouthernparticipationinthenationcontingentupon
40ThankstoRobertMcC.Calhoonforthisobservationabouttheimpossibilityofconsistent
moderation.
41Manysoutherners,evangelicalornot,followedthiscourse.ReidMitchell,CivilWarSoldiers(New
York:Viking,1988).
42January1,1861,MaryJeffreysBethellDiary,SouthernHistoricalCollection,WilsonLibrary,
UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill.(Hereafter,BethellDiary).
285
northernagreementsnottointerferewithslavery,wasalienatedbyLincoln’s
apparentabolitionismandwroteinMarchthat“Mr.Lincoln,Ithinkheintendsto
coercethosesecedingstates.Ifeartherewillbecivilwar,andourhappyand
peacefulCountrylaidindesolationandruins,everyChristian,”sheconcluded,
“shoulduniteinferventprayertoGod,inbehalfofourCountry.”43Shenever
explainedherhostilitytotheRepublicanadministration,likelyimaginingthatthat
factcouldbetakenforgranted.
WhatpreoccupiedMaryBethellinearly1861wasnotthedissolutionofthe
nationalstatebutthecomingapartofherownnuclearfamily.HersonGeorge
headedofftoschoolwhilehernewlymarriedoldestdaughter,Mary,migratedwith
herhusbandtoArkansasinFebruary.Thelatterstruckherhardest:“Ifeeldeserted,
itwasatrialtogiveupmychild…Ifeelstriptofoneofmypleasures,butIhavethe
comfortsofreligion.”44Twomonthslatertheemotionalbruisehadnothealed,and
thepaintestedherfaith,“Mysoulwassurroundedbydarkness,doubtsandgloomy
fears.”45
Onlytheoutbreakofactualcombatreturnedherthoughtstothenational
scene.OnApril29,twoweeksafterFortSumter,MaryBethellopinedthat“the
slaveryquestionisthecauseofallthistrouble,8Southernstateshavesecededfrom
43March1,1861,BethellDiary.
44February5,1861,BethellDiary.
45April2,1861,BethellDiary.
286
theUnion,iftheNorthandSouthcan’tagree,theyhadbetterseparate.”She
continuedverymuchinthefashionofBryanTysonregardingtheintractablenature
ofcertainpoliticians:“AbrahamLincolnthePresidentisopposedtotheinstitution
ofslavery,hedon’tseemdisposedtomakeanycompromisewiththeSouth.”46Even
beforeNorthCarolinaseceded,Mary’ssonWilliejoinedavolunteercompany,and
sixweeksafter,Georgeleftschoolandalsojoinedthearmy.47Thus,herextreme
anxietyaboutthestateofherfamilyjoinedwithherconcernforhercountry,the
Confederacy.48WhileMaryinitiallyprayedforpeaceafterhersons’enlistment—
“thethoughtofabloodywarisawfultocontemplate”—thereafter,theirsafe
deliverancefromthefrontwenthand‐in‐handwithConfederatevictory.Shesought
pastoralcarefromBrotherReid,who“sympathizedwithmeingivingupmydear
boystogotothearmy,heencouragedmetotrustinGod,andcommitthemtoGod.”
Godwasnotaneutralfactoreither.MaryautomaticallyprayedthatHefavorthe
Confederacy,particularlythatHe“bewithourarmies,andbeonourside.”49
MaryBethellneverquestionedtherighteousnessoftheConfederacy’s
resistancetonationalreunion.Itcertainlyhadherpoliticalandideologicalassent,
buthertruestbondwasthatforgedbytheheatofherowncommitmenttoher
children.Shedidnotselflesslysendhersonsofftowarinthemodeofarepublican
46April29,1861,BethellDiary.
47April19,1861,BethellDiary.
48May13andJune5,1861,BethellDiary.
49July12,1861,BethellDiary.
287
Mother.Shedidnotconsiderherlossanecessarysacrificetothenation‐state.
Instead,MaryBethellgrievedoverthebrokenbonds,worriedforhersons’safety,
andfrettedovertheeternalsoulsofallthreeofherdepartedchildreninthemanner
ofanevangelical,middle‐classmother.Theevangelicalsensibilityofemotional
parentalattachmentboundhernotonlytoherchildren,buttoConfederatesuccess
astheguarantorofthatbond.
MaryBethell’sconflationoffamilycirclewiththeConfederatenationwasnot
primarilyapoliticalexpression,anditwashardlyuniquetowealthymothers.Aaron
Sheehan‐DeanhasrecentlyexploredthemotivationsofvolunteersinVirginiaand
discoveredthe“useoffamilyas…[a]referencepoint”formanyofthem.Sheehan‐
Deannotes,“althoughhistoriansrecognizethatloveandemotionplayedan
increasinglyimportantroleinprivatelives,they[historians]rarelyincorporate
thesefactorsintotheverypublicnarrativesofwarandsecession.”50ThoughMary
Bethell’sdiarywashardlyapublicnarrative,theagonysheexpressedinitspages
manifestedinpublicsupportfortheConfederacy.
Evangelicalsinterpretedtheexperienceofsecessionandwarthroughthe
lensoftheirfaith.ButasBryanTysonandMaryBethelldemonstrate,thatfaithand
thesubsequentinterpretationswerehardlyapointofunity.Tysonimaginedthe
Southadisaffectedparishionerfromthenationalcongregationanddiscipline
dictatedacertaincourseofaction.Bethelltwinedtogetherhervisionoffamilyand
50AaronSheehan‐Dean,WhyConfederatesFought:FamilyandNationinCivilWarVirginia(Chapel
Hill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2007),27.
288
nation.Butthecontradictorypathstakenbythesetwowereundergirdedbya
modern,vibrant,andessentialevangelicalfaith.
Brown,Flintoff,Thomasson,andLillyatWar
JohnFlintofffearedthewarbecauseitthreatenedhishard‐woncompetency.
Thirty‐eightin1862,hewasnotsubjecttothedraftbuthiredasubstituteanyhow.
Thoughtemporarilysecurefrommilitaryservice,hecontinuedtolamentthe
bloodshed.Atthesametime,hereadilyidentifiedwiththeConfederacyandscorned
Lincoln’s1862renewedcallforvolunteers:“thiscallwillamountto1.200.000
soldiersagainstusbutmaywenotbediscouragedmaywedoourdutyasmen&
trustinGodwhomadeus.”51Hewasevenmoredumbstruckattheenormous
increaseinthepriceoffoodanddespairedattheprospectsforpeaceandlamented
that“itsallWarWar.”52Butintheman‐starvedConfederacy,afortyyearoldman,
evenwiththreeyoungchildren,couldnotescapeconscription.Flintoffbitterly
denouncedtheConfederacyforsubjectinghimtoservice.Ithad“denieditsown
contract&cheateditsowncitizensoutoftheirrights.”53Yethestoodready,if
unwilling,tojointheranks.HiscallcameinAugust1864andFlintofffoundhimself
inCaptainMitchell’sCompanyofthe7thRegiment,N.C.SeniorReserves.54Captain
51August22,1862,FlintoffDiary.
52April20,1863,FlintoffDiary.
53February13,1864,FlintoffDiary.
54MatthewM.BrownandMichaelW.Coffey,eds.,NorthCarolinaTroops,1861‐1865:ARosterVol.18
(Raleigh:NorthCarolinaOfficeofArchivesandHistory,2011),342.
289
Mitchell’scompanydrilledonhorsebackeverySaturdaymorninginYanceyvilleand
wastwicemobilizedtoarrestdesertersinRandolphCounty.Hesurvivedthewar.
ThoughMaryDavisBrowndeploredthewarasmuchasanyother
evangelical,theconflicthadtheleasttangibleeffectontheSouthCarolinianasany
ofthefamiliessurveyedhere.ShelearnedabouttheBattleofManassaswhilein
churchonaSunday:
Itwasasolemday.Newsreachedherethismorningofagreatbattlein
Richmon.thegreatManasabattle.MrWatsongotupinthemorningand
beggedthepeopletocomposethemselvesandlistentothesolemmessenger
ofGod,aswestoodingreatneedofhelpatthistimeandhopeditwouldbea
daylongtobeerememberedbymanyaonethatwastheireoncommunion
occasion.55
TheexcitementaboutthefirstbattlefadedforMaryBrownasordinaryroutinesof
lifeanddeathresumedinherneighborhood.Shehadnosonsofmilitaryagein
1861,butherson‐in‐law,RufusWhitesides,andRufus’brotherRobertenlisted.Her
briefentriesrecordedfarmoredeathsofoldpeopleandchildren,includingthatof
herowndaughterHarrietinNovember1862.Asthewargroundon,however,it
absorbedmoremenandresourcesfromMary’sneighborhood.Herhusband,
Jackson,wasconscriptedin1863and“lefthishomeandfamilyathiscountryscall”
inSeptember.56JacksonservedintheHomeGuardandwasthusstationedat
55DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps,81.
56DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps,85.
290
variousplacesaroundSouthCarolinaandreturnedhomeoften.TheWhitesides
brothersservedinVirginia,andMaryBrownconsideredRobert’sdeathattheBattle
oftheWildernessaparticularblow.Sherecordedthatshewas“verrysorrytoheare
ofitasRobertfeltverryneartome.”TheConfederacyconscriptedhersixteen‐year‐
oldsonLawsoninDecember1864forwhichsheexpressedunusualbitterness:“A
wonderfulthingtotakesuchboyesout.”57
MaryBrownhadalwaysprayedforsubmissionandalwaysfoundsolacein
God’sprotection.Inhergriefathermother’spassingin1864,shenoted“Ihavebeen
thechiledofmanyprayers.”Shereliedonsuchprayersinthefinalcataclysmofthe
warinSouthCarolina,Sherman’smarchthroughthestate.Withbothherhusband
andsoninstateservice,MaryBrownlookedonwithhorrorasherneighborhood
preparedfortheexpectedarrivaloftheFederaltroops:“wearelookingforethe
yankeyeseveryday.Itisanawfultime.OureHusbandandsonsafraidtostayin
theirehousesandthepeoplearunningandtryintohidesomethingtoeatandsome
oftheirclose.”She,however,the“chiledofmanyprayers,”consignedherfarmand
familynottoherownprotectivewiles,buttoGod.“Ihavehidnothing.Iwilltrustin
GodanddoothebestIcan,”shenoted.58Onceagain,Godprotectedher.Sherman
veeredawayfromYorkCountyandherhusband,son,andson‐in‐lawssoon
returnedhome,thewarover.
57DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps,87,88.
58DescendantsofMaryDavisBrown,eds.,OilInOurLamps,87,91.
291
StrongThomassonvotedwithamajorityofNorthCaroliniansagainstthe
secessionconventioninFebruary1861andsubsequentlycondemnedtheoutbreak
ofwar:“TheSouthagainsttheNorth!Whatfolly!”59ButwhereJohnFlintoff
frequentlyreactedinhisdiarytowarnews,Strongrarelymentioneditatall.He,like
MaryDavisBrown,resolutelystucktotheusualpatternsofhisrurallife—church
meetings,visits,family,andmostimportantly,farming.Hedidnotignorethewar,
buthesaidremarkablylittleaboutit,reflectinghisdisgustedopinionofthewhole
business.Amusingly,henotedatthefirstwartimeChristmasthequietinthe
neighborhoodbecausealltherowdieswhowouldnormallycarousewereinthe
army.So,too,allthegunpowderthatmightotherwisebeusedtodisturbthe
Christmasserenityathishouse.Here,hesuggestedhisusualironicgoodhumor,but
everywhereelsehispungentdisapprovaloozedout.Observingtheconditionsfora
famineinAugust1862,heconcluded,“Thereisperhapsnothingbettercalculatedto
humbleanationthanfamineandnothingbettercalculatedtoproducefaminethan
warandshortcrops.”60ConscriptionneverhadachancetocatchuptoStrong
Thomasson.HediedofdiseaseinSeptember1862.
CarolineLilly,ofcourse,didnotlivetoseethewar,butherchildrendid.Both
James,Junior(“Jim”)andEdmundJulius(“Julius”)enlistedinearly1861.Jim,infact,
volunteeredforservicebeforeNorthCarolinaactuallyseceded.Juliusenrolledin
May1861andservedinthe23rdNorthCarolinaTroopsuntiltheBattleof
59Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,307.
60Escott,ed.,NorthCarolinaYeoman,328.
292
Chancellorsville,wherehewasshotinthelegandhadhisfootamputated.Jimended
upinacavalryregiment,butfaredmuchworse.HewaskilledinstantlyattheBattle
ofGlobeTavernin1864.
293
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