Tom X
Kraków 2015
DOI: 10.12797/ZP.10.2015.10.03
VLADIMIR F. STOLBA
Aarhus University, Denmark
‘Archers’ of the Blessed City: City’s Deliverance
in the Coinage of Early Hellenistic Olbia
ABSTRACT: Despite continuous and thorough studies of Olbian coinage, the
chronology of some coin series produced by this Pontic city and the messages
communicated by their types remain obscure. One such controversial issue, standing out from the total mass, is the so-called ‘archers’, the early Hellenistic coins
bearing the image of Demeter in mural crown on the obverse and an archer on
the reverse. Taking an integrated approach, this article examines archaeological,
iconographical, stylistic and prosopographical evidence elucidating the chronology of this issue and demonstrates its association with the major turning point in
the city’s history, namely its deliverance from the siege laid by Macedonian troops
in the course of Zopyrion’s campaign against the Scythians around 331 BC.
KEY WORDS: Olbia, Hellenistic coinage, iconography, chronology, mural
crown, Zopyrion’s campaign
ABSTRAKT: „Łucznicy” z błogosławionego miasta: oswobodzenie miasta
w mennictwie wczesnohellenistycznej Olbii
Pomimo długoletnich i starannych studiów nad mennictwem starożytnej Olbii,
chronologia niektórych emisji tej pontyjskiej polis oraz ich przekaz ikonograficzny
pozostają niejasne. Jedną z takich budzących kontrowersje emisji, wyróżniającą
się spośród innych, tworzą tzw. „łucznicy”, tzn. wczesnohellenistyczne monety
z wizerunkiem Demeter na awersie i wyobrażeniem klęczącego łucznika na rewersie. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę całościowej analizy świadectw archeologicznych, ikonograficznych, stylistycznych i prosopograficznych pozwalających
na ustalenia dotyczące chronologii wspomnianej emisji, w nawiązaniu do historii
Olbii, a konkretnie do oswobodzenia miasta z macedońskiego oblężenia w trakcie
kampanii Zopyriona przeciw Scytom w 331 r. p.n.e.
SŁOWA KLUCZOWE: Olbia, mennictwo hellenistyczne, ikonografia, chronologia, korona murowa, kampania Zopyriona
43
VLADIMIR F. STOLBA
A major centre of Greek civilization on the northern shore of the Euxine,
Olbia proudly boasts an outstanding numismatic legacy, which has attracted scholarly attention for nearly two hundred years. This interest has remained high over
the past decade,1 although, with rare exceptions,2 the absolute chronology of her
coinage has not undergone any significant changes since Peter Karyškovskij.3 Important developments in its typology at the turn of the Classical and Hellenistic
eras have not received a satisfactory explanation either. In particular, the sudden
abandonment of traditional types with the city’s eagle-on-dolphin device and the
emergence of the so-called ‘Borysthenes’, the most extensive Early Hellenistic issue with the image of river god Borysthenes (or Hypanis). Another series, which
stands out from the total mass of the city’s coinage and whose chronology and
meaning remain obscure, are the so-called ‘archers’, the coins bearing the image
of Demeter in mural crown on the obverse and an archer on the reverse. The coins
of this series include the following varieties known in two metals:
SILVER
44
1) Obv. Demeter r. or l. wearing turreted crown. Rev.
Archer with bow case kneeling to shoot l.; in field, ΟΛ.
Diobol. 12mm, c. 0.76–1.91g (Pl. 1, Fig. 1). 4
BURAČKOV 1884: no. 193; SNG BM I 534–535;
SHM 1296;5 ANOCHIN 2011: no. 221.
2) Obv. As last. Countermark, thyrsus. Rev. As last.
Diobol. 12mm, 1.94g (Pl. 1, Fig. 2).
2a) Obv. As last. Countermark, thyrsus.6 Rev. As last.
Countermark, obscure (caduceus?).
Diobol. 12mm, 1.55g.
SNG Pushkin Mus 139.
BRONZE
units
3) Obv. Demeter l. wearing corn wreath around turreted
crown. Rev. Archer with bow case kneeling to shoot l.;
behind his back, ΣΩΣΤΡΑ; in exergue, ΟΛΒΙΟ.
17–19mm, c. 3.80–5.70g (Pl. 1, Fig. 3).
SNG BM I 536–537; SNG Stancomb 402–403;
SHM 1299–1324; ANOCHIN 2011: no. 222.
4) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; to r., ΟΛΒΙΟ; to l., .
17–19mm, c. 3.30–5.00g (Pl. 1, Fig. 4).
SNG BM I 538–539; SHM 1332–1337;
ANOCHIN 2011: no. 223.
5) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; to r., ΟΛΒΙΟ; in
exergue, ΝΟΣ (retrograde).
18mm, c. 3.90–4.15g (Pl. 1, Fig. 5)
SNG BM I 540; ANOCHIN 2011: 224.
6) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; to r., ΟΛΒΙΟ; to l., ΟΛ.
17.5mm, 5.15g (Pl. 1, Fig. 6).
Unpublished.
half - units
7) Obv. Demeter l. wearing turreted crown.
Rev. As last; to r., ΟΛΒΙΟ; below (occasionally to l.), .
12mm, c. 1.30–2.47g (Pl. 1, Fig. 7).
ANOCHIN 2011, 229.
8) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; below, BA.
12mm, c. 1.60–2.80g (Pl. 1, Fig. 8).
SHM 1348–1353; ANOCHIN 2011, 228.
9) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; below,
(sometimes retrograde).
12mm, c. 1.70–1.80g (Pl. 2, Fig. 9).
SNG BM I 541; SHM 1354–1355; ANOCHIN 2011:
no. 231.
10) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; below, ΑΛΦ
(sometimes retrograde).
12mm, c. 1.40–2.30g (Pl. 2, Fig. 10).
SNG BM I 542; SHM 1356–1369; ANOCHIN 2011, 230.
11) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; below, ΟΛΒΙΟ; to r. ΑΛΦ.
12mm, 2.55g (Pl. 2, Fig. 11).
SNG BM I 546; NEČITAJLO 2000: 29, no. 166.
12) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; below, .
13mm, 1.97g (Pl. 2, Fig. 12).
Unpublished.
13) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; to r. ΟΛΒΙΟ;
no magistrate name.
12–13mm, c. 2.30–3.25g (Pl. 2, Fig. 13).
KARYŠKOVSKIJ 2003: 537, Pl. CXVII.
14) Obv. As last. Rev. As last; to r. Ο(Λ)ΒΙΟ;
no magistrate name.
12mm, c. 1.80–1.90g (Pl. 2, Fig. 14).
SNG BM I 543–545; ANOCHIN 2011, 226.
For an overview of recent works, see PETER 2009; COJOCARU 2014; PETER and STOLBA 2015.
See, e.g., ANOCHIN 1984, for the chronology of the ‘Borysthenes’ coins. An alternative chronology for
some Classical and early Hellenistic issues of Olbia is suggested in TUROVSKIJ and DEM’JANČUK 2000.
3
A comprehensive list of his publications related to the coinage of Olbia is available in [KARYŠKOVSKIJ]
1999: 68–73; LJUBOMUDROV 2003: 367–375.
1
2
‘ARCHERS’ OF THE BLESSED CITY...
Other names and monograms read on poorly preserved specimens of this series cannot be ascertained.7 In the following, I will demonstrate the association of
this series with one of the turning points in the history of the city. This shall give us
a reliable reference point for further chronological arrangement of Olbian coinage
of the second half of the 4th and early 3rd centuries BC.
456
TYPOLOGY
The female head in turreted stephane (πυργωτὸς στέφανος) depicted on the obverse of these coins has been attributed differently. Most often, it has been viewed
as Tyche,8 Kybele9 or even Astarte.10 In the Hellenistic period, the cult of Tyche
attained great prominence and her image rapidly spread. The Tyche of Antioch,
a masterpiece by Eutychides (Paus. 6.2.7), which was set up in the early 290s BC,
shortly after the foundation of the city by Seleukos I, and represented the goddess in corona muralis,11 was the one that exercised the greatest influence on coin
typology in the Eastern Mediterranean.12 Worn by both deities and royal humans,
the mural crown takes its origin from the ancient Near East, with the oldest known
representation dating as early as the 3rd millennium BC.13 From Hittite, Assyrian,
4
Coins of this variety are sometimes regarded as representing two different denominations, diobol and
obol (e.g., KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1962: 97; SNG BM I 534–535). However, of all known specimens, SNG BM I 535
(0.76 g; ex Grand Duke Collection) is the only one whose weight is below 1.00 g, which can be explained by both
its poor condition and generally high weight tolerance of local issues. In all probability, all coins of this variety
belong to a single unit, as suggested already by Bertier-Delagard (1912: 18, no. 10). Unlike him, however, I view
them as diobols of the Persian weight rather than triobols of the Attic standard or diobols of Aeginetic weight
assumed by Karyškovskij (1962: 97; cf. also ANOCHIN 1989: 23, 31).
5
In Frolova and Abramzon’s catalogue of the State Historical Museum, specimen SHM 1296 (Inv. no.
1543) is erroneously described as a bronze coin. This well-known silver specimen has been reproduced by Pick
(AMNG I, Pl. X.4), as well as by Anochin (1989: no. 59; 2011: 221).
6
The better-preserved specimen no. 2 clearly shows that the countermark represents a thyrsus rather than
a corn ear assumed in SNG Pushkin Mus 139.
7
See, e.g., KOEHNE 1857: 67, no. 125: “Δ au-dessous de l’archer”; NEČITAJLO 2000: 29, no. 162: “Г”
(possibly misread for ), 30, no. 168: “E”; ANOCHIN 2011: 225: “ΠΟΣ” (apparently misread for ΝΟΣ), 227
(= ANOCHIN 1989: 63; see also NEČITAJLO 2000: 29, no. 157; SHM 1340–1347): “A” (misread for , as
demonstrated by better-preserved specimens of the same die); SNG Pushkin Mus 160: “ΑΝ…(?)”, 162: “ΑΠΟ…
(?)”; SNG Marc Bar 355: “ΟΛ” (misread for ΒΑ).
8
E.g., KOEHNE 1857: 67–68; OREŠNIKOV 1921: 235; DEONNA 1940: 150; PAROVIČ 1957: 157–159;
ANOCHIN 1989: 105; IDEM 2011: 44; RUSJAEVA 1992: 121; FROLOVA and ABRAMZON 2005: 121–125;
PIVOROVIČ 2009: 91.
9
ŠAUB 2007: 231.
10
UVAROV 1851: 111. Cf. FURTWÄNGLER 1883–1887: Bd. 1: 147, who viewed Tyche’s mural crown
as an attribute borrowed from Astarte.
11
See DEONNA 1940: 135–140; BALTY 1981: 840–851; KOCH 1994: 60–69; CHRISTOF 2001: 23–48;
MEYER 2006.
12
DOHRN 1960: 44–45; PROTTUNG 1992: 12; BROUCKE 1994: 39; STANSBURY-O’DONNELL
1994: 55–60; MEYER 2006: 194–207, Pls. 32–35.
13
COLLON 1987: no. 530 (the impression of the seal of princess Tutanapšum showing a seated goddess
with crenellated crown). Cf. HROUDA 1996: 24–25, who links the tradition of the mural crown to Kilikia. On
the mural crown in the ancient Near East and Greece, see, e.g., HÖRIG 1979: 181–197; CALMEYER 1990;
METZLER 1994; PAPAGEORGIOU 1997.
45
VLADIMIR F. STOLBA
46
and Persian art it penetrated Greek iconography, where it was not an attribute of
any specific goddess, appearing as a headgear of Cybele, Hera, Artemis, Aphrodite
and even that of the nymphs of localities.14 Consequently, an accurate identification of a deity wearing a mural crown is difficult, unless it is accompanied by some
specific attributes.15 This is also true of the well-known 4th-century BC coin types
of Herakleia Pontike, Kromna, Amisos and Crimean Kerkinitis which all represent
fairly similar female heads wearing turreted stephane.16
In the case of Olbian deity, however, a corn wreath clearly discernible around the
mural crown leaves no room for doubt.17 This could be no one else but Demeter whose
cult proliferated in the city following the expansion of its rural territory and grain
export and whose images dominated local coinage throughout most of the 4th century
BC. Astonishingly, none of the scholars concerned with this type has ever moved
beyond a simple identification. The principal question of the causes of this shift in the
goddess’ iconography and the meaning of her new attribute has never been raised.
However, a strong association of corona muralis with the idea of defence, in
which a divine protector takes care of the city’s fortifications,18 makes the decision
to provide Demeter with this attribute on the city’s new coin type by no means
accidental. Local inscriptions also reveal that in the later period portions of the
Olbia’s defensive line appear to have been devoted to Demeter.19 The unusual iconography and short-lived character of the coin type in question prompt the conclusion about its commemorative rather than regular character, most likely reflecting
one of the turning points in the city’s rich and dramatic history. This interesting
numismatic phenomenon is not without parallels, some of which come from the
northern Black Sea region. Elsewhere I have discussed similar alterations in the
iconography of Parthenos, a tutelary deity of the nearby city of Chersonesos,20
whose images dominated the local coin typology throughout the period of its
14
HÖRIG 1979: 129–166; SUMMERER and ATASOY 2002: 251; MEYER 2006: 111. On the oriental
origins of mural crown, see also DEONNA 1940: 140–149, 158.
15
CHRISTOF 2001: 55.
16
See, e.g., SNG Stancomb 450 (Kerkinitis), 658–661 (Amisos), 742–745 (Kromna), 815–816 (Herakleia);
PAPAGEORGIOU 1997: nos. 70–71, Pl. 14. On these types, see also DEONNA 1940: 149–151, and his Fig. 20;
STOLBA 1996a: 232–233. The goddess on the silver coins of Herakleia is usually understood as Hera. For alternative identifications, see DEONNA 1940: 150 (Tyche of Herakleia); CAHN 1988: 723 (city personification).
17
See already STEPHANI 1866: 19. A similar headgear is also worn by her on a rare variety of bronze coins from
Istros (AMNG I 477, Taf. III.3; SNG Stancomb 197), where a corn wreath again leaves no doubt as to who is depicted.
18
E.g., DEONNA 1940: 159; HÖRING 1979: 133–134, who also discusses the explanations of this symbol
in the ancient narrative.
19
LEJPUNS’KA 1990 = SEG XL 633: “Ποσίδεος | Διονυσίου | τὸ τεῖχος | Δήμητρι | καὶ Κόρηι | καὶ
Πλούτωνι | [κ]αὶ τῶι Δήμω[ι] | ἀνέθηκεν”(2nd cent. BC).
20
Beside iconography where since the 2nd century BC she is constantly depicted in a mural crown, her
protective qualities emerge very clearly in the local inscriptions. Cf., for example, IOSPE I2, 343.9-10: “σωθεὶς
δι’ αὐτὰν [ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων κινδύ]νων” (3rd cent. BC); 352.23-24: “ἁ διὰ παντὸς Χερσονασιτᾶν προστατοῦσα
[Πα]ρ̣θένος” (2nd cent. BC).
‘ARCHERS’ OF THE BLESSED CITY...
autonomy. The periods during which her head appears decorated with an olive
wreath prove to coincide with some important events in the city’s history, about
which we are informed by local inscriptions and archaeological evidence.21
No less interesting appears the reverse image of the Olbian series. Often, the
figure of a kneeling archer is interpreted as that of a Scythian, and the type itself
as a “purely local motif influenced by Olbia’s nomadic environment”.22 The sole
ground for this was the archer’s alleged Scythian clothing. The well-preserved
specimens assure, however, that the warrior figure is in fact naked.23 As in the
case of a kneeling hoplite on the Chersonesean bronzes of the second half of the
4th century BC (Pl. 2, Fig. 15), we see here the thoroughly modelled relief of his
back muscles. The only piece of clothing he wears is some drapery or a belt around
his waist. At his left side, at waist-level, he has a gorytos, which is probably not
attached to the belt,24 but hangs on a strap clearly visible on some specimens as
a narrow band running along the archer’s chest, from under his arm to his waist.25
In an article devoted to representations of bows and bow-shooting on the coins
of the northern Black Sea region, Zograf regards Olbian ‘archers’ as an illustration
of the famous shot of Anaxagoras, recorded in the local metric inscription of the
4th century BC. This remarkable epigram donated by A. Vogel to the museum of
the Odessa Society of Antiquities (IOSРЕ I2 195; Moretti IAgonist 32; CEG 2, 883;
Dubois IGDOlbia 47) praises a certain Anaxagoras, the son of Demagores, who
shot an arrow 282 fathoms, well over 500 meters26:
φημὶ διακοσίας τε | καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα ὀργυιὰς |
καὶ δύο τοξεῦσαι | κλεινὸν Ἀναξαγόραν |
υἱὸν Δημαγόρεω, | Φιλτέω δὲ παῖδ̣α̣ Ọ[- - -]
The late-5th or early-4th-century BC date suggested for this inscription by Stern27
is too high. More compelling indeed is the chronology by Vinogradov, who on
STOLBA 1996b: 11–20, where one would also find further examples from Athens and Corinth (Pp. 13–15).
ZOGRAF 1951: 137; IDEM 1982: 9. See also FROEHNER 1872: 15–16, nos. 91–95; FARMAKOVSKIJ
1906: 233. According to ALEKSEEV (2001: 131–132), the archers represent ‘mixhellenoi’.
23
Cf. KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1962: 93. Also in the vase painting, the archers sometimes appear naked or only
with some drapery around the waist. See VOS 1963: 41 and nos. 88, 223–224, 264, 269–270, 276–278, 285–286
in her catalogue.
24
As SNODGRASS (1967: 84) justly assumes, missile-troops also had to carry a short sward or dagger.
These would certainly require a belt. On such belts, to which also a gorytos could be attached, see ČERNENKO
1968: 58–68; IDEM 1981: 131; IDEM 2006: 60.
25
Cf. the representation on the so-called Leoxos stele from Olbia (IOSPE I2, 270; VOS 1963: Pl. 15;
VINOGRADOV 1997: Pl. 3.2).
26
STERN 1901: 12–17, no. 7.
27
STERN 1901: 12.
21
22
47
VLADIMIR F. STOLBA
48
palaeographical grounds places this epigram in the last years of the 4th century.28
The only thing which, in Zograf’s view, hampered full confidence in his interpretation was the chronological gap between the epigram and the coins, which, he believed, were no earlier than the 2nd century BC. As we shall see below, these coins
also belong to the 4th century, yet this does not make his assumption less problematic.
What is more telling here is the half-kneeling posture of archer depicted at the
moment of arrow release. Although the role of bow in the Greek warfare was by far
less significant than that of spear and sword,29 representations of archers in Greek
sculpture and vase painting are numerous.30 They demonstrate that the kneeling
position is more than a purely artistic solution dictated by engraver’s wish to more
evenly fill the round space of the flan. Moreover, the numismatic iconography offers numerous examples of both kneeling and standing figures of archers.31 The
half-kneeling or squatting position is surely more typical of battle conditions rather
than of archery contests (τοξική), especially for distance, which were held not only
in Olbia, but also in other Greek cities.32 As repeatedly noted by the experts of archery and warfare, in combat conditions, archers had to kneel or crouch, as a standing figure offered the enemy a larger target.33 The kneeling or squatting position
also made it easier to hide behind a shield of hoplites. Such archer tactics are found
already in Iliad, where Teukros and Pandaros shoot their arrows while protected by
shields (Hom. Il. 8.267–272, 4.113).34 On the other hand, regarding the Odyssey’s
masterly shot Homer says that it was made from a standing position: στὰς δ᾽ ὅ γε
πολλὸν ἄνευθε διαρρίπτασκεν ὀϊστόν (Hom. Od. 19.575). Judging from the image
on the Attic red-figured cup of the Codrus Painter workshop from the Ackland Art
Museum (Pl. 3),35 a standing position was also standard in the archery contests.
A naked youth depicted in its tondo shoots his arrow not upward but straight in
front, which suggests shooting at a mark. The shooting for distance requires the
bow to be held upward and as far from the ground as possible, which can be best
achieved in the standing position.
VINOGRADOV and KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1976: 26. Cf. already MORETTI 1953: 82, no. 32.
KALINKA 1929: 251, 260; VOS 1963: 70; RAUSING 1967: 99. Cf. FRANZ 2002: 200.
30
See VOS 1963; TÖLLE-KASTENBEIN 1980; IVANTCHIK 2006; SACHERS 2007.
31
DU BOIS-REYMOND 1925: Pl. 13.
32
Tralles (Syll.3 1060 = ITral 106, 3rd cent. BC); Koresia on Keos (IG XII 5, 647 = Syll.3 958, early 3rd cent.
BC); Teos (Syll.3 578, 3rd cent. BC); Samos (Syll.3 1061, 2nd cent. BC); Sestos (OGIS 339, c. 160–120 BC); Larissa
(IG IX 2, 527. 531 = Syll.3 1059); Korkyra (IG IX 1, 873). Often, it is unclear which of the two techniques, at a
mark or for distance, is being referred to, except perhaps the Sestian inscription in honour of Menas, the son of
Menes (OGIS 339), in which the term διατοξεία seems to refer to shooting for distance.
33
BULANDA 1913: 115. See also VOS 1963: 71–72; SNODGRASS 1967: 83; VAN WEES 2012: 170,
171 Fig. 18.
34
For visual representations, see, e.g., the vase of the Triptolemos Painter in Berlin (Staatliche Museen,
F 2295; TÖLLE-KASTENBEIN 1980: Pl. 24).
35
Inv. no. 66.27.4. Also reproduced in AVRAMIDOU 2011: 13, 160–161, Fig. 2.14, Pl. 53A–C.
28
29
‘ARCHERS’ OF THE BLESSED CITY...
The shot of Anaxagoras was certainly a remarkable performance worthy of being
recorded, but still not worthy of being perpetuated on the city’s coinage, where many
important moments of its history left no visible trace. Whether we are dealing here
with the image of an abstract archer, reflecting the role of missile-troops in some event
of the city’s military history, or with that of some local hero,36 cannot be decided.
Despite the long scholarly interest in this series and the wealth of interpretations, no attempts have, however, been made to look at its obverse and reverse
images as complementary to one another – an approach, which, in my view, provides the key to understanding the motif and its historical background. Yet, let us
examine first the available archaeological, stylistic and prosopographical evidence
clarifying the chronology of this issue.
CHRONOLOGY
Views on the chronology of the ‘archer’ series have undergone significant
changes. Orešnikov dated it to the early 1st century BC.37 Following in his footsteps, Zograf also regarded these coins as «undoubtedly belonging to the time of
Mithridates», comparing their fabric with that of mithridatic bronzes of Pontus and
Paphlagonia.38 Already, however, Sallet justly noted their very good style suggesting rather an early-Hellenistic date.39
But it was, in fact, Parovič, who first addressed their chronology working
from an archaeological context. Based on associated finds in the datable tombs of
the Olbian necropolis, she pushed this issue back to the late 4th or early 3rd century
BC.40 Fully accepting Parovič’s archaeological argument, Karyškovskij strengthened it with some numismatic observations. His view on the chronology of these
coins has also markedly evolved, however. In 1962, considering the entire group
inhomogeneous, he regarded the specimens marked with the name of Sostrates
(no. 3) as the earliest, dating them to about 325 BC. On grounds of a «significantly
worse style», the other varieties of this type, including silver, are assigned by him
36
Taking into account his traditional iconography, this could hardly by Achilles whose cult was very prominent in the area (OCHOTNIKOV and OSTROVERCHOV 1993; HUPE 2006). For his local representations, see,
e.g., BUJSKICH 2006: Pl. 36.1. On the cult of other local heroes in Olbia, see recently STOLBA 2013. See also
note 61 below.
37
OREŠNIKOV 1921: 234–235.
38
ZOGRAF 1926: 146–148 (non vidimus); IDEM 1951: 133 and note 1. Apparently, he himself did not
consider this argument compelling, as elsewhere he speaks already of a date “hardly earlier than the turn of the
3rd and the 2nd centuries BC” (ZOGRAF 1982: 6). The article was written in 1939 and, as his monograph of 1951,
published posthumously. A.N. Zograf died in besieged Leningrad in January 1942.
39
SALLET 1888: 26, no. 119: “Von sehr schönem, für Olbia ganz ungewöhnlichen Styl, aus guter Zeit,
wohl 3. Jahrhundert”.
40
PAROVIČ 1957.
49
VLADIMIR F. STOLBA
50
already to the early 3rd century BC.41 In his later work, however, all ‘archers’, including the coins of Sostrates, are regarded as concurrent with the second and third
chronological groups of ‘Borysthenes’,42 among which he found analogies to some
abbreviations of the magistrate names. In his chronology of ‘Borysthenes’, this
corresponds to the late 4th and early 3rd centuries BC.43 To a large extent, this view
is followed by Snytko, Turovskij and Dem’jančuk, who also associate ‘archers’
with the ‘Borysthenes’, but not solely with the second and third groups, presuming that “the mintage of ‘archers’ had a discrete character and was activated when
the need for small denominations was felt, mostly by the same magistrates, who
controlled the coinage of the ‘Borysthenes’”.44
Dating these coins to around 360–350 BC, as suggested by Anochin,45 is even
less justified, being largely at odds with the archaeological evidence. It has been
noted that the finds of ‘archers’ are typical of the Early Hellenistic (post-Zopyrionic) farmsteads of the Bug estuary, being absent at the Late Classical rural sites
destroyed by the Macedonian troops.46 Associated finds of both small and large
denominations of this series at the Early Hellenistic sites47 attest to their roughly
simultaneous production. The presence of ‘archers’ in a number of hoards and collective finds retrieved at the town-site of Olbia48 also narrows their chronology to
the last third of the 4th century BC.
Additional help in refining the chronology of this series is possibily offered by
the city’s prosopography. It remains, however, unclear why Karyškovskij, as well
as Snytko and Turovskij, who also used this method, have restricted their search of
analogies for the ‘archer’ magistrate names only to the ‘Borysthenes’ coins. Given
the wealth of monograms and abbreviations recorded in the latter issue, accidental matches of some banal names are by no means surprising. The value of such
analogies, however, is doubtful, especially in view of the fact that the monograms
and abbreviations such as , , ΣΩ, ΑΛ can be unfolded into a range of different
names. Far more indicative prove to be rare names, convincing analogies for which
among the ‘Borysthenes’ are missing. They can, however, be found on the preceding issues of bronze and silver coins with Demeter and an ‘eagle-on-dolphin’
KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1962: 94–95.
KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1988: 83.
43
KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1988: 67.
44
SNYTKO and TUROVSKIJ 2000: 400; TUROVSKIJ and DEM’JANČUK 2000: 162.
45
ANOCHIN 1989: 30–31; IDEM 2011: 44.
46
RUBAN and URSALOV 1978: 85; IDEM 1986: 49, 51, Fig. 9; SNYTKO 1994; 152–156; SNYTKO
and TUROVSKIJ 2000: 401.
47
See, for example, RUBAN and URSALOV 1978: 84, nos. 11–12 (Chertovatoe II, farmhouse 1).
48
IGCH 1058, 1059, 1060, 1078 1078 (1 out of 16 ex.; dated too late [“300–250 BC”]; probably late 4th
cent. BC), 1121 (12 out of 129 ex., including 4 ex. as our no. 3, 6 as no. 8. and 2 as no. 4; dated to c. 200–150 BC;
two diachronous contexts seem to be presented as one).
41
42
‘ARCHERS’ OF THE BLESSED CITY...
emblem, as well as in stone inscriptions of Olbia. These Late Classical issues also
offer analogies for most of the other name abbreviations recorded on ‘archers’. It
is very likely that both ΒΑ( ) of the ‘archers’ (our no. 8) and ΒΑΤΩ( ) of the large
bronzes with Demeter and an eagle-on-dolphin device (SNG BM I 444) refer in
fact to the same Βάτων, whose name occurs in an unpublished 4th century graffito
from the Olbian dikasterion.49 A direct identification seems also possible for ΑΛΦ,
which stands for a very rare name Ἀλφῖνος recorded in the entire Black Sea region
only twice, including a single instance from Olbia.50 Here, it occurs in the so-called
diachronic catalogue of local eponyms (IOSPE I2 201 I, 15), enlisted between the
brothers Heuresibios and Polymedon, sons of Leokrates, whose activity falls into
the third through the early last quarter of the 4th century BC.51 These and the other
name pairs are presented in Table 1 below.
Magistrates
of the ‘archer’ series
1
ΣΩΣΤΡΑ
2
Matching magistrate names
(concurrent coins and inscriptions)
Obv. Demeter. Rev. Eagle on dolphin. AE, double unit,
7.70g, Anochin 1989, no. 86; 2011, no. 257
Units, no. 3
ΣΩΣ[Τ]
Units, no. 4
Half-units, no. 7
ΑΡΙΣ
Obv. Demeter. Rev. Eagle on dolphin. AR, 12.53g
(St Petersburg), Anochin 1989, no. 80; 2011, no. 244
ΑΡΙΣ
Obv. Demeter. Rev. Eagle on dolphin. AE, double unit,
8.71g (London), SNG BM I, 441; Anochin 2011, no. 249
Obv. Demeter. Rev. Eagle on dolphin. AR, 12.14g, SNG
Stancomb 359; Anochin 2011, no. 278
3
BA
4
5
ΑΛΦ
6
ΑΡ
Obv. Demeter. Rev. Eagle on dolphin. AE, half-unit, 2.73g
(SHM Moscow), Frolova & Abramzon 2005, no. 467
ΒΑΤΩ52
Obv. Demeter. Rev. Eagle on dolphin. AE, double unit,
10.29g (London), SNG BM I, 444; Anochin 2011, no. 255
Βάτω̣[ν]
SEG XXX 920 = LGPN IV s.v. (4) (graffito; 5th–4th c. BC)
Half-units, no. 9
ΗΡΩ
Obv. Demeter. Rev. Eagle on dolphin. AE, double unit,
9.21g (SHM Moscow), Anochin 1989, no. 85; 2011,
no. 252; Frolova & Abramzon 2005, no. 442
Half-units, no. 10
Ἀλφῖνος
IOSPE I2, 201 I, 15
Half-units, no. 12
Πεδιεύς
Dubois IGDOlbia 13,3 (mid-4th c. BC); IOSPE I2, 201 I, 21
Half-units, no. 8
52
49
Excavations by E.I. Levi and A.N. Karasev. This and other ceramic inscriptions from dikasterion are
now being prepared for publication by the author. The name Βάτων also occurs in Olbian graffito SEG XXX 920
= LGPN IV s.v. (4).
50
Kallatis: IOrop 543 (= LGPN IV, s.v. [1]; Avram PPEE 2173); Olbia: IOSPE I2 201 I, 15 (= LGPN IV, s.v. [2]).
51
STOLBA 2013: 293–302.
52
Better preserved specimens leave no doubt that the official name ΡΑΤΩ, which appears in SNG BM
I 444 and in Anochin’s catalogue (2011: 54, no. 255) did not exist, being simply a misreading for ΒΑΤΩ.
51
VLADIMIR F. STOLBA
52
The date of around 330 BC suggested by Zograf53 for silver and bronze coins
with ΑΡΙΣ is accepted by Karyškovskij.54 Slightly later in Karyškovskij’s sequence,
between 330 and 323 BC, are placed other bronze varieties of the same type, including those with ΒΑΤΩ and ΗΡΩ.55 The entire series is also dated to around 330
BC by Anochin.56 The onomastic correlation of these two series is complemented
by stylistic similarities. The treatment of the face and hairstyle of Demeter we find
on the heavy bronzes with ΑΡΙΣ, ΔΙΟΝ, ΜΟΣΧ and ΣΩΣ[Τ] (Pl. 2, Fig. 16) comes
closest to that of the Sostrates coins.57 Given all this, there is every reason to regard
them as contiguous and roughly contemporary. Also metrologically, as smaller denominations, the ‘archers’ naturally complement the heavier bronzes with Demeter
and an eagle-on-dolphin design. Finally, the fact that the ‘archer’ series comprises
coins in two metals also advocates the date prior to the issue of ‘Borysthenes’,58
when the striking of silver comes to an end.
What kind of event in the city’s history could have instigated the issue of such
extraordinary series? Given its chronology and the choice of types, the answer
seems to suggest itself quite naturally. In all probability, this distinctive issue was
destined to commemorate nothing else but the deliverance of Olbia from a siege
laid by Macedonian troops in 332/331 BC. Despite a fairly large number of survived specimens, its production must have been rather short-lived, lasting hardly
more than 3 to 5 years (i.e. c. 331–327 BC), perhaps even less,59 but their life in
circulation was certainly longer. In that case, the preceding issue of heavy bronzes
and didrachms with the eagle-on-dolphin device should have started shortly before
that date and terminated not earlier than 331 BC.60
A correct reading of this name can be found already in the catalogue of the Prince Kotschoubey collection
(KOEHNE 1857: 65, no. 116). Cf. MÜNSTERBERG 1985: 18. This error has also slipped into Leschhorn’s
Lexikon which lists both Βάτων and Ῥατω (LESCHHORN 2009: 406, 789).
53
ZOGRAF 1951: 127.
54
KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1988: 66.
55
VINOGRADOV and KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1983: 26 = VINOGRADOV 1997: 305; KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1988: 66.
56
ANOCHIN 2011: 54. For different, though less compelling, chronology of this series, see TUROVSKIJ
and DEM’JANČUK 2000: 160.
57
Cf. KARYŠKOVSKIJ 1962: 94, who compares their style with that of the Olbian silver staters of the 330s BC.
58
The ‘thyrsus’ countermark appearing on the silver specimens of this series prompts a much younger date
for a small silver fraction with a bucranium on the obverse and a thyrsus on the reverse (SNG BM I 401). These
rare small coins would be more comfortably placed in the first half of the 320s BC, as immediate followers of the
‘archers’, rather than in the late 5th century as suggested by Anochin (1989: 104 nos. 24–25; 2011: 40 nos. 181–182).
59
One cannot rely here on the number of recorded monograms and abbreviated magistrate names, as do
Snytko and Turovskij (2000: 400). As demonstrated by Anochin’s study of the ’Borysthenes’, the control of coinage could have been exercised both by individual officials and the boards of magistrates (ANOCHIN 1984: 26).
The same can be said about a non-uniform style of these coins, whose dies are engraved by several hands possessing different level of skill. A good parallel is offered here by the coinage of nearby Kerkinitis, where the issues of
the same magistrate vary greatly in style.
60
Such terminal date is suggested by the presence of lead specimens attributed as siege coins. See NAUMOV
1985: 56; KARYŠKOVSKIJ 2003: 535, Pl. CXIV; ANOCHIN 2010: 42–43, Pl. I.2, 4–5; IDEM 2011: nos. 275–276.
‘ARCHERS’ OF THE BLESSED CITY...
The choice to depict an archer rather than a hoplite, as was the case, for instance, in the coinage of Chersonesos (Pl. 2, Fig. 15), is well explained by the
circumstances in which the city found itself. In times of sieges, the efficacy of
light-armed missile-forces must have been higher than that of other troops. That
the defence was successful we are told by Macrobius (Macr. Sat. 1.11.33): “Borysthenitae, obpugnante Zopyrione, servis liberatis dataque civitate peregrinis et
factis tabulis novis hostem sustinere potuerunt”.61 The Zopyrion in question was
the Macedonian strategos of Thrace,62 and the events described took place in the
course of his campaign against the Scythians and the Getae at the head of an army
of 30,000 men (Just. 12.2.16; 37.3.2). The expedition, however, did not turn out to
be a success, and, on his retreat, Zopyrion and his entire army were annihilated by
a storm and the enemy (Curt. 10.1.44; Just. 2.3.4; 12.2.17). The fact of this campaign
and the Macedonian siege of Olbia are now confirmed by the finds of lead sling
bullets marked ΒΑΣΙΛΕ ǁ ΑΛΕΞΑΝ, which were made just outside the city walls.63
Despite all the extraordinary measures taken by the citizens to defend Olbia
(Macr. Sat. 1.11.33), it is astonishing that the 30,000-men strong army,64 which
was also accompanied by the fleet, was still unable to seize the city. It is not unlikely that the Olbiopolitans were aided by the Scythians and maybe even by the
Greeks from Taurica,65 but the actual cause might have been different. It seems that
for some reason Zopyrion simply could not complete the siege. If the assumption
that he was a strategos of only the coastal Pontic area of Thrace is true,66 the message about rebellion raised in the spring of 331 BC by Memnon, the governor of
the remainder of the province,67 could have caused his withdrawal from Olbia and
urgent return to aid Antipater in suppressing the insurgence (cf. Diod. 17.62.4–6).
61
It is not unlikely that, apart from the measures listed by Macrobius, the defence might have also been
aided by the divine manifestation (ἐπιφάνεια) of Demeter or some local hero whose image we may perhaps see
on the reverse of the ‘archers’. On Demeter’s epiphany in a battle at Argos, see Paus. 1.13.8. For a useful account
of other military epiphanies, see PRITCHETT 1979: 19–39. On divine epiphanies in general, see PLATT 2011.
62
BERVE 1926, II: 164, no. 340; HECKEL 2006: 273.
63
ANOCHIN and ROLLE 1998: 840, no. 1; ANOCHIN 2010: 52, nos. 1–2A. For other archaeological
evidence possibly related to this event, see SAMOJLOVA 1993; EADEM 2009. For recent finds of sling bullets
and an account of literary sources related to Zopyrion’s campaign, see AVRAM, CHIRIAC and MATEI 2013:
228, Fig. 1, 230, nos. 1–2, who also address the discrepancy in dating this event (P. 251–257). On the chronology
of this event, see also ILIESCU 1971; VINOGRADOV 1997: 298–303. Cf. SUCEVEANU 1966, who assumes
two campaigns of Zopyrion, one against the Scythians (between 334 and 331 BC), and the other against the Getae
(327/6 BC).
64
Some scholars assume that the figure is exaggerated. See, e.g., BELOCH 1925: 45 Anm. 1.
65
It is very tempting to see the Chersonesean ‘quadriga-hoplite’ series (Pl. 2, Fig. 15) and the Kerkinitian
types with the Nike, mounted Scythian warrior, and female head in turreted stephane as being instigated by the
same historical event. Yet such association would require a significant revision of the current chronology of these
coins. On the chronology and typology of Kerkinitian coinage, see STOLBA 1996a; IDEM 2007.
66
Cf. Just. 12.2.16: “Zopyrion, praefectus Ponti ab Alexandro Magno relictus”; SUCEVEANU 1966: 639;
INKOV 2014: 7. Cf. AVRAM, CHIRIAC and MATEI 2013: 251, 253.
67
On him, see BERVE 1926, II: 254, no. 499; HECKEL 2006: 162; BADIAN 1967: 179–180.
53
VLADIMIR F. STOLBA
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am indebted to the Ackland Art Museum, University of North Carolina
at Chapel Hill, Ackland Fund, for kind permission to reproduce the cup of the
Codrus Painter workshop. I also want to express my gratitude to Miron Levitsky
and Andrey Kovalenko who have kindly provided me with the images of coins
from their collections.
ABBREVIATIONS
54
AMNG 1 = PICK, B. 1898. Die Antiken Münzen Nord-Griechenlands. Bd. 1. Dacien und Moesien, Berlin.
CEG 2 = HANSEN, P.A. 1989. Carmina epigraphica Graeca: saeculi IV a.Chr.n. (CEG 2),
Berlin–New York.
Dubois IGDOlbia = DUBOIS, L. 1996. Inscriptions grecques dialectales d’Olbia du Pont,
Genève.
IAK = Izvestija Imperatorskoj Archeologičeskoj Komissii, St Petersburg.
IOSРЕ I2 = LATYSHEV, V. 1916. Inscriptiones antique orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini,
Petropolis. Vol. I.
LGPN IV = FRASER, P.M., E. MATTHEWS (eds.) 2005. Lexicon of Greek Personal Names.
Vol. IV. Macedonia, Thrace, Northern Regions of the Black Sea, Oxford.
MASP = Materialy po archeologii Severnogo Pričernomor’ja, Odessa.
Moretti Iagonist = MORETTI 1953.
Avram PPEE = AVRAM, A. 2013. Prosopographia Ponti Euxini Externa, Leuven–Paris–
–Walpole, MA.
SEG = Supplementum epigraphicum graecum.
SHM = State Historical Museum Moscow (FROLOVA and ABRAMZON 2005).
SNG BM = Sylloge nummorum graecorum. Vol. IX. The British Museum. Part 1. The Black
Sea, London 1993.
SNG Marc Bar = Sylloge nummorum graecorum. Belgique. Bibliothèque royale de Belgique.
La collection de bronzes grecs de Marc Bar, Bruxelles 2007.
SNG Pushkin Mus = Sylloge nummorum graecorum. State Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts. Coins
of the Black Sea Region. Part I. Ancien Coins from the Northern Black Sea Littoral, Leuven–
–Paris–Walpole, MA 2011.
SNG Stancomb = Sylloge nummorum graecorum. Vol. XI. The William Stancomb Collection of
Coins of the Black Sea Region, Oxford 2000.
TOdesGU = Trudy Odesskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Ser. Istoričeskich nauk.
ZOOID = Zapiski Odesskogo obščestva istorii i drevnostej, Odessa.
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Address of the Author:
Vladimir F. Stolba
Aarhus University
Jens Chr. Skous Vej 7, DK-8000 Aarhus C, Denmark
e-mail: [email protected]
PLATE 1 Fig. 1. Olbia, AR, Diobol, 12mm, 1.64g (SHM 1296)
Fig. 2. Olbia, AR, Diobol, 12mm, 12h, 1.93g (Levitsky Coll.)
Fig. 3. Olbia, AE, Unit, 18mm, 4.68g (in commerce)
Fig. 4. Olbia, AE, Unit, 18mm, 12h, 4.45g (Levitsky Coll.)
Fig. 5. Olbia, AE, Unit, 18mm, 12h, 3.98g (Levitsky Coll.)
Fig. 6. Olbia, AE, Unit, 17.5mm, 6h, 5.15g (Levitsky Coll.)
Fig. 7. Olbia, AE, Half-unit, 12mm, 12h, 2.35g (Levitsky Coll.)
Fig. 8. Olbia, AE, Half-unit, 14mm, 9h, 3.08g (Levitsky Coll.)
PLATE 2
Fig. 9. Olbia, AE, Half-unit, 13mm, 12h, 2.05g (Levitsky Coll.)
Fig. 10. Olbia, AE, Half-unit, 13mm, 12h, 2.37g (Levitsky Coll.)
Fig. 11. Olbia, AE, Half-unit, 12mm, 7h, 2.55g (SNG BM I 546)
Fig. 12. Olbia, AE, Half-unit, 14mm, 12h, 1.97g (Levitsky Coll.)
Fig. 13. Olbia, AE, Half-unit, 13mm, 3.23g (Kovalenko Coll.)
Fig. 14. Olbia, AE, Half-unit, 12mm, 6h, 1.85g (CNG Triton 16 [7.01.2013], lot 38)
Fig. 15. Chersonesos, AE, 22mm, 6.38g (Münzen & Medaillen GmbH 17 [4.10.2005], lot 473)
Fig. 16. Olbia, AE, Double-unit, 20mm, 10.03g, London (SNG BM I, 442)
PLATE 3
Attic red-figured cup, Workshop of the Codrus Painter, c. 430 BC, H. 10 cm, D. 22.5 cm,
Ackland Art Museum, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Ackland Fund;
a – general view; b – detail
59
PLATE 1
1
2
3
4
60
5
6
7
8
PLATE 2
9
10
11
12
61
13
14
15
16
PLATE 3
62
a
b