Gender Ideology and Drinking Norms: Content Analysis of Alcohol

University of Tennessee, Knoxville
Trace: Tennessee Research and Creative
Exchange
Doctoral Dissertations
Graduate School
12-1992
Gender Ideology and Drinking Norms: Content
Analysis of Alcohol Advertisements in Selected
Magazines, 1973 to 1988
Sherry Jo Walker
University of Tennessee - Knoxville
Recommended Citation
Walker, Sherry Jo, "Gender Ideology and Drinking Norms: Content Analysis of Alcohol Advertisements in Selected Magazines, 1973
to 1988. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 1992.
http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/2665
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To the Graduate Council:
I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Sherry Jo Walker entitled "Gender Ideology and
Drinking Norms: Content Analysis of Alcohol Advertisements in Selected Magazines, 1973 to 1988." I
have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it
be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a
major in Sociology.
Suzanne B. Kurth, Major Professor
We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance:
Samuel Wallace, Thomas Hood, Susan Becker
Accepted for the Council:
Carolyn R. Hodges
Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School
(Original signatures are on file with official student records.)
To the G ra d u ate Counc i l :
I a m s u b m itti n g herewith a d issertation writte n by Sh e rry Jo Walke r e ntitled
" Ge n d e r I d e o logy and D r inkin g Norms: Co ntent A n a lysis of Alcohol
Advertise me nts in Selected Magazines, 1 97 3 to 1 98 8 . " I have exa m i ned
the final c o p y this d issertatio n for form and co ntent a n d reco mmend that it
be accepted in pa rtia l fulfi l l ment of the req u i re m e nts for the d e g ree of Doctor
of P h i lo s o p h y , with a major in Sociolog y .
Suzanne B . K u rt h , Major Professor
We have read this d issertation
and re
m e n d its acceptance :
I
I
Accepted for the C o u nc i l :
Assoc iate V ice C hance l lo r
a n d Dean of T h e G rad uate School
G EN D E R I D E O LOGY A N D D R I N K I N G N O R M S : C O NTENT
ANALYSI S OF A LCO H O L A DVERTI S E M ENTS I N
S E LECTED M AGAZI N E S , 1 9 7 3 T O 1 9 8 8
A D isse rtation
Presented for the
Doctor of P h i l osophy
Deg ree
The U n iversity of Te n nessee, K noxv i l l e
Sherry J o Walke r
Dece mber 1 99 2
ii
D E D I CATI ON
This d issertati o n is d ed icated to the me mo ry of
m y g ra n d fath e r, Bric e H. M a rt i n
iii
ACKNOWLE D G E MENTS
I wo u ld l i ke to tha n k several people for exte n d i n g p rofessional assistance
and pers o n a l s u p po rt . The g u i d a nce a n d und ersta n d i n g of these i n d i v i d u a l s
were i nv a l u a b l e t o t h e completion of th is d issertatio n .
I a m g rateful to my maj o r ad v isor, Dr. Suza n ne K u rth, fo r critica l ly
read i n g a nd reviewing this study . D r . K u rth's i ns i g hts a n d reco mmendations
g u id ed t h i s research from its beg i n n i n g to e n d ; I a p p rec iate her ava i l a b i l ity over
the past t h re e yea rs . M o reover, her s e n se of h u mo r a nd words of a s s u ra nce
mad e ted i o u s work beara b l e .
wo u l d l i ke t o tha n k D r . S u s a n Becker fo r com me nts related t o the
h istory of a l cohol con s u m pti o n .
Also,
Dr.
Bec ke r's e d i t i n g s k i l l s a nd
e n c o u ra g e ment a re a p p rec iated .
I w o u l d l i ke to exp ress my t h a n ks to othe r comm ittee members, D r .
Tho mas H o o d a nd D r . Samuel Wa l lace .
Sug gesti o n s b y D r . H o o d a n d D r .
Wal lace con tr ib uted t o the sociological i m porta nce o f t h i s p roject .
I a lso wo u l d l i ke to express a p p reciation to the
Department of Sociology, Anthro p o l o g y , a nd Social Work, M i d d le Ten n es see
State U n iversity .
When it was most needed , members of the d e p a rtment
prov i d ed i n s p i rati on .
I a m i n d e bted to my typist, A n n e U p c h u rc h . Without A n ne ' s ass istance
and e m pathy , g rad uati o n d e a d l i nes and req u i rements wo u ld have been
overwhe l m i n g .
iv
I wish to a ckn owled ge my fa mily for their s u p po rt and pati ence . I am
gratefu l to The An d rews fo r u n d e rsta n d i n g my a bse nc e from fa mily eve nts . A
spec i a l tha n k-yo u to Loyd and Lind a Wa l ke r for t h e i r h o s p ital ity a n d o p e n
reservation p o l i c y . Als o, t h a n k s t o Je rry a n d C a r l e n a Walke r f o r a l lo w i n g m e
t o u s e t h e i r h o me as a rest i n g p lace between M u rfrees b oro and Knoxv i l l e .
I
wo u ld l i ke to e x p ress i mmeasura ble a p p reciation to G ra nd ma M a rt i n , Betty and
Joe Laws o n , a n d The Edwa rds for s h o w i n g c o nfide nce i n my a b i l ities a nd
provid i n g i nstruction i n how to acco m p l i s h goa l s .
Last l y , b u t most d efin itely not least, I wo u l d l i ke t o tha n k Gre g , Ath e na,
Zeke , C a d y , a n d Lett i e .
E ac h of you were c o m pa s s i o n ate a n d t ole rant , b ut
more i m p o rtantly d id n ot d is r u pt my wor k . A l s o , I a p p reciate a l l th e ti mes you
made me l a u g h a n d p rovided a b re ak from writ i n g .
v
A BSTRACT
This content a nalysis compared g e n d er-alcohol associations prese nted
in alcohol adve rtise ments in M s . and Spo rts I l l ustrated from 1 9 73 to 1 9 8 8 .
Analys i s foc used o n ( 1 ) c h a n ges i n g e n d e r re p rese ntat i o n s d u ri n g a period of
transitional fem a l e roles, ( 2) relative freq uencies of c o g n itive and emotion­
i n d u c i n g themes a p peari n g i n sex s pecific alcohol advertis i n g , and ( 3 ) d ri n ki n g
norms p rese nted by alcohol advertisers d u r i n g a p e riod characte rized b y
c riticism of a lcohol ma rketi n g .
Portraya ls o f women d i d not accu rately reflect t h e actual emp loyment
status of wome n .
I mages of fe min ism were s u p erfi c i a l p o rtrayals of women
im itat i n g men ( e . g . , wh iskey cons u m ptio n ) o r p rese nted fe m i n ists as decorative
objects .
From 1 9 7 3 to 1 98 8 , alcohol ads i n M s . a n d Spo rts I l l u strated
i ncreas i n gly p rese nted g e nd e r stereotypes .
Women we re d efined by their
relations h i ps with men , whereas men were d efined by t h e i r acco mp lish me nts .
I n both m a ga z ines , fo r a l l sample years ( i . e . , 1 9 7 3 , 1 9 8 2 , 1 98 8 ) ,
emotion-i n d u c i n g t h e mes p redo m i nated . Personal satisfaction was the most
frequent type of e moti o n - i n d u c i n g a p pea l .
Fre q u e n c i es o f other emotion­
i n d u c i n g themes s u g gested that d iffe rent i mages we re used to target a fe male
vers us a male ma rket (e . g . , elegance in M s . and tra d itio n i n Sports I l l ustrated ) .
Comparison of normative messages revealed that a lcohol ads i n M s .
more often p rese nted alcohol a s a means o f emotion-manag ement, whereas
a lcohol ads in Spo rts I l lustrated more often assoc iated d ri n ki n g with hazard ous
vi
activ ities .
In both magazi nes, images of heavy d ri n ki n g we re more freq uent
tha n i mages of moderati o n .
I t was
concl uded that
alcohol
p rod ucers , a n d t h e i r advertisers,
experi mented with non-conventio n al gender portrayal s only when it was
presumed novel a n d /or p rofita b l e to do so.
Moreover , re p rese ntations of
d ri n ki n g ( i . e . , types of a ppe als a n d normative messag e s ) a p pa re ntly c h a nged
only when there were d i rect t h reats to th e self-regu lation o f a lc o h o l ad v e rti s i n g .
vii
TABLE O F C O NTENTS
C H A PTER
PAGE
1.
I NTROD UCTI O N
1
2.
L I TERATURE REVI EW O F ADVERTI S I NG
7
Advertis i n g and Everyday Experie nces
Ma r ketin g Tec h n i q u e s in Advertis i n g
Basic Princip les o f B r a n d I mage Advert i s i n g
3.
LITERATURE REVI EW O F P E RSUASI O N TEC H N I QU ES
A N D PO RTRAYALS O F G EN D E R
20
Targeti n g Women a n d D i s p lays o f Fe m i n i n ity
Ta rgeti n g Men a n d D i s p lays of Masc u l i n ity
Conclusion
4.
L I TERATURE REVI EW OF D R I N K I N G NORMS A N D
A LC O H O L ADVERTI S I N G
34
Dr ink ing No rms a n d C o n s u m ption Patterns
Emp irical Stud ies and P u b l ic Debates
Conclusion
5.
TH E O RETI CAL PERSPECT I VE
51
Demogra p h ic C h a n ges a n d the Female C o n s u me r
Sociology o f Emot i o n s
6.
M ETH OD OLOGY
Sample
Cod i n g
Rel i a b i l ity
Analysis
61
VIII
CHAPTER
7.
P AGE
P R E S E NTAT I O N O F F I N D I N G S
79
Concentration of Alcohol Advert i s i n g a nd
B rand Ma rket i n g
P resentations o f G e n d e r an d S o c i a l Relatio n sh i ps
Types of Appeals an d E motio n - I n d u c i n g I mages
N ormative Messages
Conclusion
8.
I NTERPRETATIONS AND C O N C LU S I O N S
1 09
Representations of D ri n ki n g
Conclusions
BIBLI O G RA PHY
1 25
APPEN D I X
1 40
VITA
1 46
ix
L I ST OF TA BLE
TA BLE
PAGE
1.
Va lues and Lifestyles
14
2.
S o c i a l Relatio n s h i ps a n d Emotional Res p o nse s
59
3.
M utua lly Exc l u s ive Relati o n s h i p I ma g e s
68
4.
N o n - M utua lly Exc l us ive I mages
69
5.
Norms Described
70
6.
M e a n N u m be r per Issue a n d Tota l N u m be r o f
Alcohol Advertisements i n Ms . a n d
Sports I l l u strated by year
80
N u m ber of D iffe rent A lc o h o l Bra n d s A d v e rtised i n Ms.
a n d Spo rts I l l ustrated Sample by Ye ar
81
Percentage of Alcohol Bevera ge Types i n M s . a n d Sports
I l l u strated Ads by Sample Year
82
Pe rcenta ge o f M s . a n d Spo rts I l l ustrated S a m p les
Feat u r i n g Gender D i s p lays by Year
86
Fem i n i ne and Masc u l i ne I mages as a P e rc e nta g e of Gender
D i s p lays i n Ms. and Spo rts I l lustrated S a m p les by Year
87
Pe rcentag e of M s . and Spo rts I ll u strated S a m p le s
Portrayi n g Relations h i ps by Ye ar
95
7.
8.
9.
1 0.
11.
1 2.
Frequency of M utua l ly Exc l u s ive Relatio n s h i p I ma g e
Categories i n M s . and Spo rts I l l ustrated S a m p les by Year 9 6
1 3.
Frequency of Type of A p peals in M s . a n d Sports I l l ustrated
S a m p les by Year
98
Types of Emotion-I n d u c i n g I mages a s a Percenta g e of
C o g n itive-Emotional and Emotio n a l O n ly A p pe als in M s .
a n d Spo rts I l lu strated Samp les by Ye ar
99
1 4.
X
PAGE
TABLE
1 5.
16 .
Normative M essages as a Percentag e o f M s . a nd Sports
I l l ustrated Samp les by Year
1 02
Fre q u e ncy of " Ne utral ization of Alcohol A b us e " I mages i n
Ms . a nd Sports I l l u strated Samples by Ye ar
1 05
A- 1 .
Frequency of A l c o h o l Beverage C h o i ces a n d U n iq u e Ads i n
1 43
M s . a nd Spo rts I l l ust rated 1 97 3 Samp le s
A-2.
Frequency of A l c o h o l Beverage Choices a n d U n i q u e Ads i n
M s . a nd Spo rts I l l ustrated 1 98 2 S a m ples
A-3 .
1 44
Fre q u ency o f Alcohol Beverage C h oices a n d U n iq u e Ads i n
1 45
M s . a nd Sports I l l ustrated 1 98 8 Samp les
1
C H A PTER 1
I NTRO D U CT I O N
E m b e l l i s h ments of soc ieta l i ma g es i n a dvert i s i n g re i n fo rce c o n s u me r
c u l t u re materi a l is m ( Sc h u d s o n 1 9 84) a n d symbo l i c a l l y portray l ife as i t
p resu ma b ly s h o u l d be (Veste rgaard a n d Sc h roder 1 98 8 ) . Advertisers o n many
occas i o n s p rom ote p rod ucts people d o not need so they use e motio n a l ly
charged s y m b o l s to stimu late brand a p peal ( Good rum a n d D a l ry m p l e 1 9 90) .
Thus, advertisers may g lorify some c u ltural as pects (e . g . , g e n d e r i ma g e s ,
alcohol c o n s u mption ) , as they t r y to b o t h generate d e s i re a n d s u g g est h o w
d e s i re c a n b e met.
A n a lysis of advert i s i n g i s one way of stu d y i n g p o p u l a r c u l t u re ( e . g . , i d e al
images of femi n i n ity a nd masc u l i n ity ) .
adve rtis i n g ,
advertisers
have
consid e red
From the beg i n n i n g of mod ern
wo men
a
key
a u d i e n ce
and
consequently, have mod ified gender rep resentatio ns i n adve rtis i n g to be
sens itive to what they be lieved were imp o rtant c h a n ges i n wome n ' s roles
( G ood r u m and Dalrymple 1 9 90) .
Yet, adve rtisements for various types of
pro d u cts have been criti c ized fo r e m p h a s i z i n g fe male sexua l ity and male power
( Co u rtney a n d W h i p p l e 1 98 3 ; Barthel 1 98 8 ) and fo r rei nfo rc i n g " g e n d e r myt h s "
(Tuc h ma n 1 9 7 9 ) .
M e d i a theorists , howeve r, d o n ot a g ree a b o ut the temporal association
betwee n
advertisers'
c re ated
symbolic
e n v i ro n me nts
and
th e
actual
2
enviro n me nts i n which people l ive (Voelker and Voe l ke r 1 9 7 8 ) . A l v i n Toffler
( 1 9 7 3 ) calls advertisers the " people of the futu re " who p retest and prepare the
rest of society for change. I n contrast, Varda Ley more a rg ues that "adve rtis i n g
p lays t h e s a m e role i n mod ern societies that myth does i n p r i m it ive soc ieties .
. . to conserv e trad itions" ( 1 9 7 5 , p . 1 5 6 ) .
A t h i rd perspective is Lee
Loevi ng e r ' s ( 1 9 7 8 ) " reflective-p rojective theory " wh ic h p re s u p poses that
advertisers p resent a m big uous, telesco p i c reflecti o n s of th e p resent. A rg u i n g
that advert i s i n g either effects o r generates c h a n g e i n society i s l i ke the c h i c ken­
egg d i lemma ( Beta ncourt 1 97 8 ) ; the issue s ho u ld not be d isti l led down to a
s i m p l e q uest i o n of which co mes fi rst .
I nte rest
g ro u ps
may
fa u lt
advertisers
for
p rese nti n g
o utmoded
stereotypes ( e . g . , A u nt Jemima h ) . In th e early 1 9 70s , an organ ized fe m i n ist
move ment p ushed fo r gender e qual ity a nd exp ressed d issatisfaction with
stereoty p i c a l i ma g es of wo men in the mass med i a ( Good rum and D a l rymple
1 990) .
S i m u lta n eou sly, i n the p o p ular c u lture, c h a nges i n female roles were
themes i n television p rograms ( e . g . , A l l in the F a m i ly) a n d music (e . g . , I Am
Wo ma n ) .
Some advert i s i n g p rese nted a new stereotype o f a " l i b e rated "
wo man ( e . g . , " Yo u ' ve Come A Lo ng Way , Ba by " ) .
H isto rica l ly , the consu mption and market i n g of alcohol p rod ucts have
been g e n d e r s pecific ( Ma rsteller and Karnc h a n a pee 1 980; Strate 1 99 2 ) . Thus,
a n a lysis of a lc o h o l ads over t i me is a mea n s of d o c u menting c h a n ges i n gender
portraya ls ( i . e . , p rod u cts advertised , p rofi les o f th e a lcohol consume r ) .
3
By the e n d of the 1 9 70s , some compan ies h a d real ized the market
potential assoc i ated with new images of gender roles a n d targeted women as
co nsu mers of masc u l i ne-ty ped p rod ucts ( e . g . , wh iskey ) . C h a n g i n g i mages and
targets resu lted i n some negative res u lts for p rod ucers . The a lcohol i n d ustries
were criticized for market i n g a i med at v u l ne rab le g ro u ps (e . g . , peo ple of
colo r/wo men/yo uth ) , for g lamorizing alcohol ( Breed and De Foe 1 9 79; Jacobso n ,
Atk i n s , a nd H a c ke r 1 98 3 ; American Med ical Association 1 98 6 ) and fo r not
portrayi n g pos si ble negative conseque nces of haza rd o u s d ri n k i n g ( Atki n s ,
Neuend o rf, a n d M c D e rmot 1 98 3 ; Postma n , Nystro m , Strate, a n d We i n g a rtner
1 987) .
M o reover, the l i berated wo man i mage c ame u nd e r attack from
homemakers as n ot represent i n g them, from fem i n i sts as d e ro gatory a n d /o r
patro n i z i n g , a n d fro m m e n as bel ittl i n g .
I n the p o p u l a r c u lture of the 1 9 80s , fe m i n i s m was b l a med fo r a variety
of soc i a l p ro b l e m s ( e . g . , violence a g a i n st wo me n , tee n s u ic i d es , poverty ) , so
hav i n g an adverti s i n g i mage l i n ked to fe m i n i s m was less l i kely to be as
pers uas ive i n the 1 980s as it was i n the 1 970s .
S u bsequently, " New
Tra d itional ist" a dvert i s i n g campaigns b e g an to pred o m i nate ( Fa l u d i 1 99 1 ) .
The foc u s o f t h i s d issertation i s o n how g e nd e r-a lcohol associations are
re presented in one aspect of American p o p u l a r c u lture ( i . e . , print alcohol
advertisements) d u ri n g a period of c h a n g e and d e bate over female roles ( i . e . ,
1 9 73 to 1 98 8 ) . This project foc uses o n g e n d e r represe ntations in advert i s i n g
4
to see if they a re g ro u nded i n rea l ity reflecti n g past o r p resent social no rms o r
behavior, o r herald e merg i ng n o rms a nd behaviors .
O n e sociolog ist, E rv i n g Gottman ( 1 979) i n a s e m i n a l work exam i ned
advert i s i n g to see how g e n d e r was d is pl ayed .
Other s o c i a l scientists a n d
fem i n i sts (e . g . , Fried a n 1 9 6 3 ; M oog 1 9 90) ana lyzed h ow g e n d e r d i s p lays may
i nfl uence i n d iv i d u a l s ' perceptions and behaviors . The e m p ha s i s in th is work
more closely pa ra l l e l s Gottma n ' s , a lthou g h it takes a step i n a new d i rectio n by
ana lyzi n g g e n d e r- p rodu ct associations and is a syste matic a n a lysis over t i me .
Q u a l itative stud ies o f advertisi n g a re usually cross-sect i o n a l descriptions
of either gender p resentations ( e . g . , Tuckma n 1 9 74; C o u rtney and W h i p p l e
1 98 3 ; K i l bo u r n e 1 9 8 7 , 1 98 9 ; N a kayama 1 989) o r prod uct i mag e s ( e . g . , Breed
and DeFoe 1 9 79; K i l bou rne 1 98 2 , 1 99 1 ; Jacobso n et a l . , 1 98 3 ) . Those who
stud y the co ntent of prod uct advertis i n g look at b ra n d i mages but a l most
comp lete ly i g n o re g e n d e r .
I a n a lyze advertiseme nts f o r a lcohol w h i c h a p pe a red i n magaz i nes
targeted to either females o r males from 1 973 to 1 9 8 8 . Several re l ati o n s h i ps
are of i nterest.
O n e , I focus on whether c h a n ges occ u rred in g e n d e r re p resentations over
time to see whether d oc u me nted chan ges in wome n ' s behavior ( e . g . ,
employment leve l s , types o f j o bs held ) a re reflected i n th e advertisements . I n
a related v e i n I l o o k t o see i f the t i mes when the wo men ' s movement was most
5
vis i b l e , a n d most open ly critical o f advertisers' rep resentations of wo m e n , c o u l d
b e l i n ked to c h a n ges i n re p resentat i o n s o f gende r .
Two , I explore whether t h e d o c u m e nted levels o f a lcohol cons u m ption
and n o rmative patte rns of use a re reflected i n advertise ments . To do t h i s , I use
va rious d ata s o u rces ( Beer I nd u stry U pd ate 19 8 6 ; Jobso n ' s Liquor H a n d book
198 8 ; Wine M a rketing H a n d book 198 8 ) to esta b l is h the d ri n k i n g p refe rences
and c o n s u mption patterns of fe males and ma les . I relate them to the p rod ucts
advertised
and
d ri n ki n g messages
p resented
in
alcohol advertisements
appea r i n g i n sex s pecific magazi nes ( i . e . , M s . a n d Spo rts I l l ustrated ) .
Three, I exa m i ne whether c h a n ges occu rred i n the mea n i n gs of a lcohol
con s u m pt i o n p resented to sex specifi c markets . Emphasis is o n how a lcohol
co n s u m pt i o n is portrayed at a t i me w h e n the a lcohol i n d ustries were acc used
of seeki n g new ma rkets by target i n g wome n , as we l l as other " mi no rity"
grou p s .
Sociolog ists need t o develop strateg ies fo r stu d y i n g h o w re p resentations
of types of people ( e . g . , fe male a n d male ) i n the p o p u l a r c u lture may be
mod i fied to try to persuade peo p l e to change th e ir behaviors . Unde rsta n d i n g
o f h o w p a rt i c u l a r prod ucers (e . g . , t h e w i n e , d isti l l ed s p i rits , a n d beer i n d ustries)
and their advert i s i n g agents d raw o n and try to sh ape p o p u l a r c u lture s h o u l d
e n c o u r a g e sociolog ists t o e n g a g e i n th e k i n d of resea rch needed to move
exa m i nations of p o p u la r med ia beyond atte mpts to resolve the ch icken-egg
d i lemma . This study is a first step in moving towa rd more thorough a n a lyses
6
(in this case of g e n d e r role c h a n g e , g e n d e r representations i n adverti s i n g , a n d
a ud i e n ce targeti n g ) .
7
C H APTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW O F ADVERT I S I N G
Eve ryd ay peo p le a re ex posed to a plethora o f a d s o n p u b l i c transit
veh icles, b i l l bo a rd s , telev i s i o n , rad i o , magaz i n e s , and even in some schoo l s .
When criticized f o r m a n i p u lat i n g people, advertisers d efe nd themselves by
arg u i n g they a re not scientists and they do not kno w what w i l l i nfluence people
to buy a p rod uct .
This c h a pter is organ ized around the theme of ( a ) h o w advertising re l ates
to peo p l e ' s eve ryd ay perce ptio n s , ( b ) ma rketing tec h n i q ues used in adve rtis i n g ,
a n d ( c ) basic p r i n c i p les o f brand image advertis i n g . T h e "everyday perce ptions "
section is a review of criti ques o n advertising i m a g es as a " reference othe r . "
The
s u rvey
of
" ma rket i n g tec h n i q ues"
psycholog ical/de m ogra p h i c data
and
emphasizes
ass umptions
the
use
u nd e rl y i n g
of social
marketi n g .
Discuss i o n o f " p r i n c i ples o f brand image advertisi n g " exami nes meta phorical
re latio n s h i p s , p ro m ises of social a p p rova l , a n d th e d is i nte rested voice of
a uthority .
Adverti s i n g a n d Everyd ay E xperien ces
Advert i s i n g may shape c u ltural val ues re g a rd less of whether it sells
products ( C o u rtney a nd W h i p p le 1 9 8 3 ; Schudson 1984; Veste rgaard a n d
Schroder 198 8 ; K i l b o urne 198 9 ) . M a n y people c o n s i d e r ads s i l l y and/o r fa lse,
hence view themselves as detached fro m ad images ( Ma l o ney 1 9 62; Krugman
8
1 9 6 5 ; Goodru m a nd Dalry m p l e 1 990) . This d etac h me nt may acco u nt for the
sleeper effect; the image may be re membered more than reasons for
d isco u nt i n g it ( Pratka n i s , G reenwa ld , Le i p p e , Ba u m gard ner 1 98 8 ) .
T hus ,
rec u rrent i m a ges of sexi s m , a g e i s m , risk-ta ki n g , a n d se lf-i n d u l g ence i n
advert i s i n g may n orma lize these p h e nomena i n everyday l ife .
Critiques
As the most v i s i b l e portio n of overa l l marketi n g strateg y , advertis i n g is
often criticized .
In the l ate 1 9 50s, Vance Packard ( 1 9 5 7 ) c l a i med that
adverti si n g was a powerf u l force that if left unchecked wo u l d contro l o u r l ives
by ma n i p u lat i n g us into b u y i n g u nwante d goods a n d services .
In the 1 9 70s
Wilson Key ' s controvers i a l arg u ment was that thro u g h s u b l i m i n a l messa ges i n
advertisements , we h ave been " cheate d , l ied to, ma n i p u late d , exp loited and .
. l a u g hed at for b e i n g g u l l i b l e " ( 1 97 3 , p . 1 9 6) .
I n the 1 980s , vari ous issues e merged concern i n g advertis i n g a nd its
effects ( M eyers 1 984; S c h u d so n 1 984) . Peo p l e with pers pectives as di verse
as Neo-Co n servative ( e . g . , believing advertising e n c o u ra g es n arc issism and
u n d ermines concern for t h e needs/i nterest of others ) , Neo-Marx ist ( e . g . ,
perceiv i n g advertis i n g a s part o f a c ap ita l ist s u perstructure , o perates t o d isperse
and negate pol itical d issent) , Li bera l ( e . g . , arg u i n g a d vert i s i n g u nd ermines the
de mocratic process by forc i n g people to b u y t h i n g s they do not need or want ) ,
a n d Fem i n ist ( e. g . , asserti n g advert i s i n g encourages wo men t o become
preoc c u pied with the consu mer ro l e ) have debated the effects of advertis i n g .
9
Man y critics of advertisi n g a lso decry consumer c u lture and b l a me ad vertis i n g
for e n c o u ra g i ng peo p l e t o become too material istic a n d t o place possess i o ns
before social relations ( Sc h udson 1 9 84) .
C o nse nsus seems to b e that
advertisi n g a ffects our perc e ptions of self a nd our l ives as wel l as our
perceptions o f others and ho w we s h o u l d re l ate to them ( Co urtney and W h i p p l e
1 9 8 3; Bart h e l 1 98 8; Vestergaard a n d Sc hroder 1 9 8 8 ) .
Refere n ce Other
As p o p u lar i ma ges , advertisements both create a nd reflect a c o mmo n
c u lture . I t may m a k e prod u cts a ppear more aesthetically pleasing a n d t h e ad
may becom e a n aesthetic o bject ( Vesterg aard a n d Sc hroder 1 98 8 ) .
As an
aesthetic o bj ect, a n advertise ment is a n a bstraction ( Gottman 1 97 9 ; Sch u d so n
1 9 84) . People are not rea l people b u t i mages o r " myths " (Tu c hman 1 97 9 ) of
soc i a l categories or celebrities who project p u bl ic personas ( Meyers 1 984) . The
abstract re prese ntation a l lows d i ffere nt kind s of people to res pond e moti o n a l ly
a nd to create their own fa ntasies ( Berger 1 9 7 2 ; Sch udson 1 9 84) .
Erv i n g G ottman ( 1 97 9 ) i n G e n d er Advertiseme nts d escri bes rit u a l s of
everyday l ife as " hy per-ritual ized " i n ads; the social id e al is portrayed as
completely or rea l istica l ly as possi b l e .
Disp lays i n advertiseme nts reflect
ele me nts of social structure a n d affirm the status of persons in the structure .
Usi n g p ri n t a dvertise ments , G ottma n i l l ustrates the reflection of gender i d eo l o g y
thro u g h d is p lays of fem i n i n ity ( s u bord i nation) a nd masc u l i n ity (d o mi n a nc e ) .
10
As a creator of social rea l ity, advert i s i n g often turns l i fe i nto a
d is a p p o i n t i n g a p proxi mation of art ( Sc h ud so n 19 84) .
By si mpl i fy i n g and
categori z i n g , a d s portray l ife no t as it is but as it pre s u m a b l y s h o u l d b e . Homes
and fa m i l ies portrayed i n advertising d o not reflect the h o mes and fa m i l ies o f
most Americ a n s .
"I n picturi n g peo p le as they may b e c o me , adverts ac t as a
reverse m i rror s h owi n g us what we are no t" ( Vestergaard and Sc hroder 19 8 8 ,
p . 1 18 ) .
Advertis i n g i mages a s a whole create b oth a market ideology a n d a
common-sense i d eology.
As " offic ial state art " or " c a p ital ist rea l i s m " ( i . e . ,
marketi n g ideology) advertisi n g promotes t h e Americ an way o f l i fe by
portra y i n g m i d d le class sta nd ard s of materi a l ism as e n v i a b l e , by refere n c i n g the
nation as a whole, and by featuri ng symbols associated with patriotism
( Sc h u d so n 19 84) . As a " reverse mirror" ( Vesterg aard and Schroder 198 8 ) or
common-sense id eology, images of how l ife pres u ma b ly s h o u l d be a n d /or c o ul d
be ma y ch a n ge as consumer l i festyles c hang e . Fo r example, as wom e n ' s l abor
force part i c i pation i ncreased thro u g hout the 19 70s , the " n ew fro ntier woma n "
a nd " s u perwo ma n " emerged i n advertisi n g . These ima ges were d e s i g ned to
a p pe a l to t h e new worki n g woman by re i n forc i n g her employment d ec i s i o n
while at t h e sa m e time s u p pressing the ro le c o n fl ict many working women
experienced ( K i l bourne 19 8 7 ; Goodrum and D a lry m p l e 19 90) .
11
Marketi n g Te chn i q ues i n Advertisi n g
T h e enterprise of a d vertis i n g is characterized by three g e n e ra l marketi n g
schools with more exceptions t h a n ru les . T h e three s c h o o l s are : brand image
which a i ms for a powerfu l , emotional a p pea l ; u n iq u e s e l l i n g proposition ( U S P )
which is a l o g i c a l i nd ucement; a nd positio n i ng or visi b i l ity whic h is d esi gned to
attract attention t h ro u g h h u mor or b izarre visuals . " In g e nera l the content of
advert i s i n g is s u bj ect to i n d ustry wide conventio n s , part i c u lar a g e ncy trad itions,
to the w i l l a n d whim of c l ients, and to g enera l tre n d s a n d fad s" (Sch udson
1984, p. 7 6 ) . There is n o consensus o n whic h is more effective : hard sell or
soft se l l , i n format i o n a l or emotional a p peals, whether there is a re lationsh i p
between c o n s u mers' l i k i n g a n ad and re memberi n g i t or eve ntually b u y i n g the
prod uct (Courtney a n d W h i p p l e 198 3 ) .
Moreover, there is a tendency to
compromise between being i n novative, thus memora b l e , a n d conve ntional i n
order t o m i n i m i ze ris k-ta k i n g ( Sc h u d s o n 19 84) .
Over the course of the twentieth century , bra n d i ma g e ad vertis i n g ( i . e . ,
emotional a p pe a l s a i med a t a n i m p u lsive consu mer) re p l a ced informational
appeals a i med at a rational consumer.
O n e reaso n for the trend was
advertisers ' rea l ization that women were the primary a u d ie nce and popu lar
wisdom viewed women as emotio n a l and i m p u lsive, u n l i ke men who were
viewed as rat i o n a l ( M arch a n d 198 5 ) . A nother reason was that as the n u mber
of produ cts wit h i n a category i n creased there was more u ncerta inty as to what
consu mers wa nted or needed ( Sc h udson 1984 ) ; t h u s , it became necessary for
12
prod ucers of " u n necessary good s " to make people want to acqu ire their
produ cts ( Vestergaard a nd Schroder 1988 ) .
Lastly, c h a n ges i n med ia
tec h nology led to a n i ncreased use of pictures wh i c h could convey mood ;
ima ges became more i mportant than word s a nd reasons ( Mc L u h a n 19 69;
Schudson 1984) .
The type of pro d u ct c an d etermine the choice of content of a n
adverti sement. Prod ucts whose benefits are not easy to d escribe ( e . g . , scent
of cologne, taste of a cigarette or beer) are more often associ ated with n u d ity ,
sex u a l s u gg estive ness a nd i n n ue n d o than are c o g n itive p ro d u cts ( e . g . , e nergy
efficiency of a was h i n g mach i n e ) ( Courtney and W h i p p l e 198 3 ) . A class ification
scheme based o n cogn itive or emotional a nd h i g h - i nvolvement or l ow­
i nvolvement goods was d eveloped ( i . e . , Foote , Cone, a n d Be l d i n g model ) .
H i g h - i nvo lve ment, c o g n itive goods i nclude cars , h o u s e s , a nd furn iture;
advertisements
typ ically
provide
i nformatio n
(e . g . ,
long
copy ) .
Low­
i nvolvement, c o g n itive pro d u cts are ite ms such as food a n d h o u se h o l d s u p p l ies;
the purpose of an a d is to rem i n d consu mers that a part i c u l a r b ra n d is ava i l a b l e .
H i g h-i nvolvement, emot i o n a l items i n c l u d e jewelry , cosmetics, a p pare l , and
motorcyc les;
a d vertisements
em phasize
moo d ,
image,
and
e motional
identification with a brand . Low-i nvolvement, emotio n a l c o m mod ities i nc l u d e
c i garettes , l i q uor, a n d cand y; a d s typica l ly focus o n the satisfaction of personal
tastes .
However, a dvertisers rec o g n ize the te n d ency for l ow-involve ment,
emotio n a l goods to s h i ft u p to the h i g h-involvement, e motional category
13
beco m i n g " ba dge prod ucts " which ex press a perso n ' s social self (Va u g h n
1 980; O 'Too l e 1 9 8 1 )
.
Altho u g h a c o n s u mer's eco nomic i nvolvement may be
low, h er/h i s ego i nvolvement may b e h i g h .
Soc i a l Psyc hological/Demogra p h ic Data
I nformation a bout the adverti s i n g a u d ience i nc l udes c o n s u mers ' attitudes
and p u rc h a s i n g h a bits as wel l as c o n s u mers ' lifestyles ( i . e . , how and o n what
occa s ion s i s the prod uct used ) .
The focus is not on d iffere nt types of
consu mers but consumers with d iffe rent "occas io ns a n d need s . "
Based on
psyc hog ra p h ic profiles, s uccessfu l ads may be those that rewa rd the v iewer by
provi d i n g entertainment, news, a sce n e with whic h the viewer can e m pathize,
or c omm u n icati n g res pect for the v i e wer ( P l ummer 1 9 80) . One psychogra p h i c
approach i s VALS (values and l ifesty l e s ) w h i c h d iv id es the p u b l i c i nto five
co n s u m ption categories; Belo ng e rs, E m u l ators, Emulator- A c hievers, SocietallyConscious Ach ievers , and the N e e d - D irected (M eyers 1 9 84) .
Ta b l e 1
represe nts my s u m mary of VALS adverti s i n g strategy.
I n genera l , market research ers are more i nterested i n d emo g ra p h ics t han
psyc h o l o g i c a l profiles (Schudson 1 9 84) . What they wa nt to know is sex, a g e ,
marital stat u s , race, rel i g i o n , reg i o n , i ncome, a nd l a b o r force partici pati o n .
Demog ra p h i c d ata are im porta nt i n d eterm i n i n g w h o h a s d is posable i ncome (the
a u d i e n ce ) , what med ia will reach t h e target, and what strategy wi l l a p peal to
the target.
For example, as wome n ' s la bor force part i c i pati o n i ncreased a nd
t h u s , wome n ' s d iscret ionary purc has i n g power, women came to be v i ewed as
14
Ta ble 1. Va l u es a n d l ifestyles
Category
Descri ption
Strategy
Be l a n g e r
trad iti o n a l ist
ideal ized i mages
Emulator
impress i o n a b l e ,
searc h i n g for a n
identity
o ffer pro d uct
sol utions to
i nsecurity
Emu latorAchiever
mid d le class
materi a l ist
wants more
everyday o bjects
tra nsformed i nto
success symbols
Societa l lyConsc i o u s
Ac h ievers
concern with
enviro n menta l
safety & self
fulfi l l ment
their cou nterc u lture va l ues
ma ke sense (e . g . ,
s i m p l icity )
NeedDirected
lack d is posa ble
i ncome
d o not exist for
advertisers
potential c o n s u mers of what trad iti o n a l l y were considered masculine o n l y
prod ucts , s u c h as beer a n d whis key (A d vertising Age Yearbook 19 8 2 ; Meyers
19 84; Cava n a g h a nd C l a irmo nte 19 8 5 ) . O n e res u l t of this has been d iffere ntia l
gender a d vert i s i n g for the same pro d u ct (Scott 19 8 9 ) .
Moreover, s pe c i al
demogra p h ic ed itions of the same magazi ne are so metimes pri nted ; the ed itoria l
conte nt is t h e same but the advertisements are d i fferent ( Sc h udson 19 84) .
Market i n g A s s u m ptions
Poin ti n g to a wea k correlation betwe e n advert i s i n g and sales, it i s
ass u med that a d vertising is genera l l y i neffective i n c h a n g i n g attitudes a n d
cons u m p t i o n patterns (Ehre n berg 1974; Aa ker a n d Carma n 19 82) . Rather t h a n
15
a science, creative workers within the p rofess i o n refer to ad verti s i n g as a n
artistic cra ft ( Sc h ud s on 1 9 84) . More i mporta nt t h a n a dverti s i n g to sales are
prod uct price a n d d i sposable income ,
competition
with i n
a
commod ity
pro d u ct q u a l ity a n d d i stri b utio n ,
i n d ustry,
changing
cond itio n s , a n d government polic ies ( Ru nyon 1 9 84) .
genera l eco n o m ic
C l ie nts are aware of
multi p l e d eterm i n a nts of sales. Bud get decisions often s u g gest that i n creased
advertis i n g i s a pro d u ct of increased sales (Ackoff a n d Emshoff 1 9 7 5 ; S an
Aug u st i n e a n d Foley 1 9 7 5 ; Patti and B lasko 1 9 8 1 ; J o b so n ' s Liquor Hand book
1 98 8 ) .
Advertisers res pond to critics by stating that t h e p urpose of advert i s i n g
is competition for market s hares ( i . e . , bra nd choices n o t p ro d u ct choices ) . The
p h i losophy of market i n g is that demand cannot be c reated ; it ca n only be
ascerta i ned a n d util ized . Two exce ptio ns are whe n a ne w i n d ustry emerges
and when an exist i n g i n d u stry is stag nant (Sch u d s o n 1 9 84) .
I n the former
situation , a l l markets are v iewed as potenti a l co nsu mers a n d in the latter t here
are atte m pts to attract new consu mers . Based on three a s s u m ptions ( i . e . , ads
have not been s hown to be effective; good adverti s i n g kills a bad prod uct; ads
are o n ly prov i d i n g c h oices ) , the ge nera l pos ition a m o n g ad vert i s i n g person n e l
is that the worst t h e y c a n d o will not h urt anyo ne ( S c h u d so n 1 9 84) .
Bas i c Pri n c i p les of B r a n d Image Advertisin g
Bra n d i mage a d vert i s i n g is d es i g n ed to create a n association between a n
i m a g e a n d a s pecific b rand . T h e pu rpose o f t h e association i s to g i ve t h e brand
16
an extra asset i n a market where most brand s with i n a prod uct categ ory are
i nd isti n g u is ha b le ( R u nyon 1984; Katz 19 89) .
The image created may be a
q u a l ity, emoti o n , a n d /or v a l u e ( Vestergaard and Schro d e r 19 8 8 ) . Peo p l e d o not
have to t h i n k ( Moog 199 0 ) or be consciously aware of t h e i ma g e ( Key 19 73;
Ba rthel 19 8 8 ) to res pon d to bra n d i ma g e a d s .
I f s uccessfu l the brand will
ap pear more attractive th an other bra nd choices a n d p e o p le w i l l be pers u aded
to buy it.
I n acco m p l is h i n g t h e leap fro m imag e to b ra n d , adve rtisers use
identifi a b l e tec h n i q ues .
O n e tec h n i q u e i s to " p icture the co mmod ity with a n o bj ect/perso n whose
possess ion of the q u a l ity-e motio n -va l ue is obvious to the read er" (Vestergaard
and Schroder 198 8 , p . 1 5 3 ) ; t h u s , a meta phorical re l ati o n s h i p i s estab l is hed .
Fo r exa m p l e , a n adverti sement for C uervo Te q u i l a feature s P i erce Bros n a n as
a " Don J u a n . " The copy tells u s that what is b e i n g witnessed i s :
I mpeccably Soph isticated Yet Refre s h i n g C u e rvo G o l d .
But it does n ' t s o u n d l i ke l i q uor.
It s o u n d s l i ke our s u ave h e ro a nd his sex u a l i nterl udes .
H E is the prod uct perso n a l ity .
H E i s where the action i s .
H E i s what is bei n g sold .
( M oog 19 90, p . 15 1)
Often color symbo l i s m is used as a meta p h o r (Veste rgaard a n d Schroder 19 88 ) .
The " I t's M i l ler Time Wh en It' s Time to Relax " c a m p a i g n e m p has ized the h ues
of a s u nset a n d featured late aftern oon/early even i n g i mages (4 to 8 o ' clock
p . m . ) . The M i l ler campa i g n was created after market i n g researc h revealed that
17
a b o ut 44% of beer cons u med in the U n ited States is at home between four and
e i g h t o'c loc k p . m . (Sc h u d son 1984) .
A nother tec h n i q u e employed i n bra n d image advertising is to e n c o u ra g e
peo p l e t o view e a c h portion of t h e i r l ife critica l ly and to f i n d the s o l u t i o n i n a
commod ity ( Ewe n 19 7 6 ) . This tec h n i q ue is a n a p p l ication of Cooley's lo o ki ng ­
g lass self ( 190 2 ) a n d is fo u n d i n ads ra n g i ng from personal hygiene goods to
househ old c lea ners .
By portrayi n g negative conseque nces (e . g . , social
reje ctio n , e m barrassment) for fa i l i n g to meet the social criteria pro cla i med in
advertisements, we are re m i n d ed of the need for soc ial a p prova l . The i m p l ied
pro mise is the avo ida nce of soc ial rejection a n d /or embarrassment by u s i n g the
advertised bra n d .
Also, a d vertisers use loaded l a n g uage to create a brand i mag e . We are
led to believe the text says t h i n g s it c o u l d not exp l i c itly state ( Vesterg a a rd a n d
Schroder 19 8 8 ) ; w e fi l l i n the miss i n g word s .
S u c h a d s often take t h e
fo l lowi n g form :
-------
-------
is d ifferent
is p u re and natura l
O R is of su perior qual ity
The i m p l ication is that
_______
is d iffere nt because it is p u re and
nat u ra l/of s u perior qua lity . The messa g e is that the bra nd is better t h a n other
bra n d s in the same pro d u ct category .
18
O n e reason why loaded lang uage works is that adverti sers present
themselves as the " a nonymous d isi nterested voice of a uthority " ( Bart h e l 1 9 8 8 ) .
Such ads ass u me their own mystique a n d are i l l ustrated by captions l i ke :
This i s the season to
Now is the time to
-------
-------
As a pers u a s i o n tec h n iq ue, the " d i s i n terested voice" is a n a p p l ication of
researc h w h i c h s hows that cred i b i l ity a n d trustwort h i ness are e nha nced if the
spea ker a p pears not to have a vested i nterest (Walster, Aro n so n and A bra h a ms
1 9 6 6 ; Papa g eorg is 1 9 68; Eagly, Woo d , a n d C ha i ke n 1 9 78 ) .
The " d i s i nterested voic e " is perh aps most evident i n good -wi l l or
corporate i m a g e advertis i n g . Su pposed l y , the p u rpose of s u c h ad vert i s i n g is to
promote pos itive p u b l i c relations rather t h a n to sti m u l ate sales .
The image
portrayed is a corporation work i n g for t h e common good of a l l ( H eath and
Ne lson 1 98 5 ) .
I n g e n era l , bra nd i mage ad vertisements are n ot a bout objects but are
about social re latio n s ( Berger 1 9 72) .
Bra nd i m a g e ad vertis i n g is pers u asive
because p e o p l e re ly on goods to satisfy social needs and form emotional
attac h ments with commodities ( i . e . , b a d g e p rod ucts ) . Social gro up s id e ntify
themse lves thro u g h hab its of cons u mptio n ; "the o bj ects we use become
carriers of i n formatio n about the kind of people we are or wo u ld l i ke to b e "
(Vestergaard a n d Schroder 1 9 8 8 , p . 5 ) .
prese ntati o n o f s e l f (Gottma n 1 9 5 9 ) .
Commod ities are props u s e d i n t h e
19
The i m porta nce of badge products to the prese ntatio n of self is ap parent
in persuad i n g men to use a prod uct associated with use by wome n ; i n d u c i n g
men t o use s uc h a prod uct req u i res more trad itio n a l g e n d er images/symbols
tha n to move fro m male to fe male use ( Co u rtney a nd W h i p p l e 1 9 83) . Not o n ly
does th is re l ate to the use of badge pro d u cts i n the p rese ntatio n of self, but
a lso it is a c o m m e nt on the gend er-ty p i n g of prod ucts and the d ifferential status
of wo men a n d m e n . Gender s pecific pers uasion tec h n i q ues a nd portrayal of
gender i n advert i s i n g are the foc us of t h e next c h a pter.
20
C H APTER 3
LITERATURE REVI EW O F PERSUAS I O N TEC H N I QU E S
A N D P ORTRAYALS O F G E N D E R
H istori c a l l y , gender roles have been po larized in A merica n c u lture .
Reco g n i z i n g th at gender d ifferences exist, advertisers ass u me that d ifferent
kinds of images w i l l b e j ud ged desira b l e by fe males and males ( Meyers 1 984;
Barthel 1 98 8 ; Vestergaard and Schroder 1 9 8 8 ) .
An i m p l ication of g e n d er
polarizatio n is that " if not a pro per man then it follows y o u ' re effemi nate. Or
a lternative ly,
if not a proper wo man then it fo l lows yo u 're ma n n is h "
(Vestergaard a n d Schroder 1 98 8 , p . 7 5 ) . Moreover, beca u s e g e nder is centra l
to self-concept we tend to rec o g n ize ourselves i n any re p rese ntation of g e nder
( Barthel 1 9 8 8 ) .
Presentati o n o f gender i n pri nt advertising has b e e n a n a lyzed based o n
the ro les portrayed ( Fried a n 1 9 6 3 ; Courtney and Loc keretz 1 9 7 1 ; Belkaoui and
Belk a ou i 1 9 7 6 ;
Woh leter a n d Lammers 1 9 80) ,
prod uct re presentatives
(Seiden berg 1 9 74; Sexto n and Haberman 1 974; Ware a n d Stuck 1 98 5 ) , and
the structure of g e n d er d i s p lays ( Gottman 1 97 9 ; Marc h a n d 1 9 8 5 ; K i l bo urne
1 987).
Ev i d e nce i n d icates that both women and men have been s hown i n a
stereoty pical fas h i o n . Advertisers have operated o n the b e l i e f t hat i n effective
advertis i n g , " me n act a n d women ap pear" ( Berger 1 9 7 2 ; Baltera 1 9 7 6 ;
Goodrum a n d Da lrymple 1 990) .
21
The patte rns o f presenti n g g e n d e r need to b e esta b l ished , s o that the
presentatio n s a n a lyzed fo r this research can be c omp ared to the m . The fi rst
section of t h i s cha pter reviews p e rs ua s i o n tec h n i q ues used to target women
and d i s p l ays of fem i n i n ity .
The next section reviews p e rs uasion tec h n i q ues
used to target males and d i s p lays of mas c u l i n ity .
Ta rgeti n g Women a n d Displays of Fe m i n i n ity
The g e neral theme of ad v e rtis i n g ta rgeted to wo men is based o n the
assumption that she receives p l eas u re by p l easing others ( Berger 1 97 2 ; B arthel
1 98 8 ) . By evo k i n g fear of i nade q u acy at p leas i n g others, s h e i s persuaded to
buy prod u cts that w i l l make her a d e q u ate i n meeting role d emands a n d thus,
loved (Warren 1 9 7 8 ) . Eve n the l i berated woman ( i . e . , c areer orie nted a nd /o r
fe m i n ist) " owes her i ndepe nd e nce a n d s e l f-esteem t o th e p rod ucts s h e uses"
( Ki l bo u rne 1 9 8 9 , p. 9 ) .
A common inadeq uacy theme is sexual ity; this is p reva lent i n wo men's
bea uty goods which promise youth a n d /o r the release of p assion ( C o u rtney and
W h i p p l e 1 98 3 ; Barthel 1 9 8 8 ) .
H isto rically, fema le targeted brand i mage
adve rtis i n g was based on the a s s u mp tion that the socio-se xual ma rket d efi ned
a woma n 's job and encouraged wo men to look at themselves a s t h i n g s to be
created fo r men ( Ba rthel 1 9 8 8 ; M oog 1 9 90) .
S i nce the 1 9 20s , a d s have
co nta i n ed " p ictu res of veiled n ud e s and wo men in a uto-erotic sta nces to
encourage s e l f-compariso n and re m i n d them of the p r i macy o f their sex u a l ity "
( Ewen 1 9 7 6 , p . 1 79 ) .
22
O ne tec h n i q u e used t o evoke self-co nsciousness, a n d c on sequently s e l fcriti c i s m , is to p i ct u re a fe male model l o o k i n g i nto a mi rror ( Ewen 1 97 6 ) . For
exa m p l e , an a d for J o h n n i e Wa l ke r s ho ws t h ree women looki ng i nto a m i rror
as they a p p ly cosmetics ; completely a bsent from the p i cture i s the product.
The i ma g e being sold attempts to combine g e n d e r e q u a l ity ( i . e . , " H e t h i n ks its
fine for me to m a ke more than he d oes " ) a n d the ste reotype t hat beauty i s a
wom a n ' s most i m p o rtant asset.
A s i m i l a r tec h n i q u e i s the portrayal of
wom e n ' s b o d ies as d ismembered p arts ( Gottma n 1 97 9 ) . The d ismemberment
tec h n i q u e h a s been criticized for i m p l y i n g that a woma n ' s body i s n ot
connected to h e r m i n d a nd emotions wh i le the mi rro r tec h n i q u e has been
criticized fo r e n c o u ra g i n g narcissism ( Ki l bo u rne 1 9 8 7 , 1 98 9 ) .
Displays a n d Roles
G o ttm a n ' s ( 1 9 79 ) a n a lysis of p r i nt advertiseme nts i l l ustrates how use o f
re lative s ize (e. g. , h e i g ht, ra n k , autho rity) portray women as s u bord i nate to
me n . The fe m i n i n e touch ( i . e . , crad l i n g o r caress i n g o bjects) co nveys an i ma g e
o f fe male d e l i cacy and fra g i l ity .
B y b e i n g the rec i p ient of ass ista nce ( i. e . ,
funct i o n ra n ki n g ) wome n lack self-a uto n o my .
D i s p l ays o f a d u lt wo m e n as
s i m i l a r to fe m a l e c h i l d ren s u g gest that g i rls s i mply u nfo ld i nto wo ma n h o o d .
Th i s c h i l d - l i ke i mage is evid e n t i n the p o rtraya l of wo men as u ncomm itted i n
the i r u nd e rta ki n gs . L i ke c h i l d re n , women a re s hown i n need of p rotection; t h ey
are
psyc h o l o g ica l ly removed
from the
situation
a nd
not prepare d for
23
enviro n mental c o nti n g e ncies ( i . e . , l icensed withd rawa l ) .
M oreove r, sexual
ava i l a b i l ity i s s u g g ested by positi o n i n g women o n floors a n d bed s .
F o r t h e most part, i n advertis i n g , wo men have been shown a l most
exc l u s ively a s h o m e makers ( i . e . , worki n g o n ly in the h o m e ) or as d eco rative sex
objects ( i . e . , g l a m o u r gir ls ) ; both of whom a re d e p e n d e n t on men (Scott 1 9 7 6 ;
Cou rtney a n d W h i p p l e 1 9 8 3 ) . Ana lyses of advertisements r u n n i n g 1 9 73-74 i n
Time, Newswee k , Playboy, and M s . revealed that " s ex i s m " ( i . e . , wo men as sex
objects a nd /o r e n g a ged in tra d itional activities) was by far the most freq uent
portrayal of women i n all fou r magazines ( P i n g re e , H a w k i n s , Butler, a n d Pais ley
1 976) .
I mages of the ho memaker have u s u a l ly b e e n co n d esce n d i n g p ortraya ls
of wome n ' s i nt e l l i g e n ce a nd decision making c a p a b i l itie s; homema ke rs have
been typ i c a l l y s hown as d e pe nd e nt, u n h a p py, va i n , i nse cu re , and powe rless to
change ( C o u rtney a n d W h i p p l e 1 9 83) . Ste reoty pes i n c l u d e : the nag g i n g wife ,
jea lo u sy of other women, o bsess i o n with clea n l i n e s s , a n d a n exagge rated need
for l ove ( K i l bo u r n e 1 9 8 9 ) . Fema le bond i n g has b e e n ty p i c a l l y p ortrayed as the
sha r i n g of d o mestic trade secrets and i mages of motherhood have tende d to
play on the notion of mate rnal g u i l t ( Ewe n 1 9 7 6 ) .
He r fu lfi l l ment has been
based on g a i n i n g the a p p rova l of me n, her h u s b a n d or " M r . Clean " ( Meyers
1 9 84) . As the household cons umption expert, what s h e b o u g ht o r d i d not b u y
was a reflectio n of h o w much she c a red ( Ewen 1 9 7 6 ) . The message has b e e n
24
"a woma n ' s place is in the h o me a nd the reaso n for kee p i n g her t here is
because s h e is u n a b l e to d o a nyth i n g else" ( K i l b o u r n e 1 9 8 7 , tra nscripti on ) .
Sex u a l portrayals o f women to se ll everyt h i n g from l i q uo r t o a utomo b i les
have been wides pread.
O ne message of such d i s p l ays is that a " wo m a n ' s
primary d uty is t o attract" ( Ewen 1 9 7 6 , p . 1 8 2) .
Portray als of women as
decorative sex o bjects tend to e mp hasize youth ( K i l bo u rne 1 9 8 7 , 1 9 8 9 ) . The
you n g mod e l re p resents more t h a n a ge; youth i s a sy mb ol of i n nocence,
ma l le a b i l ity, p l e a s u re-seeki n g , a nd i n n ovati o n ( Ewe n 1 9 7 6 ) .
The youth
emphasis h a s been i nterp reted a s a n e ncouragement for wo m e n to re m a i n l ittl e
g irls a n d as a d is p a ragement of maturity ( K i l bo u r n e 1 9 8 7 ) .
Deco rative
portrayals of women have b e e n d e n o u n ced fo r p rey i n g on fe male i nsecu rities
and fo r b e i n g d e mea n i n g to all wo men (Courtney and W h i p p le 1 98 3 ) .
The c o m b i nation of youth and se nsuality ( e . g . , " because i n n ocence is
sexier t h a n you t h i n k " ) p uts a woma n i n a d o u b l e b i n d ; she i s to be sexy a nd
virg i n a l , experienced a n d na ive, sed u ctive and c haste ( K i l b o u rn e 1 9 8 9 ) . The
d o u b l e b i n d i m p l ies to stereotypes : the fa i r ma i d e n and the d a r k lady ( Ba rthel
1 988) .
The fa i r m a iden is v i r g i na l ; s h e represents the " h a p p i ly ever after "
romance.
E qu ated with a flower, the fa i r m a i d e n i s d e l icate , soft, fragrant,
fre s h , moist, a nd inviting. The other s ide of fe male sex u a l ity i s the woman of
myste ry .
This dark lady re p rese nts sensual knowledge and the powe r of
pass i o n ; she l ives on the e d g e ( i . e . , b rea king the r u l e s ) .
25
I n the 1 970s , as fe m i n i sts m a d e p rog ress toward sec u ri n g a n e q u a l
r i g hts a m e n d ment, a t h i r d type of fem i n i ne portrayal rea ppeared i n advert i s i n g
(e . g . , t h e V i r g i n i a S l i ms "You 've C o me a L o n g Way, Ba by" c a m pa i g n ) . Referred
to a s to ke n i s m ( i . e . , s u perfic ial p o rtrayal of wo men in the l a b o r force ) or
l i be rati o n stereoty p i n g ( i . e . , parody of fem i n is m ) , these ads p resente d c rud e
car icatu res of n o ntra d itional wom e n a n d commerc ial ized th e rhetoric o f the
wome n ' s movement ( Ba rtos 1 98 2 ; C o u rtney and W h i p p l e 1 983; M ey e rs 1 984) .
Associat i n g a prod uct with e x p ress i n g o neself p olitically was not new i n
advertis i n g ; d u r i n g t h e s u ffra g e movement t h e tobacco i n d ustry p rese nted
c i g arettes as "torches of freed o m " ( Ewen 1 97 6 ) and s m o k i n g as a symbol of
"sty l i s h n a u g ht i n es s " ( S c h u d s o n 1 984) .
H i storically, p r i nt a d ve rtis i n g has n ot re p rese nted women a s p a rtic i p a nts
in the l a b o r force ( C o u rtney a n d Locke retz 1 97 1 ; Wagner a n d Banos 1 97 3 ;
Sexto n a n d H a berman 1 9 74; Ve n katesan a nd Lasco 1 97 5 ) . M o reover , whe n
featu red i n work roles the occ u pational choices have been restricted ; i n both
1 9 5 8 and 1 97 2 the pred o m i n a nt portrayal of the wo rki n g woma n role was
sec reta r ia l-clerical ( Be l kaou i a n d B e l kao u i 1 9 76) . The n , perhaps i n respo nse to
critics or d em o g ra p h ic c h a n g e s , in the 1 9 70s adve rtisers b e g a n feat u r i n g
women as " power-d ressed p rofes s i o n a l s " i n male d o mi n a nt occu patio n s . These
" new fro nti er images" (Good r u m and Dalrymple 1 990) s howed women
i mitat i n g a mascu l i n e sty l e . The messa g e : to make it in a ma n ' s world b e l i ke
a ma n .
26
I n the
1 9 80s, the " new fro ntie r " woma n was
rep laced b y the
"su perwo ma n " ( Go o d r u m a n d D a l rymple 1 990) . • She i s th e one " wh o washes
with a three temperature d etergent . . . uses haircolor . . . or new p ro d ucts
such as fe m i n i n e-hygiene s p ra y " ( Co u rtney and W h i p p l e 1 9 8 3 , p. 3 3 ) .
The
mes s a ge: she c a n have it all or be it a l l ( i . e . , paid e mp loyee, h o usewife , sex
kitte n ) with the hel p of a p r o d u ct ( K i l bo u rne 1 98 9 ) .
Targetin g Men a n d Displays of M a s c u l i n i ty
Sex u a l i mages a re common i n advertisements d i rected to ma les and
pr om is e sexu a l f u l fi l l ment with the female p i ctu red o r sy mb ol ized ( C o u rtney a nd
W h i p p le 1 9 8 3 ; Barthel 1 9 8 8 ) . I nstead of evoking fea rs of i n adeq uacy, when
the a u d ience is m a le, sexua l ity is used to ind uce arousal or i d e ntificatio n ( M oog
1 9 90 ) . S i n c e b ra n d image advertis i n g may operate on a s u b conscious leve l ,
t h e ma le target n e e d n o t be aware of t h e imagery ( Key 1 9 7 3 , 1 9 7 6; Moog
1 9 90 ) . The a s s u mption a p pears to b e that a man pleases h i ms e l f by satisfy i n g
his o w n d e s i res a n d that to get a m a n ' s attention stimu late h i s s e x d rive .
A preva l e nt motif i n ad s d i rected to men is power ( C o u rtney a n d W h i p p l e
1 98 3 ) .
Advert i s i n g targeted t o men h a s typically c o nveyed imag es of
i ndepen den c e, exactness, c h o i c e , performance, p rec i s i o n , a n d adventure
( Ba rthel 1 9 8 8 ) .
Power is l i n ked to male competitiveness a n d the promise is
that the brand wi l l en hance his attrib utes a nd g ive h i m an advantage
(Veste rgaard and S c h roder 1 9 8 8 ) .
This p romise is oft e n c o nveyed b y the
27
portrayal of a man--a lone and i n contro l , with other men each o n the verge of
u n leas h i n g a g g ress i o n , o r bei n g d o m i na nt over women ( Na kayama 1 98 9 ) .
S i m i l a r to the "inadeq uacy at p le asing othe rs " theme fo u n d i n a d s
ta rgeted to wome n , the power t h e me assoc iates a c o m m od ity with p ro of of
a p p ro p riate g e n d e r q u a l ities . Rather t h a n evo k i n g self-c riti c i s m , the g o a l is to
c reate an association betwee n the p rod uct and h i s contro l of o bjects a n d others
( Ber ger 1 9 7 2 ) .
I n genera l , h i s a d e q u acy i n meet i n g role demands i s not
q uestioned ; the issue is how he conv i nces others of s u p e r i o r role perfo rmances.
Dis plays a n d Roles
G ottm a n ' s ( 1 9 79) a n alysis fo u n d that thro u g h f u n ct i o n ra n k i n g , men
have been s h own as lead e rs o r exec utives who i nstru ct/s u pervise others .
When shown i n a tra d itional fe male d o m a i n , the male avoided co nta m i n at i o n
by a p peari n g i n com petent o r n o n - s e r i o u s ab out the activ ity .
Fam i ly images
wh i c h portray the father (or son) o uts i d e the fa mily c i rcle s u g gest he i s the
protecto r . M e n typ i c a l ly a re sh own c o m mitted to their u n d e rta kings; rarely a re
they s hown ca nted , with a bashful knee bend , s u c k i n g th e ir fi n g e rs , o r d r i ft i n g
from t h e scene .
Moreove r, male s u pe riority is p ortrayed i n m o c k assau lts
aga i nst both women and c h i l d re n .
H isto rical ly, advertiseme nts have p resented men a s " s u ccess o bjects "
( Fa r re l l 1 974) .
For the most p a rt , i ma g es of mas c u l i n ity were restricted to
occu pati o n a l roles (Courtney and W h i p p l e 1 98 3 ) . Exa m i nation of c h a n ges i n
d e p i ctions o f p reva lent male work roles from 1 9 5 8 to 1 97 8 s hows a s h ift fro m
28
big b u s i n es s leaders and m i l itary men to e nterta i n ment and sp orts celeb rities
(Woh leter and Lammers 1 9 80) .
A theme common i n all fo u r wo rk roles is
com petitio n .
I n t h e 1 970s, there were c h a n g es i n p o rtraya ls o f mascu l i n ity .
Ads
atte m pti n g to portray no n-trad iti o n a l women often d id s o t h ro u g h role reversa l s
that p rese nted m e n as " jerk o bjects " (Farre l l 1 9 74) ; the d e p reciat i n g of males
was a s u b st itute fo r gender e q u a l ity . Some ads, ta rgeted to women, p ortrayed
men as less macho a n d more se nsitive , c onvey i n g the message that not all men
are r ogues--with u n d e rstand i n g and the r i g ht prod uct he could be gentle a n d
cari n g ( Veste r g a a rd a n d Schroder 1 98 8 ) . I n a d s ta rgeted t o both women a n d
me n , the u se of a m a l e as a d ecorative o bject i ncreased (Wohleter and La mme rs
1 980; S ke l ly a n d Lu ndstrom 1 9 8 1 ) . I n response to criticism ( i . e . , wo m e n a s
sex o bjects ) advertisers attempted to ach ieve b ala nce by feat u r i n g m e n as sex
objects ( Re nzetti a n d Cu rran 1 98 9 ) .
C u rrently,
preva lent
masc u l i n e
roles
a re :
cowboys ,
successf ul
bus i ness m e n , co n struction wo rkers , s o p h i sticates i n tuxe d os, and jocks ; the
image p re s e nted i s the " stro n g , s i l e nt , a utho rita r i a n , m i l ita ristic, a nd threate n i n g
ma l e " ( N a kayama 1 9 89, p . 1 7 ) . Deco rative mas c u l i n e d is p l ays tend t o u s e the
half-na ked , y o u n g ath lete ( J u ny k 1 9 8 9 ) and male sexu a l ity is often portrayed
as a n i m a l i stic ( Veste rgaard a nd Sc h roder 1 9 8 8 ) .
Cu mu lative ly, these roles
present men as financia l ly , sex u a l ly , a nd phys ic a l l y i nv u l nera b l e .
29
G e n d e r researchers have not exa mined d is p lays of masc u l i n ity as
prese nted to males to the exte nt that d i s p lays of fe m i n i n ity as presented to
fema les have been exa m i ned ( C o u rtney a nd W h i p p le 1 983; Good rum and
Da lrymple 1 9 90; Fejes 1 9 9 2 ) . Ma rket i n g resea rc hers, h oweve r, have observed
that more men a re se lect i n g a nd p u rchasi ng t h e i r own personal items ( e . g . ,
colog n e a n d u n d e rwear) rathe r than leav i n g these tasks to the wo men i n t h e i r
l ives .
Rec o g n it i o n of a non-tra d itional m a l e c o n s u m e r h as resu lted i n a d s
targeted to m e n featu r i n g m e n w h o a re " a g g ressive y e t ethica l , trad itio n a l yet
adve n t u ro u s , a n d inti mate yet i nd e pendent" ( G i l l 1 9 9 1 , p . 7 6 ) . The 1 990s may
be
c h a racterized
by the
" neo-ma le , "
who
is
the
c o u n terpa rt of the
" s u perwo ma n . "
The g e n d e r s pecific themes ( i . e . , her i n a d e q u acy a n d se lf-criticis m ; h i s
adeq uacy a n d self- p rese ntat ion) are not d i ffe rent i n k i n d ; both reflect a
"commod ity s elf" ( Ewen 1 9 76) . What is d i fferent is th e way advertisers a p peal
to women versus men .
I magine a n ad fo r men saying "Why g row o ld
gracefu l ly ? " o r a n a d for women sayi n g " Fo r those of y o u who cut the b i g j o bs
down to s i ze . "
O n e e x p l a n ation fo r gender s pecific p e rs u a s i o n tech n i ques is that
advertisers take fo r g ra nted that ma le power is constantly c h a l le n ged a nd t h u s ,
they d o n ot n e e d t o evoke self-criticism .
On th e oth e r h a n d , they m a y be
u n s u re of a woma n ' s perception of her role performanc e s, a n d j ust i n case she
is confident, th ey e n c o u rage her to q uestion herself. T h i s expla nation is based
30
on l iteratu re from g e n d e r role social ization which a rg u es that the male has a
more u nc e rta i n concept of masc u l i n ity than does the fe male of h er fe m i n i n ity
( Ly n n 1 9 5 9 , 1 9 6 9 , 1 9 74) ; the d iffe rence is a conseq u e n c e of the i n d i rect
gender soc i a l ization males experience i n c h i l d hood versus the d i rect experience
of fema les ( i . e . , extens ive d a i ly co ntact with ad u lt members of o ne's own sex ) .
A nothe r expla nation i s that advertisers may a s s u me that a wo man is
i nsecure and s i mply use t h i s i ns e c u rity .
Corres p o nd i n g ly , they may assume
that a man i s s elf-co nfid e nt and wo u l d b e offe n d e d by t h e q uestio n i n g of his
adequacy.
Consistent with the pola r ization of gender i n American so ciety, fe m i n i n ity
and mas c u l i n ity i n advert i s i n g rep resent o p pos ite ste reoty pes ( P i n g ree et a l .
1 97 6 ; Gottma n 1 97 9 ; Ba rt h e l 1 9 8 8 ) . H isto rica l l y , relati o n s h i p s i n advertis i n g
reflected a symb iotic exc h a n g e ( Goodrum a nd Dalrymple 1 9 90) . She traded her
domestic skills a n d sexual attractiveness for h is wage-e a r n i n g pote ntial ( Ewen
1 9 76 ) . She was d e pe nd e nt and h e was h er protector; s h e c o u ld d rift fro m the
sce ne because he was there to a n c ho r her ( Gottman 1 9 7 9 ) .
H e was the
i n d e pe n de nt leader w h i l e she was s u bordi nate and c h i l d - l i ke . H e was powerful
and she wa s powerless.
In g e n e ra l , advert i s i n g d i rected to fema les and males uses d i ffe rent
pers uasion tec h n i q u e s . Females are enco uraged to b e self-critical i n their a b i l ity
to please others while males a re e nco u raged to seek self- re wa rd a n d /o r d i sp lay
power .
These d i ffe rences reflect trad itio nal images of wo men and m e n ;
31
wo m e n a s d efined by their relatio n s h i p s with others and men d efined b y what
they d o .
Con c l u s ion
Comparative d ata o n h o w g end er is d i s p layed to s pecific markets over
time a re la cki n g .
assoc iations .
Also lac k i n g a re d ata o n c h a n g es in g e n d e r- p rod uct
The p u rpose o f th is p roject is to exa m i n e one g e n d e r- p rod uct
assoc iation ( i . e . , alcohol products) as p resented to g e n d e r s pecific markets for
c h a nge s ove r time ( 1 973 to 1 98 8 ) .
Th i s study d i ffers from co ntent a n a lyses b y Goffma n ( 1 9 7 9 ) a n d
K i l b o u r n e ( 1 9 8 2 , 1 98 7 , 1 9 8 9 , 1 99 1 ) i n that n e ither of t h e m e x a m i n e d imag es
as
they
were
presented
to
s pecific
markets ;
no r
d id
they
exa m i n e
advertiseme nts fo r c h a n g e s ove r t i me . Also, Gottma n ' s d e s c r i ption o f g e n d e r
prese ntat i o n s d i d n o t ta ke i nto accou nt p rod uct associations . K i l bo u r n e ' s wo rk
focused o n g e n d e r and a l co h o l p rod uct i mages separately whe reas this study
c o n c u rrently examines portraya ls of g e n d e r and a lcohol c o n s u mptio n . A nalysis
of g e n d e r-a lcohol associations over time, as p rese nted to spec ific markets, will
contr i b ute to work i n the a reas of g e n d e r ro les, adve rtis i n g , a n d p atterns of
alcohol u s e .
As g e n d e r roles c h a n g ed i n American society from t h e 1 9 60s t h ro u g h
t h e 1 980s, advertisers were c h a n g i n g t h e g e n d e r i mages i n t h e a d s they
prod uced ( M eyers 1 984; Barthel 1 9 8 8 ; Good r u m and D a l ry m p l e 1 990) . In the
1 9 60s, advertis i n g reflected the a s s u m ption that m e n ' s fanta s i es were a bout
32
control a n d power wh i l e wome n ' s fa ntasies we re a b o u t b e i n g d es i red ; a
common i m a g e was the "cool, impe netra b l e rog u e s u rro u nded by ad o ri ng
wo me n " ( G i l l 1 99 1 , p . 7 7).
I n the 1 9 70s , the wo men' s movement was
spoofed in " n ew frontie r " and " s u pe rwoma n " ste reotypes while men were
rid i c u led .
Forced i nto a d efensive positio n , the s e n s itive male (e . g . , P h i l
D o n a h u e a n d A l a n Aida) a p peared i n t h e 1 980s ( G i l l 1 9 9 1 ) ; fe male-male
relations h i ps t e n d ed to show tensio n wit h o ut reso lution ( i . e . , sh e b lamed h i m
for try i n g t o d o m i n ate he r a nd h e blamed h er fo r tryi n g t o emasc u l ate h i m ) .
Data a re n ot ava i l a b l e on the freque ncy with w h i c h these va rious images have
been prese nted to a fe male a ud ience com pared to a male a ud ience .
Moreover, fa i l u re to examine g e n d e r- prod u ct associations i n advert i s i n g
h a s resu lted i n a n i nadeq uate u nd e rsta n d i n g of t h e g e n d e r specific markets
wh i c h c ha racterize some consumer goods ( e . g . , c i g a rettes and a lcoho l ) .
Profiles of t h e occasions fo r use as they a p pe a r i n advertisements may reflect
perceived c o n s u m e r n eed s o r be a n atte mpt to c reate a new ma rket . I n either
case, analysis of advertisers' use of g e n d e r- p rod uct associations ove r t i me is
one s ou rc e of i nfo rmation o n changes i n g e n d e r s pecific consumer behavior in
the p o p u l a r c u lture .
I ma g e s i n a lcohol advertisements both c reate a n d reflect d ri nki n g no rms;
t h u s , advert i s e rs a re sens itive to so cial chang es th at may affect soc i a l ly
a p p roved patte rns of d ri nki n g (e . g . , a lco h o l c o n s u m ption among wo me n ) . The
i nd ustry is p r o h i b ited from seeki n g to make d r i n kers out of non-d r i n kers;
33
however, it d oes attempt to i nfluence d ri n ker p refere nces ( e . g . , prod uct and
b rand c hoic e s ) and patte rns of co nsumption ( e . g . , motivatio n s fo r d ri n ki n g ) .
Comparison of g e n d e r-alcohol assoc iations is one method fo r exa m i n i n g g e n d e r
spe c ific d ri n k i n g n o r m s .
34
C H APTER 4
LITERATURE REV I EW O F DRI N K I N G N O R M S
A N D ALCO H O L A DVERTI S I N G
Ass u m i n g that prefe rence for a n alcohol beverage is a n acq u i red taste ,
d iffe rences i n the p ro portion o f female and male d r i n ke rs as we l l as d ifferences
i n what they d ri n k are ind i cators of g e n d e r s pecific d ri n kin g n o rms . O ne s o u rce
of d ri n ki n g nor ms is alcohol adverti s i n g ( Atkin et a l . 1 9 8 3 ; J acobson et a l .
1 9 8 3 ; Lieberman a n d Orla n d i 1 9 8 7 ) . Not o n ly do alcohol a d v e rtise me nts c reate
images for b r a n d s , b ut also in a l co h o l trade p u b l i cations some magazi nes p rofile
the i r read ers' d ri n ki n g hab its i n order to solicit alcohol a d v e rt i s i n g ( Katzper,
Rayback a n d H ertzman 1 9 7 8 ) .
For exa mple, an adve rtisement i n the Wine
Marketi ng H a n d book ( 1 9 8 8 ) states, " a l most 7 5 % of SAVVY women e njoy wine
at their table--compared to less than 3 5 % of a l l American wo me n . "
H isto r i c a l l y , attitudes towa rd a lcohol consumption i n th e Un ited States
have been assoc iated with a variety of l i festyles a n d p o l itical i d eo l o g i e s .
Moreove r, c h a n ges i n d ri n ki n g norms ( e . g . , a p p rop riate c o n s u mption leve ls,
drinker c ha ra cteristics , a n d p referred bevera ges ) have c o i n c i d ed with chan ges
in American society .
Prod u cers of a l cohol beverages are c o g nizant of the
sym bolic i m p o rtance of d ri n k i n g , thus alcohol adve rtisers seek to p resent
favo ra ble mea n i n g s of a lc oh o l consu mptio n .
35
T h e fi rst section o f this c h apter s u mmarizes d ri n k i n g norms in the U n ited
States and d escri bes ge nder sp ecific co n sumption patte rns for beer, d isti l led
spi r its , and w i n e .
The second section reviews emp i ri c a l stud ies and p u b l i c
d e bates o n the content o f alco h o l a d v e rtis i n g .
Dri n ki n g Norms a n d Con s u m p tion Patte r n s
Since the early n i netee nth c e n t u ry , attitudes toward d ri n k i n g i n the
U n ited States have varied as have a p p roved leve ls of alco h o l c o n s u m ption . I n
g e n e r a l , s oc ia l control issues ( e . g . , a g e restrictio n s ) a n d p l ur a l i s m ( i . e . ,
s u b c u ltural
d ivers ity )
politi c a l i ze d
drinking
(Len d er a n d
Mart i n
1 982) .
Acc om pa nying pol iticization of d ri n k i n g , tolerance fo r d ri n kers and d ri n ki n g­
related problems has vac i l lated . Fo r most of the twe ntieth century attitudes
towa rd d ri n ki n g , d r i n kers , and d ri n k i n g- re l ated problems have been a m b ivalent
( Le n d e r a n d M a rt i n 1 9 82; Royce 1 9 8 9 ; M a isto, G a l i z i o , a n d Connors 1 990) .
As the e n d of the twe ntieth c e n t u ry a p p roaches, o n e-t h i rd of the U . S .
pop u lation ages 1 8 and o l d e r are non-d r i n kers , one-t h i rd a re moderate d ri n kers
a n d one -t h i rd are heavy d ri n ke rs ( U . S . Department of H e a lth a n d H u man
Services 1 9 8 7 ) . The proportion of n o n - d r i n kers in creases with ag e ( B u c holz
and R o b i n s 1 98 9 ) while the proportion of d r i nke rs in creases with ed ucation and
income (Jobs on's Liquor Hand book 1 98 8 ) .
More wo men than men are non­
d ri n kers a n d , among d ri n kers, m e n c o n s u me more than women ( F i l l more 1 984) .
The s outheast is the d riest re g i o n ( D H H S 1 987) a n d , h i storica l ly , ma l e d ri n ke rs
36
i n h i g h a bsti n e nc e a reas had h i g h e r problem rate s , s u g g esti n g a n interp lay
betwee n g e n d e r a n d region ( H i lton 1 9 8 8 ) .
A g a i nst a backdro p o f a mbivalence and hetero g e neous d ri nk i n g norms,
per c a p ita a lc o h o l consu m ption i n t h e U . S . ran ks e i g hteenth in the world
( Bucholz and R o b i ns 1 98 9 ) .
Ten p ercent of d ri n ke rs acco u nt for h a l f o f a l l
alcohol c o n s u me d ( D H H S 1 98 7 ) a n d a n n u a l cost attri b uted t o a lcohol a b us e
has been e st i m ated at one h u n d red twenty b i l l io n d o l l a rs ( Crand e l l 1 98 7 ) .
H isto rical O v e rview
For m e n , women , and c h i l d re n alcohol co n su m ption was a h a bitual
featu re of d a i l y colonial l ife ( i . e . , 1 62 1 to 1 8 30) . A mo ng early colon ists , as fo r
Europea n s , t h e beverage of choice was b e e r . Problems associated with a lco h o l
a b u s e , w h e n a d d ressed , focused o n th reat to social sta b i l ity and p ro b l e m
d ri n k i n g w a s s e e n as t h e fa i l i n g of i n d i v i d u a l d evia nts ( M e nd elson a n d M e l l o
1 98 5 ) .
B y t h e e n d o f the seventeenth c entury, c o l o n i a l taste p reference s h ifted
to Americ a n - m a d e wh iskey; this symbol ized the American ization of d ri n ki n g
hab its . A n n u a l c onsu mption p er c a p ita from 1 8 1 0 t o 1 830 was 7 . 1 g a l l o n s
absol ute a lc o h o l .
Symbol izin g patriotism, soc i a l e q u a l ity, and i n d ivid u a l i s m ,
d ri n ki n g patterns reflected J efferso n i a n-Jacks o n ian p h i l osophy ( le n d e r a n d
Martin 1 98 2 ) .
C o n c u r rent with heavy d a i l y c o n s u m ption a n d c h a racterized by a n a nti­
fore i g n sentiment, a d ry revival swept the U n ited States i n the first half o f t h e
37
n i neteenth c e n tu ry and gave b i rth to neo-re p u b l i c a n i s m ( i . e . , pol itical p h i l os o p hy
of moral steward s h i p ) . By 1 840 per ca pita co n s u m pt i o n fe l l to s l i g htly more
than three g a l lo n s a bsol ute a l co h o l and a n i nc re as i n g n u mber of peo p l e
consid e re d d ri n k i n g a soc i a l problem ( le n d e r a n d M a rt i n 1 9 8 2 ; Av is 1 9 90) .
Aft e r t h e c iv i l wa r , temperance effo rts were c o m b i ned with assau lts o n
p l u ra l is m , i n d iv i d u a l is m , a n d pote ntial social d is o rd e r as th e nation s o u g ht to
add ress
the
u p h eaval
of
the
wa r ,
u rb anizatio n ,
i n d ustri a l ization ,
a nd
i m m i g ratio n . C o n s u m ptio n , which had d ropped to a bo u t two g a l lons a b s o l ute
a lcohol a n n ua l l y , was conde mned for what it sym b o l ized ( e . g . , fa mily i nsta b i l ity
and a n o n - p rod uctive labor force) . Lega l l i quo r s a l es were seen as the cause
of a lcohol-re l ated p ro b l e ms ( Lend er a nd Martin 1 9 8 2 ; C hatam 1 990; Ma i stro
et a l . 1 99 1 ) .
By 1 9 1 3 a bo u t half of the U . S . p o p u lation was l i v i n g u nd er some type
of legal pr ohi b itio n .
The o utbre a k of World War I, and with it anti-German
host i l ity , stre ngthened te mperance effo rts as a b sti n e n c e c a me to be associated
with patriot i s m ( Le n d e r and Martin 1 98 2 ) . The Natio n a l P ro h i b ition amend ment
eas ily passed Co n g ress and was q u ic kly ratified by the states . Des p ite i n it i al
popula rity, "The N o b l e Ex periment" was sh ort-lived ( i . e . , 1 9 20 to 1 93 3 ) and
whe n re pe a l c a me it wa s even mo re p o p ular t h a n P ro h i bition h ad been ( Avis
1 990; M a istro et a l . 1 99 1 ) .
The d ramatic c h a n g e i n p u b l i c o p i n ion reflects e mergence of a p l u ra l i st
soc iety/co n s u me r c u ltu re a n d , consequently, a re-ev al uation of social and mora l
38
issues . As consumer c u lture emerged i n the 1 9 20s , c o n s u m ption became a
su bstitute for conc rete acco m p l is h m e nt and it was via common consumer
goods that o r d i n a ry people and exce ptio nal people were l i n ked .
M o reover,
d u r i ng the Volstead years o n l y the wealthy cou ld a fford alcohol th u s, d ri n ki n g
came to s ym bol i z e s uccess a n d merited emu latio n .
By 1 930, temperance
val ues a n d neo-re p u b l ican i d e a l s were at variance with a c o n s u m ption l i festy le
d ee med necessa ry to ind ustry ( C a rter 1 97 5 ) .
Despite its brief e xi stence, "The Noble Experiment" affected the alcohol
i n d u strie s . Rea l i z i n g t hat t h e excesses of the p re-p ro h ib ition e r a wou ld not b e
tole rate d , b re weries n ever wen t b ack i nto the saloon b u s i ness . I n the 1 940s
and 1 9 50s, advertis i n g avoided themes of immoderation a n d p o rtrayed d ri n k i n g
as pa rt of a tasteful a n d s o p h i sticated lifestyle . Rather t h a n scoff at p ro b l ems
assoc iated with alcohol a b u s e , the i n d u stries p resented the mse lves as worki n g
t o a l leviate t h e s e p ro b l e ms ( le n d e r a nd Martin 1 98 2 ) .
Since repeal of nati o n a l Proh ib itio n, alcohol-re lated c o n cerns as social
problems have been l i n ke d to c o n s u m ption pattern s . C o ns u m ption rose s lowly
fro m a bout one g a l l o n a bs o l ute a l cohol a n n u a l l y d u r i n g P ro h i b ition ( 7 5 % of
wh ic h was d isti l led s p i rits ) to the p re-Volstead level of a bout two g allo ns by the
mid - 1 940s and beer emerged as the beverage o f c h o i c e . D u r i n g these years,
atte mpts to s e c ure g rass roots s u p po rt for d ry positions were u n s uccessful and
the p u bl i c i g n o red the p l i g ht o f t h e a l co h o l ic ( Le n d e r a n d M a rt i n 1 9 8 2 ) .
39
B y t h e late 1 9 70s , cons u m ption peaked at 2 . 8 2 g a l l o n s o f a b s o l ute
alcohol (the h i g hest l evel s i nce the 1 840 level o f 3 . 1 0) a n d d isti l led s p i r its
c h a l l e n g ed beer as the p referred beverage (40 % a n d 48 % of a bsol ute a lco h o l
cons umed res pectively) .
L i n ked to a v ariety o f social ills, the 1 9 70s were
c h a racterized by a level of alcohol-re lated resea rc h , treatment, a nd p reve ntion
activities not seen s i nce t h e h e i g ht o f the a nti- l i q uor crusade ( F i l l more 1 9 84) .
I n 1 980 beverage vo lu me o f w i n e exceeded that o f d isti l l ed s p i rits for the
fi rst time in U . S . h i story (Wine M a rketi ng Hand book 1 9 8 3 ) . Thro u g hout the
1 980s wine c o n s u m ption i n c reased and d isti l led s p i rits co nsu m ptio n stead ily
d e c reased (Jobs o n ' s L i g u o r Hand book 1 9 8 8 ) . Concu rrent with the u n po p u la rity
of h i g he r p roof beverage s , organ izatio n s c o ncerned with a lcohol- re lated issu es
flou rished . U n l i ke e a r l i e r atte mpts to c u r b consu mpti o n , wo men were targ eted
as a majo r s u b g ro u p in n eed of p revention and treatment ( Chata m 1 990) .
Desp ite l a c k of d ata s u pport i n g c la i m s o f i ncreased a lc o h o l i s m a m o n g wo me n ,
the s p read o f a l coho l-related problems was emphas ized via sex-ro l e theory ( i . e . ,
a s wo men take o n roles tra d itio nally rese rved for men this produces confl ict
and c a u ses deviant d ri n k i n g ) ( F i l l m o re 1 984) .
Va r iou s factors acco u nt fo r recent changes i n a lcohol bevera g e c h o ices .
I nc reased health conscious ness a n d g reater p u b l i c awareness o f a lco h o l a b use
pro b l e ms may have caused some p eo p le to choose lower p roof p rod u cts ( W i ne
Ma rket i ng H a n d book 1 98 6 ; Jobso n ' s Liquor Hand book 1 9 8 8 ) .
Also, the
i ntrod ucti o n of new prod ucts (e . g . , wine coolers) and the i ntrod uction o f b ra n d
40
image advertis i n g to the beer i nd ustry ( M eyer 1 984; Cava n a g h and C l a i rmo nte
1 9 8 5 ) sti m u lated wine and beer sales . Lastly , eco no mic d ownturns resulti n g
i n s h r i n k i n g e x p e n se accou nts ( i . e . , fewer executive l u nc h es ) , a s wel l a s a more
youth-oriented ma rket (e . g . , p refe r e n c e for l i g ht and sweet bevera g e s )
contri b uted to d e c reased d isti l led s p i rits c o n s u m ption ( Ad vert i s i ng Age
Yearboo k 1 98 2 ) .
G e n d e r S pecific Consumption Patter n s
A s t h e p roportion of the U . S . po p u lation who ab sta i n from a lcohol
beve ra g es h a s varied ( i . e . , ran g e of 42 % to 3 1 % b etwee n 1 939 a nd 1 98 7 ) so
have the p r o p o rtions of female and male d ri n ke rs ( J o b s o n ' s Liquor Han d book
1 98 8 ) . From 1 9 3 9 to 1 98 7 , the male d ri n ki n g p o p u lation varied 9 % , while fo r
females t h e variation was 20 % .
I n both 1 93 9 a nd 1 949, 5 8 % of the U . S .
ad u lt p o p u l at i o n cons umed alcohol p rod ucts .
The g e n d e r g a p was 2 5 % i n
1 93 9 ( 7 0 % o f m e n d rank, 45 % of wo m e n d ra n k) , but i n 1 949 the g e n d e r g a p
was o n l y 1 7 % ( 6 6 % o f m e n d ra n k , 49 % of women d ra n k) .
By 1 9 7 9 , t h e
national average was 6 9 % d ri n ke rs a n d t h e g e n d e r g a p h a d n a rrowed t o 1 0 %
(74% of m e n d ra n k , 64% of women d ra n k) . By 1 98 7 , the national average
d ro p ped s l i g htly ( 6 5 % ) while the g e n d e r g a p wid e ned s l i g htly ( 7 2 % of men
d ra n k, 5 7 % of women d ra n k ) .
Diffe re nces in t h e ratio of male a nd female
d r i n ke rs over t i me sug gest that wo me n 's d ri n ki n g patterns may b e more
sensitive to social eva luations of d ri n ki n g (Be rkowitz and Perkins 1 98 7 ) a n d
that the a p p ro p r iateness of wo me n ' s d ri n ki n g i s more s u bject to c h a n g e .
41
Wo m e n were a s l i kely a s men t o be d ri n kers i n early America ( Le nd e r a n d
Martin 1 98 2 ) . Aft e r 1 7 50, female alcohol consumption was p roscri bed b y the
" c u lt of true w o m a n hood " (We lter 1 9 6 6 ) . Contro l led by no rms that l i mited her
activities to m a i n te n a nce of home and heart h , a wo m a n who d ra n k , p art i c u l a rly
in p u b l i c , was stig matized as promisc u o u s .
As g u a rd ia n s of social mora l ity
women were not a l lo wed to d ri n k, whereas men were a l lowed to not o n ly d ri n k
but t o get d r u n k ( F i l l more 1 984) . Temperance effo rts i n t h e n i neteenth century
strengthened wome n 's role as the sober conscience o f society v ia the Wome n ' s
C h ristian Tem pe r a n c e U n i o n ( le nd e r a nd M a rt i n 1 98 2 ) .
I n the ea rly d ecades o f the twentieth ce nt u ry , Victor i a n ideals o f "true
wo manhood " fo u nd expression in m i d d l e class d escri ptio n s of dance halls .
Characterized a s d a n gerous p laces where i n nocent you n g women were led
astray by the exc ite ment of d a nce and d ri n k, mid d le c l ass refo rmers accused
own ers of u s i n g y o u n g working c lass wo men as b a it to l u re male c ustomers
i nto their esta b l i s h me nts ( l sraels 1 989 ) . These a l l egations were i nstrumental
i n the c reation of a d a n ce hall l ice ns i n g law in New York (Wa re 1 98 9 ) .
Moreover, s o me states passed laws w h i c h fo rbade wo men to d ri n k sta n d i ng at
the bar ( Ma istro et a l . 1 99 1 ) .
From 1 93 6 to 1 9 7 8 , the advertisi n g code o f the D isti l led Spi rits Cou n c i l
o f t h e U n ited States reflected a d ri n k i n g d o ub le sta n d a rd ; it e x p l i c itly prohib ited
use of women in l i q uor advertis i n g (Jacobson et al. 1 9 8 3 ) . I n the m i d - 1 970s,
fed eral a g e n c ies ( e . g . , National Cou n c i l o n A lcoho l i s m and National I nstitute o n
42
Alcoho l i s m a n d Alcohol A b use) i nstitutional ized the d ri n k i n g d o u b l e sta n d a rd by
esta b l i s h i n g lower problem d ri n k i n g c riteria fo r wo m e n t h a n men ( F i l l more
1 9 84) .
Lower c riteria e n a b led moral e ntrep reneurs to exa g gerate a l cohol
proble ms among wo men a n d to use wa r n i n gs of a l c o h o l i s m c a used by sex-role
confl ict as a means to rei nforce traditional gender ro les ( Ro b i nson 1 9 7 6 ) .
O n e c o n s e q u ence of wome n ' s increased economic a nd p o l itical power
has been tolerance of p u b l i c a lcohol co nsumption by wo m e n a n d the sol ic itation
of d isti l led s p i rits adverti s i n g by wo me n ' s magazines ( Liquor I nd u stry Marketing
1 97 7 ; Jobso n ' s Liquor H a n d book 1 98 8 ) . Mo reover, M s . assisted i n b reaki n g
t h e association between b e e r and masc u l i n ity b y p ers u a d i n g b e e r compan ies
to advertise in the magaz i n e ( Ste i n e m 1 9 90) a nd beer ads targeted to wo men
were praised a s examples of progressive gender a d v e rtis i n g (C o urtney and
Whipple 1 98 3 ; M eye rs 1 9 84) .
Beer
Over two-t h i rd s ( 6 9 % ) of American men who d r i n k p refer beer (Jobson's
Liquor Hand book 1 98 8 ) .
Twe nty percent of the p o p u l atio n , p red o m i n a ntly
ma l e , acco u nt for 70% of beer c o n s u med ( M a rketi ng a n d M ed ia Decisions
1 982) .
The a g e of maxi m u m beer d ri n k i n g co incides with t h e a g e of maxi mum
sports involvement ( i . e . , 1 8 to 29); the beer ind ustry util izes the d e mo g rap hics
of s ports a n d be e r d r i n k i n g in c reat i n g advertising campa i g n s ( Mc Dowe l l 1 9 8 1 ) .
Fo rmer ath l etes e n d o rse brands and the beer i n d ustry i s U . S . s p o rts n u mber one
43
corporate team s po nsor; A n he u ser- B u s c h , which co ntrols 40 % of the U . S . beer
market, i nvests two-thirds of its advert i s i n g bud get i n s po rts related a reas
( J o h n son 1 9 8 8 ) . Advert i s i n g exp e n d itures ta rgeted at s p o rts enthus iasts are
profita b l e ; M i l l e r went from n u mb e r s even to n u mber two with the i ntrod uction
of M i l le r Lite to " fitness frea k s " ( Cava n a g h and C l a i rmo nte 1 98 5 ) .
Alth o u g h 2 7 % of fe ma l e d ri n kers most fre q ue ntly c o n s u me b eer ( W i ne
Ma rketing H a nd book 1 98 8 ) a n d wo m e n a re " n early as l i kely as men to d ri n k
l i g ht beer a n d t o have consumed 2 - 4 g lasses i n p revious wee k " ( Be e r I nd u st ry
Upd ate 1 98 6 , p . 6 6 ) , most beer a d v e rtisements , i n c l u d i n g a d s fo r l i g ht beers ,
are ta rgeted to ma les (Jacobson et a l . 1 98 3 ; Postman et a l . 1 9 87) . I n the early
1 980s , a n exception to the h eavy target i n g of males was advert i s i n g for
M i c helob L i g ht a n d Natura l L i g ht; by taking beer out of the tavern ani)
associat i n g it with food , A n h e user- B usch sought to i n c rease its s h a re of the
l i ght beer market by appea l i n g to women (Advertis i ng Age Yea rboo k 1 98 2 ) .
Disti l led S p i rits
Up u nt i l the 1 9 50s , the p o p u l a r d istil led s p i rits were w h i s key, g i n , r u m ,
and bra n d y . Ma rket research c o n d u cted by H u e b l i n revea led that wo men d id
not l i ke the harshness of these l i q u o rs. H u e b l i n s u bs e q u e ntly p urc h ased the
labe l of a t h e n l ittle known bevera g e , vodka, and c reated a " Re c i p e Revo l ution;
I
I
this was d es i g ned to encourage wo men to d r i n k ( Botto m L i n e 1 9 78 ) . Women
were offe red a va riety of d ri n ks that had the "sp irit" without the taste . U n l i ke
wh i s keys, which were a " m a n ' s d ri n k, a " lady" could d ri n k a rec ip e d ri n k . By
II
44
1 9 74, vod ka rep laced bourbon as the n u mber one c lass of d isti l l ed s p i rits sold
i n the U n ited States ( liquor I nd u stry Ma rketi ng 1 9 7 7 ) .
C u r re ntly, the d isti l led s p i rits ma rket i s a b o ut eve n ly s p l it betwe e n
fema les a nd m a l e s (49 % and 5 1 % , respective ly ) .
Wh iskey, however,
conti n ues to b e a " ma n ' s d r i n k " ; males acco u nt fo r th ree-fifths of whis key
cons u m p t i o n (Jobso n ' s Liquor Hand book 1 98 8 ) . L i q u e u r s , o n the othe r h a n d ,
are a " la d y ' s d ri n k " ; i n 1 98 7 wome n c o n s u med a b o ut 1 3 % more liq u e u rs t h a n
m e n (Jobso n ' s Liquor Hand book 1 98 8 ) .
D u e to the p o p u larity of flavored
schn a pps , l i q u e u rs have been the t h i rd la rgest categ o ry of d isti l led s p i rits s i n c e
1 9 8 3 ( J o b so n ' s Liquor H a n d book 1 9 8 8 ) .
Wine
A mo n g women d ri n kers, h alf p refer w i n e (Wine Ma rketing Hand b o o k
1 9 8 8 ) . U n l i ke d istilled s p i rits , the w i n e market i s no t c h a racterized by a g e n d e r
s p l it (Wi n e Ma rket i ng Hand book 1 9 8 6 ) . W h i l e a d ecrease i n the co nsum ption
of d isti l l e d s p i rits may be a facto r i n the g rowth experie nced by the wine
ind ustry d u r i n g the 1 980s , othe r factors a p pear to be more salient.
Among
these were Ma d i so n Ave n u e ' s two-prong advert i s i n g a p p roach a n d the
deve lo p m e nt of wine coo l ers .
One
advert i s i n g strategy emphas ized the
mysti q u e of w i n e a n d
assoc iated w i n e with sophisticatio n . A n i mag e of e l e g a nce was ai med at t h e
" s n o b b i s h s e g me nt o f soc iety " ( M eyers 1 9 84) .
figures"
and
" award presentat i o n s "
End o rseme nts b y " a ut h o rity
p ro moted w i n e ' s status e n h a n c i n g
45
p rop e rties . O rs on Wel les told consume rs that Pa u l Masson wou l d " s e l l no wine
before its t i me ; " the i ntention was to link Wel l e s ' p u b l i c p ersona which was
syno nymo u s with taste, q u a l ity, and attention to d et a i l with the wine.
The second advertis i n g strategy p romoted w i n e as a n i nforma l , a nyti me
bevera g e .
Ads for R i u n ite a nd Cella were aimed at y o u n g d ri n kers and sold
wi n e as a s u bstitute for sod a and beer; the e m p h a s i s was o n wi n e ' s th i rst­
quenc h i n g p ro p e rties (Wine Ma rketing H a n d book 1 9 8 3 ) . W ith the deve l o p ment
of new pa c ka g i n g ( e . g . , card board boxes , six p acks, and p lastic bottle s ) wine
was transformed i nto a n all occasio n d ri n k ( Meyers 1 984) . The "all occa s io n "
a p p roach was p a rt of a ma rketi n g strategy that promoted each majo r type o f
wine f o r s pe c ific e njoyment s ituations (Wine M a rket i ng H a n d book 1 98 3 ) .
C a p ita l iz i n g o n the trend towa rd lower a lc o h o l co ntent beverages, i n the
1 980s , wine coolers entered the wine ma rket . Th e early ads were targeted at
the 24 to 3 4 year old bee r d ri n king set; the Califo r n i a C o o l e r a i med its message
at a male a u d i e n c e u s i n g a " Real Stuff" the me ( W i n e M a rketi ng H a n d book
1 986) .
R e p re s e nti n g less than 2 % of tota l w i n e sales in 1 98 3 , coo l e r s a l es
inc reased at s u c h a rate that by 1 9 8 6 they had 20 % to 2 5 % of the wine
market . The p o p u l a rity of wine coo lers accou nts for the tota l i n c rease i n wine
consumption ( W i n e Marketi ng H a n d book 1 98 8 ) .
Empirical Stu d ie s a n d P u b l i c Debates
The c a u s a l c on nectio n between a l cohol c o n s u m ption and advertis i n g i s
unc le a r .
" Fe w p e o p l e c l a i m th at alcohol advertis i n g i s the m a i n influence i n
46
i n itiati n g or esta b l i s h i n g d r i n ki n g patte rns" ( S mart 1 9 8 8 , p . 3 1 5 ) . Factors such
as price, ava i l a b i l ity, tre n d s , and peer influences a re more i mportant than
advert i s i n g (Ac Koff a n d Emshoff 1 9 7 5 ; Franke a n d Wi lcox 1 98 7 ; Kahn and
Smart 1 98 7 ) . However, due to l i mited d ata and i na d e q u ate methodo lo gy , t h e
conclusion that adverti s i n g h as no effect o n co n s u m ption is n ot j u stified (D HHS
1 98 7 ; Sma rt 1 98 8 ) .
The M i c h i g a n Stu d i e s ( Atki n a n d Bloc k 1 98 1 ; Atk i n , N e u e n d o rf, and
McDermot 1 9 8 3 ; Atk i n , Hocki n g , a n d Blo ck 1 984) c o n c l u d e d th at a l cohol
advertis i n g sti m u lates c o n s u mption by shaping attit u d es .
A c riti q u e of the
M i c h i g a n Stud ies p o i nts o u t that the co nclusio n offe red by Atki n et a l . is based
on corre latio n a l d ata and offers a n a lternative expla nati o n : h eavy d ri nkers are
exposed to , notice, and reca l l a lcohol advertise ments more than d o other people
(Strickland 1 984) . A c o m p ro m i s e position is that advertis i n g may frame n o rms
and va l ues regard i n g d ri n k i n g , as we l l as p rov i d i n g c u es on how to respond to
othe rs and o n e ' s own d ri n ki n g ( Breed , DeFoe, and W a l l a c k 1 9 84) .
Stu d ies have foc u s ed o n the target i n g of a lcohol advertis i n g ( Katz p er et
a l . 1 9 7 8 ; Postman et a l . 1 9 8 7 ; Stric kland and F i n n 1 98 7 ) a n d the effects of
alcohol advert i s i n g on the development of bel iefs a bout alco h o l ( Atkin et a l .
1 9 8 3 ; N e u e n d o rf 1 9 8 5 ; L i e b e rman a n d O r l a n d i 1 9 8 7 ) . Resu lts a re i nco nc l us ive
as to whether alcohol advert i s i n g is d e s i g ned to persuade v u l nerable s u b g ro u ps
by b e i n g i ntentio n a l l y mislead i n g ( D H H S 1 98 7 ) .
Fi n d i n g s d o s u p p o rt the
47
assertion that images in a lcohol advertiseme nts are an a g e nt of d ri n ki n g
social ization .
Print Alc ohol Advertisements
The most extens ive co ntent a n a lyses of a lcohol print advertisements
have be e n by Breed a n d DeFoe ( 1 9 7 9 ) and Stric kland , F i n n , a n d La m be rt
( 1 9 8 2 ) . D i ffe rent c o n c l u s i o n s were reached . Breed and DeFoe conc l u d ed that
images i n a lc ohol advert i s i n g are p r i ma r i ly motivatio n a l o r psyc h o g ra p h i c
a p p ea l s .
Strickland e t a l . conc l u d ed that a lcohol advertis i n g i s b a s e d o n
d e m o g ra p h i c p rofiles of the a l co h o l c o n s umer ( i . e . , level of d isp o sab le i n come
a n d ed u catio n ) .
Breed a n d DeFoe ( 1 97 9 ) fo u n d most a lcohol a d s try to assoc iate the
p ro d u ct with d e s i re d l ifestyl e ch aracteristics ( i . e . , what will s u bs e q u e ntly be
termed emotional a p pea l s ) .
Pred o m i n a n t themes were wealth and s uccess,
social a p p rova l , he don is m , exotic s u rro u n d i n gs, and sex. They fo u n d that " l ittle
p ro d u ct i nfo rmation a p peared ; rather the a p pe a l s were to i d e a l o utco me states ,
or a n escape from p resent rea l ity" ( Breed et a l . 1 984, p . 6 6 1 ) .
The most common images fou n d by Strickland et a l . ( 1 9 8 2 ) were
prod u ct q u a l ity , trad ition or he rita g e , prod uct i nfo rmatio n , fo re i g n setti n g s , and
s p e c i a l occas i o ns . Themes of socia b i l ity were fou n d i n a b o ut 6 % o f t h e ad s,
psyc h o l o g i c a l l y orie nted themes i n less tha n 5 % , a n d l ifestyle portrayals
occu rred in less than 3 % . In co ntrast to the c o n c l u s i o n reached by Breed et a l .
( 1 984) , these researc hers conc l u d ed that the majority o f alcohol a d s provided
48
i nformat i o n ( i . e . , what w i l l sub sequently b e termed cog n itive a p peals ) . Al so ,
messages of moderation were fo u n d to b e three ti mes more freq u e nt than
s u g gestio n s of heavy co n s u mptio n .
P u b l i c De bates
S u p p o rters of more string ent a lc o h o l advert i s i n g regu lation argue that
alcohol
a d v e rt i s i n g
enco u rages
heavy
co nsu m ptio n ,
targets
v u l n era b l e
s u b g ro u p s ( e . g . , heavy d r i n kers, y o u t h , p e o p l e of c o l o r , wome n )
and
esta b l i s h e s a b normal d ri n king n o r m s by assoc iati n g a l c o h o l with pers o n a l
success v i a s oc ia l psychological and l ifestyl e a pp eals ( U . S . C O N GRE SS 1 9 8 5 ;
A M A 1 986) .
Alcohol ads have b een d escribed a s rep rese ntations w h i c h
neutra liz e s ym ptoms of p r o b l e m d ri n ki n g
( K i l bo u r n e
1 982,
1 99 1 )
and
moderat i o n messages have b e e n d e s c r i b e d as s u btle j u stifications f o r d ri n k i n g
(Jacobson et a l . 1 9 8 3 ) . A major criticism of t h e c o ntent o f a l cohol advert is i n g
i s t h e asso c i ation of alcohol with " i n d i rect promises o f self-esteem, wea lth ,
peer accepta n c e , a n d sexual p rowess " ( O H H S 1 9 8 7 , p . 1 0 1 ).
Alc ohol beverage i n d ustries have replied claiming that advert is i n g
encourages brand switc h i n g /loya lty a n d was n o t i ntended/did not e n c o u ra g e
heavy c o n s u mpti o n . The o utcome provided a "v ictory" fo r e a c h s i d e . T h e a nti­
alcohol a d v e rt i s i n g movement secu red mand ato ry wa r n i n g lab els o n a l co h o l
pro d u cts a n d the a lcohol i n d ustries d efeated a p ro posed b a n on b road cast
med ia advert i s i n g . The alcohol beve rage i n d ustries, however , c o u l d not i g nore
49
p u b l i c sentiment; t h e volunta ry advert i s i n g codes of the beer, d i sti l led s p i rits,
and wine i n d u str ie s were revised ( 1 984, 1 98 7 , 1 9 8 7 respectively) .
Conclusion
Th i s p roject exa m i n es the fre q u e n cy of cog n itive ( i . e . , i n formati o n a l ) a nd
emotional ( i . e . , psychological and l ifesty l e ) appeals a p pe a r i n g i n alcohol p ri nt
advertisements targeted to one sex.
A lso , d r i n k i n g no rms p resented to sex
specific ma rkets a re a n a lyzed . The goal i s to d o c u me nt a ny c h a n ges ove r time
( i . e . , 1 97 3 to 1 9 8 8 ) i n the mea n i n g s o f alcohol c o n s u mption prese nted to
fema le a n d m a l e a u d i e nces .
Patte r n s o bs e rved may be the res u lt of m u lt i p l e forces .
The alcohol
i nd ustry and the advert i s i n g i n d ustry have d i fferent agendas ( e . g . , s e l l i n g ad
images versus i n c reased sh are of the ma rket) .
Both i n d u stries influence the
content of a lc o h o l advert i s i n g making it d iffic u lt to d et e r m i n e which images are
reflections of a d ve rt i s i n g p ractices ( e . g . , l i b erat i o n ste reotypes) and which are
examples of t h e a lcohol i n d ustry p ress i n g to g et more b u s i ness (e . g. , try i n g to
change percepti o n s o f d ri n k i n g norms ) .
Poss i b le e x p l a n atio n s fo r o bserved d i fferences a n d /o r c h a n ges i n a lcohol
advert i s i n g i n c l u d e (a) d ifferential d ri n ki n g norms and c h a l leng es of them, (b)
effo rts to i n c rease a lcohol sales by esta b l i s h i n g a female ma rket , an d (c)
advertis i n g p ractices which p rescribe a n d p rosc r i b e the advert i s i n g of s pecific
prod ucts to s p e c i fi c a ud iences . H istorically, a lc o h o l c o n s u m ption has been a
male privi l e g e ( Fi l l more 1 9 84) ; as p art of tra d itional g e n d e r id eology, this b el ief
50
was s u bject to change d u ri n g the tran sitional gender role period o f the 1 9 70s
and 1 9 80s .
Aware of c h a n g i n g g e n d e r roles , the a lc o h o l i n d u stry may have
seen this as an o p po rtun ity to assoc iate alcohol with the c o n s u me r needs of the
transitional fe m a l e ; brand image alcohol advertisin g may reflect experi mentation
with the kinds of a ds a n d products that wou l d appeal to the " l i berated "
woma n . Lastly, tra d itio na l norms of advertising made it p ro b l e matic for a non­
trad itio na l m a ga z ine ( i . e . , M s . ) to secure advert i s i n g ( Stei n e m 1 990) .
51
C H A PTER 5
THEORETI C A L P ERSPECTI VE
Discussion is d ivided i nto two sections (a) d e m o g ra p h ic c h an g es and the
female consumer, and { b ) sociology o f e motio n s. " De mo g rap h ic c h anges a n d
the fema le consumer " reviews t h e i nfl u e nce o f g e n d e r r o l e c h an ges { e . g . ,
female l a b o r force p a rticipation) a n d th e re-emergence o f a n o rg a n ized women's
movement o n advertising . The second section is a s u rvey o f l iterature o n the
sociology of e motions a n d a d iscussion of th e e ffects of brand i ma g e
adverti s i n g
(i.e.,
a l c o h o l ex pecta ncies)
from
a
s o c i o l o g y of e motions
pers pective .
De mogra p h i c C h a n ges a n d the Fe m a le Con s u mer
There is a s i mple d e m o g ra p h ic fact at the heart o f a q u iet revol ution that
has a ffected every m a n , woma n , and c h i l d i n the U n ited States . The
r i p p l e effect of that one d e m o g ra p h i c fact could eventually tou c h a l most
every i nstitution in o u r soc iety a n d eve ry as pect o f o u r l ives .
( Ba rtos 1 98 2 , p . 3 )
The s i m p l e d e mo g raphic fact refe r re d to i s the i n c reased l a b o r force
part i c i pation of wo men . The l a b o r fo rce pa rtic i pation o f women i ncreased from
3 3 % in 1 9 5 0 to 5 6 % i n 1 98 7 ( Bi a u and Winkler 1 9 90) . This i ncreased labor
force participation c h a racte rizes both married and u n ma r ried women , y o u n g and
mature wome n , and mothers as wel l as non-mothe rs .
S ince 1 97 0 , the
perce nta g e of women e mp loyed f u l l -time has d o u b led a n d th e re h ave been
52
d ramatic i nc reases i n the p ro po rtion of women i n p rofessional occu pati o ns
(Rote l l a 1 9 9 0 ) .
The working mother and wife c h a l l e n ged conventio nal i mages of fe male
co n s u mers . Trad itionally, advertise rs
. . . a i med the i r messages at a ny housewife , 1 8 to 49, assumi n g that the
motivations of this wo ma n a re to p rove h e rself a competent ho u sewife,
to g et the job of housework done faster than her n e i g hbor, and to
p e rs u a d e those aro u n d her that she i s not taki n g shortcuts in perfo r m i n g
h o u s e h o l d c h o res w h e n she rea l ly i s . T h e other p ictu re of the b u y i n g
fem a l e [was] any girl, 1 8 to 25 , a nd her p r i ma ry motivation [was]
p r e s u med to be to find a ma n a nd g e t married .
( C o u rtney an d W h i p p l e 1 98 3 , p . 6 7 )
I n c o ntrast t o " a ny housewife/any g i r l " a re th e resu lts o f market i n g stud ies
wh i c h s how that em p loyment status, marital status, l i festy l e , and attitud i n a l
va r ia b les a l l a ffect consume r behavior i n c l u d i n g reactio ns t o advert i s i n g i mages
(Ve n katesh 1 9 7 1 , Wo rtzel a n d Fris b i e 1 9 74; Duc ke r a n d Tucker 1 9 7 7 ; Leav itt
1 9 7 8 ; Bett i n g e r a nd Dawso n 1 9 7 9 ) .
Rather than a s i mple e mp loyed vers u s
non-emp loyed d ichotomy, R e n a Bartos ( 1 9 8 2 ) states that t h e fema le c o n s u mer
is better u nd e rstood u s in g a fou r-fold classificatio n that takes i nto acco u n t
expectations of l a b o r force p artici pation and that d i ffe rentiates jo b s from
careers . The title to her wo rk, The Moving Ta rget, emphasized the necess ity
of reco g n i z i n g that women we re c ha n g i n g .
As a s o c i a l category with d i sposable i ncome, e mp loyed wo men re p resent
tre m e n d o u s potenti a l . I n the 1 970s , " wo me n i n p rofessions were b u y i n g as
much l i q u o r and i n s u ra nce, p u rc h a s i n g as many cars, ta king as many t r i p s , and
53
ma k i n g a s many i n vestme nts a s their ma le c o u nterpart s " (Co urt ney a n d
Wh i p ple 1 9 8 3 , p . 6 6 ) . As consu mers , e mp loyed wo me n may have d i ffe rent
"occa s i o n s and need s " than wo men who stay-at- h o me ( Meyers 1 9 84) ; women
in the l a b o r fo rce may be personal rather than fa m i l y c o n s u mers and may have
d i ffe rent status symbols ( M iles 1 9 7 1 ) .
Compared to men i n the labor fo rce ,
these women may be more l i kely to be " soc ieta l ly -conscious ach ievers "
(Meyers 1 9 84) .
As a n advert i s i n g a u d i e nce, e m p loyed wo men comprise a
d istinct ma r ket .
The fact that women we re c h a n g i n g and had p e rso n a l d is posa b le income
was d ramatically i l l u strated by the re-e mergence of a n o rg an ized fe m i n ist
moveme nt.
Advertisers , s u bseq uently, a p p ro p ri ated political d i ssent a n d
fem in ist concepts ( i . e . , l i be ratio n , e qual ity, freed o m ) i nto the lang u a g e o f
consumeris m .
This occ u rred d u ri n g t h e fem i n i st movement o f t h e early
twe ntieth century with products as d iverse as toasters a n d c i garettes ( Ewe n
1 97 6 ) ; it ha s occu rred i n recent d ecades with commod ities ra n g i n g from
perso n a l hygiene prod ucts (e . g . , New Free d o m) to a lcohol ( K i l bou rne 1 9 8 7 ,
1 98 9 ) .
Fem i n i sts c l a i m that advertisin g h a s prese nted i mages o f femi n i s m
wh i c h b e l ittle l i b e ration, use it as a v e h i c l e to s h o w d o m i nant wo men and
stu p i d m en, o r as a strategy fo r selling bea uty prod u cts ( Ba rtos 1 9 82; C o u rtney
and W h i p p l e 1 9 8 3 ; Meyers 1 9 84; K i l bourne 1 9 8 7 , 1 9 8 9 ; Fa l u d i 1 9 9 1 ) .
54
Sociology of Emotions
A symbo l i c i nteracti o n a p p roach v iews e motions a s mea n i ngful objects
to be interp rete d , created , a nd managed . They a re s i g na l s to self ( e . g . , role
identity and role p e rforma nce ) , s i g n a l s to others, a nd the o bjects of other's
response to be i nterp rete d , tra n sfo rmed , and reg u lated . There a re norms which
guide
the
i nterp retati o n ,
co ntro l ,
and
ma n a g e ment
o f e motions
(i.e.,
Hochsc h i l d ' s fee l i n g r u les 1 97 7 , 1 9 8 3 , 1 989) a nd norms wh ic h reg u l ate the
express ion of emoti o n in p u b l ic ( i . e . , Vand e r Zan d e n ' s d i s play ru les 1 990) . In
genera l , e motions a re v iewed a s being i nterpreted in a social m i l i e u , as soci a l ly
constructed ( S hott 1 97 9 ) , a n d then eva l uated i n relation to c u ltura l norms .
Denzin ( 1 9 84) says e motions a re self-fe e l i n g s lodged i n th e body, i n self­
co nsciousness, a n d i n the person's social wo rl d s . These three compo ne nts
can not be separated , a ltho u g h o n e may d o minate at a ny t i m e . Others ( Gordon
1 98 1 ; Tho its 1 9 8 9 ) describe emotions as consist i n g of fo u r components :
situatio na l sti m u l i , p hys iolo g ic al sensations , expressive behaviors, and a c u ltural
labe l . A l l fo u r compon ents n eed not be p resent s i m u lta neously for an emotion
to be experie nced o r rec o g n ized by others .
Emotions a re d i sti nct from senti ments ( i . e . , affective e l ements of
end u r i ng relations h i p s ) a n d affective responses ( i . e . , eval u ative reactions of a
very general ty pe ) . A ltho u g h fee l i n g s are somet i mes c o n s i d e red d i stinct from
emotions (Tho its 1 9 8 9 ) , the terms a re often used i nte rc h a n ge a b ly ( Hochschild
1 9 7 7 , 1 9 8 3 , 1 98 9 ; Denzin 1 9 84, 1 9 8 5 , 1 990) .
I wi l l use th e term emotion
55
un less refe rring to a specific concept i n the sociology o f emotio n s (e . g . ,
Hochsch i l d ' s fee l i n g rules ; De n z i n ' s fee l i n g s of the l ived body, meta-fe e l i n g s ,
or fee l i n g s of t h e self a n d mora l perso n ) .
" Fe e l i n g s o f the l ived bod y " commun icate a definition o f a spec ific
s ituation and can be vicariously s h a red by others ; c u ltural lab e ls corre sp o n d i n g
t o t h i s cate gory of e motion a re s a d n e s s , sorrow, a n ge r , des pa i r , a n d h a p pi ness
( De nz i n 1 9 8 5 ) . A nother cate g o ry o f e motion is " meta-fee l i n gs ; " they transcend
a s p ecific situation, a re reflections o n p revious e motional experiences, a n d a re
p a rt of o n e ' s i nterp retative framework o r e motio n al c a re e r ( De n z i n 1 98 5 ) .
I nc l uded i n this category a re g u i lt, se lf-loath i n g , a fee l i n g o f lost i n nocence,
rese ntment, love, i ntense attracti o n to a nother, sex ual desire, loath i n g , and
hatred .
O n e e motional experience can g ive rise to the need for a noth e r ( Denzin
1 9 84, 1 990) . For example, a d e s i re fo r se lf-reward may be a consequence of
" fe e l i ngs of the self and moral perso n " ( i . e . , d ig n ity, res pect, res p o ns i b i l ity,
sense of mora l worth ) . On a d arker s i d e , a lac k of sense of moral worth ( i . e . ,
s h a m e ) may g ive rise to the d e s i re t o escape from self ( e . g . , a lcohol a b u s e as
sel f-med icatio n ) .
Hochsc h i l d ( 1 9 8 3 ) a rg u es that e motions have become commo d ities d u e
to t h e al ienation o f the l a b o r p roces s ; because o f a l ienation w e a re concerned
with the search fo r a uthenticity . Th is is relevant to brand image advert i s i n g
because t h i s t y p e of advert i s i n g tends to either promise " p ro b l e m red uction
56
thro u g h p rod uct solutio n " (Vestergaard a n d S c h roder 1 9 8 8 ; K i l bourne 1 9 8 9 )
or atte m pts to tra nsform a co mmod ity i nto a n o bj ect of d e s i re ( Ewen 1 97 6 ) .
Advertisi n g im a ges that s how satisfaction of e motio n a l needs v ia cons u m ption
may contri b ute to a l ienation as peo p l e t u r n to p rod ucts i n their search fo r
a uthentic ity .
Sy m b o l i c rep resentations in ad v e rt i s i n g have been s hown to affect
attitudes
( J e n n i n g s-Wa lstedt, Geis a n d
Brown
1 9 80;
Neuendorf
1 98 5 ;
Liberman a n d O rland i 1 98 7 ) and may i nf l u e nce the construction o f what Denz i n
( 1 9 8 5 ) c a l l s " meta-fee l i n gs . "
I n portra y i n g social relatio n s h i p s , adve rtisers
present " fee l i n g ru les " ( Hochsc h ild 1 97 7 , 1 9 8 3 , 1 98 9 ) and " d is p lay ru l e s"
(Vand e r Z a n d e n 1 990) that lin k the p ro d u ct-brand with a s ituation, an e motio n ,
and a k i n d of perso n (s ) .
Moreover, pro mises of " pro b le m red uctio n " may
become internal ized lead i n g i n d ivid uals to ex pect certa i n emotional o utcomes
when they e n g a g e in specific kinds of c o n s u me r behav i o r .
" Pro b l e m red ucti o n " p romises a n d created d e s i res v i a metaphorical
assoc iations a re s a l ient i n d ri n ki n g expe ctatio n s a n d s u bseq ue ntly d ri n k i n g
patterns .
I n a d d ition t o t h e effects of pha rmacolog ical a n d phys i o l o g i c a l
facto rs, s o c i a l variab les contrib ute t o t h a t c o n d i t i o n known as " be i n g u n d e r t h e
infl uence " ( MacAnd rew and E d gerto n 1 9 69; H i l ls 1 980; Frieze and Schafe r
1 984) .
O ften
it
is expectations of a lcohol cons u m ption (i . e . , a lcohol
expecta n c i e s ) not the actua l outco mes that esta b l i s h d ri n k i n g patterns . Alcohol
expecta ncies a re crucial to treatment of a b us ive d ri n ki n g and include attitu d es
57
towa rd
self,
e moti onal
states
associated
with
d ri n ki n g ,
and
i mag ined
eva l uations of others' j u d geme nts of self " u nder the infl ue n c e " ( E mrick, Hansen
and Maytag 1 9 8 5 ) . As part of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s i nterpretative fra mewo rk, alcohol
expecta ncies a re a n exa mp le of " meta-feel i n gs . "
Alcoh o l expecta ncies a re not restricted to those who abuse alco hol .
Most peo p l e exp ect a d ifferent a m b ience i n d ri n ki n g versus non-d r i n k i n g
situations .
A l s o , " normal d ri n kers " as w e l l as " a b us ive d ri n kers " m a y u s e
a l c o h o l as a m e a n s to i ntens ify o r d is c h a rg e emotions ( Mc C l e l l a n d , Dav i s , K a l i n
and W a n n e r 1 9 7 2 ; W i l s n a c k 1 984) .
Mo reove r, c h o o s i n g a s pecific alcohol
prod uct has been d escri bed as an emotional d e c is io n .
A s y m b o l i c i nteraction perspective o n emotions p rovides the rationale for
this prod u ct. T h i s l iterature recog n izes that emotio n al p ractices (e . g . , d ri n k i n g )
portrayed by " mass-mediated rea l ity " id e o logica l ly represent e moti o n a l bond i n g
a n d that the vi ewer's emotional b i o g ra p hy i nfluences th e construction o f brand
and emot i o n a l g ratification assoc iati o n s ( Denzin 1 990) .
In genera l , alcohol
consumption i s reco g n i zed as a ve h ic le fo r doing what Hochschild ( 1 9 90) c al l s
"emotion wo r k " ( i . e . , emotio n ma nagement i n o n e ' s private l i fe ) .
Catego ries used fo r cod i n g and analyz i n g e motio n a l a p peals in print
alco hol advertisements a re based o n descriptions of rep resentations that a re
emotion- i n d u c i n g . The categories per se a re not necessarily emotions .
Relatio n s h i p i mages i n advertis i n g a re static p resentations of " i nteraction
ritu a ls " ( Gottman 1 9 6 7 ; Collins 1 990) and ed ucate th e aud ience on ways to
58
maximize " a ffective g ratificatio n " ( H a m mond 1 9 90) . B y assoc iati ng a p rod uct
choice with an affective g ratification so urce ( i . e . , ty pe of s o c i a l relati o n s h i p ) the
aud ience is re m i n d e d of the a l most conti nuous e moti o n a l m o n ito r i n g of self
(Sc heff 1 990) and is ofte n i nfo rmed of mea n s to m a i nt a i n /secu re soc ial
a p p roval ( i . e . , self- pr ide) or avoid soc i a l d isapproval ( i . e . , s h a me ) .
Th ro u g h i d e ntification with advert i s i n g portraya l s o f femi n i n ity and
masc u l i n ity the a u d ience e moti o n a l l y respo n d s to t h e i mages p resented .
Aud ience a ffect may b e e ither i n n e r-d i rected ( i . e . , d es i re to a d h e re to
i nternalized g o a l s ) o r other-d i rected ( i . e . , d e s i re to g a i n others' a p p rova l )
(Zinkhan a n d She rmohamad 1 98 6 ) a nd is a conse q u e n c e o f t h e p l easure
derived from the re p resentation ( Brown 1 990) .
Emot i o n a l responses assoc iated with various ty pes o f s o c i a l re lat i o n s h i ps
are l i sted i n Ta b l e 2 . I have described the emotional e x p e rie nc e ( i . e . , fee l i ng s
of the self a n d mora l pers o n ) as pos itive ( i . e . , se lf-p rid e ) ; y e t, in each i nstance
the self-fee l i n g cou ld be the result of a negative eva l ua t i o n ( i . e . , shame ) .
The rema i n i n g emotio n - i n d u c i n g categories used i n t h i s study ( i . e . ,
tra d itio n ,
co n fo rm ity,
i n d iv i d u a l ity, elegance, a n d
p e rso nal satisfactio n )
symbo lize a n d /o r promise emotional structu res characte ristic of t h e portrayed
theme (s ) . The advertisi n g re p resentations are pseudoreal istic s o l utions to the
search fo r a uthentic ity ( i . e . , an emotion is a commod ity o btained via the
adve rtised b ra n d ) .
59
Ta b l e 2 . Soc i a l relationsh i p s a n d emotional responses
Social Relationsh i p
Emotio n al Response
Friends h i p
sense of affil iation an d
affection b ase d o n a p p roval
o f self by s i g n ificant
other(s )
Cama rad erie
esprit de corps associated
with g ro u p cohesion
Sexu a l
identification with or
attraction to th e mod e l ( s )
d erived from s e l f a s a n
o bject of d e s i re
Love
de sire to e m u l ate th e
d evotio n an d i nti mate
bond i n g d e picted
I mp ress i n g Others
a d m i ration fo r meet i n g
stan dard s s e t by a
reference other
Th ro u g h identification with a n advertised image of trad itio n , the aud ience
may experie nce nosta lgia an d e motio n s associated with th e e po c h . I mages of
conformity may a p peal to i n d iv i d u a l s experi e n c i n g a l ienation from others
whereas i mages of i n d ivid u a l ity may be more a ppeal i n g to i n d iv i d u a l s
experie n c i n g a l ienation from se lf.
In both i nstances, use o f the advertised
brand may be a s u bstitute fo r authentic role performa nces and i d e ntities .
Advertiseme nts that assoc iate a brand with elega nce transform a p rod uct i nto
an o bject of d e s i re ; for those who envy a n op u lent l i festyle use of the p rod uct
e n a b les them to s hare somet h i n g with the e l ite .
Themes of personal
60
satisfact i o n s u g g est that use of the brand is an e motio n al experience p e r se
( e . g . , the b ra n d will i ntensify o r d ischarge emotions ) .
M y u s e o f the symbolic i nteraction perspective d oes not s u g gest s p ecific
hypotheses o r p ro positions for testi n g . The perspective is used as a g u i d e i n
the d evelo p ment o f cod i n g cate go ries a n d ana lysis o f d ata .
61
CHAPTER 6
M ETH O D O LO G Y
The p u rpose of t h i s content a n a lysis i s t o e x a m i n e gend er-a lcohol
assoc iations p rese nted to g ende r specific a u d ie nces from 1 97 3 to 1 98 8 . Thi s
period w a s c h a racterized by g e n d e r r o l e c h a n g es i n American society as we l l
a s c h a n ges i n d ri n ki n g no rms . Print alcohol a dvert i s ements a re a n a lyzed for
thei r d is p l ay o f g e n d e r a nd re presentatio n of a lc o h o l c o n s u m ption ( i . e . , types
of a ppeals and n o rmative messages ) .
Sa mple
Exa m i nation of gend er-alcohol associat i o n s i s b ased o n an a na lysis of
alcohol advertisements a p pearing in g e n d e r s pecific m a g a z i n es ( i . e . , M s . a n d
Sports I l l u strated ) . I t i s assumed that a ppeals a n d no rmative messages rel ated
to g e n d e r i d e o l o g y a re more a p parent in peri o d i c a l s p r i ma ri ly read by g e nd e r
specific a u d ie nces .
I n it i a l l y two wo me n ' s magazi n e s , M s . a n d Red book, were selected fo r
the s a m p l e . M s . was the fi rst of the " new wom a n " period icals and , i n its early
yea rs , advertis i n g in M s . reflected ma rkete rs' perceptions of the fe mi n ist
(Ste i n e m 1 990) . Between 1 9 83 and 1 98 6 , a lc o h o l p rod ucts represe nted the
largest class of commod ities adve rtised i n Ms. ( M i n kl e r , Wallack, a nd M a d d e n
1 9 8 7 ) ; yet, M s . w a s not i nc l ud ed i n syste matic c o m pa rative stud ies o f a lc o h o l
adve rt is i n g .
R e d b o o k was i n itia l ly i n c luded bec a u se i t is a conventio n a l
62
"enterta i n ment a n d s e rvice " magazine read b y wo men with socio-d e mographic
characte ristics s i m i l a r to M s . reade rs ( i . e . , m i d d l e c lass, c o l l e g e educat i o n , a n d
ful l-time l a b o r force pa rt i c i pati o n ) ( Freedman a n d Krieger 1 98 3 ) .
Readers h i p p rofi les a p peari n g i n The Write r ' s G u i d e to M agazin e Markets
( 1 9 8 3 ) i n d icates that the maj o r socio-d emogra p h i c d iffe rence between M s . and
Red book rea d e rs i s that t h e majority of Red book reade rs were described as
" ma rried with c h i l d r e n " whereas half of M s . reade rs were described as s i n g l e
and parental status w a s n ot reported . Red book w a s d ro p ped from the s amp le
beca use too few a lcohol a d s ap p e ared i n the magazine ( i . e . , 1 2 in 1 973, 6 i n
1 98 2 , and 0 i n 1 98 8 ) . D i fferences i n t h e ed ito rial p o l i c i e s of M s . and Red book
may accou nt fo r d iffe rences in the relative freq uencies of alcohol ad s a p pearing
in the magazi nes .
O r , the alcohol and advert i s i n g i n d u stries may have
perceived a new wo m a n ' s magazi ne as more d es i ra b l e . Review of advert i s i n g
trade p u b l ications i n d icated t h a t v a r i o u s women ' s magazi nes (e . g . , Lad ies
Home J o u r n a l , Vogu e ) s o u g ht alcohol advert i s i n g d o l l a rs .
For compa riso n , Sports I l l u strated was chosen as t h e me n ' s magaz i n e .
One reason fo r select i n g Sports I l l u strated is that the maj o r ta rget of the beer
brand wa r of the 1 9 70s was the s po rts fa n (Joh nson 1 9 8 8 ) . Also, of men's
period icals, Spo rts I l l u strated is second in c i rc u lation o n ly to P layboy ( Freed man
and Krieger 1 98 3 ) .
it i s a s s u med that advert i s i n g i n Spo rts I l l ustrated wo ul d
re p resent g e n d e r i d eo lo g y perceived by marketers to b e acceptable to many
American ma les .
Lastly , l i ke the rea d e rs h i p of M s . , the Sports I l l u strated
63
aud ience is m i d d l e c lass, college ed ucated , a nd the core of rea d e rs a re a g ed 1 8
to 34; d ata o n marital and parental status of Spo rts I l l ustrated rea d e rs were not
re p o rted ( Free d m a n and Krieger 1 98 3 ) .
To a n a lyze c hanges over t i me the years 1 973, 1 98 2 , a n d 1 98 8 were
chosen .
The fi rst f u l l year of M s . p u b l i cation was 1 9 7 3 .
advertiseme nts fi rst a p pe ared
in
wome n ' s magaz i n es
In 1 98 2 , beer
( Ad ve rt i s i ng Age
Yearbook 1 98 2 ) , t h u s 1 98 2 was selected fo r a mid-period compariso n . D ue
to financial d ifficu lties M s . ceased p u bl icatio n i n 1 9 8 9 ; wh e n p u b l ication
res u med M s . was ad -free . Su bseq u e ntly, 1 9 88 was the last fu l l year M s . relied
o n adverti s i ng reve n u e .
T h e magazine sample i n c l u d e s 3 5 i ssues of M s . a n d 3 6 issues of Sports
I l l u strated . A l l issues of M s . for yea rs 1 97 3 , 1 98 2 , a n d 1 9 8 8 a re i nc l u d e d as
a re 1 2 iss ues of Spo rts I l l ustrated for each of the samp le years . The 1 2 per
year fo r Sports I l l u strated re p resent th e wee k each month conta i n i n g th e most
alcohol a d s ; if any month conta i ned two o r more issues with the same h i g hest
freq u e ncy of a lcohol a ds , the issue p u b l i s hed fi rst was chosen for the s a m p l e .
A l l s p e c i a l ed ition i s s ues of Spo rts I l l u strated were excl ud e d .
The ty pes i n c l u d e advertisements for d isti l led s p irits , bee rs, wines,
alcohol mixers, and corporate image advertisin g sp o n so red by a n a lcohol
beverage company.
Sample s ize is 508 ads ( 1 8 8 from M s . and 3 20 from
Sports I l l ustrated ) . About 70% of the M s . sample were a d s that a p p e a red on ce
a n d a b o ut 7 9 % of the Sports I l l u strated sample we re ads that a p peared o n c e .
64
The a lcohol ad vertisements in a l l issues of Spo rts I l l ustrated ( 1 9 7 3 , 1 98 2 ,
1 98 8 ) were c o u nted ; t h e sample a d s represent ab o ut 3 7 % of alcohol a d s
appearing i n a l l issues o f Spo rts I l lu strated fo r the samp le years .
Cod i n g
Categ o ries used to exa mine alc o h o l advertise ments a re based o n
previous rese a rc h ( B reed and DeFoe 1 9 7 9 , 1 9 84; Atkin a n d Blo c k 1 9 8 1 ; Atkin
et a l . 1 98 3 ; F i n n a n d Strickland 1 98 2 ; Stickland et a l . 1 9 8 2 ; Neuendorf 1 98 5 ;
Postman e t a l . 1 98 7 ; Strickland a n d F i n n 1 98 7 ) , c riticisms o f the content of
alcohol a dvert i s i n g ( U . S . CO NG RESS 1 97 6 , 1 98 5 ; K i l bourne 1 98 2 , 1 99 1 ;
Jaco bso n et a l . 1 9 8 3 ; AMA 1 9 8 6 ) , the advert i s i n g codes of the d isti l led s p i rits,
wi ne, and beer i nd ustries, and p re l i m i n ary a nalyses/g ro u p d iscussions of
sociology s tudents . For each ad , the mag azin e issue i n which it a p pears , the
prod uct b ra n d , ad head l ine, and if it is a re peat ad a re reco rde d . Advertis i n g
images a re a n a lyzed i n relation t o ( 1 ) g e n d e r , ( 2 ) ty pes of a p p e a l s ( i . e . ,
cogn itive a n d /o r e motional) and ( 3 ) n o rmative messages .
Gender
Ad s re p resenting femi n i n ity a n d /o r mas c u l i n ity a re descri bed using cod i n g
categories b a s e d p r i marily on t h e w o r k of G ottman
( 1 97 9 ) i n G e n d e r
Advertisements and K i l bourne ( 1 9 8 7 ) i n S t i l l K i l l i ng U s Soft ly. First, po rtraya ls
are coded tor the presence of a human i ma g e as d ecoration (Co u rtney and
65
Whipple 1 9 8 3 ; K i l bo u rne 1 9 87, 1 98 9 ) .
The n , they are coded for masc u l i n e
and femi n i ne d i s p l ays .
Decorati o n i s coded as t h e p resence or a b se n ce of a mascu l i ne a n d /o r
fem i n i n e i ma g e u s e d to attract atte ntion v i a sexual a ro u sa l . Use of a h u ma n
image as d ec o ration i s more t h a n s i m p ly featu r i n g a sexy m o d e l ; t h e d ecorative
mod el/o bj ect i s n ot d o i n g a nyth i n g o r convey i n g i nformati o n . The h u ma n image
i s d eperso n a l ized ; t h i s i nc l udes using only parts of the body (exc lud i n g hands
and face ) , a s wel l a s using o bjects to e x p l i c itly r e p resent a h u ma n (e . g . , cases
of beer sta c ke d with the c a pti o n , "The perfect 3 6-24- 3 6 " ) .
Masc u l i n e d isplays a re coded by b r i ef descriptions of the portrayals ( e . g . ,
"good ole b oy , " " Do n J u a n , " "joc k, " "family man " ) a n d adjectives used i n the
ad to descri b e h i m ( e . g . , "c iv il ized ro u ge " ) . Comments a b o ut the kind of man
who d r i n ks a p a rt i c u l a r b rand of a lcohol o r s pec ific type of alcohol beve rage a re
noted . Exa m p les i n c l u d e :
He ' s
because h e d ri n ks
He's
and he d r i n ks
Compares the man and the p rod uct
Male bond i n g based on the product.
Fem i n i ne d isplays a re coded by brief descriptions of th e portraya ls ( e . g . ,
"the l i berated wo m a n , " "the good hostess , " " sex kitte n , " " g ood friend " ) and
adjectives used in the a d to describe h e r ( e . g . , "stro n g , c and id i n d ivid ua l " ) .
66
Com ments a bo ut t h e kind of wo ma n who d r i n ks a p a rti c u l a r b rand of a lcohol
or s pecific type of a lcohol beverage a re noted . Exa m p le s i n c l u d e :
She's
She's
---
because s h e d ri n ks
and s h e d ri n ks
Compares the woman a n d t h e p ro d u ct
Female bond i n g based o n th e p r o d u ct .
Types o f A p p e a l s
Categories for the cod i n g o f a p peals are ad a pted p r i m a r i l y from co ntent
analyses of alcohol advertisements by Finn and Stri c k l a n d ( 1 9 8 2 ) and
Stric kla nd et al. ( 1 98 2 ) . F i n d i n g s of other resea rchers ( Breed a n d DeFoe 1 9 79,
1 984; Atk in a n d Block 1 98 1 ; A tkin e t al. 1 98 3 ; N e u e n d o r f 1 9 8 5 ; Postman e t
al. 1 98 7 ) , c ritici s ms of alcohol advert i s i n g ( U . S . C O N G R E S S 1 97 6 , 1 98 5 ;
Kilbou rne 1 9 8 2 , 1 99 1 ; Jacobson et a l . 1 98 3 ; A M A 1 98 6 ) , the advertis i n g
codes of the a lcohol beverage i nd ustries , and prel i m i n a ry a n a lyses were used
to mod ify the categories used by Finn and Strickland ( 1 9 8 2 ) and Strickland et
a l . ( 1 98 2 ) . I n the p rocess o f mod ification some cate g o r i e s were d ro p ped and
others we re cons ol id ated .
Each a d i s coded a s a c o g n itive a p peal only, a n e moti o n a l a p pe a l o n ly,
or as a cog n it ive-emotional a p peal . Ads with e motio n al a p pe a l s ( i . e . , e motio nal
only a n d c o g n itive-emotion a l ) further a re d escribed u s i n g 1 1 themes .
Adve rtise ments wh ic h conta i n i nformation o r c reate th e image of g i v i n g
information a re c o d e d a s the presence of a cogn itive a p pea l .
Prod uct
67
i nformation may be in refe rence to price, calo ries , p rod uct p rocess , q u a l ity of
prod uct ( e . g . richer, better) a n d /o r p u r ity of i n g red ients .
Emotional appeals focus on l i festyle o r promises a bout the future fo r a
pro d uct cons ume r .
Ads coded a s cogn itive-emotio n al b o th g ive i nformation
a n d s u g gest a l i festy l e .
Emoti ona l a p peals wheth e r a l o n e o r with c o g n itive a ppeals a re coded for
the p resence or a bsence of eleven t h e mes .
Six theme s a re of relatio n s h i p
i ma g e s . A d s with relation s h i p p resentations a re i de nt i fied b y o n e of t h e s e s i x
themes .
Five non- mutua l l y exc lu s ive i ma ges a lso are used to cod e a d s with
e motional a ppea l s .
Mutually excl us ive social relation s h i p images a re coded based o n the
gesta lt of the ad ( i . e . , type of emotional relati o n s h i p s u g g ested by th e text and
picture ) . Descriptions of relations h i p categories a re l isted i n Table 3 .
Non-mutua l ly excl u s ive i ma g e s a re based o n the association o f the
prod uct with a n e motion- i n d u c i n g symbol an d /o r promise . A n ad may p resent
more than one of these i mages .
Tab l e 4 l ists descriptions a nd exa mpl es of
non-mutua lly exc l u s ive e motion- i n d u c i n g i mages .
Normative Messages
Six categories for no rmative messages were d eveloped from Strickland
and F i n n ' s ( 1 98 7 ) structural a n a lysis o f alcohol a d ve rtisements , eva luations of
the ta rgeti n g of a lcohol advert i s i n g ( U . S . CO N GRESS 1 9 7 6 , 1 98 5 ; Jacobson
68
Ta bl e 3 . M ut u a l l y exclusive relatio ns h i p i mages
Category
Description
Frie n d s h i p
s u g gestion of s h a r i n g p rod uct
portrayal of compan io n s h i p
Camara d e r i e
a l c o h o l a s a soci a l l u bricant
a social occasio n/get together
p a rty, bar scene, outing
Sexu a l
sexual ava i l a b i l ity s u g ge sted
sexu a l e n c o unter i m p l ied
Love
commitment o r h istory togeth e r
wed d i n g r i n g s o r home sett i n g
romance more i mportant than sex
I mp ressi n g Others
snob a p peal ( most expensive)
se rve the best
Mixed
not a miscellaneous categ o ry
explicit reference to more th an
o n e social relatio n sh ip ( e . g . ,
d o u b l e d ate
friend s h i p + love)
=
69
Ta b l e 4 . N o n - mutual ly exclus ive images
Cate g o ry
Descriptio n /Examples
Tra d ition
fam i ly formu la/method
earlier e ra/" good ole d ay s '
h istory of p rod u ct u s e
rel i g ious symbol i s m ( O l d F r i a r )
American patriotism ( e a g l e , fla g )
Eu ropean roots ( le g e n d s /tales )
h istorical p laces/events
a ntiq ues
Con fo r mity
join the " i n c rowd " o r " wi n ne rs "
bandwag o n conformity
conforming to a s u bc u lt u ra l n o rm
" America 's fastest g ro wi n g b ra n d "
I nd iv i d u a l ity
b e u n i q u e , b e a leader
d escription of type of person
who d ri n ks
" it's not for every b o dy "
d iffe rent g lasses o r d ri n ks
s u ggesti n g d iffe rent tastes
----
Elega nce
refe rences to riches or wealth
s u rro u n d i n g s s u g gest affluence
expens ive cars , jewe l ry , houses
Personal
Satisfactio n
self-rewa rd/you deserve it
h e do n ism
adventure o r esca pe fa ntasies
p romise of mood tra nsfo r mation
"you o n ly go around once, make
the most of it "
taste per se is an experie nce
70
et a l . 1 9 8 3 ; A M A 1 98 6 ) , and the advertisin g codes of the d istil led s p i rits ,
wi n e, and beer i n d ustries . Th ree of the normative messa g e categories ( i . e . ,
time to d r i n k , g i ft- g i v i n g , a n d " n e utral ization of a buse " ) a re d efined i n Ta ble
5.
The rema i n i n g t h ree normative c ategories ( i . e . , mod e ration messa ges,
rec i pes, a nd a ppea l to youth ) a re descri bed below. M o d e ration messages
include statements s u c h as " d o n ' t d ri n k and d rive " and " e njoy our p rod uct in
moderation . " Recipes i nc l u d e explicit i n structions for s e rv i n g and how to
d ri n k the p rod uct ( e . g . , on the rocks ) , as wel l as d i rect i o n s for mixin g the
prod uct with other s u bsta nces { e . g . , u s i n g M id o r i l i q u e u r to " toss a melonbal l " ) .
Ta ble 5 . N orms des cr ibed
Category
Exam p les
Time to D r i n k
befo re/d urin g /afte r a n activity
s pecific ach ievement/occasion
time of day, wee k, month
"What time today w i l l y o u
?"
G i ft- g i v i n g
exp l icit refe rence to g i v i n g th e
p rod uct to s o meone
( g iver, reci p ient, occa s i o n )
Neutra l ization
of A b u se
association with risk-taki n g
s u ggestion that a l c o h o l i s m a g i c
heavy cons u m ption
p reoccupation with s u p p ly
d ri n k i n g as p roof of
71
Cod i n g fo r appeal to youth i s based on stan dard s esta b l i s hed by
alcohol beverage ind ustries i n the U n ited States . Altho u g h all t h ree
i n d u stries ( i . e . , b rewi n g , wine, an d d istilled s p i rits) proh i b it advertis i n g
targeted toward persons below t h e legal d ri n k i n g a g e , the c l a r ity o f th e
g u i d e l i nes varies . B rewi n g i n d u stry stan dards a re the most v a g u e w h e reas
the code a d o pted by the wine i n d u stry is the most explicit. I mages
ide ntified a s youth a ppea l i n t h i s study a re based o n c rite ria esta b l ished by
the W i ne I n stitute a nd Distilled S pi r its Council of the U ntied States
(DISCUS).
The Code o f Advert i s i ng Sta n d a rd s (Wine I nstitute 1 9 8 7 ) p r o h i b its use
of mod els/person a l ities u nd e r th e legal d ri n ki n g a g e an d states that models
should a p pea r to be 2 5 yea rs of a g e o r older. Also proscribed a re th e " use
of c u rrent o r trad itional heroes of th e yo u n g " and " use of a mate u r or
professional s p o rts celebrities, past o r p resent . " Further restrictions a pp l y to
" mu s i c , l a n g u a g e , g estures, or c artoon cha racters s pecifica lly associ ated
with or d i rected toward those below the d rin kin g age . " M o reover,
advertiseme nts that present the p rod uct as " be i n g related to th e atta i n ment
of a d u lthood " or that im ply the p rod uct i s " s i milar to another type of
bevera ge o r p roduct ( m i l k , soda, candy) " a re ban ned .
The Code of G ood Practices ( D I S C U S 1 98 7 ) p ro h i b its advertisements
that "conta i n the n a me of or d ep i ct Sa nta Claus or any B i b l i c a l cha racter . "
Also restricted a re p o rtraya ls o f " a c h ild o r immat u re pers o n " a n d " o bjects
72
(toys) s u g g estive of t h e p resence of a c h i l d . " I mages wh ic h wo uld fa l l i n a
restricted categ o ry accord i n g to either set of g u id e l ines a re coded as a n
appeal t o yout h .
Rel i a b i lity
A l l a lcohol a ds i n the samp le were coded by a s i n g l e researc h e r . For
about 1 5 to 20 a ds there were cod i n g q uestio n s ( i . e . , p resence of a n i ma g e
or g e n d e r d is p lay ) . Two l a y ju d ges ( o n e fema l e , one male) were a s ked t o
resolve q uestions .
Of the 3 8 4 u n i que ad s ( i . e . , u nrep eated imagery ) , 5 4 ( 1 4 % ) we re
cod e d by a sociology student fo r re l i a b i l ity ; a lso, the researcher re-cod e d
the m . T h e researcher's cod i n g at t i me o n e a n d t i me two w a s t h e same .
The a dvertiseme nts we re fro m the J u ly-Aug ust 1 9 8 2 issue of M s . a n d two
issues of Sports I l l ustrated 1 98 2 ( i . e . , A p r i l 1 2 a n d Nove m b e r 29 ) .
The student coder was i nstructed not to e n g ag e i n g uesswork a n d to
state reasons for her cod i n g . In g e n e ra l , there was c o n g r u ity between
cod i n g by the student and rese arc h e r . D i screpancies were reviewed
tog ether with D r . Suzanne K u rth . For t h ree categories ( i . e . , tra d it i o n ,
pers o n a l satisfaction , and a p pea l t o y o uth ) it w a s decided t h a t more precise
descri ptions wo u l d i m prove rel i a b i l ity .
G e n d e r ratings were ide ntica l fo r 80% of the advertisements . There
was less a g reement i n cod i n g for th e November issue of Spo rts I l l ustrated
73
tha n the other s a m p l e i s s u es . Fati g u e may have resu lted i n the student
cod er b e i n g less conscientious i n cod i n g the Nove m b e r advertiseme nts .
Exa m i nation of cognitive a nd/o r e motio n al a p peals revealed a h i g h
level o f s i m i l a rity . Two-t h i r d s of t h e adve rtisements were rated t h e sam e .
About 3 0 % s howed pa rt i a l a g reement ( i . e . , o n e coded a s c o g n itive and
emotional whereas the other coded as cog nitive o r emot i o n a l ) . There was
contra d i ctory cod i n g for o n ly two a d vertisements .
The resea rc h e r coded 2 8 % a n d the stud e n t coded 22% of the
advertise ments a s p resentations of soc ial relationsh ips . There was id entical
cod i n g for o ne-t h i rd of the social relations h i p imag es and over o ne-fo u rth
( 2 7 % ) were coded s i m i l a rly ( i . e . , reco g n ition of male b o n d i n g but d iffe rences
in cod i n g a s friend s h i p or camaraderie and recog n itio n o f a mo rousness b u t
d i ffe rences i n cod i n g as l ove o r sexual ) . Two of the so c ial relatio n s h i p
images the s t u d e n t d escri bed as a m b i g u o u s .
Both the student c o d e r a nd researcher c o d e d 24% o f t h e
advertiseme nts as a p peals to trad itio n . The maj o rity ( a bo ut 6 2 % ) of these
we re the same advertiseme nts . Variation in advertisements coded as
trad ition is explai ned by the student's i n c l ud i n g a n y mentio n of age (e . g . ,
aged s ix yea rs) a n d n ot i n c l u d i n g images of patriotism a n d yeste ryea r . For
futu re resea rchers, the tradition category was d efined more s pecifica lly ( i . e . ,
incl u s ion of antiques a n d h i sto rical p laces/events i n the cod i n g defi n ition of
trad ition ) .
74
The researcher ide ntified 1 3 % and the student coder i d e ntified 9% of
the advertisements as conformity a p peals . The d iffe rence is accou nted fo r
by the student's not u nd e rstand i n g , a n d therefore not cod i n g , b a n d wa g o n
conform ity (e . g . , fastest g rowing brand ) .
I mages of i n d ivid u a l ity were i d e ntified by the resea rc h e r i n 20 % of the
advertiseme nts a n d i n 1 5 % by the student. Cod i n g for 5 5 % (N
=
1 1 ) of
the i n d ivid u a l ity a p peals id entified by the researcher a n d stud e nt coder were
the s a m e . M uc h of the incong r u ity i s exp lai ned by the student's fa i l ure to
see the association between d i fferent d ri n ks and i n d iv i d u a l taste
preferences . The rema i n i n g d i screpa ncy is a conseq uence of the student's
confus i o n of product d i ffe rentiatio n with i n d i v i d u a l ity and a m i s i nte r p retation
of "What ti me today w i l l you say G ra n d Mariner? " ( i . e . , she overlooked the
u n d e r l i ned you and perce ived the s lo g an as "you will have some " ) .
The student rated more advertisements a s images of e lega nce than
did the researcher ( 2 6 % versus 1 7 % ) . The reason for the student's h i g he r
fre q u e ncy of elegance a p peals is that she cod ed as e le gance a n y refe rence
to the brand costi ng more than other brand cho ices ( e . g . , " I t' s a b i t more
ex p ens ive " ) . Student cod i n g matc hed 78% of the e le ga nce a p peals coded
by the researc h e r . Two advertiseme nts were coded by the researc h e r as
elegance that were not coded as s u c h by the student; in both i n sta nces she
fa i led to ta ke note of the s u g g estion of affl uence (e . g . , ex pens ive g lasses ) .
75
The resea rcher cod ed twice t h e p e rcentage of advertiseme nts a s
pe rsonal satisfaction than d id the stud e nt ( 63 % versus 3 1 % ) . All of the
personal satisfaction appeals coded by the student matc hed those coded by
the resea r cher . Over ha lf ( 5 3 % ) of th e advertise ments coded by the
researcher b ut not coded by the stu d e nt were descri bed by the student a s
" u n i d entified p r i nted objects ( s ) " a n d " says more th an I see . " T h e rema i n i n g
variance i s expla ined b y h e r not cod i n g " ta ste f u l f i l l ment" as a personal
satisfacti o n a p p ea l . After review with Dr. K u rt h , the mea n i n g and i n c l u s i o n
o f taste f u l fi l l ment as personal satisfaction was c la rified fo r poss i b l e future
researc hers .
The researcher coded 20% a n d th e stud e nt coded 1 9 % o f the
advertiseme nts as s u ggestions of a time to d r i n k . O f the ad s coded by the
researc h e r , there was identical cod i n g by the student fo r 73% of t h e m .
After d is c u s s i o n with Dr . K u rth, i t w a s concl uded t h a t the variance is a
conseq uence of the stud ent's incorrect interpretation of some of the
advertisements .
Exa m i nation of cod i n g for messages of gift-giving show d iscrepa ncy .
The researcher coded eight advertisements whe reas the student coded o n l y
two as g ift- g i v i n g s u gg esti o n s . T h e presence of g i ft-boxes and the text of
the advertis ements ( e . g . , " g ive yo u r friend s " ) s u p po rts the researc her's
cod i n g . Two-t h i rd s of the g i ft-g iv in g a d s not coded by the student were
76
from the Nove m ber Sports I l l u strated issue ; the stud ent repo rted fati g u e d ue
to pregnancy n e g atively affected her fi n a l cod i n g .
O f t h e 2 2 advertiseme nts coded b y the resea rc h e r a s " ne utra l ization
of a b u s e " messages, there was identical cod i n g by th e student for 5 5 % of
the m . The d i s crepa ncy can be accou nted for by the stu d e nt ' s fa i l u re to
code " a l co h o l is ma g i c " a nd " p reoccu pation with s u p p l y " as " n eutra l ization
of a buse . " M o reove r , the student coded a s " ne utra l i zation of abuse , "
because o f what s h e perce ived a s heavy cons u mptio n , fo u r a d s that were
not coded a s s uc h b y the resea rch e r. Consu ltation with Dr. K u rth revealed
that the stu d e n t read i nto these fo u r ad s more than was re p resented . I n
genera l , i nc o n g ru ity i n cod i n g o f " ne utral ization o f a b u s e " i s ex plai ned b y the
stud ent's lack of knowled ge concern i n g sympto ms of a lcohol ab use ( i . e . ,
belief that a lc o h o l i s mag i c and p reocc u pation with s u p p ly) and her d r i n k i n g
ha b its ( i . e . , s h e i s a non-d r i n ker) .
Resea rc h e r a nd student cod i n g s for recipes a n d moderation messages
we re identica l . Twe lve adve rtisements were coded as p rese nti n g rec ipes
and five were coded as conta i n i ng moderation messa ges .
The res e a rcher coded a bout 1 7 % of the advertise ments as a n appea l
to yo uth ; the s tu dent coded none . However, for o n e-th i rd of the ads coded
by the resea rc h e r as a youth a p pea l , the stud ent o b se rved reasons why the
ad wo u l d a p p e a l to youth ( i . e . , a puzzle, d ri n k i n g as a rite of passage i nto
a d u lthood , a n d a C h r istmas ad u s i n g the slogan "The M a n in Red " ) . The
77
student's a g e ( i . e . , ea rly twenties) accou nts fo r the i n c o n g r u ity; for exa m p l e ,
she d id n o t p e rceive an a d feat u r i n g " T h e Who " as a youth a p peal . It was
decided that because the youth a p peal category was d e rived p rimarily from
the advert i s i n g codes of the alcohol beverage i n d u stries that relevant
passages from these codes be i n c l u d ed in the cod i n g d es c r i ption of youth
appeal .
I n s u mmary, comparison of the student's rat i n g s with those of the
researcher and c o n s u ltatio n with Dr. K u rth s u p p o rts th e c o d i n g categ o ries .
There was a bo u t a 6 6 % i d e ntical a g reement across t h e cod i n g categories
( i . e . , 80% g e n d e r , 66% types of a p peals, 5 7 % emotion- i n d u c i n g images,
and 59% nor mative messa g es ) . The student's a g e , knowled g e of a n d meta­
fee l i ngs concern i n g alcohol cons u m ptio n , and poss i b l e fat i g u e acco u nt fo r
much of the cod i n g d iscrep an c ies .
An a lysis
The p u r pose of the p roject is to answer the fo l l o w i n g q uestions based
on a content a nalysis of s a m ple print a lcohol advertise ments .
1.
How is g e n d e r p resented in alcohol ad s i n m e n ' s and wome n ' s
magazines?
H ave the prese ntations of femin in ity a n d mas c u l i n ity c h an ged
over time i n alcohol ad s a p pearing i n g e n d e r s pecific
magazines?
78
Have any chan ges p ara l le led docu me nted c h an ges i n
fe male/male d ri n k i n g behavior?
2.
Do a lcohol advertisements use d iffe rent emotio n al appeals in
market i n g to a fe m a l e vers u s a male a u d i e n c e ?
I f s o, d o these a p peals c h a n g e over time, a n d if so , how?
Does the ratio vary by g e n d e r and/or t i me period ?
3.
D o d ifferent normative messa ges a p pear i n a lcohol ads targeted
to a female vers u s a m a l e a ud ience ( i . e . , how a nd when to use
the prod uct ) ?
I f s o, d o these messages c h a nge over t i me a nd if so , how?
The fi rst g ro u p of q uestio n s is add ressed by exa m i n i n g gender
d is p lays a n d emotional appeals to so c ial relatio n s h i ps . The second set is
an swered by comparing the fre q uency of cognitive o n ly , emotional only, and
cogn itive-emotional ads; the five non-mutually exc l u s i ve e motional themes
a re used to compare a p peals ta r g eted to sex specific ma rkets . Data
recorded u n d e r normative messages a re used to an swer the last set of
q uestions .
79
C HAPTER 7
PRESENTATI O N O F F I N D I N G S
Va r i o u s com parisons of adve rtisements a re m a d e t o explore whether
patterns o f g e n d er-a lcohol associations v ary by adverti s i n g venue. The first
section d escribes the re lative concentration of alcohol ad s a n d of alcohol b ran d
choi ces for the s a m p l e years ( 1 9 7 3 , 1 9 8 2 , 1 988 ) . The n e xt section revi e ws
presentati o n s
advertisements .
of
gender
and
social
relatio n s h i p s
in
sample
alcohol
Section three fi rst compares types of a p peals a n d t h e n
foc uses o n e motion-ind u c i n g i m a g e s a p p earin g in samp le M s . a n d Sports
I l l u strated a d s . The last section exa mines no rmative messages of alcohol use
as p resented to read ers of e ac h magazi n e .
Con c e n tration of Al coh ol Advertisi n g a n d Bra n d M a rketi n g
C o m p a r i n g iss ues o f M s . a n d Spo rts I l lustrated for the sample years
reveals d iffe rential cha nges in freque ncies of alcohol advertisement (see Ta b l e
6) . M s . a l c o h o l advertising in c reased g reatly fro m 1 9 7 3 to 1 9 82 th e n by 1 9 88
had retu rned to a level s i m i l a r to 1 97 3 .
Durin g t h e same time period , the
n u m ber of a l cohol a ds i n Sports I l l ustrated increased s l i g htly then d ro p p e d i n
1 98 8 t o a bout h a l f t h e 1 9 82 leve l .
T h e total n u mber of pages p e r issue tended t o b e s i m i l a r i n M s . a n d
Sports I l l u strated ( e . g . , 80 a n d 76 pages res pectively ) ; t h u s , d iffe rences in t h e
mea n n u m b e r of a lcohol ad s per issue reflect d i ffe rences in th e relative
80
Ta ble 6 .
M e a n n u m be r per issue and total n u mber of
a dvertisements i n Ms. and Sports I l l ustrated by year
alcohol
Mean N u m ber Per Issue and N u m be r of Alcohol Ads
Spo rts I l l ustrated
Ms.
Yea r
-
-
X
(n)
X
(n)
1 97 3
1 .1
( 1 3)
6.3
( 3 20)
1 982
1 4. 0
( 1 54)
7.3
( 3 63 )
1 98 8
1 .8
(21 )
3.8
( 1 89)
concentration of a lcohol adverti s i n g . I n 1 97 3 , Sports I l l u strated readers were
exposed to a l most s i x times the pro portion of a lc o h o l advertise me nts per issue
as were Ms. rea d e r s . Nine years later ( 1 98 2 ) rea d e rs of Ms. we re rec i p ients
of about twice the concentration of ads per issue as Spo rts I l l u strated read e rs .
By 1 9 8 8 , a nother s h ift occu rred ; i n both magazines t h e mean n u mber of
alcohol a ds per i s s u e d ro p ped and the mean n u m b e r in Spo rts I l l ustrated was
over twice the M s . mea n .
T h e n u m b e r of d ifferent a lcohol brands a p p e a r i n g i n M s . a n d Spo rts
I l l ustrated s a m p les a re reported in Ta b l e 7 .
Spo rts I l l ustrated read e rs
consistently were exposed to a g reater variety of a lcohol b ra n d s .
Ta b l e 8 l ists frequenc ies o f alcohol bevera g e types i n M s . and Spo rts
I l l ustrated s a m p l e iss ues . Across sample years, th e p e rcentage of l i q u e u r a d s
81
Ta ble 7 .
N u m be r of Diffe rent Alcohol Bra n d s Ad ve rtised i n M s . and
Sports I l l u strated Sample by Yea r
N u mber of D i fferent A lcohol Bra n d s
Sports
I l lustrated
Year
n
n
1 97 3
4
45
1 98 2
39
45
1 988
7
36
i n Ms. was relatively co nsta n t.
Beer ad s only a p pe ared in M s . in 1 98 2 .
By
1 98 8 , whiskey a ds i n Ms. d is a p pe ared . I n the Spo rts I l l ustrated s a m p l e , the
pro po rtion of a ds fo r w h i s key products fe l l fro m a l ittle less than th ree-fou rths
( 1 9 7 3 ) to a l ittle over half ( 1 98 2 and 1 9 8 8 ) . The p e rcenta g e of clear s p i rits
ads rose over the t h ree ti me period s .
Ads fo r beers and l i q u e u rs comprised
sma l l percentages in 1 97 3 ; both i n c reased in 1 98 2 . By 1 98 8 , beer advert i si n g
i n Sports I l l ustrated had d ec reased s l i g htly and no l i q u e u r a d s a p peared .
Bra nd Ma rket i n g 1 97 3
A l c o h o l beve rage c h o i ce s i n 1 9 73 sample a d s a re re ported i n A p pendix
Ta ble 1 . Of the 45 p rod u ct b ran d s advertised in Sports I l l u strated about 7 0 %
were fo r whis keys whereas o n l y one wh iskey brand was ad v e rtised i n M s.
( i . e . , Dewa r ' s ) a n d it wa s not advertised i n th e Spo rts I l l u strated sample .
Ta b l e 8 .
Perce nta ge of alcohol bevera g e types i n M s . and Spo rts I l l ust rated a d s by sample yea r
Percentage by Ma gazine and Year
Beverage
Ty pe
1 9 73
1 98 2 8
1 98 8
1 9 7 3b
1 9 8 2c
1 9 8 8d
%
%
%
%
%
%
72.2
53. 1
53.2
1 6. 5
23.4
28.6
6.9
1 9. 5
1 5.6
0.9
2.3
W his key
38 . 5
24 . 0
S p i rits
30 . 8
29 . 9
4.5
Beers
L i q u e u rs
Soorts I l l ustrated
Ms.
30. 8
37.0
-
61 .9
-
38. 1
8 3 . 2 % wine a n d 1 . 3 % prepared cockta i l s
b3 . 5 % w i n e
co . 8 % prepa red coc kta i l s
d 0 . 8 % other (corporate image)
co
N
83
Dewa r ' s a dvertiseme nts accounted fo r 5 of t h e 1 3 a d s i n M s . 1 9 73 a n d these
ads d i ffered from all other ad s i n both magazines . Dewa r ' s p resented t h e
p roduct a s t h e p referred d r i n k of i nd e p e n d ent, p rofessional women .
I n 1 97 3 , one l i q u e u r b rand a p peared i n M s . a n d Sports I l l ustrated .
In
both m a g a z i n es t h e brand was G a l l ia n o and t h e a d s were s i m i l a r ( i . e . ,
association o f t h e p rod uct with romance ) . G a l liano a d s a p pe ared fou r times i n
M s . 1 9 7 3 a n d t h ree o f the fou r G a l l ia n o a d s were u n i q u e ( i . e . , u n re peated
imagery ) . I n contrast, Galliano a p p e a re d in the Spo rts I l l ustrated samp le once .
O n e cl ea r s p i rit ( i . e . , Smi rnoff vod ka) was advertised i n 1 9 7 3 s a m p le
issues of b ot h M s . and Spo rts I l l u strated .
In both magazines, Smirnoff was
associated with making ti me for d r i n k i n g and roman c e .
Brand M a rket i n g 1 98 2
Of th e 1 98 2 sample adve rtisements from M s . a n d Sports I l l ustrated (see
Append i x Ta bl e A- 2) twice the perce nta ge of w h i s key ad s a p peared in Spo rts
I l l u strated as i n M s . ( 5 3 % versus 24 % ) a n d beers were advertised fo u r times
more often ( 20 % versus 5 % ) . Also, read e rs of Sports I l l u strated were exposed
to a b o ut twice a s many whiskey p rod u ct c h o ices ( 1 9 versus 8 ) and 1 1 d ifferent
beers were advertised i n Sports I l l u strated compa red to o n ly 1 ( i . e . M i c h lo b
Light) i n M s . O ne-t h i rd o f t h e M s . a d s , representing 1 5 d iffe rent bra n d s , we re
fo r l i q ue u rs w h e reas less than 3 % of Spo rts I l l ustrated sample ads were fo r
l i q u e u rs (two brands--Grand Mariner a n d Steel ) .
84
Whis key and beer a p pa rently were b e i n g sold to fe males and males . I n
1 9 8 2 , s i x wh i s key b ra nds a n d o n e b e e r brand a p peared i n both magazi nes . But
more d i fferent a p peals were being tried o n the pote n tial female con s u m e r . I n
M s . eight b r a n d s o f whiskey had a tota l of 30 d i ffe rent a d s .
The beer,
Michelob L i g ht , was p resented with five d ifferent i mages . The u n i q ueness of
Ms . wh i s key and beer advert i s i n g d iffers from the repetitious ness of Ms. l i q u e u r
a n d Spo rts I l l u strated beer and wh iskey a d vert i s i n g c ampa i g n s .
Of the 1 6 p rod ucts advertised t o both fe m a l es a n d males, 9 were for
clear s p i rits .
I n g e ner a l, advert i s i n g fo r clear s p i r its was s i mi l a r i n the two
ma gazi nes ( i . e . , relative freq uency of c l e a r s p i rits a d s , p rod uct choices , a n d
u n i q ue ad s ) .
Bra nd Market i n g 1 9 8 8
I n 1 9 8 8 , a dvertiseme nts fo r wh iskeys a n d beers c o m p ri sed a l most 7 0 %
o f Spo rts I l l u strated sample a d s ; Ms . had neither w h i s key nor beer ads (see
Append ix Ta b l e 3 ) . Liqueur ads comprised about 3 8 % of M s . ads; no l i q u e u r
a d s a p peared i n the Sports I l l ustrated s a m p l e .
A n a l y s i s of c l e a r s p i rits advert i s i n g reve als t h a t i n M s . fo u r b ra n d s had
a total of 1 3 d i fferent ads and all clear s p i rits ads were u n i q u e . In the 1 9 8 8
Sports I l l u strated s a m ple 1 0 brands had a tota l of 1 7 d i ffe rent a d s . The h i g he r
perce nta g e o f u n i q u e clear s p i rits ad s i n M s . s u g g ests th at a few compan ies
we re experi menti n g with d i ffe rent a p p roac hes o r atte ntion getting strateg ies .
85
I n 1 9 8 8 , of tota l a d s i n M s . a l most 2 9 % were f o r A bs o l ut vod ka ; the
brand d i d not a p pear i n the Spo rts I l l u strated samp le . As a newcomer to the
U . S . market, i m porters of Ab so lut attem pted to c reate a n ic h e for the p rod uct
by d i recti n g a d c a m p a i g n s at wo men ( Hayden 1 99 2 ) .
Presentations of G e n d e r a n d Soci a l Relation s h i p s
G e n d e r p resentations ( i . e . , images of fem i n i n ity and masc u l i n ity via
human mod e l s or person ified o bjects) i n Ms. and Spo rts I l l u strated sampl e ad s
ar e exa m in ed for c h a n g e s o v e r t i m e . G e n d e r d is p lays we re more c h a l l e n g i n g
( e . g . , r o l e reve rsa l s ) i n M s . 1 973 w h e n t h e wo me n ' s movement was sti l l
somet h i n g of a novelty than i n M s . 1 98 2 o r 1 98 8 . I n a l l s a m p l e years, gender
images
in
Sports
I l l ustrated
were conventio nal
(e . g . ,
fe m i n i n e
i mages
emphas ized the roles of wife o r d ate whereas masc u l i n e i ma g es e mp hasized
occ upati o n a l
ro les ) .
Portrayals of soc ial
relati o ns h i ps
(i.e,
friend s h i p ,
camaraderie, sex u a l , love , o r i m p ress i n g others ) a p pe a r i n g i n s a m p l e a d s are
compa red for c h a n g es over time and between magaz i n e s .
Gender D i s p l ays by Sample Year
Fre q u e n c ies of g e n d e r d i s plays a re re ported in Ta b l e 9.
In 1 9 7 3 , a l l
alcohol a d s i n M s . featu red a gender i m a g e compared t o a bout h a l f t h e Spo rts
I l l u strated a d s . The re latively recent i ntroduction of a l c o h o l beverages to the
fe ma le co n s u me r (see C h a pter 4 ) , may acco u nt for th e h i g he r percentage of
gender i mages in M s . 1 97 3
( i . e . , use of g e n d e r i ma g e s to sti m u late
86
Ta b l e 9 .
Percentage of M s . a n d Sports I l l ustrated s a m p les featu r i n g
gender d i s p lays by y e a r
Pe rcentage of G e n d e r D i s p lays
Spo rts
I l l u strated
Ms.
Year
%
(n)
%
(n)
1 9 73
1 00 . 0
( 1 3)
50.4
(58)
1 98 2
57. 1
(88)
43 . 8
( 5 6)
1 9 88
1 4. 9
( 3)
41 .6
(32)
ide ntificatio n a n d e m u latio n ) .
Fre q uenc ies fo r 1 98 2 s h o w less d isp a rity .
Spo rts I l l ustrated 1 988 featu red a l most t h ree t i mes the p e rcentage of ge n d e r
d is p lays; d ecrease in use of g e n d e r images i n M s. may have b e e n a
conseq uence of i n c reas i n g ly voca l criticism of d isp lays of fe m i n i n ity i n
advertis i n g (see C h a pter 3 ) .
Ta b l e 1 0 s h ows fre q u e ncies of fe m i n i n e and mascu l i n e images a s a
perce nta ge of gender d is p lays .
I n the Spo rts I l l ustrated s a m p l e , d is p l ays of
mascu l i n ity cons iste ntly a p p e ared more often than d is p l ays of fe m i n i n ity . The
h i g h e r proportion of mas c u l i n e to fem i n i n e images i n Sports I l l ustrated
pres u m a b ly reflects the p red o m i na ntly ma le read e rs h i p of the magaz i n e .
S i m i la rly, fe m i n i n e i mages c o n s istently a p pea red more often i n Ms . ; howeve r,
the ratio of fe m i n i n e to mas c u l i n e i mages varied . Masc u l i n e ima ges as p rod uct
sym b o l s , as wel l as types of beve rages advertised ( i . e . , l i q ue u rs and clear
Ta b l e 1 0 .
Fe m i n i n e and masc u l i n e images as a percenta g e o f gender d is p l ays i n Ms. a n d Spo rts
I l l ustrated samples by year
I ma g e s a s a Percent of G e n d e r D i s p lays by M ag az i n e
Spo rts I l l ustrated
Ms.
Fe m i n i ne
Mascu line
Fe m i n i n e
(n)
Masculine
Year
%
(n)
%
1 9 73
92.3
( 1 2)
92.3
( 1 2)
65. 5
(38)
89.7
(52)
1 98 2
54. 5
(48)
75.0
(66)
41 . 1
( 23 )
91 . 1
(5 1 )
1 988
1 00 . 0
( 3)
66.7
( 2)
40 . 6
( 1 3)
87 . 5
( 28 )
(n)
%
%
(n)
co
"""'
88
spi rits ) , a n d i mages associated with t h e m ( s e x u a l o r love) may e x p l a i n t h e
variatio n .
The struct u re o f gender d i s p l ays in Soo rts I l l ustrated and M s . convey
gend er-specific mea n i n gs a bout a lcohol consumption (see Appe n d ix ) . Ma les
( i . e . , rea d e rs of Spo rts I l l ustrated ) were exposed to i mages that associated
d ri n ki n g with m a l e g atherings . Ms. readers rarely we re p resented with images
of o nly females d ri n k i n g together. In both magazines, a h i g her perce nta g e of
masc u l i ne i ma g e s we re p rese nted as p rod uct symbols .
M o reover, i n both
ma gazines, fe m a l e d ri n ki n g was typ i c a l ly p resented s i m u ltaneously with male
d ri n k i n g .
F o r a l l s a m p l e yea r s, o f concu rrent fe m i n i ne a n d masc u l i ne d i s p l ays i n
both M s . a n d Sports I l lustrated the roles of spo use or d ate p redomi nated (see
A p p e n d ix ) . In the M s . sample all concurrent g e n d e r d i s p lays with the exception
of one a d ( a work ro le p rese ntation i n 1 98 2 ) portrayed perso n al i nvolvement
( e . g . , s p o use o r date ) .
Conc urrent d isp lays i n th e Spo rts I l l u strated samp l e
were s l i g htly m o re d iverse . I mages of perso n a l i nvolvement we re featured i n
about 8 4 % of 1 9 73 Sports I l l u strated concu rrent d is p lays and wo rk roles were
prese nted in a bout 1 6 % .
One-half the 1 9 8 2 Spo rts I l l u strated concu rrent
d is p l ays featu red
of
i mages
personal
i nvolvement,
one-t h i rd
p o rtrayed
friend s h i p , and a bout one-fifth we re non-specifi c . By 1 9 8 8 , the roles of spouse
or d ate retu rned as the predominant concu rrent i ma g e s ( 9 0 % ) .
89
I n both Ms . and Spo rts I l l ustrated , femi n i n e images cons istently we re
portrayed as d ecoration more freq uently than we re masc u l i ne images .
O n ly
once ( M s . 1 9 8 2 ) d i d a mas c u l i n e i mage as d ecoration a p pe ar i n the samp le a d s .
Also, decorative fe m i n ine i mages i n M s . and Spo rts I l l u strated i nc reased over
the s a m ple years . There were no fe m i n i n e decorative p o rtrayals in Ms. 1 97 3 .
O f fem i n i n e d isplays a p p e a r i n g i n M s . 1 9 82 , 2 9 % o f t h e m were d ecorative
portraya l s as were two-t h i rd s of fe m i n i n e d is p lays in M s . 1 9 8 8 .
The
perce nta g e of fem i n i ne d is p lays that were decorative i mages in Sports
I l lustrated more t h a n d o u b led from 1 973 to 1 98 8 ( 1 6 % to 3 9 % ) .
Gender I mages 1 9 7 3
T h e portraya l of g e n d e r is stud ied beca use of the a rg u ment that gender
images a re u sed fo r rea d e r sti m u lation and e m u lation ( s ee Cha pter 3 ) .
The
same percentage ( 9 2 % ) of fem i n i n e and mascu l i n e imag es a p peared in Ms . , but
because half the masc u l i ne images were repetitive p rod uct symbols (e . g . , a
ha n d ) fe m i n i n e i mages ( e . g . , of d iffe rent mod e l s ) were more noticea ble .
Cons istent with its read ers h i p , masc u l i ne images were more v i s i b l e i n Spo rts
I l lu strated than were fem i n i n e images ( 9 0 % vers u s 66 % ) .
I n Ms . , women we re shown as more d i fferentiated th an men ( i . e . , variety
of roles a n d c h a racte ristics ) whereas i n Spo rts I l l ustrated me n were s hown as
more d i fferentiated than women .
Alcohol a d s i n Ms. featu red wo men as
professionals, wives/dates , and g ood hostesses wh ile males were e ither
husbands/d ates o r p ro d u ct symbols re p resenti n g leaders h i p or trad ition . In the
90
Spo rts I l l ustrated s a m ple, males were shown in a variety of ro les ( e . g . ,
advent u rer , proud h a rd wo rke r, so p h isticated lad ie s' m a n , p rotector-g u a rd i a n ,
good ole b o y , expert-leader-authority f i g u re, and father- h u s band ) , whereas
wo men were portrayed as a wife-g irlfriend-date o r as a sex kitte n .
Overa l l , t h e s a m ple o f Sports I l l u strated ad s p rese nted ste reotypical
images
of
fem i n i n ity
and
mascu l i n ity
(i.e.,
sexual
and
occu pational
res pective ly ) . Sex u a l ity was portrayed i n about 45 % of ad s featu r i n g wo men
compared to a bout 1 7 % of ads feat u r i n g men .
I n contrast, of masc u l i n e
d isp lays , a b o ut 42 % associated men with wo rk roles whereas o n ly a bout 1 3 %
of fe m i n i n e images associated wo men with wo rk ro les .
O f alcohol a d s in M s . over h alf ( 54 % ) p resented c h a l l e n g i n g g e n d e r
i ma g e s . Wor k wa s more often l i n ked with wo men than with me n ( 5 a d s vers u s
1 a d ) a n d wome n ' s work roles we re of h ig h er p resti g e ( p rofessionals versus
b l u e-co l l a r wo rkers ) .
A l l of the Dewa r ' s ads depicted p rofes s i o n a l wo men
d escri bed as " stro n g , candid , " " i nvolved, and u n i ntimid ated by a c h a l l e n ge , " or
as "an a rtist and c reato r . "
M o reove r, two ads p resented men as h us b an d s
( e . g . , h is wed d in g ba nd w as v isib le ) but n o n e d i rectly p rese nted a wo man i n
the role o f wife . Sexual ity was e q u a l l y featured i n the mascu l i ne a n d fe m i n i ne
images ( 1 3 % ) ; the o n ly d iffe rence was one ad portrayed h e r as th e sex u a l
i niator ( i . e . , she w a s u n b utto n i n g h is s h i rt) .
A ltho u g h some Ms . a lcohol a d s p resented challe n g i n g g e n d e r p o rtray al s,
i mages of fe males i n M s . were less d iverse than i mages o f ma les i n Sports
91
I l l ustrated . Males i n Sports I l l ustrated were shown re laxing as we l l as in the
company of other males ; ads showing a wo man re laxing o r enjoy i n g the
company of other wo men were n o n-ex iste n t.
Overa l l , gender d is p lays in M s. e m p has ized sexu a l ity le ss than ge n d e r
d i s p lays i n Spo rts I l l ustrated .
None of th e M s . ad s used a model ( ma l e o r
fema l e ) a s a decorative o bject. O f fe m i n i ne images i n Spo rts I l l u strated a l most
1 6 % of them were s hown as decorative o bj ects . Consistent with e n g a g i n g in
activities which d id not focus on se xual ity ( e . g . , ca l l i n g a n a uctio n ) , mod e l s in
M s . a p pea red t o be o l d e r and l e s s attractive ( e . g . , lost h a i r , g lasses ) t h a n
Sports I l l u strated mod els .
Gender I mages 1 9 8 2
D i s p lays o f gender we re more freq ue nt i n M s . t h a n i n t h e s a m p l e o f
Sports I l l u strated ads ( 5 8 % vers u s 44% ) .
In both magazines, masc u l i ne
images o c c u r red more often than fe m i n i ne images ( 7 5 % versus 54% i n M s .
a n d 9 1 % versus 4 1 % in Spo rts I l l ustrated ) . Consistent with its read e rs h i p , the
ratio of mas c u l i n e to fem i n i ne images was g reater i n Sports I l l u strated .
Rep resentations of mascu l i n ity a n d fe m i n i n ity i n samp le a d s i l l u strate t h e
d ifferential a s s i g n ment of roles and p u rported i mportance of social relatio n s h i ps
i n the l ives of A merican females a n d males . I n genera l , d is p lays of fe m i n i n ity
portrayed females with a male or as d ecoration .
Over half ( 5 6 % ) of M s .
fem i n i n e i mages s howed h e r with a m a l e a n d i n a l most a l l ( 9 6 % ) o f them s h e
was pers o n a l ly i nvolved with h i m a s a wife o r d ate .
S i m i larly, o v e r three-
92
fou rths ( 7 8 % ) of fe m i n ine d is p lays i n the Spo rts I l l u strated sample featured her
with a male and ha l f of these presented her as personally i nvolved with h i m .
I n both
Ms.
and
Spo rts I l l ustrate d ,
over o ne-fo u rth
( 2 9 % and
26%,
respective ly) of t h e fe m i n i ne d isp lays were a s d ecorative o bjects .
I n co ntrast, mascu l i n e images d efined men i n ways other than via
relatio n s h i ps with wo men . O ne-t h i rd of Ms. and over o n e- h a lf (54%) of Sports
I l l ustrated m a sc u l i ne d i s p lays featu red h i m a l o n e or with other ma les .
Moreover , o n l y 1 of 1 1 7 masc u l i ne portraya ls ( 6 6 i n M s . and 5 1 i n Spo rts
I l l ustrated ) re p resented a male as a decorative o bject . The d ecorative male was
a celeb rity with a p u b l i c persona based on sex a p peal ( i . e . , C l a rk Gable) u n l i ke
the fe m i n i n e d ec o rative o bjects who were unknown .
Ass i g n ment of roles based on g e n d e r a l so i s evident i n representations
of wo rk.
In the Spo rts I l l u strated s a m p le one-fou rth of masc u l i n e d is p lays
emphasized wo rk but there we re no d is p lays of wo m e n ' s work rol es . In Ms . ,
the freque ncy o f fe m i n i n e and masc u l i ne occu pati o n al re p rese ntations were
similar ( 1 7 %
and
21 %
respectivel y ) ; yet , a na lysis of wo rke r and j o b
cha racte ristics reve a ls d is s i m i larity .
A l l o f the fe ma les s hown i n wo rk roles
were celebrities or pseud o-ce le brities in male d o m i nated fi elds (e . g . , stunt race­
car d river) whereas the majority ( 7 1 %) of ma s c u l i n e wo rk images were
"generic" males i n tra d itional male occu pations (e . g . , construction ) . Rema i n i n g
mas c u l i n e wo r k im a ges i n M s . featured cele brities o r pseudo-celeb rities ; none
of them s h o wed males i n fe male d o mi nated occu patio n s .
93
In
general,
alcohol
advertiseme nts
in
both
m a g a z i nes
p resented
trad ition a l i ma g es of fe m i n i n ity and masc u l i n ity . Wom e n we re defined by ties
to h u s b a n d s /d ates or as o bjects of male d es i re ( i . e . , d ec o ratio n ) .
defined
in
terms of work
ro les,
male
Men were
camara d e ri e /fr i e n d s h i p ,
i nt i mate
relatio n s h i p s , a n d as self-s ufficient loners .
Gender i ma ges 1 98 8
G e n d e r d is p lays were a l most t h ree ti mes as fre q u e nt i n Sports I l l ustrated
1 98 8 ads a s in M s . ( 4 2 % compared to 1 5 % ) . Overa l l , fe m i n i n e a nd masc u l i n e
images were c o nventio n a l .
A l l o f t h e M s . a d s that p resented gender d is p l ays featured fe m i n i ne
images a nd i n two-th i rds of them she was decoratio n . M a sc u l i n e images were
portrayed i n two-th i rds of M s .
1 988 gender d i s p lays a n d a l l of them
emphasized p e rso n a l i nvolve ment ( d ate/s pouse ) .
O f g e n d e r i mages i n the Spo rts I l l u strated s a m p l e over twice as many
presented mascu l i ne compared to femi n i ne images ( 8 8 % versus 4 1 % ) . Of the
femi n i ne i ma g es a b o ut 3 9 % were decorative portrayals and 69% showed her
as a spo use or date .
In contrast, none of the masc u l i n e d i s p lays were as
decorative o bj ects and s l i g htly over one-fifth ( 2 1 %) featured h i m as a spouse
or d ate . Re p rese ntations of mascu l i n ity i n the Sports I l l u strated 1 9 88 sample
most frequently (43 % ) e m p hasized financial ach ieve ment ( e . g . , Jack lost J i l l
because h e b roke h i s prize possess ion--Crown Roya l ) .
94
Relatio n s h i ps by Sample Year
For all s a m ple yea rs , a lcohol ad s in Ms. d e p icted i mages of re latio n sh ips
proportio n ately more ofte n than Sports I l l u strated (see Ta b l e 1 1 ) . This d is p a rity
may reflect d i ffe rences i n a lcohol b everages advertised i n the magazi n es or may
reflect g e n d e r s pecific marketi n g ( e . g . , stimulation of mod e l i n g via re l at i o n s h i p
images ) .
I n brand image a lcohol a d s , associations of d ri n k i n g with social
relations h i ps were gender s pecific (see Ta b le 1 2 ) . I mages of camarade rie ra rely
a p pea red in the Ms. sample but were c ustomary in th e Sports I l l ustrated
s a m p l e . S i m i larly, for all s amp le years, re p resentations of fri e n d s h i p comp rised
a h i g her percentage of re lation s h i p imag es in Spo rts I l l ustrated . I n M s . samp l e
a d s , images of s exua l and lo v e affi l iations were cons istently the most
freq uently occ u r r i n g relati o n s h i p s a n d as a perce nta ge of relations h i p images
i nc reased over time ( i . e . , combi ned rep resented about 38% i n 1 9 7 3 , a bout
63% in 1 9 8 2 , a n d 75% i n 1 98 8 ) . In co ntrast, percenta ges of sexual and love
aff i l i ations
d ra matica l ly d ec reased
in
Sports
I l l ustrated
(i.e.,
comb i ned
rep resented a bout 66% i n 1 9 7 3 , 3 0 % i n 1 9 82, and 1 3 % i n 1 9 8 8 ) . Percentage
of p rese ntations of i m p ress i n g others via a lcohol b ra n d cho ice rema i ned
relatively constant in Ms. but i n c reased in Sports I l l u strated .
The relative
freq ue ncy with which i mages a p peared in the mixed categ o ry ( e . g . , sexual and
i m p ress i n g
others )
para l leled th e
relative freq ue ncy with
relati o n s h i p images appeared overa l l (see notes i n Ta b l e 1 2 ) .
which those
95
Ta b l e 1 1 .
Percentage o f M s . a n d Spo rts I l l u strated samp les portra y i n g
relationships by year
Perce ntage Portrayi n g Relati o n s h i ps
Sports
I l l u strated
Ms.
%
Y ea r
%
1 973
61 . 5
( 8)
36. 5
(42)
1 98 2
39.0
( 60 )
25.8
(33)
1 98 8
38. 1
( 8)
29.8
(23)
(n)
(n)
D i ffere nces i n the association of k i n d s o f relatio n s h i p s i n M s . a n d Sports
I l lustrated c o i n cide with tra d itional g e n d e r ideology. For fe males, d r i n k i n g was
primarily l i n ked with sexual or love encou nters and sec u r i n g social a p p rova l
( e . g . , i m p ress i n g others ) . Alcohol was o ften portrayed as a prop to be used i n
the p resentation o f self and the p l e a s u re she d erived from alcohol was
d e p e n d e nt on others' eva l u ations ( e . g . , p leas i n g others by s u p p l y i n g the
ap prop riate beverage and brand ) . For males, d ri n k i n g was associated with a
greater variety of social relatio n s h i p s a n d a l co h o l was often portrayed a s a
soc i a l l u b ri c a nt ( e . g . , d ri n k i n g as part of male bond i n g activities ) . The i n c rease
in the percentage of Sports I l l u strated ads that featu red i m p ress i n g others
a p p a rently reflects the mass med i a c reated neo-ma le (see Cha pter 3 ) .
Fre q uency of mutua l ly exc l u s ive re l at i o n s h i p i mage categories i n M s . a n d Spo rts I l l u strated
samples by year
Ta b l e 1 2 .
Frequency by Mag az i n e and Year
Sports I l l ustrated
Ms.
Relat i o n s h i p
I mage
1 973
1 982
1 988
1 9 738
1 982
1 988
(n = 8)
( n = 60 )
(n = 8)
( n = 42 )
( n = 3 3)
( n = 23 )
%
%
%
%
%
%
1 2.5
2.4
21 .2
26. 1
1 4. 3
30 . 3
1 7.4
1 3 .0
Frie n d s h i p
-
1 5.0
Ca ma rad e r i e
-
3.3
-
Sex ua l
1 2.5
25.0
37.5
35.7
6.1
Love
25.0
38.3
37.5
3 1 .0
24. 2
I m p re s s i n g others
1 2. 5
1 8.3
1 2.5
7. 1
9. 1
M ixed
5 0 . 08
9 . 5b
9. 1 c
-
-
39. 1
4 . 3d
8Th ree a ds featu red sex u a l a nd i m p ress i n g others; o n e ad portrayed love a n d i m pres s i n g others . A l l mixed
a d s were for G a l li a no .
bTh ree a d s featured sex u a l a nd i m p re s s i n g othe rs; o n e ad portrayed cama ra d e r i e , sex u a l , and i m press i n g
othe rs .
c o n e a d p o rtrayed cama ra d e rie a n d sex u a l ; o n e featured frien d s h i p , camarad e r i e , a n d sex u al . O n e ad
p rese nted i m p ress ing others and sexu a l .
d O n e a d featu red frie n d s h i p a nd love .
(.0
(j)
97
Types of Appeals a n d Emotion-Inducing Images
Reported i n Ta b l e 1 3 a re freque ncies of types of a p peals (cogn itive o n ly ,
cogn itive-emotio n a l , emotional o n ly) i n M s . and Sports I l l ustrated samp le a d s .
For a l l s a m p le yea r s , i n both magazines, t h e overwh e l m i n g majority of alcohol
ads i nvolved e moti o n - i nc l u d i n g (co g n itive-emotio nal o r e moti o n a l o n ly a p pe als) .
Emotion a l o n ly a p pea ls consistently were so mewhat more frequent i n M s .
Cogn itive o n ly alcohol a d s a p pea red i n M s . d u r i n g o n l y o n e ( i . e . , 1 98 2 ) o f the
sample years ; the s a me year they pea ked at a b o ut 1 6 % i n Spo rts I l l ustrated .
Percentages of c o g n itive-emotio nal a p peals i n Spo rts I l l ustrated and M s .
sa mples were s i m i l a r i n 1 97 3 a nd 1 98 8 .
Shown i n Ta b l e 1 4 a re frequencies o f n o n - m utua l ly excl usive emotion­
includ i n g i mages in s a m p l e M s . a nd Spo rts I l l ustrated a d s . Although personal
satisfacti o n a p pea ls we re pred o m i n a nt in both magaz i n e s , e motion- i nd u c i n g
images t e n d e d to be g e n d e r s pecific i n 1 9 73 a n d 1 9 8 8 .
I mages of elega nce were proportio nately muc h more freq ue nt i n M s . than
i n Spo rts I l l ustrated i n 1 9 7 3 (see Ta b l e 1 4) . A l s o , ap p e als to i n d iv i d u a l ity were
common in M s . but rare in Spo rts I l l ustrated .
Except for portraya l s of
conformity, no e motion- i n d uc i n g image was more fre q u e n t i n Spo rts I l l u strated
1 9 7 3 . Differential p rese ntati o ns o f trad ition were t h e most v i s i b l e exa mple of
gender s pecific e motio n - i n d u c i n g a p p e a l s . Sample ads from Sports I l l u strated
1 9 73 l i n ked a lcohol with tradition a nd co nformity to mas c u l i n e d ri n k i n g norms
(e . g . , whiskey c o n s u m ptio n ) . In co ntrast, images of trad ition in M s . 1 973 we re
Ta b l e 1 3 .
Freq uency of type of a p peals i n M s . a n d Spo rts I l l ustrated s a m p les by year
Frequency by Magazine and Year
Soorts I l l ustrated
Ms.
1 9 73
Ty pe o f
A p peal
(n = 1 3 )
%
C o g n itive only
-
1 982
( n = 1 54)
1 988
1 973
1 982
1 988
(n = 2 1 )
(n = 1 1 5)
( n = 1 28 )
( n = 77)
%
%
%
%
4.3
1 6.4
5.2
%
7.8
-
C o g n itive-emotio n a l
46. 2
38. 3
42 . 9
42 . 6
50.0
42 . 9
E moti o n a l o n ly
53.8
53.9
57.9
46. 1
33 . 6
51 .9
(!)
co
Types of e motion-i n d u c i ng i mages as a percentage of c o g n itive-emot i o n a l a n d e moti o n a l o n l y
a p peals i n M s . and Sports I l l ustrated samp le s by yea r
Ta b l e 1 4 .
Percentage b y Ma g az i ne a nd Year
S o o rts I l l u strated
Ms.
1 9 73
Ty pe of
I mage
1 982
1 9 88
1 9 73
1 982
1 988
(n = 1 3 )
(n = 1 42)
(n = 21 )
( n = 1 02 )
(n = 1 07)
( n = 73)
%
%
%
%
%
%
46 . 2
3 1 .0
1 9.0
35.3
37.4
47 . 9
Confor mity
7.7
1 2.7
1 4. 3
1 6.7
1 7.8
9.6
I n d ivid u a l ity
38 . 5
1 9.7
1 9.0
1 .9
20 . 6
8.2
E l e g ance
61 .5
23.9
23 . 8
1 6.7
1 5.9
1 3.7
Pe rso n a l Satisfaction
53.8
67 . 6
90 . 5
5 1 .0
71 .0
47 . 9
Tra d iti on
c.D
c.D
1 00
combin ed with a p peals to i n d ivid u a l ity a nd e le g a nce ( e . g . , Dewa r's ads
presented a n e le g a nt lady d e monstrat i n g i nd ivid u a l ity/fe m i n i s m by b rea k i n g
trad ition via w h i s key consu mptio n ) .
A n a lys i s o f 1 9 8 2 sample ads revea ls that e motio n - i n d u c i n g images were
simi larly re pr es ented .
This s i m i la r ity may be a co nseq uence of pa rity i n
percentages of c l e a r s pi rits advertisements .
I n 1 98 8 , with the exce ptio n of a p peals to trad ition, the relative
percenta ges o f e motio n- i n d u c i n g images were h i g he r in Ms. A lso , al most all of
the emotio n - i n d u c i n g Ms . ads associated a lcohol with perso n a l satisfacti o n
compared to less t h a n half of Spo rts I l l ustrated a d s .
C u m u latively, alcohol
advertis i n g in M s . 1 98 8 p resented d ri n ki n g as a means to g ratification a n d used
a variety o f other e motion- i n d u c i n g a p peals to l i n k d ri n k i n g with personal
fulfi l l ment .
In co ntrast, alcohol advert i s i n g in Spo rts I l l u strated 1 9 88 tended
to portray d ri n ki n g as a trad iti o n a l , masc u l i ne mea n s to perso n a l satisfactio n .
An a lys is of e motio n - i n d u c i n g ima ges over t i me s hows both sta b i l ity a nd
change .
Fo r a l l t h ree years , both M s . and Spo rts I l l ustrated sample a d s
prese nted a h i g h p ro portio n of perso n a l satisfaction i mag e s, t h u s s u g gesti n g
consistent i m a g e ry of d ri n k i n g a s t i me-out behavio r .
Also, elegant images
cons istently c o m p rised a h i g he r p e rcentage of M s . ads, thus reflecti n g
expectations a bout read e rs ( e . g . , ca reer-orie nted wo men versus male s po rts
aficionados ) .
1 01
Normative Messages
Reported in Ta b l e 1 5 a re frequencies of no rmative messages i n sample
Ms. and Spo rts I l l u strated a d s . M s . readers we re p ro po rtio n ately more often
prese nted with a lcohol b everage reci pes thus mi rrori n g trad iti o n a l norms ( e . g . ,
wo men a s c o n s u mers o f mixed d r i n ks ) .
Appeals to youth were featu red i n
Sports I l l u strated each sample year but a p pe ared in M s . only in 1 98 2 .
Diffe rences i n freq u e ncy of youth a p pe al may be a c o n s e q u e nce o f perce ived
read er age d iffere n ces .
Gift-Givi n g
Except for 1 9 8 8 , the fre q ue ncy a n d type o f mess a g es p resented i n M s .
and Sports I l l u strated g i ft- g i v i n g ad s were s i m i l a r . The most p revalent images
in 1 973 a n d 1 98 2 port rayed a lcohol as a C h ristmas present (all a nd about 6 2 %
res pectively of M s . , a n d a bout 7 7 % a nd 8 3 % res pectively of Sports I l l ustrated
gift- gi vi n g s u g gestio n s ) .
A b o ut 20 % of M s . 1 98 2 g ift-g iving advertisements we re non-specific,
about 1 0 % featu red alcohol as a Father's Day g ift, and a bo ut 1 0 % associated
alcohol with s u perord i nate/s u bo rd i nate g i ft excha n g e . I ma g es of alcohol as a
Father's Day g i ft a p peared i n Spo rts I l l ustrated in 1 9 7 3 a n d 1 9 88 ( 1 5 % and
8 % of gi ft- g i v i n g a ds res pective ly ) . Also, a bout 8% of Spo rts I l l ustrated 1 9 82
g ift s u g gestions p o rtrayed a lcohol as a b i rthday present.
Analysis of sample 1 98 8 ad s shows that a l l th e M s . g i ft- g i v i n g i mages
prese nted a lcohol as a g i ft to be g iven to o neself ( i . e . , 1 -800-BE-TH ERE o r 1 -
Ta b l e 1 5 .
No rmative messages a s a percentage o f M s . an d Spo rts I l l ustrated s a m p les by yea r
Percenta g e by Magazine a n d Y e ar
S oorts I l l ustrated
Ms .
Nor mative
Message
Rec i pe
1 97 3
1 982
1 98 8
1 973
1 98 2
1 988
%
%
%
%
%
%
53.8
24. 0
28 . 6
1 3.9
1 4. 1
7.8
2.6
6.3
9. 1
-
Youth a p p e a l
-
1 4. 9
G i ft-g iv i n g
7.7
1 3.6
42 . 9
1 1 .3
9.4
1 3 .0
23. 1
1 8.8
1 9.0
20 . 0
23.4
1 1 .7
1 4. 1
2.6
29.7
35 . 1
Ti me-to- d r i n k
Mod e ration message
" N e utra l ization of
a b us e "
-
23. 1
8.4
32.5
-
28 . 6
23 . 5
�
0
N
1 03
800- C H E E R - U P ) versus o n ly 20% of Spo rts I l l ustrated g i ft s u g gesti o n s . H al f
the gi ft- g i v i n g messages i n Spo rts I l l ustrated 1 9 8 8 were no n-spec ific a n d 30 %
portrayed a lc o h o l as a Ch ristmas g ift . D iffe rences i n 1 98 8 g ift- g iving messages
s u g g est that Ms. readers were e nc o urag e d to view d ri n k i n g as a means to
e motion m a n a ge ment via alcohol as a p resent to o n eself (e . g . , " ABSOLUT J O Y "
i n a n a d f o r A b s o l ut vod ka ) .
Time-to - D ri n k
Proporti o n a l frequency o f ti me-to-d ri n k messages revea ls overa l l s i m i l a rity
(see Ta b l e 1 5 ) .
Examination of s pecific ti me-to-d r i n k messages, s hows that
ads in both magazines portrayed d r i n ki n g a s l e i s u re activity ( i . e . , few a d s
p rese nted a lcohol as a meal-ti me bevera ge ) .
H owever, s pecific l e i s u re activities assoc iated with d ri n k i n g were
d iffe rent in M s . and Spo rts I l l ustrated . S a m p l e ad s from Spo rts I l l ustrated 1 9 73
a nd 1 9 8 8 p rese nted a greater variety of ti mes for d ri n k i n g than M s . 1 9 7 3 and
1 988 ads.
I l l u strated
Moreove r, a l most h alf (47 % ) of ti me-to-d r i n k i mages in Sports
1 982
associated
cons u m ption
of
a lcohol
with
h o lid ays
or
c e l e b ratio n s of s pecific events compared to a b o ut 1 4 % of M s . 1 9 8 2 ti me-to­
d ri n k i ma g e s . Of ti me-to-d r i n k p resentations in M s . 1 9 8 2 a b o u t 2 1 % s h o wed
d r i n k i n g a s p a rt of a roma ntic eve n i n g co mpared to none o f Spo rts I l l u strated
1 98 2 ti me-to-d r i n k portraya l s . Overa l l , d ifferences in d ivers ity of ti me-to- d r i n k
messa g e s i n d icate that sample alcohol advertisement esta b l ish e d
more
1 04
occasions to d ri n k fo r males than females (e . g . , s p o rts events , after wo rk, o r
any n i g ht) .
" Neutra lization of Abus e" and Moderation Messages
Comparison of " n eutra l ization of alcohol a b u s e " i mages (see C h a pter 4)
and moderati o n messages shows that ad s i n both magazi nes portrayed images
of a b u se more o ften than moderation images (see Ta b l e 1 5 ) . " neutra l izatio n of
abuse " i ma g e s ( e . g . , boat rac i n g and a lcohol cons u m pt io n ) were p roportion ate ly
s im i larly rep resented in Ms. and Sports I l l ustrate d , w h e reas the percentages of
mod e ration messages revea l d issimi l a rity.
A h i g he r percentage of a lcohol
advert i s i n g i n Spo rts I l lustrated tha n i n M s . p rese nted images of moderation
( 1 4% versus 8 % in 1 98 2 and about 3% vers u s none in 1 98 8 ) .
The h i g h e r
percentage of moderation images i n 1 98 2 M s . a n d Sports I l l u strated ads may
reflect early 1 980s d e bates on the content of a lc o h o l advert i s i n g (see C h a pter
4) .
Sports
I l l ustrated
1 973
a nd
1 988
ads
p resented
more
d i ve rse
" ne utral izati o n of a b use" i mages than M s . 1 9 7 3 a n d 1 98 8 ad s (see Ta b l e 1 6 ) .
Comparison o f 1 9 8 2 sample ads shows that a h i g he r percentage of M s . ad s
p rese nted a lc o h o l as a mean s of problem red uctio n whereas a h i g he r
percentage of Sports I l l ustrated ads a ssoc iated d ri n k i n g with hazard ous
activities .
D iffe rences i n percenta ge of types of " ne utra l ization of a buse"
images i n 1 98 2 may reflect gender s pecific a lc o h o l a b use patterns ( i . e . , self-
Frequency of " n e utra l ization of a lcohol abuse " i m a g es i n M s . a n d Sports I l l u strated samples
by year
Ta b l e 1 6 .
Fre q ue nc y by Magazine and Yea r
Soorts I l l ustrated
Ms.
N e utra l i z i n g
Messages
Heavy c o n s u m ption
H a z a rd o us activities
G u a rd s u p ply
Pro b l e m red uction
1 9 73
1 982
1 988
1 9 738
1 982
1 988
(n = 3)
( n = 5 0)
( n = 6)
( n = 2 7)
(n = 38)
( n = 27)
%
%
%
%
%
%
1 00 . 0
48 . 0
50.0
48 . 1
42 . 1
55.6
1 4. 8
31 .6
1 8.5
3.7
1 3.2
22 . 2
1 8.5
1 3.2
3.7
1 8.0
8.0
26.0
-
50.0
-
8 1 1 . 1 % p rese nted d ri n kin g as a rite of passage i nto a d u lthood a n d 3 . 7 % p o rtrayed sol itary a lc o h o l
c o n s u m pt i o n
.......
0
(.TI
1 06
med ication versus " machismo " ) .
Among wo men , a lcohol a b use has been
correlated with l ife crises ; amo n g men, a lcohol abuse has been co rre l ated with
male
bonding-drinking
representations
of
activ ities
heavy
( Royce
c o n s u m ption
1 98 9 ) .
were
In
the
both
most
magazines,
pred o m i n a nt
" n e utra l i zation of a bu s e " i mages .
Con c l u s ion
Producers of alcoholic bevera ges p resented d i ffe re nt b r a n d a n d p rod uct
cho ices to read e rs of M s . a nd Spo rts I l l ustrated . Ma les ( i . e . , Spo rts I l l u st rated
read ers) were consi stently p rese nted a g reater variety of prod u ct c h o ices . A s
a new ma rket ( i . e . , fem i n i st c o n s u me rs ) , M s . read ers we re ta rg ets of
experi mental ma rketi n g strateg ies (e . g . , i ntrod uctio n of wh is keys a n d beers ) .
By 1 9 8 8 , however, alcohol p rod uct cho ices i n M s . represented conventional
fe male taste p refe ren ces ( i . e . , l i q u e u rs a nd clear s p i rits ) .
C h a n g e in p rod uct
choices in Spo rts I l l u strated p r i ma rily consisted of an i n crease i n beer
advert i s i n g and a decrease i n w h i s key advertis i n g .
W ith t h e exception of M s . 1 97 3 association o f a lc o h o l p rod ucts with
g e n d e r prese ntations was ste reoty p i ca l . A lcohol consumpt i o n by a wo man was
primarily l i n ked with love or sexual encou nters whereas d ri n k i n g by a man was
associated with occ u pati o n a l /fi n a n c i a l ach ievement o r male b on d i n g . Although
a few c h a l le n g i n g g e n d er portraya l s a p pea red ( e . g . , Dewa r ' s 1 9 7 3 a d s ) , overa l l
wo men were re p rese nted as d ecorative o bjects a nd m e n as s u ccess o bjects .
1 07
Analysis of types of a p peals s h o ws that a lcohol advertis i n g i n Spo rts
I l l ustrated and M s . predomina ntly c o n s isted of e motion-i n d u c i n g themes .
In
both magazi nes, personal satisfaction a p pe als were the most frequent im ag es .
Differences
in
e motio n - i n d u c i n g
a p peals
a p p a rently
reflect
rea d e r
chara cte ristics . D r ink ing was l i n ked w i t h e lega nce a n d i nd iv i d u a l ity i n M s . a n d
symbolized fem i n i s m ( e . g . , challenges to tra d itio n al g e n d e r ideo logy) . I n Spo rts
I l l ustrated
e moti o n - i n d u c i n g themes
te n d ed
to associ ate
d ri n k i n g
with
confo r mity to trad ition or used e le g a nce as a symbol of fi n an c ial s uccess .
Comparison of normative messages reve als that M s . read e rs were
consistently exposed to more rec i p e ads t h u s , reflect i n g the a s s u m ptio n t hat
women p refer m ixed d ri n ks . Gift- g i v i n g s u ggestions were s i m i l a r in M s . a n d
Sports I l l u strated except for 1 9 8 8 ; ads in M s . 1 98 8 more fre q u e ntly portrayed
alco h o l a s a g i ft to oneself to be u sed for e motion-mana g e ment .
In both
mag a z i n e s , the most p reva lent time-to-d r i n k messages associated alco h o l
con s u mption with leis u re activities .
H oweve r, more times for d ri n k i n g were
presented in Sports I l lustrated than in M s .
In both ma gazi nes, images of
alco h o l a b u s e were more fre quent t h a n moderation messages .
Th e ratio of a b use images to mod e ration messages was h i g h e r i n M s .
than i n Sports I l l ustrated . Comparatively and c u m u lative ly, M s . rea d e rs more
so t h a n Spo rts I l l ustrated readers we re exposed to images that l e g it i m ized
i rres p o n s i b l e d ri n ki n g . The most p reva lent abuse i mages, i n both magazines,
featu red heavy d ri n k i n g . Sample a d s for 1 9 88 portrayed g e n d e r s pecific a bu s e
1 08
patte rns ( i . e . , p ro b lem reduction in M s . and hazardous activities i n Spo rts
I l l ustrated ) .
1 09
CHAPTER 8
I NTERPRETATI ON S A N D C O N C L U S I O N S
All
advertisements
are
ideological
re p resentations that
associate
commod ities with c u ltura l ly s i g n ificant imag es ( W e r n i c k 1 99 1 ) whose mea n i n gs
may c h a n g e over t i me ( e . g . , d r i n k i n g and boati n g ) , may vary across socio­
demo g ra p h i c cate g o ries ( e . g . , scantily clad wome n ) , o r may be so d ee p l y
rooted i n a c u lt u re they a re res istant to c h a n g e ( e . g . , c ute d o gs) . Prod ucers o f
commod ities a n d t h e i r advertisers are sensitive to p e rce ived chan ges i n t h e
sym bolic i m p o rta nce of i mages a nd res pond to exte r n a l forces when it is
eco n om ica lly adva ntageous to d o so .
Fo r exa m p l e , i n the 1 970s , Dewar's
scotch rec o g n ized the market potential of fe m i n i st c o nsu mers by creat i n g a n
i m a g e f o r the b ra n d that acknowled ged fem i n ist criticism of g e n d e r d is p lays i n
advertis i n g . The Dewar's wo ma n was not a s e x symbo l ; she a p peared t o be
a s uccessfu l profess iona l .
A s p rod ucers o f low- i nvolvement, e mot i o n a l commod ities (see C h a pter
1 ), the a lcohol i n d ustries a re cognizant of the g e n d e r-ty p i n g (e . g . , whiskeys a nd
beers as m e n ' s d ri n ks , l i q ue u rs as lad ies d ri n ks ) a n d the class-ty p i n g ( e . g . , the
associat i o n of wine with e l ite status) of th e ir p ro d u cts . For the most p art , i n
target i n g t h e i r p rod u cts t o d i ffe rent ma rkets , advertise rs d o n o t cha l le ng e t h e
con notative mea n i n gs assoc iated with alcohol beverage types; they s u p p lement
th e m . Thus, when beer was fi rst advertised i n wome n ' s magazines, advertisers
1 10
prese nted beer as a meal-time bevera g e . At the same t i me b eer a d s a i med at
ma le s , the heaviest beer consume rs (Jobs o n ' s L i q u o r H a n d book 1 9 8 8 ) ,
cont i n ued t o p resent b e e r as a badge-prod uct b y portra y i n g b e e r consu mption
as a n e le ment of m a c h i s m o . S i m i larly, wine advert i s i n g e m p hasized wine as
a status symbol via p romotional offe rs i n resta u ra nts wh i l e s i mu ltaneously
ta rgeti n g young d ri n ke rs v ia wine cooler commerc i a l s (Wine Marketi ng
Hand book 1 9 8 8 ) .
I n the U n ited States , a lcohol is a pol iticized commodity. I n the 1 980s ,
org a n ized o p position to i rres p o n s i b l e d ri n ki n g res u lted i n Co n g ressional hearings
(e . g . , d e bates over m a nd ato ry wa r n i n g labels o n a lcohol p r o d u cts ) . Meantime,
an emphasis o n health and fitness i n the popular c u lture res u lted in lower rates
of alcohol c o n s u mption a n d d ec reased sales of h i g h a lc o h o l content beverages
(Jobson's Liquor H a n d book 1 98 8 ; W i n e Ma rket i ng H a n d book 1 9 88) .
One
conse qu e n ce of t h e s e c h a n g i n g attitudes towa rd d ri n ki n g w a s that c riticisms
of ge nde r d i s plays in advert i s i n g were i g n o red as the i n d u stries d ealt with more
me nacing threats ( e . g . , the anti-alcohol move ment and the p o p u l arity of bottled
water) .
The fi rst secti o n of t h i s c h apter i nterprets g e n d e r- alc o h o l associations as
prese nted in alcohol ads a p p e a r i n g in gender spec ific mag azines ( i . e . , M s . and
Sports I l l ustrated ) from 1 9 7 3 to 1 9 8 8 .
Representati o ns of d r i n k i n g a re
exa m i n ed based o n ( a ) fre q u e ncy of beverage types a p p e a r i n g i n the sample
ads a nd actual cons u m ption patte r n s , (b) gender i ma g e s , ( c ) types of a p peals,
111
and ( d ) no rmative messa ges . Also , d ata from this p roj ect a re compared with
f i n d i n g s from stu d ies of gender in adve rtising a nd content a n a lyses of p ri nt
alcohol advertise me nts . The last section reviews the research i m p l ications of
this project.
Representa tion s of Drin k i n g
Trad itio n a l ly , a lcohol advertisements have portrayed d ri n k i n g as a
masc u l i ne privilege ( Marste l le r a n d Karncha napee 1 980; Jacobson et a l . 1 9 8 3 ;
Strate 1 99 2 ) a n d a lcohol p rod ucts were seldom advertised i n wo men 's
magazi nes .
However, i n the
1 970s
and
1 980s,
wome n ' s magazi nes
i n c reas i n g l y s o u g ht a lcohol advert i s i n g reven ues to finance t h e i r p u b l ications
(Cava n a g h a n d C l a i rmonte 1 98 5 ; Ste i n e m 1 990) . Also, some alcohol beverage
prod ucers (e . g . , Brown-Forma n ) d e s i g ned advert i s i n g c a m p a i g n s s pecifically
a i med at wo men a fte r rea l i z i n g that wo rki n g wo men had d is po sab le i ncome and
were choo s i n g their own a lcohol p rod ucts (Adverti s i ng Age 1 98 1 ) .
Freq uenc ies of Beverage Types a n d Alcohol Cons u m ption
The n u m ber of alcohol ad s in Ms from 1 9 73 to 1 9 8 2 i nc reased g reatly
but there was no i n c rease in the percentage of wo men d ri n kers (J o b so n' s
Liq u or H a n d book 1 9 8 8 ) . Also, tota l wine co n s u m ption i n c reased from 1 9 73
to 1 9 8 8 but wine a d s o n ly a p peared i n the samples fro m 1 9 7 3 . Lastly, d u ri n g
t h e s a m ple years , b e e r consumption by wo men i nc reased ( Beer I nd ustry Upd ate
1 9 8 6 ) as d i d l i q u e u r consu mptio n by men (Jobso n' s Liquo r Hand book 1 9 88)
1 12
but the extent of cross-over adve rt i s i n g ( e . g . , beer ad s a i med at wo men and
l i q u e u r a d s a i med at men ) was m i n i ma l .
Economic factors p rovi d e o n e e x p la nation fo r the d is pa rity between
fre q u e n cies of a lcohol
con s u mption rate s .
sec u r i n g ad
bevera ge types
in
the samp le ads
and
actual
D u r i n g its advert i s i n g fina nced years, Ms. had d iffic u lty
revenues beca use of u ncertai nty concer n i n g the consumer
preferences of a fe m i n ist market (Ste i n e m 1 990) . As a consequence, i nc reases
in the n u m b e r of alcohol ad s in M s . from 1 9 7 3 to 1 9 8 2 may be because the
mag a z i n e could not get commitments from othe r advertisers ( e . g . , food
producers ) . Mo reover, i ncreases in the p e rcentages of whiskey ads and b r a n d s
in M s . f r o m 1 9 7 3 t o 1 9 8 2 sug gests t h a t th e wh iskey i n d u stry was respo n d i n g
to d ec l i n i n g whis key sales (Jobso n ' s Liquor Hand book 1 98 8 ) by p romot i n g the
prod uct to a new consume r category ( e . g . , fe m i n ists ) . In co ntrast, there was
no economic need that sti mu lated
experime ntatio n with the ma rketi n g
strate g ies o f l i q u e u rs a n d beers .
The existence of a d d itional ad v e rtis i n g venues is a nother reason for
i nc o n g r u ity betwee n actual consu mption and fre q uenc ies of a lcohol beverage
types in M s . and Sports I l l ustrated . From 1 9 82 to 1 9 8 8 , the n u mber of a lcohol
ads i n both magazi nes dec reased c o n s i derably, whereas the percentage of
fe male d ri n kers d ecreased only s l i g htly a nd the percentage of ma le d ri n ke rs
i ncreased s l i g htly.
A ltho u g h dec reased advert i s i n g expend it u res a m o n g a l l
d isti l led s p i rits cate gories (Jobson's Liquor Hand book 1 9 8 8 ) p artially accou nts
1 13
fo r the red u ct i o n i n th e n u mber of a d s , de-re g u lation of the b roadcast med i a i n
1 982 ( Ca va n a g h a n d Clai rmonte 1 9 8 5 ) enabled a l cohol ad vertisers t o mo re
creatively ma rket t h e i r products (e . g . , sponsors h i p of major b roadcast s p o rts
events ) .
I ncreas i n g ly the wine a n d beer i n d u stries re l ied on the b roadcast
med ia (Wine M a rketing Hand book 1 98 8 ; J o h n s o n 1 9 8 8 ) . I n the case of beer
advertis i n g , i n c reased su bscriptions to ESPN a n d othe r s p o rts channels were
an a lternative to Spo rts I l l ustrated .
Lastly, d iffe rences i n the extent of cross-over advertis i n g and act u a l
consumptio n of " l ad ies' d ri n k s " by men may reflect t h e status of women a nd
men in American soc iety ( i . e . , i m itati o n of the mas c u l i n e by women is mo re
acce pta b l e tha n i s i mitation of the fe m i n i n e by men ) . For exa mp le , Steel l i q u e u r
was advertised i n Sports I l lustrated u s i n g a " M E N WO RKI N G " construction
sign; t h i s s u g g ests that targetin g men for cons u m ption of fe m i n i ne beverages
req u i red the utilization of more mas c u l i n e i mages . As p art of a sports c u l t u re
that perpetu ates hegemonic masc u l i n ity, a rticles i n Spo rts I l l u strated excl u d e ,
trivial ize, a n d sexua l ize fe male ath letes ( Saba a n d J a nsen 1 9 9 2 ) , thus i t is l i kely
that prod u cts advert ised in the magazine wo u l d be stereotypical mascu l i ne
commodities ( e . g . , wh iskeys , beers , l ife in s u ra n c e , trucks ) .
Gender I ma g e s
As v i s u a l representations of fe m i n i n ity a n d mas c u l i n ity , t h e g e n d e r
specific ta rgeti n g of a lcohol beve rages reflected a n d rei nforced " gender myths "
(Tu c h ma n 1 9 7 9 ) .
Consistent with other stud ies o n gender i n advertis i n g
1 14
( Berger 1 9 7 2 ; G offman 1 9 7 9 ; Courtney and W h i p p le 1 9 8 3 ; K i l bou rne 1 9 87,
1 9 8 9 ; Ba r thel 1 9 8 8 ; Vestergaard and Sc h roder 1 9 8 8 ; Go o d r u m and D alrymple
1 990; Moog 1 990) , sample ad s from Ms. and Sports I l l ustrated ty pica l l y
po rtrayed w o m e n as "sex symbo ls o r women act i n g l i ke men " ( Ma rste l le r a n d
Ka rnc hanapee 1 9 80, p . 1 1 ) and m e n we re p resented a s " s u ccess o bjects "
( Farrell 1 9 74) .
C h a l l e n g i n g g e n d e r portraya ls were r a re ( 2 2 of 250 ge n d e r
i mages) a nd thos e tha t did a p pear often featu red s i m p l ic i stic ro le reve rsals .
I ma g e s of fe m i n i n ity i n M s . were s i milar to those i n Spo rts I l l ustrated , a
stereotyp i c a l m e n ' s magaz i n e .
Fo r exa mple, i n b ot h magazines, a lcohol
co nsumption by wo men was typ i c a l ly p resented with i n th e co ntext of a love
or sex u a l relationsh i p .
Consistent with the d ecod i n g of g e n d e r d i s p lays by
Gottma n ( 1 9 7 9 ) and K i l bo u rne ( 1 98 7 , 1 9 8 9 ) , women we re mostly shown as
su bord i nate to men a nd /or as sex u a l ly ava i lable . O vera l l , women were defined
by their ties to me n .
The d is crepa ncy between Ms . ' s p resumed fe m i n ist ideology and its
alcohol advert i s i n g d id not go un n oticed by readers of the m a g a z i n e . In 1 9 80,
read ers p rotested when M s . ran an a lcohol advertise ment featurin g an a b used
wo man and the s loga n " H it me with a C l u b ; " s u bseq u e ntly The C l u b advert i s i n g
campa i g n w a s ha lted nationa lly ( Ms . 1 99 2 ) .
Nevert h e l es s sample a d s , from
1 98 2 and 1 98 8 , i n d icate that M s . continued to fin an c e the ma gazine via
alcohol advertis i n g that p resented trad itional images of wo me n .
115
Symbo l i z i n g a symbiotic exc h a n g e between females a n d ma l e s , images
of masc u l i n ity i n Ms . a n d Spo rts I l l u strated ty pica l l y defined men wit h i n the
co ntext of t h e i r ach ieveme nts a n d e m p hasized d o m i na nce either over others or
the forces of nature .
represe ntati o n .
Oc c u pational s uccess was the most p reva lent
Als o, sexual c o n q u est and overc o m i n g a d iffi c u lt c h al l e ng e
were freq u e nt portraya l s . U n l i ke d i s p lays of fe mi n i n ity, wh ic h u s u a l l y i nc l uded
ma le images, masc u l i ne d is p lays featu red a man alone as we l l as male-bo n d i n g
activities .
D i s p l ays of a man a lo n e we re ste reoty pes of i nd iv i d u a l self­
acco m p l i s h ment ( e . g . , the l o n e cowboy) and images of male- b o n d i n g activities
featu red ritual istic d ri n k i n g behavior ( e . g . , celebratio n of a s p o rts v i ctory) .
Critic i s ms of gender d is p lays i n advert i s i n g o n ly resu lted i n s u perfic i a l
cha nges . Over fou r-fifths of the c h a l l e n g i n g g e n d e r p o rtraya ls we re ste reotypes
of women in male d o mi nated occu pations . Mo reove r, a l most t h ree-fo u rths of
the women shown in wo rk roles were celeb rities o r pseudo-celebrities which
covertly s u g g ests that wo men i n male d o m i nated occu pati o ns were exceptio nal
and/or tha t only except i o n a l wo me n wo rk.
These imag es of exceptional
wo rking women co ntrast with the a no nymous males featu red in i mages of
wo r k in g me n .
O f the images of wo r k i n g wo men i n Sports I l l ustrate d , o n l y one ad
showed a ca reer wo man ( i . e . , Bette Davis was shown with Robert Wagone r) .
The p u b l i c personae of Davis a n d Wagoner reverse the u s u a l p attern ; he is the
sex o bject ( i . e . , s uave ladies' ma n ) a nd she is i nd e p e n d e n t . The ad l i nks h i s
116
statu s a s a sex symbol with h i s p rofessio n ( i . e . , a cha racte r he p lays ) . The
Davis-Wa g o n e r ad i s s i m i l a r to the o n l y ad that p resented a male ( i . e . , C l a r k
G a b l e ) as a d ecorative o bject .
Both a d s imp ly t h a t b e i n g a s e x o bject i s a
performance for males . I n co ntrast, of total fe m i n i n e d is p lays ab out o n e-fo u rth
p resented u n known women as d ecorative o bjects c u m u l atively s u g gesti n g that
being a sex o bject i s the essence of " a ny fema le . "
I n s u m ma ry , the portraya l s of g e n d e r i n the s a m p le alcohol a d s d i d not
present fewe r " ge n d e r myth s" or ste reotypes over t i m e . Co ntrary to g e n d e r
relevant c h a n ges i n American society ( e . g . , t h e i nstitutio nal izat i o n of t h e
rheto ric of g e n d e r equ a l ity ) , from 1 9 7 3 t o 1 9 8 8 , a l c o h o l advertisements
i n c reas i n g ly p resented a h i g h e r p ro portion of g e n d e r ste reoty pes ( e . g . , a l most
half the c h a l l e n g i n g gender images a p peared in 1 9 73 and none a p p ea red i n
1 988) .
A b se n ce of fu n d amenta l c h a n ges is evident by a consideration of
miss i n g re p rese ntations (e . g . , men in p red omina ntly female occ u pati o n s ,
rit u a l i stic fema le d ri n k in g a nd camara d e r i e , fe males i n s u pero rd i nate ro l e s , o r
g i v e M o m l i q uor f o r Mother's Day ) .
A s a n i n herently conservative enterprise ( Ewe n 1 9 7 6 ) , M ad ison Ave n u e
compro m ised g e n d e r equ al ity by uti l iz i n g " pseud o-fe m i n i st i mag e s" ( We r n i c k
1 9 9 1 ) when it was presu med p rofita b l e a n d /o r novel t o do s o .
One
conseq u e nce of t h e a p p ro p riation of fe min ist images a nd s l o g a n s i nto
advertis i n g was that fem i n ist p rotest was defused ( Good rum a n d D a l ry m p l e
1 990) . I n the 1 9 80s, a fe m i n i st backlash ( e . g . , M e n ' s R i g hts , I nc . ) resu lted i n
117
the d i sap pearance of fe m i n ist images a n d an i n c rease in " h ome a n d hearth "
themes i n a dvertis i n g ( Fa l u d i 1 99 1 ) .
Types of A p p e a l s
T h e overwhe l m i n g majo rity of samp le a l c o h o l ad s i n this p roject were
bra n d - i ma g e a d vertiseme nts involving emotio n - i n d u c i n g images ( i . e . , cogn itive­
emotio n a l or emotional o n ly ) .
This s u p po rts the f i n d i n g s of the M ic h i g a n
Stud ies ( A t k i n s a n d Block 1 98 1 ; Atkin et a l . 1 98 3 ; Atk i n a n d Block 1 9 84) , as
we l l as conc l u s io n s reached by Breed et al. ( 1 9 8 4 ) ; they found that p r i nt
alcohol advertisements prima r i ly feature i m a g e ry of d e s i ra b l e lifestyles o r ideal
outcomes .
In contrast , Strickland et a l . ( 1 9 8 2 ) c o n c l u d ed that print alcohol
advertiseme nts a re p red omi nantly informationa l . D i s c repa ncies in find i n g s may
be d u e to d iffe rences in cod i n g . Fo r exa m p l e , the cod i n g syste m of Strickland
et a l . ( 1 9 8 2 ) i nc l u d ed fore i g n settin g s (e . g . , Canad i a n mountain l a kes) which
were i nterp reted as prom ises of esca pe by this resea rc her a n d the M ic h i g a n
Stu d i e s .
T h e most freq uently a p pearing e motio n - i n d uc i n g theme, p rese nted t o
both fe males a n d ma les, in this study w a s personal satisfaction ( i . e . ,
con s u mption o f the advertised brand i s a n emotional experience per s e o r w i l l
intens ify/d i s c h a rge existi ng emotio ns ) . This s u p po rts the wo rk of Breed a n d
DeFoe ( 1 9 7 9 ) which fo und hedonism t o be a fre q u e ntly occ u r r i n g t h e m e i n
print alcohol a d s .
118
Freq u e nc i es of oth e r e motion - i n d u c i n g themes s u g g est that d i fferent
i mages were used to targ et a fe male versus a male a u d ie nce .
I mages of
elegance ( i . e . , tra n s formation of a commod ity i nto an o bject of d e s i re )
cons istently a p peared m ore freq ue ntly i n M s. t h u s , s u g gesti n g that M s. read e rs
were perceived to be " e m u lator-ach i evers " ( i . e . , c ons u mpt i o n of the advertised
In co ntrast, Sports
bra n d is a means to partici patio n in an e l ite l i festy l e ) .
I l l ustrated rea d e rs were exposed to brand-images that e m phas ized tradition,
thus su g gesti n g that the read e rs of the mag azine were perce ived to be
" be lon gers " ( i . e . , c o n s u m ption of a specific brand rep resents a conventional
l i festyle) .
Normative Messages
S l i g htly d iffe rent n o rmative messages a p pea red i n sample alcohol
advertisements a p peari n g i n Ms. a nd Spo rts I l l ustrated .
no rmative messages
The d i ffe re nces i n
reflect tra d itional g e n d e r ideology .
For exa m p l e ,
advert i seme nts that p rese nted rec ipes fo r mixed d r i n ks p ri ma r i l y a p peared i n
M s . Also, " n eutra l ization of a b u s e " i mages i n M s . often p ortrayed a lcohol a s
a means to emot i o n - m a n a gement whereas " n e utra l ization of a b use" i mages i n
Spo rts I l l ustrated m o re oft e n associated d ri n k i n g with hazardous activiti es .
Overa l l ,
alcohol
conj u nctio n with
advertisements
l e i s u re
consumption twice
behaviors and
typ ic ally
presented
d ri n ki n g
p ro p o rti o n a l ly s u g gested
as frequently as mod e ratio n .
in
heavy
The ratio o f heavy
consumption i ma g e s to mod e rati o n messages in t h i s p roject is d iscordant with
119
the f i n d i n g s of Strickland et a l . ( 1 9 8 2 ) who fo u nd t h ree ti mes the pe rcentage
of moderation i mages as h eavy cons u m ption i mages .
D iffe re nces in sample
ma gazines a n d ti me periods may acco u nt for d ivergent find i n g s .
D iffe rences i n t h e fre que nc ies o f alcohol a d s i n various magazines a re
s u g g estive of ma rketers' perceptions of the d r i n k i n g h a b its of respective
aud ie nces (e . g . , l i g ht, moderate, o r h eavy ) . Strickland et a l . ( 1 9 8 2 ) d i d not
exa m i n e a lc o h o l ads a p peari n g in M s . but i nstead i nc l ud e d magazi nes with low
fre q u e n c i es of a lc o h o l advertisements (e . g . , Woma n ' s D ay and Rea der's
D igest ) . Als o, t h e Strickland e t a l . ( 1 98 2 ) sample was l i m ited t o 1 9 7 8 , a t i me
when the content of alcohol advert i s i n g was d e bated .
By 1 9 8 8 , the a nti­
a lco hol movement had red i rected its energies ( e . g . , warn i n g l a b e l s a nd
preve ntion pr ogra ms ) . Comparison of f i n d i n g s from t h i s study with the wo rk
of Strickland et a l . ( 1 98 2 ) s u g gests that the alcohol i nd u stries promoted
mod erate c o n s u m ption o n l y w h e n it was necessary to the c reat i o n /mai nte nance
of favora b l e corpo rate i mages .
Conclusions
A n a lys is of g e nder-alcohol associations d u ring the 1 9 70s and 1 9 80s, has
prov ided i ns i g ht i nto advertisers' re p resentation of g e n d e r a n d a lcohol
co n s u m ption d u ri n g periods of c h a n g e . Alth o u g h it is e rro n e o u s to c o n c l u d e
t h a t alcohol advert i s i n g h as a d i rect effect on d ri n k i n g patter n s , c u ltural v al ues
assoc iated with d ri n ki n g a re e n d o rsed via images in alco h o l ad vertisements .
Whether or not th e a lcohol i n d u stries p u rposely e n gage i n a lc o h o l ed ucatio n ,
1 20
gender s pecific ma rketi n g c reates g e n d er-alcohol associatio n s and p rov i d es
d r i n ki n g i n structions (e . g . , beverage c h o i ces, motivations, a n d occas ions for
d r i n ki ng ) .
I n g e n e ra l , a lcohol advertisements p re sented g e n d e r stereotypes ( i . e . ,
gender
representations
and
p rod uct
c h o ices)
to
s pecific
markets .
Adve rtisements fo r mas c u l i ne beverages were p r i marily d i rected at Sports
I l l ustrated rea d e rs and typically portrayed the " ma n ' s ma n " ( e . g . , hard wor k i n g
bl ue-co l l a r
l a borer,
entrepre n e u r ) .
adventurous
r i s k-taker ,
or
finan c i a l ly
s uccessful
S i m i larly, advertise ments for l i q u e u rs were p red o m i n a ntly
ta rgeted to women and p rese nted th e " d ark lady of myste ry " in an exotic
sett i n g . Advert i s i n g for clear s p i rits e m p h a s ized romance a n d were d i rected at
both fema les and males .
O n e expla nation of the end u ra nce of stereoty p i c a l , g e n d e r segme nted
alcohol advertis i n g i s that con notative mea n i n g s associated with " d ri n ki n g men "
and " s i p p i n g wo men " a re i nstitutiona l ized a n d very resistant to c h a n g e i n
American society ( F i l l more 1 984; Frieze a n d Schafe r 1 984) . Thus, adve rtisers
may have been hes itant to s u bsta ntia l ly c h a n ge re p rese ntations of g e n d e r i n
alcohol a dvert i s i n g ( e . g . , p redo min an c e o f concu rrent d i s p l ay s e mp has i z i n g sex
or romance ) . Moreover, d u ri n g the s a m p l e time period , the a lcohol i n d ustries
were criticized fo r targeting their prod ucts to women ( Breed a n d DeFoe 1 9 7 9 ;
Jacobson e t a l . 1 98 3 ) , s o they may h ave o pted for advert i s i n g campa i g n s that
d i d not c h a l l e n g e the status q u o .
1 21
Fo r the average consumer, the ideologies e m bedded i n contempo ra ry
advertis i n g a re d i fficu lt to identify (Wernick 1 9 9 1 )
myth s "
(Tu c h m a n
advertiseme nts
a re
1 979;
Strate
noticed
and
1 992)
that
.
Ty pica l ly, the " ge n d e r
a p pear
in
brand-image
reca l led o n ly whe n t h ey de part from
conventi o n a l expectatio ns of fem i n i n ity and masc u l i n ity . In the case of alcohol
advertis i n g , oft e n the sti m u lation of new alcohol tastes ( e . g . , l i ght beers , cream
l i queurs, and wine coolers) a re not rec o g n ized a s ma rket i n g strategies .
As a q u a l itative content assessment of g e n de r-a lcohol associat i o n s , this
project a na lyzed u nd erlyi n g gender mea n i n g s and d ri n k i n g messages p resented
i n our p o p u l a r c u ltu r e, s pecifica l ly in p ri nt alcohol advertiseme nts . Exte n d i n g
the wo rk of G ottm a n ( 1 9 7 9 ) and K i l b o u rne ( 1 9 8 2 , 1 98 7 , 1 98 9 , 1 99 1 ) the
,
" hyper-rit u a l izatio n " of gender and a lc o h o l co n s u m ption were d ecoded . U n l i ke
Gottma n ' s study of gender d is p lays ( 1 9 7 9 ) , a n d K i l bo u rn e ' s separate a na lyses
of representat i o n s of gender ( 1 9 8 7 , 1 98 9 ) a n d a lc o h o l consu mption ( 1 98 2 ,
1 99 1 ) , t h i s p roject focused o n
g e n d e r - p rod u c t
associations . Also, t h i s study
exa m i ned a d v e rtise ments as they were p resented to g e n d e r s pecific ma rkets
over time; n e i t h e r Gottman nor Ki l b o u rne d id s o . Both exa mination o f g e n d e r­
prod uct associations a nd chan ges over time a id e d the d ecod i n g of how
ind ustries may u s e popular c u lture myths and s h o u l d be e le ments of futu re
stud ies .
As a n el e ment of p o p u l a r c u lture , a n advertis i n g i mage may fu nct i o n as
a reference other (see Chapter 2 ) .
The g e n d e r-alcohol associatio ns in
1 22
advertisi n g a re agents of both gender and d r i n k i n g soc i a l i zatio n .
Th u s, the
ideologies i m p l ied in a lcohol advertisements merited exami natio n .
A stre n gth of t h i s p roject was that the magaz i n es chosen fo r analysis
presented the basis for a clear test of whether d iffe rent g e n d e r- p ro d uct images
are offered to fe male and male a u d ie nces .
A lco h o l a d s in Ms . , a magazine
specifica l l y c reated for fem i n ists, p resumably wo u ld reflect the perce ived
gender i d eo l o g y of women who d eviate from tra d it i o n a l gender norms .
Simi la rly
Sports
I l l u strated
clearly
perpetuate s ,
the
fe m i n ist
o p posite,
hegemo n i c mascu l i n ity (Saba a nd Jansen 1 99 2 ) ; t h u s , a lc o h o l adve rtisements
i n the magaz i n e may have reflected the ideology o f mac h i s mo and d r i n k i n g
more s o t h a n a lcohol ads i n gend er-neutral ma gaz i n es ( e . g . , Time ) . I f d i ffe rent
gender- a lcohol a ssoc iatio n s a re p rese nted to specific ad v e rtis i n g a u d iences, any
d i ffe rences s hou ld b e most a p p a rent i n ads targeted to ma rkets cha racte rized
by d iffe re n t g e n d e r i d eolo g i es .
Limitations a n d Future D i rections
One d i lem ma i ntrinsic to any content analysis i s the balance between
man ifest content a n d late nt content ( Ba l l and Smith 1 9 9 2 ) . A n emphasis o n
ma n i fest content m a y re sult i n a fa i l u re to g ra s p th e gesta lt of t h e
comm u n ica tion whereas a focu s o n latent content may j e o p a rd ize the rel i a b i l ity
of the resea rc h . The cod i n g scheme used in this p roject resolved the issue of
man ifest content a n d latent content by util iz i n g retro d uct i o n ( Schrag 1 9 6 7 ) .
Analysis of g e n d e r d is plays a nd re p rese ntations of d ri n ki n g was based on the
1 23
i nterp retative categories of other researchers ( G ottma n 1 9 7 9 ;
Strickland
1 982;
Strickland et a l .
1 98 2 ;
K i l bo u rne
1 98 7 ) ,
F i n n a nd
as we l l as
i nterp retations of print alcohol advertisements by lay perso n s , both female and
ma l e . Moreover , g iven the p o l itical a nd mo ral mea n in g s a ssoc iated with a lcohol
cons u m ption i n the U n ited States , categories used to a n a lyze d ri n k i n g themes
were broadly i nte r preted ( i . e . , p resent o r absent ) .
O n e l i m itati o n o f a n y c o ntent a n a lysis o f advertis i n g i s that marketi n g
strategies c a n n ot be asce rta i ned based o n l y on t h e freq ue ncy of themes or the
gestalt of i ma g e s .
insider informatio n .
A l s o , th e i n t e n t of a ny advertis i n g campa i g n i s g ua rded
This is e sp e c ially true of advertis i n g for commod ities
d eemed potentia l ly d a n gerous ( e . g . , a lcohol and c i g a rettes ) .
Des p ite these
d ifficu lties , in this project, d ata were obta i ned from the advert i s i n g i n d u stry a nd
a lcohol
bevera g e
i n d u stries
to
aid
in
the
i nte rp retations
of
a lcohol
advertisement.
Also, exami nation of a lc o h o l ad vertisements over a broader t i me span
may provide further docu me ntati o n of how and when advertisers respond to
c ritic isms .
Find i n g s s u g g est that advertisers d e pa rt fro m conventi o n a l
strategies ( e . g . , m e n act a n d w o m e n a p pear) o n ly wh e n i t i s pote ntia l ly
profita ble to d o so ( e . g . , ta rget i n g a new consu mer categ o ry ) .
Moreover,
ap parently images of d r i n k i n g as p rese nted in alcohol advertisements o n ly
change when there a re th reats to th e self-re g u l ation o f alcohol adverti si n g .
1 24
As a mod e of seco n d a ry soc ial izati o n , some p o p u l a r c u lture forms ( e . g . ,
nove l s , fi l m s , a n d advertiseme nts ) may se rve social functions (e . g . , l e g iti mation
of l ifestyles a n d /or fantasies) that a re compati b l e with the social wor l d s i n
which v a r i o u s a u d i e nces l ive ( Fl uc k 1 9 8 7 ) .
I n the samp le ad s fro m M s . a n d
Spo rts I l l u strated d i ffe rent mea n i n g s of d ri n ki n g were p resented sug g e sting that
M s . a n d Sports I l l u strated read e rs were perce ived to have d iffe rent l ifesty les
a n d /o r fa ntasies.
Fo r exa mp le ,
in
Ms.
d ri n ki n g was associated
with
sop h i sticat i o n a nd emotio n-management; i n Spo rts I l l ustrated d r i n k i n g was
assoc i ated with sexual conq uest and a d ventu re .
Futu re researc h s h o u l d
exa m i n e i nterp retations o f a lcohol advertis i n g images b y various markets ( e . g . ,
fe m a l e s , males, l i ght d ri n kers, mod erate d ri n kers, a n d heavy d ri n kers ) a n d how
these i nte r p retations a re related to alcohol consu mption patte rn s .
BI BLI OGRA P HY
1 26
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1 39
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APPENDIX
ALCO H O L B E V E R A G E C H O I CES
A N D GEN DER D I S P LAYS
1 41
APPE N D I X
Gender D i s p l ays
In
Ms.
d is p lays of fem i n ine
i ma ges i n c re as i n g ly were portrayed
concu rrently with masc u l i n e images (from o ne-ha l f of fe m i n i ne images in 1 9 7 3
t o two-t h i rd s i n 1 988 ) .
Po rtraya ls of wo men a lo n e d e c reased ( from 5 0 % i n
1 97 3 t o 2 9 % a n d 3 3 % i n 1 982 a n d 1 9 8 8 , res pectively) . O n ly i n 1 98 2 d id
a lcohol a d s p resent women d ri n k i n g together ( 4 % ) , feature fe m i n i n e h a n d s o n l y
( 8 % ) , o r p o rtray a fe m i n i n e image as a prod uct symbol ( 2 % ) .
Ma sc u l i n e d is p lays i n M s . chan ged from either p rod uct symbols ( 5 0 % )
or concu rrently p resented with a fem i n i ne i m a g e i n 1 9 7 3 t o a variety of
prese ntati o n s in 1 98 2 (40% concu rrent d is plays, 2 3 % a lo n e , 1 4 % with other
ma les , 1 2 % p ro d uct symbo l s , and 1 1 % hands o n l y ) .
In 1 9 88 mascu l i ne
d is p lays i n M s . we re l i mited to concu rrent mas c u l i n e a n d fe m i n i ne i mages .
I n s a m p l e Sports I l l u strated a d s , c o n c u rrent fe m i n i n e and masc u l i ne
i mages as a p e rcentag e of fem i n i n e d i s p lays grad u a l l y d ecreased ( 8 5 % i n 1 9 7 3 ,
7 8 % i n 1 98 2 , a n d 7 7 % i n 1 988) .
Prese n tations of a fe m i n i n e i mage a lo n e
i n c reased fro m a bout 1 6 % i n 1 9 73 to a b o u t 22% i n 1 9 8 2 then d ro p ped ag ai n
to it s p revi o u s level ( 1 5 % i n 1 9 88) . No portraya l s of fe m i n i ne h an d s o n l y o r
a fe m i n i n e i ma g e a s a prod uct sy mb o l a p peared . I n 1 988 o n ly o n e ad featu red
women d ri n ki n g together; there were no i mages of wo men together in 1 97 3 or
1 982 .
1 42
The structure of masc u l i ne d i s p lays i n sample Sports I l l ustrated ads
changed mo re than the structu re of fe m i n ine d is p lays .
As a percentage of
masc u l i ne d is p l a ys , concu rrent male and fema le i mag e s d ro p ped from a bout
62% in 1 9 73 to s l ig htly over o ne-th i rd i n 1 9 82 a n d 1 9 8 8 ( 3 5 . 3 % and 35. 7 % ,
respectively) . T h e p e rcentage of masc u l i ne d i s p lays feat u r i n g a fe minine image
decli ned a n d the p e rcentage of ads feat u r i n g men together i n c reased .
Less
than 6% of 1 97 3 masc u l i ne p resentations s howed men d ri n king together
whereas over o n e-fift h of masc u l i n e p ortraya ls in 1 98 2 and 1 98 8 did so
( 2 1 . 6 % a n d 2 1 . 4 % , respectively) . The p ro po rtion of s a m p l e ads d e p icti n g a
man a lone re m a i ned relatively constant ( 3 2 . 7 % i n 1 97 3 , 3 3 . 3 % in 1 98 2 , and
3 5 . 7 % i n 1 98 8 ) .
Masc u l i n e hands o n ly and masc u l i ne i mages as p ro d uct
symbols d id not a p p e a r in sample 1 973 a d s . Masc u l i n e h a n d s o n ly i n c reased
fro m 2% in 1 9 8 2 to a b o ut 4% in 1 9 8 8 .
A masc u l i n e i mage as a p rod uct
sym bol re prese nted a bout 8% of masc u l i ne i mages in 1 9 8 2 and about 4% i n
1 98 8 .
Tab l e A - 1 .
Frequency of alcohol beverage choices and unique ads in Ms. and Sports I l l u strated 1 9 7 3 samples
Sports I l l ustrated
Ms.
Types of Ads
Types o f Ads
S a m ple
Frequency
Bra nd
Choices
Unique
Ads
Sample
Frequency
Brand
Choices
Unique
Ads
o/o (n)
% (n )
o/o ( n )
o/o ( n )
% (n)
o/o ( n )
Whiskeys
38.5 (5)
25 . 0 ( 1 )
30.0 (3)
72.2(83)
6 8 . 9 (3 1 )
72.6(69)
Clear
S pirits
3 0 . 8 (4)
50 .0 ( 2 )
40.0 (4)
1 6. 5( 1 9)
1 7. 8 (8)
1 7.9(1 7)
6 . 9 ( 8)
6.7 (8)
5.3 (5)
0.9 ( 1 )
2.2 ( 1 )
1 .1 (1 )
3 . 5 (4)
4 . 4 (2)
3.2 (3)
1 00 . 0 (4 5 )
1 00.0(95)
Type of
Beverage
Beers
Liq u e u rs
-
3 0 . 8 (4)
-
25 .0 ( 1 )
30.0 (3)
-
Wines
Totals
-
1 00.0( 1 3)
1 00 . 0 ( 4 )
1 00. 0 ( 1 0 )
1 00. 0 ( 1 1 5 )
......
+:o
w
Table A - 2 .
Frequency of alcohol beverage choices and unique ads in Ms. and Sports I l l u strated 1 98 2 samples
Sports I l lustrated
Ms.
Types of Ads
Types of Ads
Type of
Beverage
Sample
Freq uency
Brand
Choices
Unique
Ads
Sample
Frequency
Brand
Choices
U n ique
Ads
% (n)
% (n)
% (n)
% (n)
% (n)
% (n)
2 9 . 4 (30)
53. 1 (68)
42.2 ( 1 9)
5 1 . 6 (47)
2 8 . 4 (29)
23.4 (30)
24.4 ( 1 1 )
2 2 . 0 ( 20 )
1 9. 5 (25)
24.4 ( 1 1 )
2 2 . 0 ( 20 )
Wh iskeys
2 4 . 0 (37)
20.5
Clear
S pi rits
2 9 . 9 (46)
30 . 8 ( 1 2 )
Beers
Liq u e u rs
4.5
(7)
37.0 (57)
(8)
2.6 ( 1 )
38.5 ( 1 5)
4.9
(5)
3 2 . 4 (33)
Wines
3.2
(5)
5. 1
(2)
2 . 9 (3)
Prep
Cocktails
1 .3
(2)
2.6 (1 )
2.0 (2)
Corp
I ma g es
Totals
1 00 . 0 ( 1 5 4 )
1 00 . 0 ( 3 9 )
1 00 . 0 ( 1 0 2 )
2.3
(3)
4.4 (2)
2.2
(2)
-
(1 )
2.2 (1 )
1 .1
(1 )
0.8 ( 1 )
2.2 (1 )
1 .1
(1 )
0.8
1 00 . 0 ( 1 2 8 )
1 00 . 0 ( 4 5 )
1 00 . 0 ( 9 1 )
.....
�
�
Table A-3 .
Frequency of alcohol beverage choices and unique ads i n M s . and Sports I l lustrated 1 9 8 8 sam ples
Ms.
Soorts I l lustrated
Types o f Ads
Types of Ads
Type of
Sample
Bra nd
Brand
Frequency
Choices
Unique
Ads
Sample
Beverage
Freq uency
C hoices
% (n)
% (n)
% (n)
% (n)
% (n)
53.2 (41 )
5 0 . 0 ( 1 8)
53 . 0 ( 3 5 )
28.6 (22)
2 7 . 8 ( 1 0)
25.8 ( 1 7)
1 5. 6 ( 1 2)
1 9 . 4 (7)
1 8. 2 ( 1 2)
2.6 (2)
2.8 (1 )
3 . 0 (2)
1 00 . 0 ( 7 7 )
1 00 . 0 ( 3 6 )
1 00 . 0 ( 6 6 )
Wh iskeys
Clear
S pirits
61 .9 ( 1 3)
57 . 1 (4)
65.0 ( 1 3)
Beers
Liqueurs
3 8 . 1 (8)
42.9 (3)
1 00 . 0 ( 2 1 )
1 00 . 0 ( 7 )
%
(n)
3 5 . 0 (7)
Corp
I m ages
Totals
Unique
Ads
1 00 . 0 (20)
�
+:­
CJ1
1 46
VITA
She rry J o Wa l ker was born i n Coo kevi l l e , Tennessee o n November 1 7 ,
1 959.
S h e atte n d e d ele me ntary schools i n S pa rta , Ten nessee a n d was
grad uated from W h ite C o u nty H i g h School i n May, 1 9 7 7 .
The fo l lowing
Aug u st s h e e ntered Middle Tennessee State U n ivers ity a n d i n May, 1 98 1
received the d e g re e o f Bachelor of Science i n L i b e ra l A rts i n Pol itica l Science
and Soci ol ogy . S h e reentered M i d d le Te n nessee State U n ivers ity i n June, 1 9 8 2
a n d received a Master of Arts d e g ree i n Soc io lo g y i n A u g ust, 1 9 8 5 .
S he
entered The U n ive rs ity of Te n nessee , Knoxv i l l e i n September, 1 9 8 5 a n d
received a Docto r of P h ilosophy d e g ree i n Li beral A rts i n Sociology i n
Decem ber , 1 9 9 2 .
S he rry
has
been
e mp loyed
with t h e
D e p a rtment o f Sociology,
Anthro p o l o g y , a n d Social Work, M i d d l e Te nnessee State U n ivers ity since
August, 1 9 8 7 .
She has p resented pa pers to th e Society fo r the Study of
Sy mbolic I nteract i o n , the M id -South Sociological Associati o n , and the Western
Soc i a l Science Assoc iatio n . In add ition to the afore mentioned o rgan izations,
she also i s a m em ber of the A me rican Soc iolog i c a l Association .