Carrie Cohen
ENVS 163
Spring 2011
People are Corn:
An Ethnoecological Review of the Importance of Corn Cultivation to Hopi Culture
For the People of Hopi corn is more than an essential food, it is a vital and sacred part of life.
Perseverance, community, spirituality, and cooperation are all qualities intimately tied to their
cultivation of corn in the harsh desert of northern Arizona. The Hopi must grow their corn with
very little rain and virtually no irrigation. Today this type of agriculture is known as dry farming,
and it requires a great deal of resolve and ecological knowledge to be successful. The lands
around the Hopi mesas are uniquely adapted to dry farming, but more importantly, Hopi have an
intimate relationship with the earth that makes them successful farmers. This relationship
permeates every part of Hopi existence—to the Hopi corn is life. In this paper the traditional
knowledge of Hopi corn cultivation will be explored, as will the importance of corn to Hopi
culture, community, and spirituality. The methods and knowledge used to grow corn not only
ensures a sustainable crop, but also infuses all of Hopi life from the profane to the sacred,
including myth, ceremony, and language.
The Hopi Emergence Myth tells of the populating of this world, and how the People of Hopi
received their blue corn from the Guardian Spirit. It is important to explain the usage of the word
myth here, as too often it inculcates negative connotations. It must be made explicit that myth is
not meant to imply any judgment of veracity to the narrative. The word as it is used here is
congruent with its usage by folklorists, anthropologists, and linguists to describe any story that is
a “sacred narrative explaining how the world and mankind came to be in their present
form…they are told as true and set in the postcreation era” (Bronner 2007:326). The following
is a synopsis of the Hopi Emergence Myth, greatly abbreviated but fundamental to the
understanding of the ecological and cultural symbiosis of the Hopi and their corn.
According to folklorist Harold Courlander, there were three worlds in existence before this one.
Life was good for many generations in the world before. There was enough rain to grow an
abundance of corn and the people were happy and at peace. But over time people began to argue
and become selfish (Courlander 1970:10). In the documentary Hopi: Songs of the Fourth World,
an unnamed Hopi elder explains that this was a time of corruption and greed. Eventually,
virtuous men began to meditate on a solution to the suffering of the people. Through this
meditation, they realized there was another world above them where the people could go and be
saved (Ferrero 1985). The people emerged unto the world that we know and found Maasaw
(also known as Masaw or Masauwu), the Guardian Spirit, and the One True Hopi (Wall and
Masayesva 2004:435-436). They asked permission to settle on the land, and according to myth,
Maasaw’s response was thus:
Masaw recognized that the clan people's former life, which they
knew was not bringing them happiness, had been given over to
ambition, greed, and social competition. He looked into their hearts
and saw that these qualities remained, and so he had his doubts that
the people could follow his way. “Whether you can stay here is up
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to you," he told them. Masaw warned the clan people that the life
he had to offer them was very different from what they had before.
To show them that life, Masaw gave the people a planting stick, a
bag of [corn] seeds, and a gourd of water. He handed them a small
ear of blue corn and told them, "Here is my life and my spirit. This
is what I have to give you” (Wall and Masayesva 2004).
Other tribes, including the Navahos, Lakóta, Havasupai, Comanche, and Utes each received a
different color corn from the Guardian Spirit, which now symbolizes their connection to the
earth and their way of life. For the Hopi, their small, blue corn represents “a life of work and
hardship…but it will be a long-lasting life” (Courlander 1970:19).
Since their emergence, the Hopi have been inextricably linked to their land and its climate. This
interrelationship has created a culture and a crop that is remarkably adapted to the environment
of the Northern Arizona mesas. The ability to grow anything in this area is the result of
perseverance and faith on the part of the Hopi combined with the unique geology of the Black
Mesa Region. According to John T. Hack of the U.S. Geological Service, this area receives 10
to 13 inches of precipitation a year, with summer and winter as the primary wet seasons. The
weather is predominantly clear regardless of season, but July and August often have scattered
thunderstorms that can cause flash floods, and snow may fall sporadically from January to May
(Hack 1942: 8).
Black Mesa makes up the largest area of Hopi territory and is cut through in many places by
steep valleys and ephemeral streams (figure 1). At its southern end the Mesa drops to lower
plateaus, and finally to flat valley floors, where strong winds cause the frequent accretion of sand
(Hack 1942:5). The vegetation varies by elevation, which reaches nearly 2000 meters at the
mesa’s apex (Hough 1897: 34). Juniper-pinyon woodland dominates the canopy of the mesa,
with an understory of sage brush (Artemisia spp.). The lower plateaus and valleys have a grass
and shrub community, with blue grama grass (Bouteloua gracilis), Mormon tea (Ephedra viridis),
greasewood (Sarcobatus ssp.), and saltbrush (Atriplex spp.) as common associates (Hack 1942:
9-10).
The conservation of water is vital to the survival of the Hopi way of life. As previously
mentioned, very little water is caught via rainfall. Additionally, the springs and creeks
surrounding Black Mesa are all ephemeral; however the geography of the mesas and the
surrounding area make it uniquely conducive to water management. According to Hack, the
large area surrounding the mesas is an elliptical basin that funnels water to the low-lying valley
regions. Moreover, an aquifer is thought to be located within the basin, allowing for a reliable
seasonal saturation of the ephemeral springs and surrounding rock cisterns (Hack 1942:12-13).
The soils of the valley floors also contribute to water conservation. The valleys and surrounding
areas are comprised primarily of well-drained sandy soils, alkaline clayey silt, and loam
deposited in alluvial fans. There are also actively moving sand dunes (Hack 1942:25). The
sandy and loamy soils are best for agriculture, while the pH of the basic clayey silty soils make it
less desirable. All of these soils sit above impermeable shale bedrock, which allows for water
collection within the porous soils (Hack 1942: 12-13, 25; Whiting 1939:4). It is the distinctive
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union of aquifers, geology, and soil composition that make agricultural subsistence at Black
Mesa viable despite the substantial lack of precipitation.
The harsh desert climate necessitates special methods in order to take advantage of the
geography and porous soils of the area that make agriculture feasible. The Hopi employ the
methods of dry agriculture to grow their crops. Corn is the most important of these, but
ethnologist Walter Hough, in his 1897 report on Hopi agricultural methods, provides details on
the cultivation of cotton, melons, beans, and squash. Peaches, apricots and wheat were also
grown occasionally after European contact (Hough 1897:35). Dry agriculture of these crops
depends solely on the scarce precipitation, flood waters, and on the water stored in the soil (Wall
and Masayesva 2004: 435; Hack 1942). Four techniques of dry agriculture are employed by
Hopi farmers: sand dune agriculture, tapping of interstitial water, flood irrigation, and terraces
(Hack 1942: 32-37). Of these, the use of interstitial water and flood irrigation appear to be the
most frequently used, based on the available literature.
Ethnobotanist Alfred F. Whiting explains that the use of these two types of dry farming
diversifies the crops, which increases the probability that if one method fails in a given year the
other will be more successful (Whiting 1939:13). The use of interstitial water to grow crops is a
consequence of the porous soils above the impervious shale bedrock. These “seepage fields”, as
Hack refers to them, are often located near the valley cliffs and springs where the aquifer
reservoirs are close to the soil (Hack 1942: 34). Sand dunes are often found in these areas and
act to protect the fields from intense wind storms that often occur in the spring as new seedlings
are at their most vulnerable (Hack 1942: 34; Hough 1897: 34). The use of flood irrigation is
risky, as crops are planted in the bottoms of washes and ephemeral streams that are inundated by
flash floods in the summer thunderstorms (Whiting 1939:13). Both Hack and Herbert Gregory, a
southwestern geologist, make mention of diversion dams made from rocks and earth to control
the flow of flood waters. These dams not only help protect the plants, but also act to prevent
excessive erosion of the soils by fast moving water (Gregory 1916, quoted in Ellis 1974:43;
Hack 1942:37).
As previously mentioned, many crops are grown by the Hopi, but corn is the dominant harvest.
Polyculture, or the growing of multiple crops in one area, is not often practiced, with the
occasionally exception of beans which are sometimes grown in rows between corn stalks
(Whiting 1939: 13-14). The growing season is short, only about 130 days, so planting is done
early in the spring. This can cause some risk of late frost, but the corn is planted deep into the
soil, at ten to fifteen inches, which tends to protect the crop from frost while also providing
increased moisture (Hack 1942: 20). Corn fields are cleared in late winter, usually around
February. Planting tends to start in April, and harvest is in September. At maturity Hopi corn
grows to a maximum of three to four feet (Whiting 1939:14; Hack 1942: 20).
Historically, the geographic isolation of the Hopi has helped insulate them from Euro-American
contact and influence. Despite this, much change has occurred at Black Mesa in the last century,
and ever increasing contact continues to impact both Hopi culture and agriculture. Based on my
research, these impacts were first seen in 1897 by Hough, with the introduction of new crop
species, and have only intensified over time. Two ecological changes have had the greatest
impact on Hopi ecology: commercial livestock and government dam projects.
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The introduction of grazing domesticated livestock in the Black Mesa region was occurring by at
least the 1850s and has caused widespread vegetative disturbance (Ellis 1974: 43). These
disturbances destabilized and degraded the sand dunes, which were traditionally used to protect
crops from wind and store the interstitial water (Hack 1942: 76). It is believed that the damage
by grazing was further intensified by a period of drought from 1860 to 1890, known as the
epicycle. Hack cites evidence that prior to this time the Black Mesa area was oasis-like, with
cottonwoods and water dependent grasses (Hack 1942: 76). The actual authenticity of such
claims is unknown, but it is well-known that drastic environmental changes occurred around the
epicycle from which the local ecology has been unable to fully rebound. It was at this time that
the United States government acted to reduce the number of grazing animals, particularly sheep,
which can be especially destructive to the environment. This reduction was complicated by the
fact that the Hopi and Navaho had begun to rely on sheep herding by this time to augment their
crops as the environment became less hospitable to agriculture (Ellis 1974: 43; Whiting 1939:
53).
According to Hack, further impacts by the United States government include the construction of
dams on streams used by the Hopi, which has slowed or stopped the seasonal water accumulation
into Black Mesa. Deep wells were built at the beginning of the 20th century with the thought that
they would help the Hopi people; however, these wells have caused the water table that is
supplied by the aquifer to drop, which has greatly impacted Hopi crops (Hack 1942: 11).
Regardless of these environmental changes, the importance of corn remains today just as it did in
the past. Corn is a food staple, but to Hopi it is more than that. It is symbolic of who they are and
how they perceive themselves. Because of this, it seems that the best way to discuss the
agricultural methods of corn is to intertwine it with the ceremonies and beliefs that surround the
Hopi stewardship of this vital plant. In the following section, the methods used to cultivate corn
from an ecological perspective will be enriched through Hopi beliefs and ceremonies that allow
the corn, and the people, to thrive.
The human life cycle, especially the female life cycle, is braided into the life of the corn. It plays
an important role in Hopi life and ceremony at every stage of preparing, planting, tending, and
harvesting. The development of the corn at each of these stages is analogous to the stages of
human life. In order to appreciate and understand the life of corn, we must pick an arbitrary point
where we can start. The cycle of life has no beginning or end and therefore no true starting point
(Wall and Masayesva 2004:441). For simplicity sake winter is often labeled as the beginning of a
new cycle year.
Ceremony and rituals for the growth of corn begin in late winter before any planting is begun.
According to Wall and Masayesva, it is at this time that the Katsinas (or Kachinas, the Hopi
Ancestors) come down from the sacred San Francisco peaks to the north to join the people in a
dance for rain, rebirth, and for the continued unity of plants, animals, and humans
everywhere (Wall and Masayesva 2004:441). These ceremonies are celebratory, providing hope
and joy for the coming year. Farming is not just about planting and growing, it is “an art, an act
of faith” (Ferrero 1985). The ceremonies prepare the mind and encourage good thoughts that
help foster the spiritual communion that occurs between the people and their crops. There is no
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imaginary space in the reality of Hopi; meaning that thoughts have a very direct, very real impact
on the physical environment. To have bad thoughts is to risk the destruction of the coming crop
and the survival of the community (Whorf 1941: 71-72).
There is no documentation found regarding any analogies to this time of ceremony to the human
life cycle, but I propose that this time of hope and happy thoughts in the minds of the people is
similar to the thoughts shared by couples hoping to conceive. There is no baby yet, much like
there is no corn. But there is a shared idea that a positive attitude and perseverance will result in
a happy outcome. This is, as I said, pure conjecture based solely on my western world view. I
have no knowledge of how Hopi view conception. However, the relationship between corn and
the life cycle (especially that of women) leads me to believe that there may be some connection
between the preparation for conception and the preparation for sowing, and this is further
verified by the documentary Hopi: Songs of the Fourth World, that shows the care and ceremony
that is done around marriage, conception, and birth (Ferrero 1985). These ceremonies often are
intimately tied to the corn and corn symbolism. While this particular analogy is not represented
in the literature, ever other step of corn cultivation has a direct analogy to the female life cycle.
When it is time to plant in the spring the women will first bless the corn seeds with prayer and
with a symbolic washing: “she tells them that she looks forward to seeing them again when they
return at harvest time” (Wall and Masayesva 2004: 443). Traditionally only men would go to the
fields to plant, but today women and whole families participate in the planting (Wall and
Masayesva 2004: 444). The planting stick used is imbued with magical knowledge of how to
grant life to the kernels. The planting is considered a sacred placing of the corn into the womb of
the earth where moisture and warmth will protect and nourish the seed (Ferrero 1984). The
sprouting of the seedling is seen as a direct reiterating of the Hopi emergence from the world
before this one. It is also symbolic of human birth and infancy. Like a mother nursing her baby,
mother earth nourishes the seedling (Black 1984: 280). The seedlings are treated like newborns
“with all the love and care and all the right attitude and cheerfulness that the person is capable of
bringing” (unnamed Hopi Elder, Ferrero 1985). It is through this love and care that the corn finds
the strength to grow.
As the corn grows, much care must be provided to protect it from worms, birds, and other
animals. Often the worms are removed by hand, while scarecrows built of animal bones are
placed near the fields (Ellis 1974: 127; Wall and Masayesva 2004: 446). Small rocks can be
propped up next to the seedlings to protect them from the wind (Ferrero 1985). The care given to
the fields is spiritually supervised by the Kiva Chief, who watches the growth of the plants and
socially reprimands those who do not properly care for their fields (Wall and Masayesva 2004:
441)
Once the corn plant matures enough to produce kernels it is thought to become truly alive. These
kernels are analogous to the eyes of people. The Hopi believe that without sight there is no life.
The kernels give the corn eyes, and therefore, life (Black 1984: 280). Once the plant begins to
produce silk and cobs it becomes like a young maiden who has experienced menarche, ready to
be married and become a mother. For this reason, corn plays an essential role in marriage and
birth ceremonies. The blue corn that was given by Maasaw is of utmost importance to a new
bride. Piki, the traditional paper-thin blue corn bread of the Hopi, is made in mass quantities for
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weddings. The bride is often compared to the corn stalk, for both have the capacity to bear
children and sustain the future. A Hopi elder in Ferrero’s documentary explains that “the corn
plant is like the body, a body in which life resides. The ears are the children of the stalk like
children are the offspring of men and women” (Ferrero 1985).
Death, like birth, is a part of the cycle of life undertaken by both the people and the corn. The
stalks of corn left after harvest are corpses. The name for the lifeless remains of the corn is
Qatungwu, the same name given to a deceased person (Black 1984: 280). When a Hopi dies, his
or her spirit becomes a Kachina, an ancestor that takes the form of clouds. The Kachinas then
provide rain, or the “life blood” of the Hopi, completing the cycle of life for both corn and
people (Ferrero 1985).
To the Hopi, life is corn. The people are corn. To Hopi, life (spiritual, social, and physical life) is
dependant on corn. The words of a Hopi elder state this connection beautifully, “may our hard
labor and prayer, our sacrifices come to fruition in rain, clouds, corn, growth, life” (Ferrero
1985). The synonymous nature of corn and the human life cycle is not just a metaphor for
Hopi—it is a very real connection. It is a shared bond that corn and people have, with each
relying on the other for survival. This symbiosis is evidenced in the deep connection the People
of Hopi have to the corn through their myths, and through the perseverance and stewardship they
have toward the difficult task of growing corn in their harsh, but bountiful land.
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Figure 1
adapted from Hack 1942: xxi and http://w3.shorecrest.org
Jeddito Valley Wash
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Work Cited
Black, Mary E.
1984 Maidens and Mothers: An Analysis of Hopi Corn Metaphors. Ethnology
23(4):279-288.
Bronner, Simon J., ed.
2007 The Meaning of Folklore: The Analytical Essays of Alan Dundes. Logan: Utah
State University Press.
Courlander, Harold
1970 People of the Short Blue Corn: Tales and Legends of the Hopi Indians. New York:
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, inc.
Ellis, Florence H.
1974 The Hopi: Their History and Use of Land. In American Indian Ethnohistory:
Indians of the Southwest. D.A. Horr, ed. Pp. 25-374. New York: Garland Publishing, inc.
Ferrero, Pat dir.
1985 Hopi: Songs of the Fourth World. 58 minutes min. New Day Films. United States
of America.
Gregory, Herbert E.
1916 The Navajo Country, a Hydrographic Reconnaissance of Arizon, New Mexico,
and Utah. USGS Survey, Water Supply Papers 380:103-104.
Hack, John T.
1942 The Changing Physical Enviornment of the Hopi Indians of Arizona. Peabody
Museum of Americn Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University 35(1):1-77.
Hough, Walter.
1897 The Hopi in Relation to Their Plant Enviornment. American Anthropologist
10(2):33-44.
Wall, Dennis, and Virgil Masayesva
2004 People of the Corn: Teachings in Hopi Traditional Agriculture, Spirituality, and
Sustainability. American Indian Quarterly 28(3/4):435-453.
Whiting, Alfred F.
1939 Ethnobotany of the Hopi. Flagstaff: Museum of Northern Arizona.
Whorf, Benjamin Lee
1941 The Relation of Habitual Thought and Behavior to Language. In Language,
Culture, and Society: A Book of Readings. Second edition. B.G. Blount, ed. Pp. 64-84.
Long Grove: Waveland Press, INC.