1
Ryan, C. R. (2001). POLITICAL STRATEGIES AND REGIME SURVIVAL IN EGYPT.
Journal of Third World Studies, 18(2), 25-46. Published by the Association
of Third World Studies. (ISSN: 8755-3449) Version of record available from:
http://gsw.edu/~atws/volumes/vol18.htm
Political Strategies and Regime Survival in Egypt
by Curtis R. Ryan
ABSTRACT
The article explores the durability of Egypt's republican executive leadership and
examines the strategies of survival employed by the three presidential regimes of the
country from 1954 to 2000. The presidential regimes of Gamal 'Abd al-Nasser, Anwar alSadat and Husni Mubarak were compared. Strategic patterns of each president were
identified under the concepts of containment, repression and external diversion. The
article further shed light on the strategies of political survival which are common in other
developing countries. It gave a view on the effect of these survival strategies on plans for
change and development.
ARTICLE
Given the chronic instability that characterizes much of the Middle East and the "Third
World", it is puzzling that Egypt has seen few changes of government since the 1952
overthrow of the monarchy of King Farouk. Egypt has maintained and developed
essentially the same state structure since 1952, with only two changes of chief executiveand these transfers of power came about not as a result of a coup or revolution, but only
upon the death of the incumbent president.1 In a country whose economic indicators
seem constantly to point to imminent crises or even collapse, Egypt's apparent stability in
government appears just as constantly to defy the odds.2
This paper explores the unusual durability of republican Egypt's executive leadership by
examining the strategies of survival employed by its three presidential regimes, that of
Gamal 'Abd al-Nasser (1954-1970), Anwar al-Sadat (1970-1981), and Husni Mubarak
(for the period 1981 to 2000).3 The paper compares the survival strategies of each of
these three Egyptian governments over time, and identifies consistent strategic patterns,
grouped here under the concepts of containment, repression, and external diversion.4 In
2
examining these strategic and tactical patterns of behavior, the purpose of the study is not
only to shed light on politics and development in Egypt, but also to investigate strategies
of government survival which may be generalizable to other developing states.5
It is worth noting, however, that these three strategies do not exhaust the list of variables
explaining regime survival. Other key issues include, for example, the question of the
regime's performance in office. But a truly comprehensive study is beyond the scope of
this or any single article, and I will therefore focus not on the more positive issue of
regime performance, but on what amounts to the darker and more cynical side of politicsnot because it provides the only explanation, but simply because it is an under explored
yet critical issue in Egyptian and Third World politics.
As this study will demonstrate, stability and government survival in Egypt have been
achieved more through short term survival strategies than through success in long term
development planning. The implications of this are important not only for understanding
government stability and survival in Egypt and elsewhere in the Third World, but also for
understanding the limiting effect survival strategies have on otherwise ambitious plans
for development and change. Lacking well-developed institutions with which to effect
their plans for economic and social change, leaders in the Third World often focus on
strategies aimed at a more immediate concern: their own political survival. Yet the very
"success" of these survival strategies may undermine any efforts to establish institutions
capable of building for the future, and just as importantly, may sow the seeds for the
growth and perpetuation of security-states, with correspondingly limited potential for
political liberalization or democratization in developing countries.
EXECUTIVE LEADERSHIP AND POLITICAL SURVIVAL STRATEGIES
Studies of political development have devoted considerable attention to the role of the
state as an autonomous force in its own right.6 However, this concept often obscures the
tremendous amount of political activity and maneuvering taking place within the state.
This paper shall focus, therefore, on the more specific institution of the presidency itself,
that is, the executive leadership of the state. "The state", however, includes not only this
executive but also inter alia bureaucracies, legislatures, judiciaries, public sector
industries, and the military. As this paper will make clear, strategies of political survival
involve not only maneuvers in relation to key groups in society, but also in relation to
these other state institutions.
The focus on presidential leadership is necessitated by the nature of the executivecentered Egyptian political system and will facilitate generalization to other developing
nations whose political systems are similarly characterized by centralized and virtually
autocratic rule-including both military regimes and single-party dominant systems. In the
Egyptian context, the durability and survivability of the Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarak
regimes benefitted from the uninterrupted historical development of a centralized
bureaucratic system.7 Each regime, therefore, was able to build upon what Hudson has
referred to as a "historical pattern of autocracy and bureaucratic control."8 And although
many variables may help to explain the longevity of an executive's tenure, in Egypt or
3
elsewhere, this study will focus on some of the variables that can be deliberately
manipulated by political leaders. These strategies of survival can therefore be seen as
independent variables affecting the dependent variable of government survival. The three
major strategies explored in this paper can be defined as follows:
(1) Containment:
Actions aimed at controlling, absorbing, or deflecting pressures and demands made on
the executive. These actions include coopting key figures and social groups, preempting
the maneuvers of political opponents, balancing key power centers against one another,
and creating institutions to control-if not mobilize-the population.
(2) Repression:
Actions involving coercion and the use of force against opponents of the government.
Specific tactics may include intimidation through surveillance of opponents, job
dismissals and control of future hirings, arbitrary arrest, and overt physical violence.
(3) External Diversion:
Actions that aim to turn public attention away from unresolved problems in the economy
and society. These often involve dramatic maneuvers in international affairs intended to
restore legitimacy or to buy time, and include both those maneuvers in preemption of,
and in response to, popular dissatisfaction.
In the sections that follow, I will examine each of these strategies in detail by comparing
each regime's use of them and its specific tactical variations upon them. Of the three
survival strategies discussed here, containment subsumes by far the broadest variety of
maneuvers, and it will therefore be necessary to devote relatively more attention to it than
to the other two.
CONTAINMENT
Containment Under Nasser
The essence of Nasser's strategy involved the paradoxical goals of preempting potential
opponents and containing social groups, while simultaneously emphasizing political
mobilization. Nasser emerged as the clear central ruler in Egypt following the 1952
overthrow of King Farouk and the later successful showdown with the titular head of the
new republic, Muhammad Naguib. By 1954 Naguib was ousted, the monarchy abolished,
all political parties dissolved, and most political institutions of the pre-1952 era either
destroyed or in disrepute. Nasser understood that lasting social change in Egypt,
however, required not only the eradication of these pre-1952 institutions, but also their
replacement with some new forms of mobilization and legitimacy.
4
Nasser made three attempts at building a nationwide institution for both preempting
popular demands for participation and mobilizing the masses behind the regime,
culminating in the essentially corporatist Arab Socialist Union (ASU).9 Before the
emergence of the ASU, the two earlier attempts at institution-building included the
Liberation Rally (1953-1958) and the National Union (1958-1961). In the case of both
organizations, the goals of preemption and containment appeared to have been more
important than those of mobilization and participation. Nasser attempted to move beyond
the relative weakness of the Liberation Rally and the National Union with the
construction of the ASU. The new structure's mission was indeed daunting: to thwart
class conflict, to act as a counterweight to the military, and to mobilize the previously
disenfranchised elements of society.10 Unlike its predecessors, the ASU was organized
more strictly in the corporatist vein by dividing society into general occupational
categories roughly paralleling Nasser's rhetoric of a national alliance of working
forces."11 This alliance included workers, peasants, intellectuals, and the bourgeoisie.
The only sector that remained outside the ASU domain was the military.
The problem of dealing with the military led Nasser beyond this corporatist containment
strategy toward the technique of balancing key centers of power against one another. For
although Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarak all ruled as civilians, each had a military
background and was acutely aware that the ultimate power center in Egyptian politics
remained that of the military. But while the army had helped make the 1952 coup
possible, Nasser wasted little time in curbing any future threats from this, his own
institutional base. He forced retirements of suspect officers and used the power of
appointments and patronage. Nasser then entrusted the armed forces, the most powerful
institution in society, to his closest friend, Abd al-Hakim Amir. This attempt at
containing the potential threat of the military proved eventually to have the exact
opposite effect.
Amir enthusiastically pursued his military tasks, building the loyalty of the armed forces
through extensive investments in arms and equipment. Further, Amir retained control of
the promotion lists, using his power to place loyal followers in all top positions. The
president soon came to fear that his most trusted lieutenant was too thorough in his
efforts. Rather than helping to curtail the power of the military, Amir had ensured that
both he and the armed forces would constitute the greatest threat to Nasser's rule. No
longer able to deflate the military itself, Nasser opted instead for the strategy of balancing
institutional threats within the state against one another, a technique which came to
characterize his dealings with all top state institutions. The only institution with the
potential to play this balancing role was the ASU, whose strength Nasser bolstered in
order to make it "a civilian counter to the military."12
Ironically, the success of this survival strategy also in turn produced a new threatnecessitating yet another survival maneuver. The ASU came to be dominated by a new
powerful figure in the person of the regime's top socialist ideologue, Ali Sabri. As head
of the ASU, Sabri began asserting direct control over the labor unions and truly
mobilizing the workers. In short, the ASU under Sabri was soon not merely containing,
but also mobilizing, social forces which Nasser felt might pose threats to his regime. By
5
its very success, the ASU more than balanced off the military, and became a center of
power in its own right. A more pluralist system might have prevented such
preponderances of power, but in Nasser's Egypt, state power was concentrated in the
military, the ASU, and the presidency itself. With the discrediting of the military
following the disastrous 1967 war with Israel, the ASU alone rivaled the chief executive,
leading Nasser systematically to curtail and undermine the ASU's power from that point
until his own death in 1970.
Containment Under Sadat
While Nasser's style of containing opponents involved corporatism and balancing centers
of power, Sadat's use of the same general strategy-containment-was characterized more
by preemption, appeals to public legitimation, and an attempt at "controlled" political
liberalization.13 The first of these maneuvers marked the style of Sadat's rule and
emerged soon after he assumed power, when he already faced numerous threats.
Unlike Ali Sabri or Abd al-Hakim Amir, Sadat had never been a "power center". He
remained unobtrusive even when playing a public role, and thus never appeared to be a
threat to Nasser.14 Yet now he faced challenges from a variety of powerful figures, each
with an institutional base within the state. These power centers consisted of the personal
fiefdoms of several key Nasserites: Ali Sabri, who had returned to the ASU; General
Muhammad Fawzi in the armed forces; Sami Sharaf as Minister of State for Presidential
Affairs; and Sha'rawi Gum'ah, Minister of the Interior and thus head of the intelligence
services.15 At first, the various power centers allowed Sadat the presidency, presumably
as little more than a figurehead, but they soon began to maneuver for the real reigns of
power.
Sadat's strategy for dealing with this plethora of threats-each of which appeared to have
more power than he-proved to be a cornerstone of his policies for the next decade: the use
of a dramatic and sudden preemptive move. In what became known as the "Corrective
Revolution" of 1971, Sadat purged each of these key figures and hundreds of their
associates from every significant organization within the state. Having removed the
leadership of the military, the ASU, and the police and security services, Sadat was free
to install his own loyal clients in each organization. Before making his decisive move,
however, Sadat had quietly reached understandings with pivotal leaders in the armed
forces to stay out of the way until the purge was complete.
While still consolidating his power, Sadat initially continued the use of corporatist
structures to contain social groups; but he liberalized these to some degree by allowing
debate within the organizations. At the same time he moved to erode the power of the
overarching ASU as a command center once and for all, and thus the interest groups
previously subsumed under the ASU umbrella achieved a greater degree of autonomy
than they had under Nasser.16 By 1977, Sadat had developed enough support to abolish
all ASU organizations, to tolerate the emergence of political "platforms", and eventually
to permit the legal formation of political parties.
6
Although Sadat proved adept at the politics of containment through preemption, he also
made frequent recourse to sources of public legitimation for his policies. This included
reliance on an obedient parliament to endorse his measures, as well as continual use of
referendums.17 In addition, he cultivated an image of being the "believer president", and
had the (government appointed) Sheikh of al-Azhar issue fatwas (religious rulings)
endorsing his various policies as being in accordance with the Shari'a (Islamic law). Most
frequent, however, was Sadat's use of referendums and plebiscites, either for his own
reelection or to approve a specific government policy. In each case the result was an
inevitable 99% rate of approval which Sadat declared to be a popular mandate for his
actions. Eventually, however, the referendum-strategy lost credibility by being used far
too often.18
Before turning to political liberalization, Sadat made one major attempt at balancing his
opponents against one another, an attempt that had drastic consequences in promoting
Islamist militancy.19 Student demonstrations in 1972 and 1973, which were Marxist and
Nasserist in flavor, prompted Sadat to balance the power of these left-leaning elements
that dominated the university campuses. In a typically dramatic gesture, he released
virtually all members of the Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun) who had been
imprisoned under Nasser and encouraged them to resume their propaganda as a
counterforce to the leftists. But when Sadat eventually banned all Marxist and Nasserist
organizations, he had left the Ikhwan and other Islamist groups as the only available
vehicles for opposition. With the Marxists and Nasserists out of the way, the Islamists
came to dominate almost all student associations in Egypt's universities, and soon set
their sights on the Sadat regime.20
But with the dismantling of central Nasserist organizations such as the ASU, there
remained no real institutional vehicles either for opposition to, or support for, the
government. Sadat attempted to address this institutional vacuum by initiating a multiparty system in Egypt. As with Nasser's reliance on corporatist containment of social
forces, Sadat's multi-partyism appeared to be intended more as an instrument for control
of domestic pressures than as an authentic form of popular participation. Hence, while
political parties besides Sadat's own National Democratic Party (NDP) were allowed to
form, they were sharply curtailed in their efforts to voice real opposition to regime
policies.21 Just as the preeminent concern with regime survival had prevented Nasser
from ever permitting true popular mobilization in his socialist program, so Sadat too
preferred the maintenance of an authoritarian structure with some democratic trappings
over tolerance of genuine participation and opposition. Under both administrations, the
great majority of Egyptians remained as "contained" bystanders to the dramatic political
and economic overhauls of their society.
Containment Under Mubarak
It is against this dual heritage of Nasser and Sadat that Mubarak succeeded to the
presidency following Sadat's 1981 assassination. Eschewing dramatic and risky gestures,
Mubarak instead attempted to establish his legitimacy and ensure his administration's
survival by turning to containment of political pressures through greater political
7
liberalization, economic reform, and strengthening the military as the key supporter and
guarantor of the regime. Although Mubarak's Egypt could not be seen as a democracy in
the western sense, the flow of political ideas was more open than it had been under
Nasser or Sadat. Egypt was once again home to the most prolific array of newspapers and
magazines in the Arab world, including publications from many political opposition
groups-even the Islamists.
Egyptians still had no real control over the choice of a chief executive, but they were able
to vote in a series of parliamentary elections. The record here has been mixed: the
elections were neither an outright farce nor were they completely unmanipulated.
Egyptian elections serve as an outlet for political pressures and a forum for opponents to
vent their frustrations, but are not permitted to threaten the government's tenure. In this
way, Mubarak has allowed many potential opponents to work within the system rather
than against it. The strategy achieved several goals: (1) it forced opponents to address
real policy issues rather than simply condemning the government; (2) it brought many
opponents out into the open where they could be clearly identified by the government;
and (3) it gave the Mubarak administration a greater veneer of legitimacy. In sum, limited
democratization allowed the government to contain political forces, and to divide
opponents between moderate reformist and militant revolutionary tendencies. In dealing
with the latter group, in particular, the regime made full use of its coercive and repressive
capabilities.
Prior to the 1984 elections, Mubarak's administration passed what one observer described
as "a rather curious new election law," which established a system of proportional
representation. In the Egyptian electoral system, a party needed 8 per cent of the national
vote to qualify for representation in the Assembly. The 1984 law, however, added the
unique twist that if a party failed to get eight per cent, all its votes were automatically
added to those of the winning party-inevitably the ruling National Democratic Party.22
The electoral law was later changed, and the eight per cent rule abandoned, following a
1990 supreme court decision overturning the results of the 1987 balloting. While the
1984 law had worked in favor of the NDP, it may not have been in its larger interest since
these electoral procedures peripheralized and alienated most opposition parties,
prompting alliances between groups that might otherwise have countered each other.23
This was illustrated in the successful alliance of the New Wafd and the Muslim
Brotherhood in 1984, and the later alliance of the Socialist Labor Party (SLP), Liberal
Socialist Party (LSP) and the Muslim Brotherhood in 1987.24 While it is admirable that
the Mubarak regime posted the 1984 turnout at its accurate 43%, rather than a Sadat era
"100%", voter enthusiasm remained low.25 The opposition newspaper Al-Ahali even put
the 1987 figure at as low as 14% (official estimates put it at 25%).26 Similarly grim voter
turnouts persisted throughout the Nineties.
Beyond attempts at greater political liberalization, and in contrast to Nasser and Sadat,
Mubarak's efforts to ensure his own survival also involved bringing the military back in.
While Sadat made conscious efforts to subordinate the army and demilitarize the state,
Mubarak restored its privileged position in Egyptian society and welcomed it as a full
partner to his regime.27 The military became more deeply engaged in infrastructural
8
development and other economic projects, allowing Mubarak to sidestep both the
Nasserist public sector bureaucracy and the often-corrupt Sadatist private sector
entrepreneurs who had most benefitted from Sadat’s Infitah policy.28 The army had, in
effect, once again become the sole guarantor of the regimes survival. This became clear
with the 1986 riots of police conscripts in the Central Security Forces (CSF), which
required the regime to call on the army to intervene. When order had finally been
restored, 107 people had been killed and 715 wounded.29 The riots made clear that
Egypt's painful socio-economic troubles lay barely below the surface. They also made
clear that the Interior Ministry was unreliable in protecting the administration-as the CSF
fell under its jurisdiction, and thus its own forces were the source of unrest. In this
context the preeminent position of the Egyptian army and Ministry of Defense was made
manifest.30
Mubarak attempted to cultivate the military as the most powerful constituency in Egypt,
garnering its loyalty through extensive military spending, pay raises, and benefits. In
addition, the military's role in development projects was aimed not only at economic
growth itself, but also at keeping the almost half a million man force preoccupied.31
Mubarak's policies thus had the paradoxical effect of liberalizing civilian domestic
politics while also revitalizing the domestic role of the military.32
REPRESSION
In addition to containment strategies, Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarak have all turned to
repression in varying degrees throughout their presidencies. Of the three regimes, the
Nasserist state most frequently resorted to repression of political dissent, justifying these
actions in terms of protecting the gains of the revolution. The latter goal, as in many
developing societies, was often sacrificed in favor of the first. Nasser demanded the
power to have complete flexibility and room for maneuver-a goal that runs counter to the
development of any real popular participation or of effective mass institutions.33 As a
result, the Nasserist strategy in practice tended to be "anti-motivational", relying to a
large extent on fear as a preemptive device to contain threats, and exercising outright
coercion when this failed as a deterrent.34
Under Nasser, the interior ministry and its associated intelligence and security apparatus
played a continually decisive role in the maintenance of the government. As early as
1954, the regime cracked down violently on the Muslim Brotherhood after one of its
members attempted to assassinate Nasser. Arbitrary arrest remained a standard practice in
Nasser's Egypt, in particular against members of the Ikhwan.35 Among the more
dramatic episodes in this darkest side of politics, was the repression of a 1965 plot against
the regime led by Islamist philosopher Sayyid Qutb.36 The police roundup resulted in the
arrest of more than 18,000 Islamists with further arrests to follow. One estimate held that
27,000 people had been arrested in a single day.37
9
Police surveillance and arbitrary arrest were pervasive features of the repressive
apparatus of the Nasserist state-features which became more prevalent as the president's
paranoia grew. This is not to suggest that no real challenges to Nasser's rule existed. To
the contrary, these were quite real from both secular leftist and Islamic rightist quarters.
Yet it is equally true that the increasing reliance on the intelligence-security apparatus
began to feed on itself, as Nasser came to be surrounded only by "yes-men" whose
importance to the president (and consequently their personal power) appeared to be
predicated on their efficiency in continually uncovering plots against Nasser.
When Sadat succeeded Nasser to the presidency, he pledged to destroy the power
networks within the Nasserist state and to bring to an end the most notorious practices of
the Nasserist intelligence apparatus: phone-tapping, torture, and arbitrary arrests.38 Yet
although Sadat had purged the leadership of both the armed forces and the intelligence
services (al-Mukhabarat), these institutions of coercion remained intact. Yet Sadat had
pursued a policy of "relative demilitarization" compared to the Nasser years, in the hope
that a weaker military would have a correspondingly reduced power potential within
Egyptian politics.39 Despite these efforts to temper the role of the army, a series of riots
in 1977 (against an IMF-sponsored austerity program) provided evidence to the Sadat
government that it still needed a strong military. The armed forces had proven their
loyalty and indispensability twice in the same year: by protecting the regime and
restoring order after the food riots, and through their successful engagements in a fourday border war with Qadhafi's Libya.40 Still, with the exceptions of such overt threats to
national and government security, the principal instrument of coercion for Sadat was not
the military, but the police and intelligence apparatus. The shadow of arbitrary arrest did
not hover so constantly in Sadat's Egypt as it had under Nasser, but there were notable
exceptions such as the periods of great civil unrest in 1977 and 1980-81. In these periodswhen the government was fighting for its survival-Sadat's administration could be as
ruthless as Nasser's.41
This became graphically apparent in the last year of Sadat's life, when he increasingly
lost touch with his own people. The president's minimal tolerance for opposition had
clearly reached its limit. Secular opponents were calling for more than cosmetic
democratization, others were criticizing the separate peace with Israel, and militant
Islamists were denying the very legitimacy of the Sadatist regime. In a context of
increasing instability and sectarian violence in Egypt,42 Sadat instituted a series of
measures to ensure his regime's survival. Sadat proclaimed himself prime minister as well
as president, and used a referendum to permit himself to run for an unlimited number of
presidential terms. To steal the wind from the sails of the Islamists, he also had the
Shari'a legally adopted as the sole source of legislation.43 Finally, Sadat promulgated his
infamous "law of shame", an elastic code that could be used against anyone who offended
"national values".44
In 1981 Sadat made the last of his dramatic attempts to sweep up all his enemies before
they could act against him. This involved moving simultaneously against both Muslim
and Coptic militants and activists. Shenouda III, patriarch of the Coptic church, was
removed from his office. Sheikh Kishk, a populist Islamist preacher of national stature,
10
and Umar Tilmisani, spiritual leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, were both arrested.45
Several thousand secular and religious opponents of the Sadat government were also
arrested. In the context of Sadat's rhetoric about political liberalization these mass arrests
were stunning, and were made even more so when they were followed by a lengthy
televised "diatribe" during which Sadat announced that he had "a list of a further 15,000
names."46 Its very existence on the line, the Sadat regime employed all the survival
tactics in its arsenal, from preemptive maneuvers to outright repression and further
intimidation. Within less than one month, Khalid Islambuli, the brother of one of those
arrested, led the group that assassinated Sadat at a Cairo military parade.
Having sat directly beside President Sadat when he was assassinated, Husni Mubarak
(himself wounded in the attack) was well aware of the potential threat to his rule posed
by revolutionary Islamism. Lacking both the charisma and nationalist credentials of his
predecessors, however, Mubarak's position and survival appeared to be even more in
question than that of Nasser or Sadat had been. Yet generally speaking, repression under
the Mubarak regime was not as wholesale or indiscriminate as that of its predecessors,
but the emergency laws, introduced in 1981 in response to Sadat's assassination,
remained in place into the later 1990s.47 These measures were used to justify the Interior
Ministry's continued coercion and repression against alleged Islamist militants.
Government repression, in fact, increased in the 1990s, including raids on mosques
alleged to be the loci of militant activities, resulting often in pitched street battles and the
infrequent application of legal due process to the "militants". By 1992, the government
and militant Islamists were waging virtually an all out war with each other. By the late
1990s, the Mubarak regime appeared to believe that it had won the battle with the
Islamists, yet major acts of terrorism continued especially against tourists and tourist sites
throughout Egypt. With this conflict as a pretext, the state began to curtail more and more
civil liberties. But as Eberhard Kienle has convincingly argued, the increasing use of both
containment and repressive measures may have had as much to do with countering
opposition to economic reform as is does with defeating the Islamist movement.48
EXTERNAL DIVERSION
In addition to attempts to contain or repress political pressures, each president of
republican Egypt has also turned to external affairs in pursuit of legitimacy and, most
importantly, to divert attention from domestic problems. Foreign policy, in short, has
been of paramount importance in Egyptian domestic politics. Such linkages between
domestic and international political realms are natural for governments that equate their
own survival with national security.49 Domestic political pressures can thus easily be
treated as national security crises, and the global stage offers an arena to which
governments may divert domestic attention.
Nasser set the precedent for Egypt's activist foreign policy and extensive involvement in
international affairs. While the external focus was in fact in accordance with Nasser's
professed view of Egypt's destiny in world politics-as the center of the Arab, Islamic, and
African worlds-it also served as a diversionary tactic from domestic socio-economic
11
ills.50 Michael Cooper has suggested that the combination of weak state institutions and
external political and economic pressures resulted in a "repeated configuration" in
Egyptian politics requiring such diversions. Cooper identifies a cycle in which
containment and even repression are insufficient to quell popular dissatisfaction when
they remain unlinked to evidence of prosperity, and hence the regime turns to
international affairs for diversions and perhaps even solutions to domestic problems.51
Nasser's emphasis on pan-Arabism made this an obvious tactic. His flamboyant
international style and adventurism elevated Egypt to the dominant role in the Arab
regional system, and this unleashed a wellspring of national pride on the part of a nation
which for centuries had been under foreign colonial domination.52 Nasser's foreign
policy maneuvers imbued him with a remarkable amount of domestic popular support. In
particular, his emergence as a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement after the 1955
Bandung Conference, his refusal to join the Western-oriented Baghdad Pact in favor of
"positive neutralism:' and his nationalization of the Suez Canal all marked a distinctive
and sovereign road for Egypt's future, uniting Egyptians behind their president. These
early successes may have helped Nasser to weather later debacles such as the destruction
of Egyptian forces in the 1967 Six Day War. Indeed, few national leaders could have
carried on after such a devastating defeat.
It was, in fact, through the prominence of international affairs that Nasser developed his
lasting legitimacy among Egyptians and Arabs in general-a legitimacy so strong that it
has long outlived Nasser himself and can be seen in the numerous "Nasserist" groups in
the Arab world today.53 Nasser's linkage of domestic and international affairs may have
given his regime a certain strategic flexibility in which the government could attempt to
shift public focus from one arena to another, depending on the political fortunes in each.
In contrast, when Sadat assumed the presidency he lacked the personal power base and
popular legitimacy of Nasser, and the Egyptian state was increasingly incapable of
keeping up with the welfare commitments of Nasser's socialism. Furthermore, Sadat's
effort to tone down the rhetoric of pan-Arabism initially reduced some of the initial
legitimacy he may have enjoyed as an original member of the Free Officers Movement.
Nevertheless, he remained undaunted and chose to pursue a deliberately different strategy
toward political and economic policy, and toward building his own government's
legitimacy. The Corrective Revolution helped distance Sadat from the unpopular
repressive excesses of Nasserism, while the October 1973 Arab-Israeli War gave Sadat,
in the words of one observer, a "legitimacy bonanza."54 Due largely to this foreign
policy maneuver, Sadat established for the first time his own legitimacy, in which he
emerged from Nasser's shadow to be hailed as the hero of the crossing of the Suez canal.
In his emphasis on economic liberalization and development, Sadat expanded the use of
diversion as a strategy to include not only grand gestures on the world stage, but also
manipulation of the unique nature of the Middle East regional political economy. He
made great efforts to improve relations with Saudi Arabia in order to develop the
symbiotic economic link between the two countries: oil-rich. Saudi Arabia exchanged its
capital for abundant Egyptian labor. As a result, Sadat was able to ease the burden of
12
Egypt's increasing population and decreasing welfare resources by "defusing political
unrest through emigration of labor."55
While this officially-encouraged movement of a restive labor force to foreign oil fields
helped reduce social pressures, the realities of Sadat's Infitah policies continued to
generate further pressures at home. Although some segments of society had acquired
great wealth under Infitah, many others failed to reap its rewards. Employees of Egypt's
huge public sector, which continued to employ more Egyptians than any other area, were
hard hit by spiraling inflation, given their fixed incomes. Inequalities increased and class
gaps became more apparent with the conspicuous consumption of the new Infitah
capitalists.56 As noted in the discussion of repression, popular discontent with the
government exploded in 1977 following the implementation of an IMF austerity program.
Rioting and vandalism swept Alexandria and Cairo, prompting Sadat to call in the army
for the first time against Egyptian demonstrators since 1952. After the army had quelled
the unrest with considerable force, Sadat quickly reinstated subsidies on staple foods and,
predictably, held a new referendum to endorse his continued rule.57 In this crisis,
however, neither containment nor repression tactics appeared to thwart domestic
economic dissatisfaction or political dissent. Drawing on the Nasserist precedent of
turning attention outward, and on his own flair for dramatic preemptive moves, Sadat
announced to a stunned People's Assembly that he would go to Jerusalem.59
While this and other such international political moves temporarily diverted popular
attention, domestic social and economic problems remained unresolved. Like Nasser
before him, Sadat tended to rely on international affairs to revive domestic support, and
in this realm he did enjoy several successes. But the waves of popularity which followed
the 1973 war, the journey to Jerusalem, and the 1979 peace treaty were all short-lived. In
each case raised expectations were unmet, resulting in deep frustration. This was
particularly serious after the formula linking peace with prosperity failed to produce the
latter. The already noted social and economic problems simply became that much more
glaring in the context of dashed hopes. By 1980, Egypt's domestic crisis and public
disillusionment steadily eroded Sadat's legitimacy, a process which was completed with
his resort to mass arrests and repression.
Turning to Mubarak, we find that he has relied on the politics of containment and, when
necessary, coercion in order to maintain his government. Unlike Nasser and Sadat,
however, he is less inclined toward dramatic moves on the international stage. The
absence of such gestures generated little enthusiasm for Mubarak's rule and allowed
festering domestic issues to assume their real importance. Yet Mubarak did have a
strategy: in both domestic and international affairs, Mubarak emphasized
reconciliation.59 On the domestic front, this entailed direct meetings with opposition
figures, including pardoning and receiving at the presidential palace many who were
imprisoned under Sadat. In foreign affairs, Mubarak's slow and methodical diplomacy
has had none of the dramatic successes of Nasser or Sadat; but neither has it resulted in
any grand failures. Under Mubarak, Egypt maintained its relatively cold peace with Israel
while also ending its period of ostracism in Arab regional politics. Almost immediately
upon assuming the presidency, Mubarak set to work mending fences with the same Arab
13
and Islamic leaders whom Sadat had publicly called "dwarfs". Largely as a result of
Mubarak's quiet diplomatic efforts, Egypt was readmitted to the Organization of the
Islamic Conference in 1987, and in 1989 attended its first Arab League summit since its
expulsion ten years earlier. By the 1990s, the headquarters of the Arab League had
returned to Cairo. In sum, Mubarak's diplomacy restored Egypt to its place in the Arab,
African, and Islamic worlds, and deepened its military and economic relationship with
the United States. 60
Mubarak's presidency therefore marked a departure from Nasser's and Sadat's proclivities
for dramatic actions in international affairs. As a result, his foreign policy maneuvers
have not had the same diversionary effects as those of his predecessors. The consequence
of this has been even more critical scrutiny of his domestic policies and of Egypt's many
socio-economic problems. Mubarak's low-key forays into international affairs may reveal
a declining utility for this diversionary tactic in contemporary Egypt. Nonetheless, his
dull-but-consistent successes may have built for the regime a reputation for competence,
if not charisma, in foreign affairs.
14
COMPARING SURVIVAL STRATEGIES ACROSS THE THREE REGIMES
Containment Compared
In sum, each of the presidencies examined here shows a consistent pattern in attempting
to contain pressures to its rule, with significant variations in tactics. The overuse of a
tactic has, in fact, often limited its utility for the successor government. In Nasserist
Egypt, containment strategies involved establishing corporatist structures designed to
encompass virtually the entire society. Where centers of power were too great to be
contained in this manner, Nasser turned instead to containment through balancing such
centers as the military and the ASU against one another. For Sadat, the purging of
Nasserist elements in the state involved the dismantling of corporatist structures whose
utility may have already eroded along with their legitimacy in the public eye.
To recapture public support and contain burgeoning pressures for pluralism in postNasserist Egypt, Sadat turned instead toward political and economic liberalization. Yet
the effort to contain pressures through political liberalization under Sadat and later
Mubarak as well, met with considerable public cynicism (largely as a result of unfulfilled
expectations regarding the scope of "democratization"). That cynicism was well-founded,
as both Sadat and Mubarak appeared to see democratization less as a means of extending
the base of political participation, and more as a way of containing opposition to their
rule.61
Repression Compared
Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarak all turned to repression of dissent, when various maneuvers
intended to contain social and political pressures had proven ineffective. The case of
Nasser's Egypt, however, illustrates the unfortunate tendency for the resort to violent
coercion and repression to build on itself, to the point that it may develop into a strategy
of the first instance rather than one of last resort. While the development of the Nasserist
repressive apparatus appears to fit this model, the Sadat administration first broke with
this pattern, only to return to it in the late 1970s and early 1980s when the regime was
most besieged. Under Mubarak, Egypt opened up considerably, with a much shorter
shadow of repression than before, although the use of coercion against dissidents by no
means disappeared. In essence, the Mubarak strategy toward its most vocal oppositionthe Islamists-amounted to one of "divide and rule" by containing moderate oppositionists
(including the mainstream Ikhwan) while violently repressing more militant Islamists.
By the late 1990's, however, the regime was decidedly on the defensive, and by
continuing to concentrate on the perceived Islamist threat to the regime's survival, the
image of the Mubarak presidency remained for many Egyptians one of a besieged
government whose policies on social and economic development amounted to running in
place and little more. Yet Egyptians themselves were also divided in their attitudes
toward the continued battles between the military-backed secular state and its Islamist
opponents. For some, the previously unthinkable idea of an Islamic Republic of Egypt
seemed a worthwhile experiment after almost half a century of rule by the Free Officers
15
and their descendants. For others, however, the spectacle of chaos and civil war in
Algeria in the 1990's served to rally otherwise liberal elements behind the semiauthoritarian state in its efforts against Islamism.
External Diversion Compared
Nasser and Sadat diverted domestic attention toward dramatic Egyptian involvement in
regional and global affairs. Mubarak, by contrast, eschewed such maneuvers in terms of
his tactics (and diversionary power), but he by no means rejected Egypt's activist role in
international affairs. The regime, for example, played a key role in assembling the Arab
component of the U.S.-led coalition against Iraq in 1990-91. And in terms of the ArabIsraeli peace process, the Mubarak regime had carved out its place in the process as
virtually the only participant whom all the antagonists could talk to. But this type of
foreign policy involvement never quite approached the drama of the Nasser or Sadat eras,
and hence never amounted to a real diversionary tactic for the regime.
Diversion through manipulating the international involvement of one's government is a
maneuver found in many countries in addition to Egypt. This may be an even more
feasible route for governments in developing countries which, like Egypt, are considered
to be of high geopolitical importance by various "great powers". It is important to note,
however, that while useful in a short term sense, this domestic-international linkage is at
best highly precarious in the long term, as domestic social and economic problems
remain even after the dust has settled from the latest international crisis.
CONCLUSIONS
By examining strategies of survival, this paper has explored the durability of
governments in republican Egypt since 1952. It has emphasized the utility of three
general strategies, all of which exploit options that are subject to manipulation by
political leaders, and all of which have implications for understanding four decades of
relative political stability and regime durability in Egypt, as well as understanding similar
phenomena in other executive-centered countries throughout the "Third World". Nasser,
Sadat, and Mubarak have been quite consistent in their attempts to contain, repress, and
divert political pressures.
Thus each Egyptian president succeeded in consolidating his own power and developing
the presidency as an institution, yet none succeeded in developing state institutions
beyond the presidency. Each has reshuffled the make-up of organizations and agencies,
but none has institutionalized major organizations and agencies in the strict sense of the
term. As Migdal has argued, "keeping state leaders afloat may paradoxically have
involved the systemic weakening of the state's agencies, a kind of deinstitutionalization."62 This is well-illustrated in the experience of Nasser's ASU, and in
the later failures of both Sadat and Mubarak to follow through with true democratization
and meaningful participatory politics.
16
Mubarak's great contribution to the development of Egypt might have been in breaking
with this cynical pattern and pursuing a more genuine process of democratization. After
the first ten years of his presidency, Mubarak had indeed pursued relatively more
democratization than his predecessors, and relatively less repression. Yet his battle with
Islamist militancy ran against the overall trend toward greater political liberalization, so
that the survival strategies discussed above continued to dominate Egyptian political life.
The danger is that the lack of development of state institutions, of political legitimacy,
and of stable and effective means for real political participation help to perpetuate the
basic insecurity of the regime and to limit its overall policy effectiveness. Most Third
World countries are already confronted by a host of economic, social, demographic, and
even environmental problems and obstacles to development. These hurdles, combined
with weak state institutions and insecure leadership, encourage executives to pursue short
term survival strategies to a greater extent than long term development strategies. The
result is a vicious cycle of short term survival strategies perpetuating the conditions for
still more of the same.
Excessive reliance on the types of survival strategies discussed here bodes ill for the
development prospects of many countries in the Third World. As this paper has
demonstrated, a leader such as Nasser or Sadat may have a great vision, agenda, or
ideological view aimed at change and development of the nation, yet the focus on
government survival can easily become an obsession, tempering even the most ambitious
plans for a better future. Political concentration on the short term and the immediate
future all too easily loses sight of lasting development, with the result that executives
may survive but the ultimate losers continue to be the people.
NOTES
1.President Sadat was assassinated, but no coup or national political upheaval took place,
and the transition to the presidency of Husni Mubarak proceeded on the basis of the
constitution and without any power struggle.
2. For a recent and cogently argued assessment of Egypt's dim prospects, see the article
under the pseudonym Cassandra, "The Impending Crisis in Egypt:' Middle East Journal
49 (Winter 1995): pp. 9-28. The present article focuses instead on how the Nasser, Sadat,
and Mubarak regimes manipulated politics to survive despite the odds.
3. In transliterating Arabic words and names I have attempted to keep the spellings as
accurate as possible while omitting diacritical marks except for the initial and medial
hamza and ayn. For some names, however, I have used the more well-known spelling;
thus "Nasser" rather than "Nasir".
6. The core work in this literature is Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda
Skocpol, (eds.), Bringing the State Back In (New York: Cambridge University Press,
1985); but very little of this literature addresses Middle Eastern states. For a state-
17
centered approach to political development in the Middle East, see Lisa Anderson, "The
State in the Middle East and North Africa," Comparative Politics 20 (1) October 1987:118.
7. See Anderson, "The State in the Middle East and North Africa," p. 5.
8. Michael C. Hudson, Arab Politics: The Search for Legitimacy (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1977), p. 243.
Corporatism in Egypt under Nasser more closely fits Schmitter's model of "state" rather
than "societal" corporatism. Schmitter has defined corporatism as "a system of interest
representation in which the constituent units are organized in a limited number of
singular, compulsory, non-competitive, hierarchically ordered and functionally
differentiated categories, recognized or licensed (if not created) by the state and granted a
deliberate monopoly within their respective categories in exchange for observing certain
controls on their selection of leaders and articulation of demands and supports." See
Philippe C. Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" Review of Politics 36 (1)
January 1974: 85-131. See also Robert Bianchi, "The Corporatization of the Egyptian
Labor Movement:' The Middle East Journal 40 (3) Summer 1986: 429-444 and Bianchi,
Unruly Corporatism: Associational Life in Twentieth Century Egypt (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1989). For an early discussion emphasizing the "unincorporated" nature
of Egyptian society see Clement Henry Moore, "Authoritarian Politics in Unincorporated
Society: The Case of Nasser's Egypt:' Comparative Politics 6 (2) January 1974: 193-218.
10. Waterbury, The Egypt ofNasser and Sadat, pp. 311-322. 11. Waterbury, The Egypt
ofNasser and Sadat, p. 310. 12. Waterbury, The Egypt ofNasser and Sadat, p.316. 13. On
the political opening (and later closing) under Sadat, see Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser
and Sadat, pp. 354-388.
14. Arthur Goldschmidt Jr., Modern Egypt: The Formation of a Nation-State (Boulder,
CO: Westview Press, 1988), p. 138.
15. Goldschmidt, Modem Egypt, pp. 133-134.
16. Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat, pp. 354, 381-383. 17. Waterbury, The
Egypt of Nasser and Sadat, p. 369.
18. Nazih H. Ayubi, "Domestic Politics," in Lillian Craig Harris, ed., Egypt. Internal
Challenges and Regional Stability (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1988), p. 54.
19. On the varieties of Islamism in Egypt, revolutionary and otherwise, see Hamied
Ansari, "The Islamic Militants in Egyptian Politics:' International Journal of Middle East
Studies 16 (1984): 123-144; Fouad Ajami, "The Sorrows of Egypt:' Foreign Affairs
September/October 1995: 72-95; Saad Eddin Ibrahim, "Egypt's Islamic Activism in the
18
1980s;' Third World Quarterly 10 (2) April 1988: 632-657; Asef Bayat, "Revolution
without Movement, Movement without Revolution: Comparing Islamic Activism in Iran
and Egypt:' Comparative Studies in Society and History 40 (1) January 1998: 136-169;
John L. Esposito and John 0. Voll, Islam and Democracy (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1996), pp. 173-191; Joel Gordon, "Political Opposition in Egypt:' Current History
February 1990: 65-80; Gilles Kepel, Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and
Pharoah (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985); and Emmanuel Sivan,
Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1985).
20. Goldschmidt, Modem Egypt, pp. 158-159.
21. Afaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid Marsot, A Short History of Modern Egypt (Cambridge, MA:
Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 137.
22. Ayubi, "Domestic Politics:' p. 63. 23. Ayubi, "Domestic Politics," p. 64.
24. Richard U. Moench, "Oil, Ideology, and State Autonomy in Egypt," Arab Studies
Quarterly 10 (2) Spring 1988. p. 183.
25. Anthony McDermott, Egypt From Nasser to Mubarak: A Flawed Revolution
(London: Croom Helm, 1988), p. 77.
26. Moench, "Oil, Ideology, and State Autonomy in Egypt:'p. 183.
27. Robert Staloff, Army and Politics in Mubarak's Egypt (Washington, DC: Washington
Institute for Near East Policy, 1988), pp. 5-10. For an alternative discussion of the
political role of the military, see Robert Springborg, "Me President and the Field
Marshal: Civil-Military Relations in Egypt Today," MERIP Midthe East Report 17(4)
July-August 1987, pp. 5-16.
28. Sadat attempted to revive the Egyptian economy by initiating his policy of alInfitah
al-lqtisadi, "the economic opening" or, as it is sometimes known, "The open door policy."
The initiatives subsumed under Infitah moved away from the stagnated state socialist
policies of Nasser toward liberalization and the encouragement of foreign investment and
joint ventures between foreign and Egyptian firms. Mubarak for the most part followed
Infitah as well, while attempting to curb its excesses. For insightful analyses of Infitah,
reform, and the Egyptian political economy see John Waterbury, "The 'Soft State' and the
Open Door: Egypt's Experience with Economic Liberalization, 1974-1984:' Comparative
Politics 18 (1) 1985:65-83; Denis J. Sullivan, "The Political Economy of Reform in
Egypt:' International Journal of Middle East Studies 22 (3): 317-334; and chapters two
through five, by various authors, in Iliya Harik and Denis J. Sullivan, Privatization and
Liberalization in the Middle East (Bloomington, IL: Indiana University Press, 1992).
29. McDermott, Egypt from Nasser to Mubarak, p. 79.
19
30. Satloff, Army and Politics in Mubarak's Egypt, p. 16.
31. Ayubi, "Domestic Politics:' p. 68. By the late 1990's Egypt's total armed forces were
estimated to number at least 436,000 (including some 222,000 conscripts). International
Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), The Military Balance, 1995-1996 (London: IISS,
1995), pp. 130-132.
32. Staloff, Army and Politics in Mubarak's Egypt, pp. 22-27. 33. Baker, Egypt's
Uncertain Revolution, p. 238.
34. Baker, Egypt's Uncertain Revolution, pp. 238-239. 35. Waterbury, The Egypt of
Nasser and Sadat, p. 339.
36. Sayyid Qutb was later hanged, and remains a martyr and inspiration to many Muslim
militants today. His writings are still published and find a receptive audience among
many Islamists in Egypt and elsewhere. Among his most influential writings is Ma'alim fi
al-Tariq ("Signposts" or "Signs in the Road"). 37. Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser and
Sadat, pp. 340-341.
38. Goldschmidt, Modem Egypt, p. 135.
39. While one-fifth of Nasser's average cabinet had consisted of military officers, only
one-twentieth of Sadat's average cabinet were military men. See Satloff, Army and
Politics in Mubarak's Egypt, pp. 3-6.
40. Satloff, Army and Politics in Mubarak's Egypt, p. 6. 41. Waterbury, The Egypt of
Nasser and Sadat, p. 375.
42. For a discussion of sectarian infighting as well as its potential "Sectarian Conflict in
Egypt and the Political Expediency of Religion," The Middle East Journal 38 (3) Summer
1984: 397-418.
43. While few militant Islamists believed in the authenticity of this move, it also
produced considerable anger from Egypt's large Coptic Christian communityapproximately 10% of the population.
44. Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat, pp. 372-374. 45. Waterbury, The Egypt
of Nasser and Sadat, p. 363.
46. Al-Sayyid Marsot, A Short History of Modern Egypt, p. 138.
47. For reports on government repression and human rights in Egypt toward the end of
the Sadat era and during the transition to Mubarak's rule, see U.S. Congress, House,
Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Country
Reports on Human Rights Practices, 96th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1980, pp. 732-737; 97th
Cong., 2nd Sess., 1980, pp. 732-737; 97th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1982, pp.956-965; 98th
20
Cong., 2nd Sess., 1984, pp. 12271241; 99th Cong., 1st Sess., 1985, pp. 1202-1218; 99th
Cong., 2nd Sess., 1986, pp. 1206-1220.
48. Eberhard Kienle, "More than a Response to Islamism: The Political Deliberalization
of Egypt in the 1990s;' Middle East Journal 52 (2) Spring 1998: 219235.
49. Satloff, Army and Politics in Mubarak's Egypt, p. 49.
so. Nasser described Egypt as linked to overlapping Arab, Islamic, and African circles.
He used this foil to discuss Egypt's role in regional and world affairs. Gamal Abd alNasser, The Philosophy of the Revolution (Buffalo, NY: Smith, Keynes & Marshall,
1959), pp. 57-66.
51. To put it in Cooper's words, "With no recourse to the interior, there was only the
exterior. It was back to the well of foreign affairs; one more effort to pull off the
international miracle that will solve the domestic problems and ensure the legitimacy of
the regime." Cooper, The Transformation of Egypt, p. 251.
52. Nasser's foreign policy and the intricacies of inter-Arab politics during his presidency
have been well documented in Malcolm Kerr, The Arab Cold War: Gamal Abd al-Nasser
and His Rivals, 1958-1970, 3rd ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1971).
53. Hudson, Arab Politics, pp. 240-242. 54. Hudson, Arab Politics, p. 248.
55. Moench, "Oil, Ideology, and State Autonomy in Egypt;'p. 176.
56. In Arabic, the main beneficiaries of Infitah were sometimes known collectively at
Munfatihun.
57. The IMF measures eliminated subsidies on beer, flour and sugar, while reducing
those on bread, cooking oil, beans, and lentils. In the course of the rioting the specific
targets of mob violence and arson were instructive, particularly the setting on fire of the
headquarters of the Arab Socialist Union. See Goldschmidt, Modern Egypt, p. 151.
58. This is not to suggest, however, that diversion alone was Sadat's sole or even main
motivation. But the various motivations for peace with Israel included easing both
domestic political and economic pressures on the regime. For an excellent reevaluation of
Egyptian policy, see Ibrahim A. Karawan, "Sadat and the Egyptian-Israeli Peace
Revisited:' International Journal of Middle East Studies 26 (2) May 1994: 249-266.
59. Satloff, Army and Politics in Mubarak's Egypt, p. 1.
60. United States aid played no small role in the regime's survival. For the historic
development of United States aid to Egypt, see William J. Bums, Economic Aid and
American Policy Toward Egypt, 1955-1981 (Albany, NY: State University of New York
Press, 1985); Marvin G. Weinbaum, Egypt and the Politics of U.S. Economic Aid
21
(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1986); and William B. Quandt, The United States and
Egypt: An Essay on Policy for the 1990s (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution,
1990).
61. President Mubarak made clear on countless occasions his belief that democratization,
while greater under his regime than under those of his predecessors, still had to be limited
and incremental for fear of creating greater domestic instability. For a critique of the
limitations of meaningful democratic opposition in Egypt, and an eloquent argument in
favor of opening the system more in order to achieve greater stability (effectively
countering the government party line) see Mona Makram-Ebeid, "Political Opposition in
Egypt: Democratic Myth or Reality?" The Middle East Journal 43 (3) 1989: 423-436.
62. Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States, p. 226.
By Curtis R. Ryan*
*When this article was first published, Dr. Curtis R. Ryan taught in the Department of
Political Science and International Affairs, at Mary Washington College, Fredericksburg,
Virginia. Since 2001, he has been an Associate Professor of Political Science at
Appalachian State University in Boone, North Carolina.
Copyright Association of Third World Studies, Inc. Fall 2001
Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.