Community Insights on
Domestic Violence among
African Americans:
Conversations About Domestic Violence And
Other Issues Affecting Their Community
Prepared by
Linner Ward Griffin, MSW, Ed.D
East Carolina University
Melissa Chappell, MSW
East Carolina University
Oliver J. Williams, Ph.D.
University of Minnesota
Greenville, North Carolina, 2006
EAST CAROLINA UNIVERSITY &
INSTITUTE ON DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
IN THE AFRICAN AMERICAN
COMMUNITY
Prepared by:
Linner Ward
Griffin
East Carolina
University
&
Oliver J.
Williams, Ph.D.
University of
Minnesota
2005
A Pair of Purple
Shoes —poignant
reminder of a North
Carolina domestic
violence fatality.
Acknowledgements
T
his report is sponsored by the Institute on Domestic Violence in the African American
Community and is based on interviews conducted with representatives from the rural eastern
North Carolina African American community in Greenville, North Carolina. Through focus
group sessions, the perceptions of participants about violence and especially domestic violence
were shared and explored. The Institute would like to thank the following Steering Committee
members and to acknowledge their role in developing, guiding, and implementing the national
community assessment idea: Linner Ward Griffin, Robert L. Hampton, Shelia Hankins, Esther J.
Jenkins, Kelly Mitchell-Clark, William Oliver, Beth E. Ritchie, Joyce N. Thomas, Antonia A.
Vann, and Oliver J. Williams, Executive Director. Additionally, the Institute would like to
recognize members of the IDVAAC Steering Committee, who also served as focus group
facilitators in Greenville.
The Institute acknowledges the support of Lori Crowder, Mike Bobbitt and Gloria Tate from
the Vera Institute of Justice and Mitchell Davis, Jr., IDVAAC consultant, for their help in staffing
the focus groups. The Institute also gratefully acknowledges the input and guidance of members
of the Greenville Planning Committee, which included Ms. Marche Clarke, former Executive
Director of the NC Domestic Violence Coalition; retired Captain Janice Harris of the Greenville
Police Department; Ms. Diana Lucas, Director of the Pitt County Family Violence Program; Dr.
Mary Jackson, Professor and Interim Director of the School of Social Work at East Carolina
University (ECU); Dr. Cynthia Johnson, Chair of the Department of Child Development and
Family Relations at ECU; Dr. Shelia Bunch, Assistant Professor in the ECU
School of Social Work; Ms. Renee L. Pearson, community representative; Mr.
Barry Dixon, community representative; Mr. Victor Armstrong of the TEDI Bear
Children’s Advocacy Center; Dr. Joyce G. Dickerson, domestic violence
researcher; and Ms. Yolanda Davis of the Pitt County Department of Social
Services.
Appreciation also is extended to Dean Karla Hughes of the College of Human
Ecology at East Carolina University for support of the focus groups and the
Town Hall Meeting; to the ECU Provost and Division of Academic Affairs for
travel reimbursement of various focus group participants; to Clayton Sessoms of
the ECU Division of Continuing Studies for van transportation of Steering
Committee members; and, to Tracy Blake, Supervisor of Advanced Digital Video
Technology, and Thomas McQuaid, ECU School of Communication, for their
assistance in videotaping the community Town Hall Meeting. The Institute also would like to
extend recognition to Diana Lucas of the Pitt County Family Violence Program for coordinating
the Purple Shoes Exhibit, and to Mayor Don Parrott and Councilwoman Mildred Council for
proclaiming Pitt County Domestic Violence Awareness Day (Proclamation #166550).
The Institute is sponsored by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
Administration for Children and Families, Office of Community Services. Points of view or
opinions in this document are those of the community assessment responders and do not
represent the official position or policies of East Carolina University or the US Department of
Health and Human Services.
This report was compiled by Dr. Linner W. Griffin, Interim Associate Vice Chancellor for Academic
Programs at East Carolina University, with the aid of Melissa Chappell, graduate assistant.
2
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements......................................................................................2
Executive Summary ......................................................................................4
Domestic Violence in North Carolina.....................................................6
The Community Assessment Project ......................................................7
Summary of Findings...................................................................................8
Introduction ..................................................................................................10
Community Assessment Methodology................................................11
Table 1: Assessment Group by Gender ........................................12
Table 2: Assessment Group by Length of Time
in Eastern North Carolin .................................................12
Table 3: Assessment Group by Home Location.........................13
Table 4: Assessment Group by Age ...............................................13
Table 5: Assessment Group by Education ...................................13
Table 6: Assessment Group by Marital Status............................13
Community Assessment Discussions...................................................14
Across Group Findings - Types ...............................................................15
Across Group Findings – Causes ...........................................................16
Across Group Findings – Consequences.............................................17
Across Group Findings – Solutions.......................................................18
Greenville - Law Enforcement ................................................................20
Greenville - Faith Community.................................................................24
Greenville - Human Services...................................................................30
Greenville - GLBTQ .....................................................................................36
Greenville - Children and Youth ............................................................40
Greenville - Community Activists ..........................................................45
Conclusion and Recommendations .....................................................51
References ....................................................................................................54
Steering Committee...................................................................................55
Fact Sheet on Intimate Partner Violence in the
African American Community.................................................................56
Fact Sheet References...............................................................................57
Eastern North Carolina Domestic Violence Resource List ...........58
3
Executive Summary
I
Oliver J. Williams,Ph.D.
n an effort to increase understanding
of the perceptions of African Americans
toward domestic violence, the Institute on
Domestic Violence in the African
American Community (IDVAAC)
established the Community Insights
Project. The purpose of the IDVAAC
Community Insights Project is to secure
information from African Americans
who maintain an insider-specific
understanding of the causes and
consequences of domestic violence and
to identify what they consider to be
useful solutions that may be effective in
preventing domestic violence in African
American communities across the
United States. As such, the project seeks
to inform a wider audience comprised
of domestic violence service providers,
criminal justice practitioners and public
officials about the unique manifestation
of domestic violence in the African
American community.
In 1998, IDVAAC initiated a national
effort to learn more about community
perspectives on domestic violence in the
African American community. Since then,
IDVAAC has convened discussion groups
with community members in nine cities,
including: San Francisco and Oakland,
California; Seattle, Washington;
Minneapolis, Minnesota; Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania; Detroit, Michigan;
Birmingham, Alabama; Memphis,
Tennessee; and Greenville, North
Carolina. The Community Insights Project
has sought to enhance understanding of
domestic violence in the African American
community by gathering data on a range
of issues, including: types of violence,
causes of violence, and consequences of
violence, as well as solutions and barriers
to ending domestic violence in the African
American community. This report focuses
on the perceptions of community members
and domestic violence stakeholders from
eastern North Carolina, who assembled in
Greenville, North Carolina.
The evolving literature on domestic
4
violence among African Americans has
identified several factors that distinguish
the occurrence of domestic violence
among African Americans from the
occurrence of domestic violence among
members of the majority population. The
first of these factors is the observation that
structural inequalities emanating from the
adverse impacts of historical and
contemporary patterns of racial
discrimination have contributed to
domestic violence in the African American
community. More specifically, this
exposure to racial oppression has served
as a catalyst for conflict and violence
within intimate relationships (BentGoodley, 1998; Hampton, 1982;
Hampton, Oliver & Magarian, 2003).
Second, a dominant theme in the
literature on domestic violence among
African Americans is the “double bind”
that many African American women who
are battered face. The “double bind” has
been described as the “tendency of African
American women to endure abuse,
subordinate their concerns with safety,
and make a conscious self sacrifice for
what many of these women perceive as the
greater good of the community to her own
physical, psychological, and spiritual
detriment” (Asbury, 1993). The existence
of a community ethic that socializes
African American women to internalize
the view that to report an abusive man to
the authorities is a form of community
betrayal has functioned to prevent many
African American women from
proactively seeking help as a means of
protecting their intimate partner from
involvement in the criminal justice system,
to avoid loss of income and/or as a means
of avoiding social ostracism (Asbury,
1993; Bent-Goodley, 2001; Richie, 1996).
Consequently, many battered black
women and their children are at an
increased risk for intimate partner violence
and re-victimization when such women
forego seeking help from law enforcement
and domestic violence service providers.
Third, the literature on domestic violence
consistently reports that it is not
uncommon for African Americans who
experience abuse and seek assistance to
experience racial discrimination.
Discrimination toward African American
victims of domestic violence has been
identified throughout the domestic violence
service delivery network and the criminal
justice system. For example, there is
evidence that reports that African
Americans, both victims and batterers, are
more likely to be arrested, prosecuted, and
imprisoned due to domestic violence than
other groups (Buzawa & Buzawa, 2003;
Richie, 1996; Roberts, 1994).
Furthermore, it has been reported that
African American women experiencing
domestic violence have been found to have
their children removed from their custody,
even when the household circumstances
are similar to those of non-black women
(Bent-Goodley, 2004). Indeed, inequitable
treatment based on race remains a major
reason why African American women may
struggle with whether they should utilize
formal systems that exist to address
domestic violence.
Fourth, African American researchers
and practitioners have consistently called
attention to the need for culturally
competent services (Bent-Goodley, 2001;
Gondolf & Williams, 2001; West, 1999;
Williams, 1998). The lack of culturally
competent services in shelters and nonresidential domestic violence programs has
been identified as a major factor explaining
why African American women who are
battered are less likely to seek emergency
shelter and/or services provided by
domestic violence programs, even when
they have experienced severe acts of
intimate partner violence (Asbury, 1993;
West, 1999). Research in this area has
reported that it is not uncommon for
workers in domestic violence programs
and law enforcement to treat abuse less
seriously and even withhold proactive
intervention and services, as a result of
acting on negative stereotypes of black
women, including the belief that African
American women, unlike white women,
are better able to defend themselves (West,
1999). Regarding batterers intervention,
there is an inadequacy of responses of the
traditional domestic violence service
delivery network to address domestic
violence among African Americans. It has
also been noted that most batterers
programs do not make any significant
effort to provide culturally relevant service
delivery practices and outreach that would
encourage greater participation among
African American men who batter
(Williams & Becker, 1994). Consequently,
it is not surprising that African American
men have lower completion and
participation rates than other men due to
the lack of culturally relevant services,
despite the development of culturally
competent curriculum designed to provide
services to this population (Gondolf &
Williams, 2001).
5
Domestic Violence in North Carolina
D
omestic violence is a social, legal, and public health issue that affects many North
Carolinians regardless of age, ethnicity or social status. Adult victims and their children
suffer untold emotional damage and physical harm, including death. State marriage license
fees have provided support for domestic violence service provider programs in this state since
1991; and, currently all 100 of North Carolina’s counties are served by programs that
provide emergency shelter, confidential hotline services, court advocacy, counseling and
advocacy, and community education.
Linner Ward Griffin, Ed.D
North
Carolina law
enforcement
data reveal
that the
number of
deaths directly
related to
domestic
violence has
decreased over
the last two
years.
6
North Carolina law enforcement data reveal that the number of deaths directly related to
domestic violence has decreased over the last two years. In 2002, 78 women died as a direct
result of domestic violence; in 2003, the number of deaths totaled 72. Eighty-two persons
succumbed to domestic violence homicides in 2004 and 65 North Carolinians were victims
in 2005. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI, 2004) Supplemental
Homicide Report, the number of domestic homicides of women per million population in
North Carolina in 2000 was 5.59. The distinction of exceeding the rate of 5.01 in domestic
homicides of women was shared with 9 other states (Arkansas, Arizona, Delaware, Hawaii,
Mississippi, Nevada, New Mexico, South Carolina, and Tennessee), most of which are
located in the southern United States. This was a vast improvement over 1998 statistics,
when North Carolina had a 7.29 domestic homicide rate and was one of 10 southern states
that exceeded the 5.01 rate from a total of 16 nationally.
The North Carolina Council for Women collects data from state domestic violence
programs bi-annually. Statistical data reveal that 44,895 unduplicated domestic violence
victims were served from July 1, 2002 through June 30, 2003, by state programs. Most of
these primary victims were adults. Although domestic violence affects people of all ages and
all races, there were some interesting racial characteristics of victims serviced by programs
during that year, which are presented below:
Year
# Served
Race
Women/female Children Served
7/00-6//01
41,214
10,738 Black
39,075
7/01-6/02
47,983
12,374 Black
44,045
7/02-6/03
52,352
14,262 Black
45,843
The overwhelming majority of victims are female and between the ages of 18 and 44 years
of age. Another alarming statistic reveals that pregnant women and new mothers are
particularly vulnerable for physical abuse. Each year more than 3% of new mothers in
North Carolina, or more than 3,000 women, are physically abused, mostly by their
husbands or boyfriends, according to a University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School
of Public Health study (Martin, Mackie, Kupper, Moracco, & Buescher, 2001).
Sexual abuse is a life altering experience for many women. The North Carolina
Department of Health and Human Services reports that in North Carolina 1 in 5 women
have been sexually assaulted at some point in their lives. According to the NC Council for
Women (2002), over 10,000 North Carolinians were affected by sexual violence last year.
North Carolina rape crisis centers reported that 70% of these victims knew their assailants.
Only 46% of victims reported their case to North Carolina law enforcement in 2002. Rape,
childhood sexual abuse, and domestic violence are among the most common causes of
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in women. The chances that a woman will develop
PTSD after being raped are between 50% and 95%. Sexual assault also is closely associated
with depression and anxiety disorder in women.
The Community Assessment Project
T
he Community Assessment Project seeks to provide a fuller
picture of how African Americans perceive and experience domestic
violence. The following six groups of participants were assembled
to share their perspectives related to domestic violence in eastern
North Carolina’s African American community: (1) Children and
Youth workers, (2) members of the Faith community, (3)
community activists, (4) the Human Services community, (5)
representatives of the GLBTQ community, and (6) the Law
Enforcement community. This report presents their perspectives,
insights, and interwoven comments about domestic violence; but,
this report does not speak for the entire community, as every
individual’s experiences are different. Still, the report does provide
critical insights from six groups of African Americans into the
African American perception of domestic violence in rural eastern
North Carolina*.
For practitioners, this report supports the need for the following:
(1) more self-help mechanisms and stronger community cohesion,
(2) more culturally-based prevention and intervention services
available to members sparsely populated, rural communities, (3)
educational experiences about family violence for the very young
and all developmental levels, (4) more faith-based programs to
provide education and services, and (5) increased opportunities for
interdisciplinary training in domestic violence. Policymakers will
find that this report illuminates needs in the following five areas: (1)
increased funding for domestic violence education and services,
particularly that which can provide support for residents in
isolated, rural communities; (2) more substance abuse and mental
health preventive and treatment services; (3) policies that ensure
funding actually serves the population it is intended to serve, i.e.,
Black communities; (4) policies which strengthen individual selfsufficiency through improved employment opportunities and equity in economic income
and wealth; and (5) policies that reduce the cyclical and generational nature of domestic
violence. Researchers will find this report useful in reinforcing the need for (1) additional
research on culturally competent models of domestic violence prevention and best practice
interventions that focuses on rural communities; (2) documentation of differential treatment
of African Americans by law enforcement, the judicial system, and the child welfare system
when domestic violence is involved; and (3) more research on the intersection of racism,
contemporary oppression and discrimination, domestic violence, and substance abuse.
As community citizens, this report emphasizes the need for each of us to be more
informed and more aware of what is happening in our communities and homes and to find
comprehensive, culturally sensitive solutions to create change. The participants have
provided us with ideas and an inspiring message that we must strive to eradicate this black
mark of domestic violence from our communities.
7
Summary of Findings
Findings from the community assessment sessions indicated the following:
Rural settings, such as eastern North Carolina, provide a particularly difficult challenge
for human service programs and for treatment services that address domestic violence
issues. Small towns with small populations describe this rural region. The existing
communities are not large enough to sustain many human service agencies. Domestic
violence shelters and treatment facilities are sporadically situated across many miles and
across several counties. One example mentioned was a single domestic violence program
that serviced women and children in a four county geographic area. Having to drive more
than an hour, and in some cases two hours to receive emergency and treatment services,
was considered unacceptable.
Lack of funding was cited as a major barrier to
addressing domestic violence, particularly the lack of
funding for treatment services and preventive services in
rural eastern North Carolina communities.
Respondents noted the limited resources available to
address domestic violence and the dearth of
programmatic services and organizations available in
rural communities. Small populations and small tax
bases were seen as contributors to the lack of funding
resources. More funding can provide more services and
programs that could be much more easily accessed by
persons in danger.
The lack of
community
cohesion among
African
Americans was
traced to the
beginning of
desegregation.
Violence is pervasive in all communities. In African
American communities, families are firmly connected to
many forms of violence –including domestic violence.
Participants in eastern North Carolina area reported
strong connections between domestic violence and other
forms of violence, particularly community violence, sexual abuse, child abuse, health
abuse, youth violence, and verbal abuse. Health abuse was defined as destructive practices
that affect human health; examples of health abuse included medical neglect, abuse of
drugs and alcohol, and unhealthy lifestyle practices. Respondents noted the connections
between stressors inside and outside the home; they connected observed violence with acts
of violence committed by perpetrators.
Youth violence among African Americans reflects the desire for social and economic
respect. Several focus groups discussed how violence specifically perpetrated by African
American youth can be an extreme expression of rebellion against parental and
community realities –both social and economic. Lack of job opportunities, lack of equal
pay, and poor education all are consequences of institutionalized discrimination.
Internalized oppression and feelings of powerlessness and hopelessness were described as
primary causes and factors of domestic violence among young African Americans. Youth
gang violence was described as increasing in rural eastern North Carolina as youth seek to
secure the attention and respect they need to feel good about themselves from their peers.
The lack of community cohesion among African Americans was traced to the beginning
of desegregation. Desegregation was described as a prime cause of the breakup of the
traditional black community and the breakdown of the family. Community redevelopment
projects and racial integration of public schools were described as having a direct
relationship with the loss of supportive community environments that historically
monitored the behaviors of their own children and adults.
8
African Americans’ definitions of domestic violence can differ from what the majority
community calls domestic violence and methods proposed to end the violence must also
differ. Respondents repeatedly remarked that, “one size does not fit
all”; African Americans must develop their own definitions of and
responses to domestic violence and not depend upon the terms and
solutions used by White America.
Raising community awareness and breaking the “code of silence”
are imperative if the community is to solve problems associated with
domestic violence. The need to “galvanize and publicize” was
identified as a priority if the black community is every to eradicate
domestic violence as a social problem. We must increase public
awareness initiatives and secure adequate counseling resources that
can address problems of both victims and abusers in the African
American community.
Solutions to domestic violence among African Americans in eastern
North Carolina must be comprehensive and culturally based.
Participants thought that the community must resolve domestic
violence issues with the proper support and attitudes. Because it has
traditionally been the social and spiritual leader in rural communities,
the church occupies a critical role in addressing domestic violence and
the very direct symptoms of racism and other problems that permeate
the community. A stronger role for church ministries was proposed as
a solution to domestic violence in eastern North Carolina. Education
for ministers about domestic violence was seen as an essential strategy
for affecting changes in the behavior of both men and women in the
African American community.
9
Respondents
willingly shared
personal information and
professional
insights...
Introduction
T
his report summarizes comments and ideas about domestic violence from community
members in eastern North Carolina.* While all contributors represented different
professional backgrounds, strengths, and experiences, their message was essentially the
same --that the African American community itself must end domestic violence because it is
destroys black families, which are the core of black communities. Respondents willingly
shared personal information and professional insights; they did so at
great personal risk to themselves because of concern for their
communities. They were open and engaged throughout each focus
group and provided specific examples to support their statements and
suggested remedies for domestic violence in our minority
communities. Traditionally, research has provided some indicators or
patterns about domestic violence, but most display methodological
shortcomings which limit a clear picture of prevalence, completion
rates, and program utilization in minority communities (BentGoodley, 2001, Hampton, 1991, West, 1998). Limited empirical
information about African American perceptions of domestic violence
make this report and the Community Assessments Project important
because both provide a more comprehensive understanding of how
African Americans view domestic violence and what solutions they
identify as most responsive to the unique needs of diverse
communities. Recognizing the complexity of the issue, this report
links domestic violence with other social issues and rests its
recommendations in the desires and understandings of a diverse group
of thinkers in eastern North Carolina.
This report can cite four emergent messages: (1) One cannot address
domestic violence in the African American community unless the
community is at the center of proposed solutions; (2) To address
domestic violence in the rural south, one must also understand the
history of contemporary racism and discrimination that have
continued to affect African American relationships; (3) To address
domestic violence, one must understand and address issues of racism,
geographic isolation, poverty, substance abuse, mental health,
unemployment, and other competing social issues; and (4) solutions
must be culturally sensitive and, ideally, they will be implemented by
skilled African American practitioners.
...they did so at
great personal
risk to
themselves
because of
concern for
their
communities.
10
* Note: The eastern counties are considered the 40 counties comprising the Northeast Economic
Development Region, North Carolina’s Eastern Region, and the Southeast Economic Development
Region. They also conform generally to multi-county planning regions M (excluding Harnett) N, O, P, Q
and R.
Community Assessment Methodology
E
astern North Carolina was selected as the eighth of nine communities chosen for this
project by the Steering Committee of the Institute on Domestic Violence in the African
American Community (IDVAAC) for
several reasons: its rural southern
location, its southern heritage, and its
unique population demographics.
Eastern North Carolina is a prime
example of the “New South”; it is an
area that has attracted major industry
and is experiencing rapid population
growth in a few areas while also
experiencing serious out-migration.
The 40 counties that constitute
eastern North Carolina presently
have an estimated population of 2.36
million (NC QuickFacts, U.S. Bureau
of the Census, 2005). The estimate
compares with a population of 1.97
million in 1990 and 2.27 million
persons in 2000. The region is
growing at a 9.9% rate for this
decade (2000-2009). Three of the
eastern counties experienced negative
population growth in 1990s while
eight are now estimated to be losing
population through a combination of natural decrease and/or out-migration. Most of the
population growth is centered in five counties, Brunswick, Cumberland, Harnett, New
Hanover and Pitt. Approximately half of the population growth in the region was
accounted for by in- migration numbers, which have been especially notable among
African Americans returning to their birth communities after years in the Northeast,
Midwest, or other regions of the country (Reeves, 2005).
The population of the eastern counties racially is 61.6% White and 30.2% Black (U.S.
Census Bureau, 2001). Five counties in the east have majority Black populations and four
others have over 40%. Several of these counties (Bertie, Edgecombe, Halifax and
Northampton) are the same counties experiencing population decline and associated outmigration. The east and the state have nearly the same Hispanic composition (4%) but this
segment has grown rapidly since the 1990s. The American Indian population is the most
significant race in the remaining racial balance accounting for over 3 per cent with three
counties having the largest concentrations.
The housing picture of the forty eastern North Carolina counties reveals a 4.2%
substandard rate (overcrowded/incomplete plumbing) for year-round, occupied housing
units. Over 37,000 of the housing units fell into this category in 2000 while the state’s rate
of substandard housing was determined to be 3.8% (NC State Data Center, 2005).
Eastern North
Carolina is a
prime example of
the “New South”;
it is an area that
has attracted
major industry
and is experiencing rapid
population
growth in a few
areas while also
experiencing
serious
out-migration.
11
Economically, the income and employment picture is sobering as the eastern counties’
Median Family Income average in 2000 was $38,723, over 16 percent below the state
average of $46,335. Unemployment in the eastern counties averaged just below 6% in
2004, while the state level was 5.5 percent (NC Employment Security Commission, 2005).
Still, the Census Bureau reports that in 1997, 10.8 percent of businesses in the region were
minority owned. Most of the unemployment has been accounted for by manufacturing
losses experienced in textile-related plants and some agricultural-related business categories
in the past six years (Bureau of Economic Analysis, 2005).
Forty-three African American men and women formed a pool of respondents who were
nominated by the Eastern North Carolina Community Advisory Group. This group was
formed to learn more about the minority community, organize logistical resources, and
facilitate introductions in preparation for the community assessments process
approximately nine months prior to IDVAAC’s arrival in Greenville, NC. The advisory
group identified persons who were invited to participate in six domestic violence focus
groups in the Greenville/Pitt County area. Six affinity groups to which they were invited
included: (1) members of the Human Services Community, (2) the Faith Community, (3)
the Law Enforcement Community, the (4) Children and Youth community, (5) GLBTQ
(Gay, Lesbian, Bi-sexual and Transgender Community representatives, and (6) Community
Advocates. Forty-three African Americans participated in the six focus groups mentioned
above. A description of all participants in the four assessment groups is presented in the
tables below.
Table 1: Assessment Group by Gender (N=43)
Assessment Group
Human Services
Faith
Law Enforcement
Children and Youth
GLBTQ
Community Activists
Gender
Females
Males
(n=30)
5
8
3
5
3
6
(n=13)
1
2
2
3
3
2
Table 2: Assessment Group by Length of Time
in Eastern North Carolina (N=43)
Years in Eastern North Carolina
0-10 yrs. 11-20 yrs. 21+ yrs.
Assessment Group
Human Services
Faith
Law Enforcement
Children and Youth
GLBTQ
Community Activists
12
(n=3)
1
---1
1
(n=9)
-2
1
2
2
2
(n=31)
5
8
4
6
3
5
Table 3: Assessment Group by Home Location (N=43)
Type of Location
Assessment Group
Human Services
Faith
Law Enforcement
Children and Youth
GLBTQ
Community Activists
Urban
Greenville/Pitt County
(n=14)
2
3
1
-4
4
Rural
More Rural County
(n=29)
4
7
4
8
2
4
Table 4: Assessment Group by Age (N=43)
Age
30-39 yrs.
40-49 yrs.
Assessment Group
Human Services
Faith
Law Enforcement
Children and Youth
GLBTQ
Community Activists
(n=11)
1
-1
2
5
2
(n=15)
3
3
2
4
1
2
50-59 yrs. 60+ yrs
(n=13)
1
4
2
2
-4
(n=4)
1
3
-----
Table 5: Assessment Group by Education (N=43)
Level of Education
High Sch.+ BA/BS MA/MS Ph.D./M.D.
Assessment Group
Human Services
Faith
Law Enforcement
Children and Youth
GLBTQ
Community Activists
(n=10)
-3
1
2
2
2
(n=17)
4
2
2
3
2
4
(n=14)
2
3
2
3
2
2
(n=2)
-2
-----
Table 6: Assessment Group by Marital Status (N=43)
Marital Status
Single Partnered Married Separated Divorced
Assessment Group
Human Services
Faith
Law Enforcement
Children and Youth
GLBTQ
Community Activists
(n=11) (n=3) (n=20) (n=1) (n=8)
--4
-2
2
-6
1
1
--4
-1
4
-3
-1
4
2
---1
1
3
-3
13
Community Assessment Discussions
C
ommunity assessment discussions were conducted in focus groups, which were the
primary methodological tool used to obtain participants’ perceptions of domestic violence.
The focus groups provided participants with a safe place to share their perspectives and
with a competent facilitator skilled in the group process. The strength in using focus groups
is that they systematically encourage each member to share information that builds the
discussion; and, focus groups allow a diverse group of people to share their insight on an
issue (Krueger, 1994). Each focus group session was audiotaped to ensure the accuracy of
the information obtained and systematic data analysis.
A member of the IDAAVC Steering
Committee facilitated each focus group
session, using the same semi-structured
questionnaire to solicit comments and guide
the discussion. Each focus group lasted
from 1 1/2 to 2 hours in length. Based on
the project’s objectives, the questionnaire
included open-ended questions which
examined (1) types of domestic violence, (2)
relationship between domestic violence and
other social issues, (3) causes of domestic
violence, (4) factors contributing to domestic
violence, (5) consequences of domestic
violence, (6) solutions to addressing
domestic violence, and (7) barriers to
addressing domestic violence solutions.
Data analysis of the focus group sessions
involved several steps. First, the audiotapes
were transcribed with transcriptions produced for each focus group. Second, the
transcriptions were compared with the groups’ discussions, which had been captured on
paper in the seven areas described above by scribes or group reporters. Third, an
independent researcher analyzed the data. Fourth, themes were identified, coded, and
plotted on a large flipchart. Fifth, once the themes were identified, they were collapsed into
the six categories described above. Data were analyzed within each group and later, across
each focus group. Sixth, reports were produced for each group, which were reviewed by
each group’s facilitator and scribe.
14
Across Group Findings - Types
G
reenville area participants were able to name a wide variety of violent acts taking
place within their community. They discussed their ideas, reporting observed trends in
violence and giving their opinions of its priority as a community problem due to factors of
both frequency and prevalence.
One category set forth by respondents was that of family violence, including acts
perpetrated against members in the home such as children or the elderly, violence between
siblings and violence between partners or spouses. Several groups expressed concern about
the growing number of reports received of children perpetrating acts of violence against
their own parents.
Another pressing issue for the many of the groups was the surge in gang violence in the
Greenville, North Carolina area. Participants felt that gang violence was moving from the
cities and trickling into the surrounding suburbs and rural areas. Group members decided
that youth violence incorporated the idea of gang violence in certain instances, and that
kids often repeat the violence they have witnessed previously in real life or seen in the
media.
Violence perpetrated against women, between or against acquaintances, and against
animals were other forms mentioned by focus group members. In addition, community
violence between races (white on black or black on white crime) was mentioned as an
observed pattern of violence. Sexual, verbal, emotional and substance abuse-related
violence were also reported. One group mentioned that health abuse was a problem, when
elderly members of the home might be neglected and not provided with the proper care to
meet their needs.
Greenville
respondents
thought that
violence was just
as big an issue
for the African
American
community as
unemployment,
poverty, and
education.
The Human Services group discussed another form of abuse: the kind that is inflicted
through the legal system. Members cited police brutality as an issue, as well as the abuse of
political power for ones own gain.
Overall, every group saw the differing types of violence listed as being interrelated, and
believed that violence was one of the most pressing concerns relevant to their community.
They believed that acts of violent behavior take place often, can be underreported, and that
several acts may go on in one particular household. Greenville respondents thought that
violence was just as big an issue for the African American community as unemployment,
poverty, and education.
15
Across Group Findings – Causes
A younger
generation of
parents raising
their own
children was
seen as a risk
factor for violent
behavior.
D
iscussants named several probable causes of violence. One broad category described
deficiencies within the community. A lack of knowledge as to the proper behavior within
the family and the meaning of manhood was seen as one issue that causes abuse in the
home. This lack of knowledge is then reinforced by a lack of education being passed down
to future generations, thus contributing to an intergenerational cycle of violence where
children emulate the behavior they have learned in the home. In addition, a lack of coping
skills and a lack of awareness as to the alternatives to violent behavior mean that when
stress or conflict builds in certain individuals, they manage by releasing the stress through
physical aggression. The low self-esteem of perpetrators was another problem. Being the
abuser gives some people a sense of power and control in a certain domain when they may
be powerless in other areas of life. Finally, the inability to communicate and resolve
conflicts in a healthy manner was discussed by the group as another deficit in communities
that experience domestic violence.
Parenting of children in today’s society was another
causal factor explored by groups. A younger generation
of parents raising their own children was seen as a risk
factor for violent behavior. Respondents thought that
essentially a generation of children was attempting to
parent children, and the results were less discipline in the
home, little knowledge being passed down through the
generations, and a lack of supervision and mentoring
occurring at home.
The GLBTQ focus group had concerns specific to being
in gay or lesbian relationships. They cited partner envy,
the silence associated with having same-sex partners, and
a lack of respect by the outside community. The control
and power struggles that may occur within any
relationship take on a unique form within this particular
group, and they believed that as a GLBTQ community,
they faced stressors that the rest of the population might
not confront.
The changing face of the community was a final factor
that nearly all the groups discussed. Tracing a legacy of
violence back to the days of slavery and oppression,
some members cited the roots of historical violence,
noting that the community today is a product of people
who were owned by others. In addition, in recent years
the breakdown of the neighborhood has occurred.
Community members are less apt to look out for the
concerns of their neighbors, and more likely to have a
mentality that people should mind their own business.
Neighborhoods are also lacking role models that provide
guidance and inspiration to the younger generation, and
kids are more likely to have a desire for instant
gratification, a lack of foresight and are susceptible to
involvement with drugs.
16
Across Group Findings – Consequences
T
he Greenville area groups discussed the destructive consequences of domestic violence
in their community. The following areas of impact were mentioned: image, community
development, the family, and the pervasive feelings of fear or frustration.
Domestic violence has inflicted damage to the
image of the African American race as a whole, as
well as to the image of the African American man.
Not only does violence perpetuate societal
stereotypes, but it also influences self-perceptions
and self-esteem, according to respondents. Group
members explored the idea that men who enter the
criminal justice system as a result of battering also
suffer from the stigma associated with their race.
The whole community suffers the effects of
domestic violence, respondents believed, and
development and betterment of the area cannot
occur when violent acts are taking place among
neighborhood inhabitants. The economy is
influenced, as people do not want to enter an unsafe
area, and thus businesses are either driven away
from the area or are not interested in operating in such locations. One group cited damage
to future citizens, that violence takes away lives and potentially productive and
instrumental men and women.
The Faith community believed that violence segregates people. They discussed this
segregation in relation to black violence, media portrayal and racial competition. Other
groups talked about fear separating people. The elderly population was noted as a people
group that suffers from isolation and imprisonment within the home due to being afraid to
venture out into their own neighborhood surroundings.
A pervasive atmosphere of frustration was also named by some groups. Participants
described a feeling of helplessness and despair where individuals cannot gain access to
educational opportunities or employment and live in communities unable to attract
businesses, neglected by the involvement of the government, and characterized by high
rates of crime, teenage pregnancy, and school-age dropouts.
The family unit is also a recipient of the consequences of domestic violence. Groups were
concerned with the fact that many African American families are single parent homes due
to domestic violence resulting in separation, divorce, or the incarceration or death of a
parent. Violence in the home breaks down foundational relationships and causes physical
and emotional distress. Children who act out the violence they see at home can suffer at
school and in the community. Family violence has a ripple effect, influencing the spheres
of each individual as well as spreading to future generations.
Participants
described a
feeling of
helplessness
and despair
where
individuals
cannot gain
access to
educational
opportunities
or employment
17
Across Group Findings – Solutions
T
he solutions that group members proposed to ending domestic violence in their
community were numerous. Overall, increased opportunity and increased education were
their main concerns. Opportunity in the form of more access to education and more
employment available to lower-income individuals would be helpful. Education offered in
the school system at an early age for conflict resolution and anger management was
another strategy proposed. The faith community thought that education on domestic
violence should be mandatory for those families who deal with abuse or violence.
Education in the form of social outreach (ie, fatherhood or parenting programs) and
community awareness campaigns for the general public were also mentioned.
Faith-based interventions were suggested by a
number of groups. The church was seen as a
valuable resource that could be utilized,
particularly for the African American community.
Unity within the church and collaboration among
different churches should be supported so that
various programs can reach those in abusive
relationships and not duplicate efforts or compete
with each other. Ministers should be educated,
participants believed, and then provide education
to their respective congregations and supportive
counseling to parishioners.
Dialogue was seen as vital to progressing towards
the end of domestic violence. More community
forums, bringing together members from different
sectors could lead to more collaboration between
service providers, leaders, and community figures.
Many groups believed that a current deficit of
leadership was harmful to eradicating violence in
the community, and they expressed a need for
more strong leaders out of the African American
community to step up and be prominent voices in
the public arena.
The Human Services focus group encouraged a
holistic approach to treating the whole family in
response to domestic violence crises. This group
wanted to see each affected family member
receiving counseling and education as to their
experiences of violence, the associated feelings or
trauma, and how to live a more healthy life.
The Faith community was especially concerned
with the hospital in the Greenville area offering a
domestic violence program and providing
information for those receiving medical services.
They wanted a coordinated effort involving the
chaplaincy, the hospital security, and the psychological staff that would address the
domestic violence reports and cases that hospital staff encounter.
18
Across Group
Findings – Barriers
R
espondents provided insightful commentary into the
barriers their community faces as they seek to eliminate the
problem of domestic violence. One comment made pertained
to the idea that the lack of unity among the programs and
services within the community was crippling. Participants
expressed the idea that in order to make progress in ending
such a large problem, they must stand together, without
competition or territoriality and without intimidation.
The negative attention and the stigma garnered by violence
in the African American community was another hurdle that
participants noted. In the GLBTQ, they experience the
additional stigma that comes with their sexual orientation.
GLBTQ respondents shared that when professionals interact
with members of their community in response to reports of
domestic violence, there is often confusion as to who the
victim is. Sometimes, participants noticed, the officials
responding exhibit homophobia, which can be frightening to
members of the gay or lesbian community.
As long as the issue of domestic
violence remains a problem
covered by silence, stigma,
disorganization, and competition,
there will be few strides made
towards its eradication.
The community lacks negotiators and mediators to help
address hostility or friction between organizations, and to
effectively interface with officials and common members of
the neighborhood. A deficit of resources is another liability,
with limited funds, few leaders who are equipped to educate
and implement and organize, and a lack of accessible,
publicized programs designed to meet the needs of victims
and perpetrators of all walks of life.
Finally, denial, silence, and shame were viewed as
roadblocks to ending domestic violence. By remaining quiet,
the cycle of violence is perpetuated and solutions are not
sought to end the abuse. Shame can exist in any battering
relationship, but was explicitly mentioned in gay or lesbian
relationships, or in situations where males are being battered
by their female partners. As long as the issue of domestic
violence remains a problem covered by silence, stigma,
disorganization, and competition, there will be few strides
made towards its eradication. The Greenville area groups
were emphatic in their belief that in order to solve this
problem, the African American community must be consulted
and mobilized, taking ownership of the domestic violence
issue and working collaboratively to end it.
The Greenville area groups were
emphatic in their belief that in
order to solve this problem, the
African American community
must be consulted and mobilized,
taking ownership of the domestic
violence issue and working
collaboratively to end it.
19
Greenville - Law Enforcement
V
iolence that occurs within the home often leads to the involvement of individuals and
families with the legal system. Those individuals who work in the criminal justice field are
regularly called upon to address reported incidents of violence. Their professional
experience provides them with important insight into the effect of violence on their
particular community. The members of the Law Enforcement focus group were
asked to explore the topic of violence in-depth and respond to questions related to
the types of violent acts of which they are aware, their frequency and impact, the
related consequences, and the potential solutions and the obstacles that stand in the
way of change.
The Greenville, North Carolina Law Enforcement focus group consisted of five
respondents. Three women and two men participated in the discussion and they
varied in age from thirty-three to fifty-four years old. These group members held
the following occupations in the law enforcement arena: police division commander,
safety director, magistrate, detective, and police officer.
The Law Enforcement focus group compiled a comprehensive list of the different
types of violence that they know exist within their community. Disputes between
acquaintances were one form of violence commonly mentioned. The other broad
category of violence that was described was family violence. This topic
incorporated acts like domestic disputes between intimate partners or spouses,
violent interactions between siblings, and instances of child abuse. Adultery-related
violence was also mentioned as a type of violence occurring within the Greenville
area. One subject that was discussed by the group was the alarming increase in the
number of children who perpetrate violent acts against their parents. One
participant described the increase in reported parent-child violence and the
prevailing belief that, with time, it is a matter that can be eventually fixed in the
home:
I’m hearing a lot of calls with family disputes, mother and child, young
children and parents. I think that the husband and wife teams that we used to
be concerned about are still there, but I still think that there’s the mentality that
we can handle it here in the home, or I can deal with it a little bit longer. I’ve
talked to some people that have been involved in that situation year after year
after year and I can say at least five for some and they continue to come when
the situation is bad but return to that same environment.
The members of this group believed that the different types of violence
experienced by individuals within the Greenville African American community were
highly interrelated. Drawing from their professional experience in the field from
investigating reported abuse, participants have observed that it is common for
several types of abuse to occur within the same household. “They go hand in
hand,” one group member stated succinctly. When called to the scene of a home,
investigators must be cognizant that they may find other forms of abuse, such as
elder abuse, child abuse, and so forth. Participants also decided that the severity of
the violent occurrences was an issue that had to be evaluated on a case by case basis.
Not only did respondents view differing violent acts as interrelated, but they also
associated violence with a number of other problems plaguing their community. Lack of
economic opportunity, drug abuse, and the repercussions associated with involvement with
the legal system topped the list of concerns related to violence. Several issues fell under the
umbrella of child or family-related problems, such as: teenage dropouts, low expectations
20
for children, the breakdown of the family, lack of discipline in the home, and single parent
homes. Finally, violence was tied to social problems like an overall lack of education in the
community and taking pride in dysfunctional behavior within society.
Things that were normal then and the things that you were supposed to do aren’t
looked upon the same way, they’re not accepted today as how we should conduct
ourselves. And it’s just like, almost like being in a flip of what the world should be.
The things that are viewed as wrong and bad are not viewed that way in the black
community.
The lack of valuing education and planning within the family was also mentioned, with
the failure of parents to pass on values, morals, and foresight to their children being of
paramount importance.
Before they even plan for the future and see the importance [of education], they’re
falling through the cracks. The family value and the morals, and the structure of the
family within a home. I see that as a big problem, especially when… the domestic
problem between the adults filters over to the child and the child goes back like a
circle, back to the parents with the violence. And a large lack of insight into the
future as far as what it holds for the individuals, being children. The adults, they’re
just consumed with what’s going on right there but what’s going on right there, the
violence and things in the home, it just pushes the things that are gonna be important
into the darkness.
These deficiencies in parenting are part of an equation that produces children who are illequipped to make positive life choices and sound decisions for the future.
One group member explained that the social issues of teenage parenting, single parent
homes, high school dropout rate, and education level were all related. She noted that youth
pregnancy was becoming an indicator of status among teens:
See a lot of teenage mothers who are in school and pregnant are proud of that.
…whether they are thirteen or fourteen year-olds, that is almost a status symbol here
for some children. Not that, how am I going to take care of this child after it’s here,
how am I going to take care of myself when I’m just a child myself, but it’s a big deal
to be pregnant and that’s like a status symbol…
The participants were able to list numerous causes of violence. The lack of opportunity,
whether social or economic, was a major cause of violence that respondents felt led to a
pervasive atmosphere of frustration within the community. Although eastern North
Carolina has educational opportunities in a university setting, group members related that
the academic benefits are not equally accessible to all residents. Lack of finances is a major
inhibitor to the African American community. One participant elaborated on how the
economic condition of this particular geographical region contributes to violence, through
problems like:
…lost jobs, the bleak look for economic development, and I would probably want to
categorize that from an Afro-centric standpoint because there are people who have
jobs and who are working but there’s a disproportionate number of African
Americans who are out of work and their economic status is such that it could be the
breeding cause for some of the things that we’re talking about. And I think that it’s
not endemic to Greenville per se, but I think that the entire eastern seaboard of
North Carolina, from the Virginia line to the South Carolina line… I think that the
point here is that historically eastern North Carolina for African Americans has not
been a bevy of economic production.
21
According to respondents, other causes of violence included:
(1) Drug use and drug trafficking: the ability to make money through
the drug-related lifestyle can be more appealing than the other
economic alternatives available to this particular population. In the
past, older generations might have engaged in a similar type of illicit
behavior (i.e., selling whiskey) for a short period of time to help
family finances, with the goal of ending such behavior once family
economics were more stable. Today, participants noted,
participating in selling drugs is more of a lifestyle, with money
earned going towards personal financial gain.
(2) Desire for instant gratification: group members believed that this
generation has been characterized by a desire for instant
gratification, which in turn creates a mindset that seeks the
fulfillment of present needs or wants above all and fails to consider
the consequences of actions or plan for the future.
(3) Societal expectations: one respondent explained that in the past the power of public
opinion pushed people towards conformity but now the emphasis is on individuality,
or non-conformity. Instead of societal pressure to follow the law and stay out of
trouble, delinquent behavior has become more acceptable.
In addition, the current definition of manhood (i.e., male authority in the
family) factors into conflict management, the group believed. Couples can
come to an impasse when the male feels entitled to something within the
relationship and the woman feels equally entitled to say no. The situation
can either be resolved through communication, or might escalate to
violence.
Participants also discussed the changing role of women in the workplace
and the home, and how those changes have influenced family dynamics. In
the African American community, many women are the head of their
household and are used to making the decisions and wielding the power,
which can cause friction when a male enters the picture. One respondent
shared his view on the authority of African American males over their
female counterparts:
Black men have always had sort of a shaky kind of chauvinism or
patriarchy cause black women have always worked, always contributed,
and there is a trend of egalitarianism in black male/female relationships that
goes way back to both people working together to try to have something.
(4) A lack of education and a lack of knowledge of the alternatives to violence.
One group member questioned, “Do we lack the ability to know how to do
something other than argue and fight?”
(5) A lack of African American leadership in the community
22
(6) A younger generation of parents and grandparents taking on responsibility:
the age of parents today is decreasing, according to respondents. “Children
are the parents of children… the age of parents of children is so close to the
children’s age themselves that there’s not enough room for them to have
that wisdom.” Not only has the parent population changed, but the norms
instituted within the family have also undergone transformation.
“Children being abusive towards their parents is acceptable,” one group
member noted, whereas in the past more formal and respectful attitudes
were expected.
One participant described the generational changes this way:
The older generation is dying out and being replaced with a younger generation of
grandparents who used to be the stabilizing force in those areas. And I think the fact
that we as a people, we’re losing our own traditions and level of respect because the
people we always looked to keep us on point are no longer there. And they have
been replaced.
(7) Hopelessness: A lack of hope passed down from community leadership to parents and
then to children was also listed as a cause of violence. Fear for the future implications
of generational hopelessness and helplessness was communicated by one participant:
There’s something else I’ve seen over the years that scares me to death… [when
they] resort back to the days of yore when blacks had no control. And they carry
that mentality through the generations. Instead of teaching the next generation
that we can in fact do better if we have the ability and the will to do it. But there’s
some people who have remained hung up on, we can’t because we’re black…
there’s no point in even trying.
Respondents viewed violence in the African American community as a destructive cycle
that cripples potentially productive future citizens, breaks up the family, and slows the
overall development and betterment of the community.
[Violence is] …killing off what could be some good potential citizens with the
violence that occurs… they can be innocent bystanders with a promising future
and just because of the crimes that do occur, that could knock that potential
individual out of a good future.
Participants also believed that in addition to these consequences, violence creates a void in
society: the lack of available potential mates for young African American women and a lack
of role models for young children who are seeking adults to look up to and mentors to
provide guidance.
In order to solve the problem of violence within the African American community, group
members saw opportunity as a major key to facilitate change, educationally and
economically. Increased education on communication and anger management skills was
described as one possible solution, and one member suggested offering more forums and
opportunities for dialogue within the community in order to discuss the topics of race and
violence. The presence of visible, strong leaders who are able to take a stand on issues,
advocate, and be prominent figures within the community was another need mentioned
within the group. Also unity, collaboration, and working together for change to promote
the issue among a wider audience were listed.
It’s gonna take leadership in the African American community… there’s not
another Martin Luther King, it’s not Al Sharpton, it’s not anybody else, they’re not
there, so we have to get over that and understand that there aren’t those people
but collectively there are… different folks throughout the country who are
working in satellite areas and that we as a black people need to come together to
really sit down and deal with what’s going on with us so it’s not just an African
American thing.
There were several issues that the group recognized as obstacles in addressing violence in
the African American community. Group members decided there needed to be more
organizations and resources for victims of domestic violence, and that these programs and
resources needed to be more accessible to the community. They cited the lack of
opportunities for African Americans to seek help and to better their lives as another
obstacle. Finally, they recognized that the opposing viewpoints of those who deny that
violence is a problem within the community were another hurdle to surmount.
23
Greenville - Faith Community
E
astern North Carolina often has been called the “bible belt” by other parts of the
state, by the southeastern region of the United States, and by the nation. Eastern North
Carolina has an abundance of churches, which represent the major religions,
protestant denominations, and sects and “starter churches” that populate the area
east of Raleigh, the state’s capital. Pitt County, the community where this focus group
was conducted, has a population of 134,936 persons; it also has 291 recognized
houses of worship. There literally is a church on almost every corner.
There are counties in the eastern part of this state, which are predominantly African
American, and other counties where American Indians are the largest ethnic group.
Eastern North Carolina is an area where religion and spirituality have been integral
parts of African American culture. Many of the social movements of the midtwentieth century originated in North Carolina churches and were fostered by
religious leaders and congregations, which sought change for all minority groups.
Leaders such as Ben Chavis, Jesse Jackson, Sr., Kelly Alexander, and Henry Frye were
congregational leaders who with their fellow parishioners led the way of change for
African Americans. Religion and churches helped a people define themselves rather
than education or occupation or other socioeconomic descriptors (Boyd-Franklin,
1989).
In eastern North Carolina, the church is the first resource consulted for help with
family problems (Ellison, 1993). That fact is the primary reason that the faith
perspective is included in this discussion of domestic violence within the community
setting. Ten persons (8 women and 2 men) comprised the Faith Community Group,
which responded to the 9-question interview. The two males in the group were
ministers from the Pitt County and Lenoir County areas; two other group participants
described themselves as an associate minister/mental health professional and as a
minister/social worker. Other respondents included domestic violence service
providers (2), a retired teacher’s assistant, a homemaker and youth leader, a social worker,
and a nurse.
Pitt County, the
community
where this focus
group was conducted, has a
population of
134,936 persons;
it also has 291
recognized houses of worship...
24
Respondents initially identified violent crime (i.e.,
assault on a female, assault on children, gang
violence) as the primary type of violence that occurs
in Pitt County and in eastern North Carolina. After
some discussion, they added violence related to drugs,
psychological intimidation, and violence that results
from internalized racism. They proposed that the
latter refers to “black on black” violence and to
“black on white” or interracial violence. Sexual
assaults, school (middle/high school/university)
assaults, and physical domestic violence incidents
were discussed by the respondents. Of particular
interest were the actions taken by local hospital police
to protect workers and other patients from all forms
of violence. The group overwhelmingly agreed that
violence against women has first place both in
frequency and severity in eastern North Carolina.
Gang violence and its rapid growth over the past decade was a concern of
respondents. They cited organized gang activity in Greenville and Pitt County.
This activity occurs in Asian gangs, Latino gangs, “Crips” and “Bloods”, all of
which have been documented by sheriffs’ departments and police departments.
Some gang members have been attacked while hospitalized, which has required
increased hospital security. Women and gang membership were spoken of as
particularly problematic --women often are gang raped or required to have sexual
intercourse as part of initiation rituals. “Other women are expected to not only
have sex, but also to fight with other women who are either in the gang or the
mates of gang members.” Group respondents expressed concern about the ferocity
that exists among male and female gang participants. There was brief discussion
about similarities and differences between Latino and African American homes,
specifically about the dominant roles of Latino men, the subordinate roles of wives
or partners, and the roles of paramours who may or may not live with the Latino
couples in their abusive homes.
Violence between lovers and spouses in the homes serves to model behavior for
children. At schools, these children become bullies or are again victimized.
Whatever youngsters learn in their homes, “they take it to school.” One woman
remarked,
I work in a pediatric clinic, doing evaluations . . . We have young children
who tell us things about themselves and their friends, and you know that
they’ve been either sexually assaulted themselves or exposed in some way.
… We had a 4-year old the other day and we were talking about what are
the kinds of things that you do and he said, ‘Well you know, boys have to hump
their girlfriends.
Children witness the sexual assault and violence in a
variety of locations–in their homes and neighborhoods.
“Yes, there are sexual assaults and sexual activities now
even in our high schools. Sometimes it’s called rape and
sometimes it isn’t. But it really has to make you wonder
about the safety of the high school environment.” One
male discussant said that he did not think “sexual
assault” when condoms are found. Instead, he offered,
“that’s consensual sex. Because in a real assault on a
woman, a man would not take the time to use a
condom.” To use a condom would suggest that it was
consensual. A woman protested, noting that she works
with perpetrators who have offended more than once
and they used a condom because they “don’t want to get caught.”
...There
literally is a
church on
almost every
corner.
When asked the cause(s) of violence today, several probable causes were presented. These
included:
(1) The lack of discipline with today’s children. “We were disciplined by our parents, but,
now the law says that we can’t be hit youngsters”;
(2) Children are being left home by themselves –unsupervised-- while mothers go to work
and fathers goes to work. Kids are left to take care of themselves and they do
whatever they want to do, to have their way.”
(3) “Too many times children are raised by only one parent, usually the mother.”
(4) “They do things in secret, a lot of girls get pregnant and the mother doesn’t even
know that they are pregnant cause they wear all these big clothes and, when they have
the baby it’s like a surprise to everybody.”
25
When asked, how do you think violence compares in importance to other
problems that are facing the African American community? One group member
responded:
I live in the northeastern part of North Carolina. I serve four counties,
which are among the thirteen poorest counties in the state. In our area,
there are no major industries; employment is farming. The lack of
unemployment benefits, the amount of money that people make per capita
is not enough to cover their needs. Then comes the ‘drinkin’’ and the drugs
and frustrations, it all just fits together and it makes the environment ripe
for domestic violence.
There were differences of opinion about the role of drugs in violence. One
participant linked drugs to social and political unrest (high unemployment and
rioting), the economy and anti-poverty programs during the 1950s and 1960s,
and to issues of social control most often identified with the public welfare
system. Additionally, one participant remarked,
In some cases individuals may use drugs as a crutch. But, there are
individuals whose lives have been totally changed because of drugs and
substance abuse, so they’re doing things that they would not ordinarily do.
We have a methadone clinic within our agency so that those individuals
who have been heroin abusers can come and receive methadone so they can
actually go to work everyday.
When asked
again about the
causes of
violence, focus
group participants cited
ignorance, lack
of strong family
values, learned
behavior, the
media, and poor
choice control.
One female participant said, “Black people are dealing with the problems they always
have –drugs, alcohol, promiscuity, television violence, there’s nothing new.” She spoke
about the silence associated with violence and drugs, saying, “we don’t bring them out of
the home; we hide them out of public site. We live a façade.” The group agreed that the
problems continue because you cannot fix something that you don’t acknowledge. They
spoke of some abusive homes to which the community seems to turn a “blind eye.”
When asked again about the causes of violence, focus group participants cited ignorance,
lack of strong family values, learned behavior, the media, and poor choice control. When
asked the most important cause of violence, respondents mentioned drugs, unemployment
or underemployment, education and “under-education,” and violence depicted in the
media. Three persons expressed their frustration with television and radio media. They
were concerned about the images of Black people –Black males in particular—depicted
there.
The group expressed some concerns again about unemployment and the loss of major
companies (TRW, Proctor and Gamble, etc.) to Mexico. They saw the movement of these
businesses as lost opportunities for improvement and progress. Learned helplessness or the
lack of a work ethic for multiple generations was the topic of some discussion among
participants. Discussants thought that money alone was not the answer to fix the problem
of family violence; there is a need for some motivated education.
I have people who are 23 years old and have six children already. Let’s pretend I am
one of them. So, if I don’t know and I wasn’t taught, how can I pass correct
information on to my children? Especially if I’m not the type of person to go out and
ask somebody for help. … There are a lot of women who will not take the initiative to
ask somebody for help. You can’t always blame the children cause you gotta see where
they’re coming from. …
26
Take a family of five --three children, husband, wife. If the mother and father have
never gone to college or never finished high school, unless they’ve been out in the world
and have educated themselves on their own, they don’t know to tell their children
about things important to them.
Another respondent asked,
When did this happen? I grew up in a home with a grandfather who had a
sixth-grade education, who college-educated five children. And then turned
around and started making sure that his grandchildren, of which I was one,
was college-educated. Even though he dropped out of school to take care of
his family when his father died, his whole goal was to insure that all his
children were college educated. And he did that. They had a vision that they
wanted something better. What happened between my grandfather’s
generation and now that they don’t have that vision any longer?
When queried about a link between how families pass on information and success
to their children and if that can be linked somehow to the violence in the
community, respondents talked about learned behavior and lifestyle. An example
of condoning violence was given, a participant allowed a family victimized by the
male partner to seek refuge in her home. “But you didn’t call it violence, you just
said he’s cutting up again and they need a safe place. When you grow up and get
educated, you realize it was family violence.”
Respondents thought that violence segregated people within the African
American community. This was a major concern as the group again discussed black
violence, media portrayal and racial competition. They talked about the unique
role of the church, given its history and social impact on the black community.
Several women spoke of religious persons who were abusers of women and
children. One spoke about “church officials who will get the pastor out of jail
after he’s been picked up for assaulting his wife.” A male participant made two
points: (1) church “members should not allow their pastors to do that [domestic
violence]” and (2) church ministries should be integrated to include all of the
problems that you know exist in your community. If they do not, then the minister
is wrong, and the parishioners are wrong for allowing this to happen. “A minister
is called by God and will be led by God and he will know what the real problems
with violence are. He must spend time with each of the ministries and direct them
in areas. What has happened is we are selecting the wrong ministers.” The general
consensus was that the church needed to assist in more finding homes for families
affected by violence.
When asked if men and women are impacted differently as a result of violence, one
respondent said, “I’ve heard from domestic violence programs that you’ll have judges who
say there’s no such thing as domestic violence in this community. And so consequently he
[the judge] will not hear any of the cases. So, there is no defense for women in that judicial
system.” On other occasions, “perpetrators who come to court will bring their ministers
with them. Male abusers forget all about Christianity and the Bible until they have to
stand up there before the judge.” Other persons spoke about the political nature of the
justice system, that it is often politically stacked against the female victim. One participant
said,
I have to commend our three district court judges and one chief district court judge
who started our batterer’s task force. We now have a full-fledged batterer’s program.
The three judges that I work within our area have a ‘no drop’ policy when it comes to
crimes that were committed against females. They will not drop the charges. Abusers
are going to go before the judge. He may dismiss it, but he’s not going to allow that
victim to go to the prosecutor before that case starts and say, ‘We’ve made up and I’d
like to have the charges dismissed.’ The judge is going to hear it out. In the state of
North Carolina, Hertford, Bertie, and Northampton counties have the highest
conviction rates for domestic violence in the state of North Carolina. The three
counties are rural and very poor.
The general
consensus was
that the church
needed to
assist in more
finding homes
for families
affected by
violence.
27
Another remarked, “In Bertie County, even one of the big
judges beat his wife. And he had to go to jail. But they sent
him out of Bertie County to serve his time. What I’m saying
is that one of the same district judges you talked about, beat
his wife. They have problems too or at least he sure did.”
The group identified seven solutions that the eastern North
Carolina community developed to combat domestic violence.
They included:
(1) A domestic violence program in the Pitt County hospital
that involves the chaplaincy, the hospital police
department, and the INSIGHT support program
(psychologist, counselors, etc. who work with staff and
link them with the police and educate them about how
to go through the court system to get the kind of
protection that they need.) Victims also get emotional
help to build their self-esteem.
(2) Mandatory education for families who have experienced
violence.
On other
occasions,
“perpetrators who
come to court will
bring their
ministers with
them.
Male abusers
forget all about
Christianity and
the Bible until
they have to stand
up there before
the judge.”
(3) Social outreach. “They have a very good fatherhood initiative for fathers or soon to
be fathers. They accept young men who want to come in and be educated about
certain aspects of dealing with violence and other things.”
(4) Presentations to the general public and the faith-based community. “You have to keep
reinforcing the message. Earlier is better. You cannot wait till children who are violent
get to the middle school and try to change their behavior. We should start in Pre-K.”
(5) Another solution is to educate the faith community, especially the leaders. “Education
is important for pastors, who need to know how to help their congregations.”
(6) Creation of a “safe” group, sponsored through mental health, which could be housed
in a church was proposed. One participant noted that a women’s advocacy group in
Durham was trying to locate a domestic violence support group in a church setting.
(7) A nurse participant noted, “One of the things that we did at the hospital was to put
brochures and information in the ladies rooms. Female victims can just pick up the
information and put it in their pocketbooks and go on.”
One participant, a member of the North Carolina Coalition Against Domestic Violence,
asked, “How do you bring the faith community to the table about domestic violence
issues? We have found getting them to the table to be extremely difficult.”
This question segued smoothly into a discussion of barriers or obstacles to the faith
community’s efforts in combating domestic violence. Nine obstacles were cited.
1. Territoriality surrounding domestic violence.
2. Program staffs and church personnel do not want to get involved in family issues.
3. Lack of ownership or leadership in the area of domestic violence.
4. The need for Fatherhood programs to evolve to keep the attention of abusers and
potential perpetrators.
5. Participation in a Batterer’s Intervention Program should be legally required of all
perpetrators. Churches could be very influential with this because pastors counsel the
individual partners, but pastor should not try to counsel the couple together.
28
6. One person questioned how to get people to
work with groups. The response was, “there
are lots of free speakers and trainers around
the state of North Carolina who will come
for free of charge and talk to you about
violence. ... It may be a good way to start
support groups or open discussions --just like
some churches have auxiliary meetings
during the weeknights. Why not have
somebody from a domestic violence program
come and just talk to ministries or the
congregation about the dynamics of
domestic violence?”
7. Concern about the secrecy of domestic
violence becoming part of a woman’s taboo
was raised. “And when do we remove that
veil from her? We need to stop having her
own more of the problem than is hers?”
8. Lack of male attendance and involvement in
church activities was questioned. “We are
women that are in the church and are saved
and our spouses are not. The Bible says
‘unequally yoked’ and that’s what’s going
on.”
9. Women who abuse men was seen as an
aberration, but still a domestic violence
problem. “Yes, sometimes men are victims of
domestic violence.
We…need to
acknowledge that. We [have] a growing
number of single fathers within the faith
community separated from females who
probably grew up in abusive environments
themselves and were abusive either to their
children and sometimes even attacked their
husbands... It’s a lot lower frequency… I
saw a statistic that said about four percent of
all domestic violence cases are men being
battered.” “Shame goes with that. If you are
a young lady or a young man in a home and
you see mom attacking dad, what does that
do to your image of manhood?”
The Faith Community focus group generated a
call to “galvanize and publicize” resources to get
the word out about domestic violence. Take key
personnel in churches (e.g., pastors, lay leaders,
ministry group leaders) to lunch, invite them to special meetings, help people to assume
responsibility for eliminating the secrecy surrounding family violence, and begin to work
toward solutions were essential steps. Members also spoke of more opportunities for focus
groups—such as this one—to galvanize support and generate possible solutions.
29
Greenville - Human Services
T
here has been some recognizable movement toward eliminating the different forms
of family violence since the 1950s. In the 1950s, there was focused emphasis in the area
of child abuse. Ending spouse abuse and partner abuse were the goals of the 1970s.
“Curb the violence” efforts characterized the 1980s as society sought to prevent elder
abuse, which was expanded in the 1990s to persons of different sexual orientations.
Ending the violence has been the goal of social institutions, humanitarian organizations,
human service programs, academicians, and community leaders. Additionally,
communities have significantly increased the network of human services that work to
eradicate domestic violence.
In the 1950s,
there was
focused
emphasis in the
area of child
abuse.
30
A number of the community responses noted above fall within the category of human
service initiatives. The community assessment described in this report is one of the first
efforts to explore the extent of and meaning of violence among eastern North Carolina’s
African American human service providers. Five women and one man comprised the
human service group who were interviewed for this report. Their professional affiliations
were diverse; participants included the director of a regional domestic violence office, a
social worker/ manager of a local community shelter, an administrator with the NC
Council for Women, a DSS social worker, a social worker/clinical analyst with the hospital
emergency department, and a women’s service center counselor.
Group members identified ten different types of violence as common in eastern North
Carolina. These twelve types included physical abuse, which included physical assault of
humans and other animals, sexual abuse/date rape, gang (especially youth) violence, verbal
(emotional/mental) abuse, and media violence. They discussed abuse over the lifespan,
identifying child abuse, spouse or partner abuse and elder abuse. Respondents talked at
great length about health abuse, which they defined as destructive practices that affect
human health; examples of health abuse included medical neglect, abuse of drugs and
alcohol, and unhealthy lifestyle practices. There was much discussion about major crimes
committed in the counties east of Interstate-95, a highway commonly referred to as the
drug corridor, and police brutality. Power or political abuse by politicians also was a topic
of heated conversation, with references made to recent arrests and misuse of campaign
funds charges against some North Carolina state and national politicians. It was the
consensus of the group that community violence or violence against one another, whether
black-on-black or black-on-white or white-on-black, is a very serious problem in eastern
North Carolina communities.
When asked about the relationship between these many different kinds of violence,
respondents stated that they are interrelated. They talked about multiple underlying
triggers of violence and abuse, which included family problems, drugs, alcohol, and
unemployment. One respondent noted, “Violence is right up there with unemployment,
poverty, and education. Drugs are in there too; drug trafficking is a dominant means of
income. We can’t fix one problem without looking at the others. They are all related; they
cannot be separated.” One female talked about learned behavior, when a child who has
witnessed violence in the home is the class bully or may be abusive to animals. They
continued this discussion and included youngsters in LDH (behaviorally challenged
classes), which they described as filled mostly with black youngsters who cannot control
their behavior. Participants saw violence in the community as affecting the entire
community in a very negative way; they noted it is increasing and becoming more severe.
“Thug mentality” is a phrase that they used to describe black male youth who exert
negative peer pressure and threaten both the young and old. If not curtailed, they think
this negative violence and attitude will cause the disintegration of African American
families and the larger minority community.
The human service providers talked at length about the culture of rural communities,
where abuse and discipline can be seen as synonymous acts, where music, television, and
video games entertain the young and hook them on the violence so
prevalent in the words and actions of the “stars.” If it is popular in
a song or movie or game, many youngsters think it is appropriate
behavior and seek to copy it. This is especially true for rural youth
who may be starved to know and do what the “metropolitan” kids
say and do. Many talked about the “Janet Jackson wardrobe
malfunction” and “all of the clamor it caused.”
When asked about the causes of violence in the African American
community, respondents named five causes, which were,
(1) Lack of knowledge.
A person can only be taught up to the level of the person’s
understanding who is teaching you. … That’s the way I was
brought up in my home, that men are supposed to hit their
wives and things like that, then I can only teach that behavior
to my children, and so on and so on and then you get into the
generational curses, and generational cycles of violence.
(2) Lack of education and the inability to break the vicious cycle
of violence,
(3) Lack of good coping skills, which are exacerbated by the
economy, unemployment, lack of education, disintegration of
the family.
(4) Hopelessness and despair which are magnified within the
family environment, and
(5) Provoking behavior, when you push somebody to the limit,
as institutionalized racism does to minorities.
Black women are not faced with it as much, but black men
seem to take it more internally. And of course they cannot
lash out, or they feel they cannot lash out at the person who is
exhibiting this racism, whether it be their boss or another man
at a grocery store or wherever they may be in their day-to-day
activities. On the job they take it. But, they come home and
take it out violently on the people to whom they should come
to for solace.
One participant coined the phrase, “Hurting people hurt each other” to describe the
tendency of people to express their frustrations by hurting the people closest to them.
When asked about the causes of domestic violence in the black community, respondents
cited:
(1) Insecurity that can be traced back to racism. “It is the lack of security or lack of
stability in one’s day to day activities, in his/her job, and being very insecure in the
sense that, you know, how/where/when am I going to be compared to my white
counterpart, or my Asian counterpart for that matter.”
Ending spouse
abuse and
partner abuse
were the goals
of the 1970s.
(2) Stress associated with efforts to survive economically in an unfriendly and unforgiving
environment.
31
(3) Lack of communication between spouses and between all members of the family
unit. “A lot of times I find that, we’re talking but we’re not really saying a lot. …
We’re talking but we need to learn how to effectively communicate, which is … a
discussion within which one can agree or disagree on something.”
(4) Ineffective coping skills. “Violent people cope, but in inappropriate ways.”
(5) Lack of self-esteem on both the victim and the abuser’s part, and
(6) Violence is learned behavior –from parent to child, from the community, from the
media, from any source that produces desired results and can be emulated. Group
participants moved easily into a discussion of the daily doses of explicit sex and
violence provided through television soap operas. The sexual violence often is
presented in very subtle ways and is so tightly interwoven into the story lines that
negative experiences are glamorized. Several participants suggested the same
phenomenon happens multiple times a day on radio music stations by rap artists
through their CDs.
The group spent a considerable amount of time talking about “family time,” necessary
time that adults must spend with children –listening and monitoring and molding their
behavior. One respondent said,
Growing up, it used to be that parents spent quality time with their children instead
of … just buying them a lot of things. Now children are focusing more on other
things instead of time with the family. …They have other influences growing up that
we didn’t have --drugs and things like that. Even though my Mom and Dad both
worked, we knew we had certain things to do. But today our children have a whole
lot. It’s a different world in middle school than when we went to junior high.
Parents have to spend quality time with our children not just trying buy their
affection.
Another respondent noted,
Social efforts
were expanded
in the 1990s to
persons of
different sexual
orientations.
One of the other problems I see is that the age of the parent is so close to the age of
the child that the developmental issues that you think happen with a maturing
individual haven’t happened. … Look at a fourteen year-old who had a baby and
the child is in middle school. The parent is now twenty-four; twenty-nine is the
prime age when most young adults are beginning to have fun, find their careers,
know who they are, have good self-images. But, momma’s partying because she
never had the chance to grow up, to hit the developmental milestones or
benchmarks. … She says, yes, I had the child, but he’s there and I’m over here. And
the only time you can get them together is if the child is getting expelled from school
or is in court getting ready to go to prison.
Another common scenario was discussed by the group, one which has a grandparent
struggling to raise a child.
As long as they provide shelter and food and clothing, they don’t see any visible signs of
something going awry. A lot of times a grandparent may feel that everything is all right
until they get that bad report from school. … We’ve got twenty-eight year-old
grandparents. … Yes, there are some parents and grandparents who may themselves be
very young ‘children.’ They may never have learned how to spend time with family.
Participants were asked about possible differences in the causes of domestic violence in
other regions and in the rural east. They responded that, “Violence is violence no matter
where it is.” They did note differences saying that in this rural area, there is (1) almost no
public transportation other than taxis and (2) a lack of human service resources or other
resources to get children involved and steer them in different directions.
32
In an urban area you may have boys club, girls club and five
million other things available to help plug kids into options.
We may have one boys’ club in a one hundred square mile
area, if we have that. It is made worse by the problem of
transportation ‘cause they can’t get to the one boys club -because there’s no mass transportation in rural areas. …
There’s not as many services. Oftentimes if you call a shelter
they may not have space for you. And there is only one
shelter in the community and it serves all the surrounding
communities. It’s an impossible situation.
Respondents all thought that violence has a strong negative
impact on the community when asked, how does domestic
violence affect this community? They mentioned that violence destroys family units, which
are already in trouble. They talked about financial repercussions for men [with families],
who are in jail. “It’s taking away from the family income --they’ve gotta pay attorneys,
fines, and all the other costs of court actions.”
One respondent returned the conversation to the young, “The kids often end up
exhibiting negative behavior in the schools and being placed in alternative schools or in
educable or other labeled and labeled classes where most of the students are black.”
Purple and black
shoes symbolize the
number of domestic
violence deaths in
North Carolina in
2004.
A female respondent asked that the group think about how the increased number of black
males in prison denies the “family unit.” The “family unit” gets to be viewed only at
visitations to the regional facility to see daddy or momma and that’s a very different image
from the traditional black family of twenty-five, thirty years ago.
Imprisonment of black people was viewed from another perspective by one participant,
who said,
By warehousing our black men, we have provided jobs for another class of people,
another class of employment. And it’s a booming business. … We now have another
prison going on line, a medium-security prison in Greene County. That will bring jobs
to the area, but it will have a very negative impact for black men and for black women
who will not have those jobs. They will be the prisoners who are overseen by those in
the new jobs.
Another participant said, “I’ve worked with several men who have tried to change their
lives, to flee violent situations. But because they have a past reputation, if they were
charged with assault or domestic violence ten years ago, the police can arrest them again
because they have a history of past of domestic violence. So it can have a long-term effect;
it can prevent them from getting good jobs, which also keeps their families in that poverty
cycle.”
The increased number of females imprisoned for assaults and murders were concerns of
the participants. “…Years ago, you just never heard of a woman killing her husband or
anything like that. It was very rare, but no longer.” The group digressed briefly to discuss
an incident of female violence –“she glued him.” When asked what “she glued him” meant,
they responded,
Lorena Bobbit --she used a knife, sometimes women use glue. We had an incident of
that about fifteen years ago in Kinston. I remember it was quite something for this
area. … And she glued him down with Superglue. … The man died. Amazing. It was
a violent retaliation for a lifetime of domestic violence. She had been the victim, so she
glued him. Just like Bobbit, same kind of thing.
We had an
incident of that
about fifteen
years ago in
Kinston.
I remember it
was quite
something for
this area. …
And she glued
him down with
Superglue. .…
The man died.
33
The consensus was that consequences differ when the group was asked if consequences
differ for African American men and for women who commit violence. Examples presented
were:
(1) the responses of sheriffs’ departments to domestic violence. The law officers “always
arrest the man” even though the female may be at fault. “They’re supposed to take
both, but I’ve seen situations first-hand where they had to literally drag her off of him
and they still arrested him and took him away. There is a difference because of social
and political stereotypes.”
(2) Racial profiling. The impact of it has drastically increased in eastern North Carolina.
(3) African Americans are less likely to have adequate representation in all aspects of the
criminal justice system -- representation by black lawyers, black people on juries, or by
the number of African American judges, and
By warehousing
our black men,
we have
provided jobs
for another class
of people,
another class of
employment.
And it’s a
booming
business.
(4) A difference was proposed when situations pitted African American men versus white
men. “… It depends on who the victim is. In black on black crime the legal system
never really comes into play. But, if the victim is a white person there is more of a
chance the black person will be incarcerated and convicted. …It is not necessarily
gender-based consequences, there are racial differences in general.”
Members of the group identified a number of solutions to domestic violence in eastern
North Carolina:
• Restraining orders are considered to be generally ineffective. They spoke about many
women who had secured restraining orders and were killed by their partners.
• More successful solutions are needed that utilize a holistic approach to working with
families embroiled in domestic violence. The holistic model provides education about
assistance that is available through the mental health community that the entire family
needs, not just the perpetrator. …And long term, not just whatever’s court mandated for
the abusers. We have abuser treatment programs set up across the state now for fiftytwo weeks. He will stay on task, for many reasons or go back to jail.
• There are programs that offer treatment for the whole family in three phases, (1)
individual counseling for the perpetrator and for the victim, (2) couple counseling, and
(3) total family counseling. The victim may have to realize that the solution may not be
to keep the family together. Sometimes it’s not realistic.”
• Empowerment. Women, or the lower-income members of the family, need to be able to
take care of the family and to sustain themselves without the husband or the mate
• Empowerment also is needed to give
middle-income individuals a voice.
Because of pride, status, and the
ability not to care for self, the
middle-income group may be locked
in denial about domestic violence.
This was seen as especially
important for partners of policemen,
firemen, lawyers, physicians, judges,
etc.
34
• Domestic violence education must be made available in the school systems because our
teachers may be able to get through to children when parents cannot. Programs are
needed in our schools to examine domestic violence (beginning in kindergarten), dating
violence (beginning in elementary school), self-esteem (beginning in kindergarten), and
to offer more training classes for teachers so that they can recognize cultural differences
surrounding domestic violence.
• Community awareness campaigns to “make people aware that they do have options.”
• Religion is an important solution available in the Black community, it is important to
educate ministers about domestic violence and to discourage them from “encouraging
women to be submissive to men” and “sending wives back into abusive situations
because the bible says the man is the head of the family.”
When asked about obstacles to solving problems of domestic violence in their community,
eastern North Carolina human service participants unanimously agreed that the church is a
primary obstacle. Other obstacles cited were a need for more battered women’s shelters
and more counseling programs for abusers, more funding for social programs, research
about both victims and perpetrators, and job-training opportunities for economically
distressed areas. Group members also noted that rural eastern North Carolina has a few
sparsely placed services for both victims and abusers. These services take the form of
treatment facilities that stress holistic care, housing, and specialized services through the
public hospital. They thought community resources have different levels of effectiveness,
but that ultimately the responsibility for ending domestic violence in the black community
must rest with the community itself. There will never be enough public or non-state
funding, so communities have to rely on other initiatives, i.e., churches, Boys and Girls
Clubs, and opportunities such as this one to come together to discuss violence and methods
to resolve it.
Oftentimes if
you call a
shelter they
may not have
space for you.
And there is
only one shelter
in the community and it
serves all the
surrounding
communities.
It’s an
impossible
situation.
35
Greenville - GLBTQ
D
omestic violence is a serious social problem in North Carolina, a state which most
recently passed revisions to its Domestic Violence statutes in 2003. While the revised
legislation provides additional protection to a majority of the state’s residents involved in
various forms of domestic disputes, one group, those who experience domestic violence
from same sex partners, continues to be marginalized. To learn more about the
thoughts and unique circumstances of same sex partners in rural eastern North
Carolina, six members of the gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered (GLBTQ)
community gathered to provide information about the experiences of those in same
sex relationships. Three males and three females comprised the GLBTQ focus group,
who were interviewed for this report. The female participants identified their
professionals as social worker (2) and an office manager; the male participants were
employed as a case manager, a clinical lab scientist, and a computer programmer.
Focus group members identified police brutality, physical abuse (hitting, slapping,
pushing), mental abuse (fear), and verbal abuse (threats) as the most prevalent forms
of violence found within their community. They discussed verbal threats as common
communication in black families and expressed their embarrassment when such
threats are recounted in mixed racial groups. The group also identified destruction
of property (cutting clothing, damaging vehicles, etc.), stalking, substance abuse, and
media violence as common in the region. The consensus of participants was that
victims only talk of their abuse after the relationships end and that denial of abuse in
relationships makes it difficult for the GLBTQ community to address violence and
victimization. When asked about the relationship between the identified types of
violence, respondents said they saw the kinds as “piggybacking” off of each other, as
“interrelated,” and as often dependent on the socioeconomic class and educational
levels of both the victims and abusers. They quickly noted that they recognized
violence as occurring across all socioeconomic levels, but thought it occurred most
frequently among children from “lower economic groups.”
“I wonder if the
perpetrator
initially feels
bad about it, but
when they do it
so much, when
it becomes
second nature,
do they feel
guilty
anymore?”
36
When asked about causes of violence, participants talked about intergenerational
exposure to violence and learned behaviors, the collective experience of slavery, and
the biblical implications of “spare the rod and spoil the child.” Respondents spoke of
“parents wanting to control our children in public” and concern about “what might
happen to them in the system” if they did not provide strong discipline and control. “If I
don’t beat you, the police is going to be beating you later,” was stated by one participant.
There was discussion of control and its purpose in same sex relationships. Respondents
saw control as used by a “dominant or stronger partner,” of “having the final say in the
relationship,” of male (aggressor) and female (non-aggressor).
They want to be able to look and identify with their eyes who looks more masculine or
feminine. …Roles are very important in the black community. …Straight folks are
trying to figure gay and lesbian roles out. … I know of a situation where in a butchfem relationship, the fem woman was beating up the butch person. The fem was the
abusive person.
Participants talked about how mental illness can exacerbate an already “explosive
relationship.” They rejected the notion that rigid roles supported same sex violence and
suggested that rigidity was more characteristic of heterosexual society. They repeatedly
talked about the silence associated with same sex relationships in eastern North Carolina.
One participant mentioned insecurity as a strong cause of domestic violence in gay and
lesbian relationships; he clarified the idea by suggesting a causal relationship between
insecurity and perceived infidelity by one’s partner.
“… Sometimes rigid roles lead to violence but sometimes lack of clarity
about roles leads to insecurity that leads to violence.” Respondents agreed
there were particular “stressors related to being in the gay lifestyle” and that
“gay marriage would not necessarily decrease the rate of violence.”
Another respondent spoke about a lack of respect among heterosexuals for
same sex relationships, noting, “I don’t know about with men but I think a
lot of times straight people don’t respect lesbian relationships. They just
assume it’s two women or something, … they wouldn’t flirt with someone’s
husband but they don’t have a problem flirting with your woman.”
Another concern discussed by the group was social, career related, and
financial “partner envy” and the conscious or unconscious competition
sometimes associated with it. They talked about partner envy among
interracial partners and thought the envy or jealousy or “interracial
resentment” would be strongest for the African American person. However,
they also agreed, “If the African American was making more, … because
that’s not the norm, then that might cause some resentment from the
Caucasian person.” Some discussion ensued about the perceived
hypersexuality of black women and men causing a Caucasian partner to
exert more social control, which could cause domestic violence in interracial
relationships.
When asked how domestic violence in the gay community compared with other
problems facing African Americans, one participant thought,
Black people don’t really acknowledge domestic violence as being a holistic
problem, as much as an individual problem. They say, it’s their problem over
on that street. I think a large percentage of African Americans don’t see it as a
large problem.
Another participant noted, “… I remember seeing an interview with Mary J.
Blige and she said she didn’t know a woman in a relationship who wasn’t being abused.
A third respondent said the domestic violence is “very prominent but not important. It is
prominent but it’s ignored.” She continued, “I think you have a lot of generational
domestic violence victims and perpetrators within family systems. I think you have both
perpetrators and victims within one family system --so it just kind of evens out and negates
each other.”
Another woman spoke about the nature of black same sex violence, saying, “They may
be getting abused badly so the response is just to do something back. They’re trying to
slash their man or whatever but it doesn’t really solve anything because the same cycle just
keeps happening.” Respondents purported that the nature of “the violence is different.
…Somebody might beat you down in our community, but in the white community they
have other ways to do it (beat you down) that are vicious, more subtle -- maybe you’ll lose
your job or something like that.”
“So many
people are just
used to
violence,
they don’t see
it as something
wrong.”
The community’s perception of the enormity of domestic violence was reflected in
another exchange.
I don’t know that we do a good job as a community of identifying our problems and,
and dealing with them. Even in the media and rap, we’re talking about violence
amongst ourselves, it’s a lot of black on black crimes. … I don’t see that we’re doing
a whole bunch to try and resolve those issues. Going back to the idea of slavery, you
have to endure to get through it. Sometimes we don’t really acknowledge our
problems. I don’t know a big problem that we’re as a community fighting against
right now. … It would be too overwhelming if we started dealing with all the
37
problems, the health concerns, violence, teenage pregnancy, black on black
crime. We ignore a lot thinking one day it’s going to get better or the Lord’s
going to see us through. … It’s that religious thing again. That somehow it’s
just going to be okay. Especially in the Southern areas, there’s a strong
religious belief that if you just keep praying everything’s going to be okay. You
got slapped but just stay and hold on.
The introduction of religion prompted a discussion of what the group termed the
“big sin category,” which they described as “huge.” They talked about an alternate
lifestyle as “the worst thing you could do.”
I have never gone to a service where they really get on the gambler. The whole
sermon, but I have gone to church and the whole sermon is, these gay people they’re
trying to get all sorts of rights and I’m so tired of them trying to legalize this sin …
Respondents thought that GLBT communities might be ahead of heterosexual in
dealing with HIV and other health issues. They thought of themselves as having
more “educational awareness.” Others said that many African Americans in their
community dismissed health issues and different forms of violence “as a white
concern saying, we don’t deal with that.” Clarification suggested that African
American people in eastern North Carolina categorize black gays and lesbians as
something “white.” Another person thought whites were more accepting of gay
people than black parents are. Still others thought black straight people accept
white gay people easier than they accept black gay people. …It’s cause there’s lower
expectations or less care and concern about blacks from blacks.
Especially in the
Southern areas,
there’s a strong
religious belief
that if you just
keep praying
everything’s
going to be
okay.
38
When asked about the consequences or effects of violence and abuse on the
African American community and on black gay and lesbian people in particular,
respondents acknowledged that all pay a heavy price. Specific consequences
included low self-esteem for victims and fear for bystanders who see violent
incidents. Examples of fear included one respondent who recalled being at the club and
seeing somebody slap another person because they gave too much tip money; another
person mentioned a fear of escalating violence, asking, “is a gun going to come out next?”
One respondent spoke of fear as she recounted having observed “a fight and one lady
sprayed another one with pepper spray but it got all of us. We were all choking with
burning eyes. It was very uncomfortable.” Other consequences cited were feeling
traumatized, feeling helpless, and causing some to re-examine their relationships.
When asked about consequences that differ based on gender, the group spoke of female
victims feeling especially betrayed by their female partners, feeling “a lack of trust about
relationships in general,” victims observing the abusing partner’s struggle with the violent
behaviors and then feeling badly about their actions, and anger toward the perpetrator.
One male person asked, “I wonder if the perpetrator initially feels bad about it, but when
they do it so much, when it becomes second nature, do they feel guilty anymore?” The
group then discussed their feelings about victims who stay in abusive relationships and
concluded it is frustrating and time-consuming for a community and the individuals in it to
constantly deal with relationship violence when it doesn’t stop and when victims threaten,
but take no action.
The consensus was that police involvement was more of a weapon in the heterosexual
community and less in the gay and lesbian community because of fear of being “outted,” of
having your business in the street. Several talked about having police watch a violent
altercation between same sex partners and “take no action until afterwards, they just
figured they could go and sort of beat up on the perpetrator for awhile without filing a
report. …I think a lot of times you don’t know if you can trust the police because they
might be adding to the violence.” Most agreed that there isn’t much reliance on the
criminal justice solution in black GLBT communities. Clarification revealed that blacks,
neither heterosexuals nor GLBT persons, do not trust the criminal justice system; but, black
gays and lesbians trust it less. All respondents agreed that there should be
consequences of violent behavior and that for many the ultimate fear is that the
victimized partner will leave the relationship. Particular problems were identified
for victims and children who try to leave a violent situation and have nowhere to
go. Members noted problems associated with homelessness and talked about the
stresses of giving up a certain lifestyle (money, nice home, nice vehicles, security,
not having to work, status).
When asked about violence leading to other social problems, one respondent
spoke about violent substance abuses having children in the child welfare system.
Participants did not think that substance abuse caused domestic violence, but did
see a correlation between the two phenomena.
They identified several potential solutions to partner on partner violence, which
included (1) increased media awareness (magazines, billboards, radio), (2) a
description/definition of what is violent behavior, (3) options for getting out of a
violent situation or of stopping it, (4) getting people to think that violence is a
problem. “So many people are just used to violence, they don’t see it as
something wrong.” (5) substance abuse counseling and family therapy and
couples therapy, (6) more education about domestic violence for the heterosexual
community, (7) members of the GLBT community must become more
comfortable confronting both victims and perpetrators, and (8) more
involvement by the faith community because African Americans “really look to
the faith community for direction about what’s right and wrong.” One
respondent noted that the church is “quicker to help a family who just lost their
home to fire than they are to help a woman who’s being abused.”
When asked about barriers to implementing solutions to domestic violence in
the GLBT community, a participant noted, “One of the barriers to getting help is
that people who are outside our communities can’t distinguish who’s the victim, who’s the
perpetrator, or don’t want to take the time to understand, or whatever’s going on.”
Instead, one person thought, “They equate it as, y’all are just having a catfight, or
something not to be taken seriously.” A second barrier is the need to minimize
homophobia so heterosexuals could begin to look at the sanction of same sex relationships.
Other obstacles to solutions were (1) lack of resources (needed services in close proximity,
funding), (2) lack of back up by members of the GLBT community –some of whom may
see abuse as an indication of love, (3) negative attitudes of persons in helping professions
(police, hospitals, etc.), (4) no consequences or accountability, (5) lack of clarity about
what abuse really is and how it differs from love and protection, (6) lack of leadership, (7)
lack of protection under the law, and (8) deathly silence on the part of victims and
community.
The session concluded with a discussion of community services and transitional housing
programs available to the GLBT community, or more correctly the lack of such resources.
While Raleigh has a lesbian health resource center, it is 1.5-3.0 hours from most
communities in eastern North Carolina. And even Raleigh has no such
services/programming for gay men. The general consensus was that rural communities,
such as Greenville or Belhaven or Ahoskie or Plymouth, are especially isolated areas for the
African American GLBT community. Participants thought that a meeting place for
members of the community was essential; this center would have space for educational
groups, support groups, crisis information, and refuge for persons in abusive same sex
relationships. Participants recognized the dearth of providers and provider agencies
available to the straight community in rural eastern North Carolina; this lack of available
services was seen as one reason the informal networks that support individuals in the gay
and lesbian community survive. The physical isolation, coupled with the lack of
government and private program funding, suggest the need for continued reliance on the
informal networks.
The physical
isolation,
coupled with
the lack of
government
and private
program
funding,
suggest the
need for
continued
reliance on the
informal
networks.
39
Greenville - Children and Youth
D
omestic violence is an issue that affects the family. Those workers who have the job
of caring for, educating or aiding children are often confronted with the effects of domestic
violence. Their expertise and unique point of view can provide additional insight into the
impact of domestic violence on the community as a whole, the responses provided by their
own agencies and their beliefs as to the major obstacles surrounding breaking the cycle of
domestic violence for the good of future generations.
Seven participants comprised the Children and Youth focus group in
Greenville, North Carolina. Three males and four females responded to
interview questions regarding domestic violence and its impact on the
African American community. Their ages ranged from thirty-three to fiftythree, and their professions or experience included roles such as substance
abuse program director, social worker, victim advocate, youth leader, and
non-profit executive director.
When asked what types of violence they associate with the African
American community, participants in the Greenville area Children and
Youth focus group were able to compile a comprehensive list. Violent
behavior among youth was a key category of violence that was discussed.
Participants thought youth violence was manifested in ways such as:
neighborhood rivalry or gang violence, gun violence, school bullying, and
dating violence. Gang violence was viewed as a new and harmful form of
violent behavior “starting to float into our communities” and making its
presence felt in eastern North Carolina. In addition, respondents noted
that instances of homicide, abuse inflicted upon an intimate partner, and
violence within rural areas were forms of violent behavior occurring in
their community.
Members of this group believed instances of violence to be frequent,
taking place daily and even hourly. They gave mixed responses when
asked about the priority that should be assigned to the problem of violence
within the African American community. Some participants thought that it
should be ranked high on the list of pressing concerns because of its
frequency and the fact that it may be even more prevalent than it appears
on the surface.
I would say it’s a very high priority because it’s hidden and never
talked about. You’d be surprised the number of acts of violence that’s
happening in our homes, our neighbors’ homes, but you would never
know. Because Mom won’t tell, the kids won’t tell, but Daddy comes
out looking like he’s the pillar of the community. But it’s happening
in their homes.
Those who believed violence to be of high priority viewed the issue as a
root cause of other problems affecting community members. Those group
members with dissenting opinions ranked violence less high because they
saw violence as a consequence of other social problems. Issues such as selfesteem, substance abuse, parenting skills, and pre-existing social inequality
were named as topics by these respondents that should be addressed first.
40
With substance abuse and the poverty issues… I think that if we deal with those issues
at a young age, parenting skills for younger mothers and fathers, those things that lead
to violence, those things that lead to individuals going out to sell drugs because of the
fact that they don’t have money or they want that authority. And I think if we deal
with those issues, even though the violence is there, but looking in the future, being
proactive, if we deal with those issues I think that the violence will decrease…
Multiple causes of domestic violence were cited by group participants.
(1) Power and control: the abuser perpetrates violence in order to meet his or her need for
power or control.
And because [the abuser’s] self-esteem is low, it becomes important, even though it’s not a
conscious kind of importance, that everyone around him feels a little bit lower.
(2) Drug abuse or drug trafficking: when there is not enough money to go around, drug
trafficking becomes an attractive way to make money. Group members were
concerned with the violence that results from drug deals gone bad, as well as violence
that stems from use or abuse of substances.
(3) Racism: this is an issue that causes frustration among the stigmatized group. Racism,
sexism, and other forms of oppression were viewed as “setting up a cycle” where
poverty, violence, and other social ills are incorporated.
(4) Poverty: lack of financial resources can keep women in dangerous situations or keep
families from being able to move from violent neighborhoods.
(5) Perpetuation of violence in the media
(6) Kids being written off in schools
…this year we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Brown versus the Board of
Education. And whether or not that was truly in our best interest, it’s debatable. But
the reason I’m saying schools is because now we have our children who are attending
schools and are being taught, and in some terms controlled by people unlike them…
who don’t really care what is happening to them and if a child is having some
problems, it’s real easy to say, well they need
to go here because they’re unteachable.
The definition
of family and
community has
changed… the
support systems
that perhaps
existed at one
time that don’t
exist anymore
because people
have migrated,
you know,
we don’t know
our neighbors
anymore
(7) The lack of certain resources or community
commodities was seen as an originating factor for
domestic violence. The community was seen as
suffering from deficits in the following areas:
• Education: the lack of fatherhood programs
and pregnancy prevention education was
mentioned by the group.
• Church influence and involvement:
participants felt that the African American
community has gotten away from its
foundation of church teaching and
involvement and the teaching of the Bible.
• Availability and support of father figures:
41
I truly believe, especially in the African American community if you look in the prisons
and you get the statistics, there’s so many African Americans in there and the rate is so
high of those that did not have fathers, which came from fatherless homes. And I
don’t think that’s just coincidence.
- Community support systems: the changing
community has developed different societal norms
and the support that used to exist has disappeared.
The definition of family and community has
changed… the support systems that perhaps
existed at one time that don’t exist anymore
because people have migrated, you know, we
don’t know our neighbors anymore… and the
societal expectations are broader and more
diverse which offers a lot more options as it
relates to choices that people can make which
has not strengthened the community necessarily
as much as it has weakened some of the systems.
- Individual self-respect: the group tied this to low
self-esteem in women, causing them to make poor
relationship choices and potentially stay in
destructive or harmful relationships.
…we don’t have
the role models
that we need to
model and mentor. We have
them, but we
don’t have
enough.
The consequences discussed by the Children and Youth focus group were varied. High
rates of crime, pregnancy, and school-age dropouts were mentioned as concrete and
measurable results of domestic violence. The problem of crime in certain areas or
neighborhoods was seen as not only dangerous to inhabitants but could also lead to a lack
of governmental involvement in neighborhoods and an inability to attract businesses to the
area. Stereotypes were also listed as a consequence of domestic violence in the African
American community. Stereotypical beliefs could be spread among those outside the
community, as well as among community members themselves. One group member
elaborated that domestic violence could fuel and perpetuate a helpless mentality within the
community. Tension between races, emotional illnesses, and the lack of role models were
other consequences of concern that group members noted.
…we don’t have the role models that we need to model and mentor. We have them,
but we don’t have enough. And a lot of times we don’t have enough of that because
people don’t want to go back, because they’re not sure of how to deal with the issues
that crime causes, and also it reduces the number of available people that are like
people that have a vested interest in the community and the youth and the maintenance
of good emotional and mental health.
They also believed that the elderly population was one group that especially suffered in
the face of violence in the community, as they were prone to become prisoners in their
homes due to fear of what might happen to them upon venturing into the neighborhood.
There are different consequences for men and women regarding domestic violence
involvement, according to the Children and Youth respondents. Some group members
thought men could recover more easily than their female counterparts and were capable of
still remaining important within community.
Men bounce back. He can still be looked up to as being an outstanding person in the
community. Even though I committed a violent act against a female. And she is going
to go down. It’s going to look like… she caused it to happen.
42
Others thought that it was harder for men to recover once exposed
as abusers. They also believed that males suffered upon entrance into
the criminal justice system as a result of pre-existing stigmas.
I think that the men definitely have the worst consequences when
you look at it from [the criminal justice aspect] because of the fact
that they already have that stigma on them when they come into
the court system so they’re already, the judge is usually just going
on past history and experiences so that person’s more apt to be
put into prison or to continue that cycle of being put in prison
whereas a female would have better opportunities as far as being
able to go on probation and enter some other programs.
The loss of the male within the home was seen as having a huge
impact on the entire household. Respondents thought that women
were prone to be targets for blame, more likely to receive assistance,
help or resources, and suffered a greater loss financially. Participants
thought women had to deal more with indoctrination from the past
that might cause them to stay or make them feel that they should keep
the family together at all costs. Males and females, according to the
group, lose credibility upon the disclosure of a domestic violence
problem, and both parties could potentially gain a criminal record.
The first solution proposed by the group was the involvement of the
entire community, specifically, more involvement on the part of the
church and the school system. Having all stakeholders working
together was seen as a vital component in reducing or eliminating the problem of domestic
violence. Economic improvement, the eradication of racism and sexism, and changes in
state and federal laws were other solutions deemed necessary by respondents. One
noteworthy proposal was that more influence on the part of African Americans should be
exerted, whether through organizations led by African Americans, or through more
political involvement on the part of all members of the race.
I think we need more African American businesses and our own organizations.
Because I think when white people get the funding, and their responsibility is to meet
our needs, those needs go unmet sometimes.
Mediation, conflict resolution, asset-building in the community, more male involvement,
and more investment back into community from those who leave and have success were
also seen as vital components of the response to domestic violence. One group member
commented on the difficulty in getting successful community members to come back:
You look at the community, and you look at, in a lot of situations, the ones that make
it out of those situations, the situations were so bad that they don’t want to go back.
We are the
experts as to
what is best for
our people.
For our community. We
are the experts,
and if you
want to know
what we need,
come to us.
The group then proceeded to discuss the ways in which their own organizations had
attempted to respond to domestic violence within their community. Education for youth
and families was one area of focus, consisting of how to create and maintain healthy
relationships and skills in mediation and confrontation. Programs that were structured and
where rules and consequences were enforced were seen as helpful in motivating both
youths and adults to comply behaviorally. Alternative schools were one response that was
seen as being potentially positive and negative. The negative aspect was that problem
children are separated from the rest of the student body, though the fact that they are still
able to get education was seen as a plus. A male fatherhood group, a voluntary family
support service, and prevention programs were other responses named by group
participants.
43
There were several obstacles named by the Children and Youth group. A lack of unity
among community entities was one problem, and the lack of negotiators and mediators was
closely related to this issue. Additionally, competition and intimidation between
organizations was named as problematic in the effort to eliminate violence.
…there’s so much competition amongst the church and I see that as an obstacle because,
you know, the competition focuses on the kids that come to my church. Not the
churches getting together and, let’s see all of these kids and what kind of program we can
do to start mentoring, pool our resources and mentor kids from all over the county. Not
just those that come from this area.
The resultant negative attention garnered by domestic violence was another obstacle in its
eradication. Denial by community members or officials, the lack of money and resources,
and the lack of properly educated and equipped leaders were also noted by participants.
Among community members, the idea sometimes exists that if the problem is not in the
individuals own ‘backyard,’ he or she does not have to deal with it, according to one
respondent. Another participant
described self-hatred and internalized
oppression as the major obstacle to
overcome in the search for a solution
to address domestic violence in the
community. Overall, participants
agreed that to find effective solutions
they must be consulted to provide the
knowledge and in-depth information
necessary for change.
We are the experts as to what is
best for our people. For our
community. We are the experts,
and if you want to know what
we need, come to us.
44
Greenville - Community Activists
C
ommunity Activists play an important role in the Greenville,
North Carolina area. They are those individuals who take part in
advocacy, are involved and invested in local programs, and have
dealt with community members and local leaders alike. This range
of experience gives them a wealth of knowledge and a familiarity in
the arena of domestic violence within their community. Their
perspectives equip them to participate in the dialogue surrounding
the causes, consequences and other variables involved in the issue of
domestic violence and to lend their own ideas and opinions to
shaping the group discussion.
Eight members took part in the Community Activist focus group.
Six women and two men composed the group and their ages ranged
from thirty-five to fifty-nine. Their particular areas of expertise and
professional roles include: workforce development, board member,
safe house coordinator, corrections professional, family resource
coordinator, and organizer.
The Community Activist focus group participants were first asked
to name different types of violence in the African American
community. Group members were able to easily describe several
different types of which they were aware. Some of the types of
violence that composed their list were: (1) violence against women,
(2) the dangerous and violent activities associated with gang
factions, (3) drug and/or alcohol-related violence, (4) violence perpetrated by youth and
among youth and (5) violence perpetrated between members of different races.
The issue of youth violence was a topic of particular interest to this focus group. One
participant stated that from her experience in the field, performance of an act of violence
had become almost the equivalent of a rite of passage for the young black male population.
Youth violence was inseparably linked to peer pressure and, respondents believed, was a
means by which children have come to gain acceptance. Another respondent talked about
the perpetuation of violence amongst children as a form of self-fulfilling prophecy:
…I see our children following a cycle that’s been created over the generations and
continuing to keep the violence prevalent and watching outsiders let it occur because
it’s almost something that the Afro-American population just should do.
Gang violence was seen as a new and troubling phenomenon taking place within the
Greenville community. It was described as a “very prevalent” problem and a topic that has
been affecting the growth of North Carolina communities as well as one that has been
influencing the conversations taking place between the local leadership figures in different
cities.
. “Now we
live in
neighborhoods
where we mind
our own
business…
we’ve got to
start minding
other people’s
business.”
Drug and alcohol-related violence in the African American community was also
mentioned. One person with experience working in the domestic violence shelter noted
that the women and children who come in due to drug or alcohol-related violence seem to
be trapped in a cycle. This respondent stated, “They’re coming in, they’ll go back… [Drug
use] has grown. It has gotten deeper and bad.”
45
Members also described as problematic the ongoing cycle of family violence where
children are victims of violence or witness it in the home and go on to eventually
perpetuate the same type of situation in their own homes, thus affecting generations to
come. One participant expressed that the issue of domestic violence was a “huge question”
that she always associates with her past history. She related her personal experience in the
following way:
I suffered child abuse under my father, my father
battered my mother. And it was part of a
generational sweep, if you will, because I saw my
uncles batter my aunts and they battered their
children, you know, so it was just, it was part of the
family. And as a child, I couldn’t understand why
we can’t just teach peace in our homes. So you
know, having experienced this in my own family, it’s
multi-generational, it’s just so deeply ingrained into
our families.
Group members were asked to prioritize the problem
of violence in their community and discuss its
relationship to other social problems. Violence within
the African American community is “where everything
begins,” according to group respondents. Other
problems included:
(1) The prevalence of joblessness in the community.
“When a person, male, cannot find himself a
job… it makes him feel less than a man.”
(2) A lack of education, which is a problem that often
leads to unemployment.
(3) The loss of identity for the African American
male, the overall devaluation of African American
lives, and an undercurrent of anger in the
community.
I think years of little boys trying to move from
being little boys into young males, they’re dealing
with all kinds of impulses and anger and trying to
just become the men who they’re supposed to be. I
don’t think that society is trying to help them. So I
think that all of this anger, putting our men down,
is perpetuated by the school and the communities
they live in…
(4) The workings of the judicial system:
Our judicial system is a problem. Because it already says to them, we’re going to get
you. And so, the African American man feels as though he’s a target, a sitting target.
And he’s explosive, and he’s ready to retaliate.
These three issues were all inseparably linked to violence in the African American
community in the group discussion. In order to accomplish any sort of progress
whatsoever in eradicating these problems, participants felt, violence must be addressed
first.
46
Four causes of domestic violence in the African American community were noted in the
Community Activist group:
(1) Unmet needs: the first cause that group members talked about was
that certain individuals act out because of unmet needs due to
deficiencies within the family, such as an absent father or mother
figure. One participant noted, “…the reality is we’re craving for
what we did not get in the family.”
(2) Legacy of violence: the history of violence through slavery and
oppression for African Americans was viewed as a contributing
factor to violence. “We have to really go deep into ourselves with
this historical violence that was lodged on us. We are a product of
people who were owned by other people.”
(3) Helplessness: a third cause of violence was described as a quality of
learned helplessness permeating the African American race. One
respondent stated this concern by saying:
As a community of African Americans, we’ve looked to other folks to
cure our ills… I’m sick of us thinking that people that don’t look like
us can fix us. We’ve been who we are all of these years, the answers
are with us.
(4) Concept of manhood: the group noted that many black males are
being raised by women, and struggle to define manhood. As adults,
men may believe that being a man means being tough and not
expressing weakness:
Afro-American men view manhood as being tough because this is… a
shield that they have had to develop in order to exist and so they take that toughness
into the home with them. And not knowing that the greatest men are those that can
cry and are sweet and gentle, they feel that they have to be tough and hitting on the
kids and hitting on the woman helps them identify with being a man.
The consequences of domestic violence that were of concern for this particular group of
respondents centered around the damage that has been inflicted upon the image of the
African American race as a whole and in particular, the destruction of the African
American man. Not only were these image-related concerns damaging to the way society
views the African American race, but respondents thought this issue was also damaging to
the self-perceptions and self-esteem of this particular population. What people see and
hear about themselves from society influences what they believe about themselves.
47
In addition, the economic consequences of domestic violence were also mentioned. The
breakdown of the family often leaves members with little to no resources, and they are left
having to rely on assistance.
…the first thing I noticed when I started working in domestic violence is when the
woman comes to the shelter, she is indigent. She has no means of support whatsoever.
She’s on zero. So then, the next step is that you start accessing the system. You have
to go to DSS, you have to get on food stamps, you have to get Medicaid, you’ve got to
then find a way to help her become self-sufficient.
Group participants believed that consequences of involvement with domestic violence
were different according to gender, in that men could also be affected as victims of
battering in the home, and that they may actually suffer more than their female
counterparts upon disclosure. Members also discussed the reasons behind why battering of
males by females occurs. One reason was previous exposure to violence and the
determination to not be vulnerable:
And not
knowing that the
greatest men are
those that can
cry and are
sweet and
gentle, they feel
that they have to
be tough and
hitting on the
kids and hitting
on the woman
helps them
identify with
being a man.
48
What I’ve witnessed is that the women that batter that I’ve talked to say that they saw
their mother get battered and they will never batter, they will fight before they allow
somebody to fight them. So if there’s an argument or something gets heated, instead
of it just being a heated argument, they lash out in retaliation first to let you know,
I’m drawing that line here and you’re not gonna hit me and let me show you why.
A number of solutions to domestic violence were suggested in the discussion that took
place in the Community Activist group. The three main categories of responses to violence
were education, involvement, and exposure. Education in the form of life skills training,
and education geared specifically towards children and women were seen as necessary
solutions. This type of preventive response, participants felt, might stem the tide of
violence in the community. One woman shared her approach to educating her son in the
home:
…I have learned that you have to give [your children] the reality that, and the
perception that there’s a different type of reality than what they see in the streets. And
then they can sort of interface with others and decide how to act out… and what
controls to put on themselves.
Overall, participants shared that in their own lives, they
desired for their children to take their cues from home
instead of from what they see on the streets or in the media.
Greater involvement of both individuals and local
organizations was another solution. Individuals could be
utilized as role models within the community and have an
impact on the lives of youth who need mentors and
direction. One participant acknowledged that African
American men in particular should step up in leadership
roles. Neighborhoods are no longer what they used to be,
and one member of the group expressed the opinion that
people in the community should be more involved in each
others lives. “Now we live in neighborhoods where we
mind our own business… we’ve got to start minding other
people’s business.” Respondents noted that churches could get involved by addressing the
issue through education, advocating and helping within their communities. Overall,
religious organizations could be helpful by acknowledging and addressing that violence is a
real problem that affects everyone, regardless of age, sex, or socioeconomic status. In order
to address violence, one participant noted that the problem must be exposed and its taboo
must be removed:
There’s also still the sector of our African American community that thinks that right
now other issues may be more important. For instance, if you talk about black-onblack crime, you could probably fill this room. But if you talk about domestic
violence, people don’t seem to just jump in like they do about other things, so I
think… we’ve got to bring the issue of domestic violence back to people’s attention
because… it exists in all sectors of society. You know, from the educated to the
undereducated families, and you know, when somebody’s getting beat, that’s usually
the family secret. And we’ve got to help it not be the family secret so that healing can
take place. And the only way to help healing to take place is to kind of get those
taboo labels off of it.
Participants in the group mentioned several programs in which they were personally
involved or of which they were aware. Among the responses and programs currently
existing within the community were a fatherhood initiative, the Open Arms Ministry, and a
family violence center. A program for ex-offenders who are re-entering society (The Going
Home Initiative or Project Re-entry) is a national effort that addresses issues like substance
abuse, housing, and transportation needs. In addition, programs such as Today’s Teen
Women, the sisterhood agenda, and the Titus 2 program are trainings specifically geared
for females. The training, Silent Cry from the Pews: Domestic Violence and the Faith
Community, was another currently existing solution that the community was utilizing to
address the issue of domestic violence.
Programs
such as
Today’s Teen
Women, the
sisterhood
agenda, and
the Titus 2
program are
trainings
specifically
geared for
females.
49
When asked to pinpoint obstacles to eliminating the problem of domestic violence in their
community, respondents cited the inability of family members to effectively and honestly
communicate, particularly about their needs or expectations within a relationship. They
also explored the idea that the atmosphere of the community had changed over time. With
the occurrences of violence within the community has come the invasion of feelings of fear
and isolation.
…especially being here in North Carolina, some of the rural communities, some of
the families, you can be in the middle of a field really, you know, and this horror
could be going on and no one can hear you. No one can see you.
In addition, feelings of shame for those who experience or are affected by violence are
also crippling to the well-being of individuals, families, and the community as a whole.
Shame prevents those involved from recognizing the problem, seeking help and resources,
and changing the situation. Additionally, according to respondents, the inability to
improve ones situation economically and the lack of access to helpful resources are other
obstacles to addressing and eliminating domestic violence within the African American
community.
50
Conclusion and Recommendations
R
ural communities are a vital part of the landscape that is the United States of
America; and, rural southern communities encapsulate much that is special to the nation’s
social and economic history. This report is unique among research because it points to the
need to find creative, culturally sensitive responses to domestic violence in the African
American community of rural eastern North Carolina. The report presents the ideas of
respondents selected from the African American community in 40 rural counties and
analyzes their perceptions about the types, causes, solutions, and barriers to violence and
domestic violence. Their voices are reflected in this community assessment project report.
The report examines those policy issues that can make a difference in the lives of children
and families and communities that are struggling to deal with domestic violence.
Respondents in this eastern North Carolina assessment strongly asserted that domestic
violence requires a multi-pronged approach, one that is particularly sensitive to issues of
racism and silence. These rural participants spoke of individual responses to violence that
ranged from revenge (“She glued him”) to quiet resolve (“Hurting people hurt each
other”). Domestic violence requires that we address and respond to the complex and
compound issues, particularly substance abuse, mental illness, economic inequity,
unemployment, and racism that surround it. In rural communities it is imperative that the
multiplicity of intervention points, i.e., individual, couple, family, group, community, and
societal intervention be acknowledged to ensure a sustained change effort. A sustained
effort is essential if the community is to develop and maintain policies that create
opportunities for economic prosperity, while also protecting groups, and establishing safety
nets to eradicate domestic violence in the African American community.
Social context is all-important when making strides to resolve any issue. Many African
Americans do not concur with the majority race’s definition of domestic violence; they feel
that their circumstances place them outside the parameters of the definition and,
consequently, make the available interventions irrelevant to them. That violence is a
natural occurrence spurred by pressures of helplessness and social and economic
oppression was discussed and debated by focus groups in this experience. Many
respondents validated this concern. The task then becomes finding ways to define domestic
violence that reflect the values and messages of this minority community. Such is critical if
we are to fully addressing the issue. Relevant definitions are essential. Definitions set
parameters for legal and non-legal situations by creating perceptions as to what is and is
not domestic violence, while also establishing an agenda for change. What was agreed
upon in the eastern North Carolina focus groups was that by helping black communities
define this issue for themselves, policies and treatment can be developed that more
accurately reflect the needs of African Americans.
Especially
being here in
North
Carolina, some
of the rural
communities,
some of the
families, you
can be in the
middle of a
field really, you
know, and this
horror could be
going on and
no one can
hear you.
No one can
see you.
Service providers and policymakers often underestimate issues of racism, and
contemporary discrimination, concerns raised again and again in the focus groups. A
history of racism and social deprivation have left irreparable scars on black people, who
present as marginalized and demoralized when faced with the need to on community
responses to violence. Having to negotiate living in a discriminatory and often hostile
society creates feelings of powerlessness and internalized oppression that greatly impact
relationships in homes and communities. It is not known just how much issues of racism
and contemporary discrimination affect African American relationships. More research is
necessary before targeted interventions can be developed to address these broader issues.
But, the task of collecting more data must be undertaken because without formally
addressing these issues, service providers and policymakers cannot truly eradicate domestic
violence in the African American community.
51
The historical context was repeated
time and again in this report as a
component that must be understood if
one plans to change the tide of violence
in rural North Carolina African
American homes. The suggestion that
history impacts intimate relationships
was mentioned frequently; but, there is
little research that has been conducted
to illuminate the ways in which history
impacts African American intimate
relationships. Research is needed to
explore the intricate relationship
between history, historical African
American responses, and current trends
of domestic violence in the African
American community. As participants
discussed, the historical context is
interwoven
throughout
these
relationships, and thus, indicates the
need for greater study.
We’ve got to
bring the issue
of domestic
violence back to
people’s
attention
because…
it exists in all
sectors of
society.
52
Some eastern North Carolina counties
have African American majorities in
population. These county areas
frequently are marked by high levels of
poverty and high out migration of
educated, young blacks. Those who
remain may have entrenched loyalties
to family and friends. They often
enable perpetrators of domestic
violence by rationalizing their behavior and by regularly providing shelter to endangered
family members instead of encouraging shelter services, treatment, and/or legal action by
the victim. One reason for this behavior can be attributed to the large physical distances
between treatment facilities and shelters. Another reason may be the dire social and
economic circumstances of an impoverished population.
The differential treatment experienced by African American men and some African
American women that was mentioned in other communities also was noted by respondents
in eastern North Carolina. Child welfare programs, law enforcement, and the judicial
system in particular, were seen as particularly differential to women. Reference was made
to the large number of Black men and the increasing number of Black women in prisons as
a cause of single parent families. In addition to tracking this inequity, protocols need to be
established that protect African Americans from the question of abusive use of power.
Efforts must be made to rebuild positive relationships within the African American
community, to develop the supportive networks that teach and mentor young men and
women. Many African American women do not report violence because they do not want
police or a child welfare worker to remove their partner and primary support person or
their children. The woman may also choose not to call law enforcement into a violent
situation because of fear of police brutality or dual arrests. Consequently, in addition to
addressing the systemic inequities that exist, there also must be a clear effort to strengthen
the relationships and trust inside and outside communities of color through leadership
changes, imposed accountability, and the generation of sustained efforts of quality,
concerned, and consistent services in African American communities.
The limited services available for domestic violence prevention and
intervention were discussed across each of the groups. Ideally, treatment
services should be community developed and community based; they should
be geographically rooted in the community. Services should be provided by
community members or those with a history of working in the community.
This established relationship is important if helping communities are to feel
that the providers have integrity and a history of being responsive and caring.
Such ideas are necessary if the services are to be trusted and utilized. This is
an issue of particular concern in rural communities. Services simply are not
available. Most treatment facilities and shelters are strategically placed in
urban and suburban locations, but there is no urban population center in
eastern North Carolina. In the forty county eastern North Carolina region,
treatment facilities were described as sparse. Some services were as far as 3 or
4 counties away or as far as 100 miles from a site of violence. There is an
obvious need for funding for community-based organizations in rural
communities if geographic realities are to be addressed. Culturally sensitive
organizations that have a successful history with the community should be
given opportunities to receive funding while developing their infrastructure.
Such actions will nurture the minority organizations by providing funding
opportunities in place of funding more established organizations that are not
necessarily sensitive to the community’s needs.
Ensuring that all services are of the highest quality and culturally
competent is critical to the success of this endeavor. Culturally
competent intervention methods are needed across all levels of
intervention: individual, couple, family, group, community, and societal. In addition
to providing such interventions, they should be documented to provide greater
confidence in results and to offer opportunities for replication in other comparable
places. (Bent-Goodley & Williams, 2004, p. 41)
It is imperative that funding opportunities be linked to culturally competent service
provision; programs not able to demonstrate cultural competence should not receive public
funding to support their ventures in minority communities.
The next step for the Greenville Community Planning Group, which facilitated the
gathering of data from this community assessment experience, is to use the information
contained in this report to educate the citizenry of their communities about domestic
violence. The author acknowledges and commends the focus group respondents who
shared their insights in this process for their willingness to take risks and to be honest
about this dark issue in their community. The group respondents provided clear
recommendations that can inform practice, policy, and research. Their comments have the
potential to change the conditions of both their geographic and vocational communities
and to address the problem of domestic violence in the larger rural community of eastern
North Carolina. The message is clear, end domestic violence; the voices must be heard.
53
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NC State Data Center. (2005). Data Services Unit, NC Office of State and Budget Management.
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Steering Committee
IDVAAC Steering Committee. Back row, left to right: Oliver J. Williams, Ph.D.; Kelly Mitchell-Clark; William
Oliver, Ph.D.; Linner Ward Griffin, Ed.D., MSW; Robert Hampton, Ph.D. Front row, left to right; Joyce N.
Thomas, MPH, RN; Shelia Hankins; Esther J. Jenkins, Ph.D.; Antonia Vann, CDVC; Beth E. Richie, Ph.D.
55
Fact Sheet on Intimate Partner Violence
in the African American Community
STATISTICS
In a nationally representative survey,
29% of African American women and
12% of African American men report at
least one instance of violence from an
1
intimate partner.
African Americans account for 1/3 of the
2
intimate partner homicides in this country
and have an intimate partner homicide rate
3
four times that of whites.
IMPACT OF ABUSE
Black women comprise 8% of the U.S.
population but account for 20% of the
2
intimate partner homicide victims.
Battered women are at greater risk for
attempting suicide6 particularly if they
were physically abused as a child, for being
7
depressed and to suffer from Post
8
Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).
RISK FACTORS
DYNAMICS OF ABUSE
The poorer African American women are
and less educated the more severe the
abuse they suffer
Women do better in abusive relationships
when they have the support of friends and
family. Battered black women who
reported that they could rely on others for
emotional and practical support were less
9
likely to be re-abused, showed less
10
psychological distress, and were less likely
6
to attempt suicide.
Alcohol problems (drinking, binge
drinking, dependency) are more frequently
related to intimate partner violence for
African Americans than for whites or
5
Hispanics.
Among African American women killed
by their partner, the lethal violence was
more likely to occur if there had been
incidents in which the partner had used or
threatened to use a weapon on her and/or
the partner has tried to choke or strangle
4
her.
Among African American women killed
by their partner, almost half were killed
while in the process of leaving the
relationship, highlighting the need to take
4
extra precautions at this time.
Among African American women who
killed their partner, almost 80% had a
4
history of abuse.
56
As with other women, domestic violence
is more likely to end in the serious injury
or death of black women when there is a
history of her partner having used or
threatened to use a gun or knife or the
4
partner has tried to choke or strangle her.
TEEN DATING VIOLENCE
Black youth are over represented as
victims and perpetrators of teen dating
11
violence.
African American girls are as likely as
12
boys to slap or hit their partner, but
studies of racially diverse groups find that
girls are more likely than boys to be violent
13
with their partner in self defense and to be
14
injured as a result of dating violence
Fact Sheet References
1 .Tjaden, P. & Thoennes, N. (2000). Extent, nature, and
consequences of intimate partner violence: Findings from
the National Violence Against Women Survey. Washington,
DC.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Program.
9. Goodman, L.A. & Dutton, M.A. (July, 2003). Predicting reabuse one year later. Paper presented at the 8th
International Family Violence Research Conference,
Portsmouth, NH.
2. Fox, J.A. Uniform Crime Reports [United States]:
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1976-1999 [Computer
File]. ICPRS version. Boston, Ma: Northeastern University
College of Criminal Justice [producer], 2001. Ann Arbor,
Mi.: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social
Research [distributor],2001.
10. Thompson, M.P., Kaslow, N.J., Kingree, JH.B., Rashid,
A., Puett, R., Jacobs, D. & Matthews,A. (2000). Partner
violence, social support, and distress among inner-city
African American women. American Journal of
Community Psychology, 28, 127-13.
3. Greenfield, L.A., Rand, J.R.,Crave, D., Klaus, P., Perkins,
C., Ringel, C., (1998). Violence by intimates: Analysis of
data on crimes by current or former spouses, boyfriends,
and girlfriends. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of Justice,
Bureau of Justice Statistics.
4. Jenkins, Block, & Campbell (2004). Risk of death and
serious injury for abused African American women. In V.
PottieBunge, C.R. Block, & M. Lane (eds.)., Linking data
to practice in homicide and violence prevention:
Proceedings of the 2004 Homicide Research Working
Group Annual symposium. Chicago: HRWG Publication.
5. Caetano, R., Schafer, J., & Cunradi, C. (2001). Alcoholrelated intimate partner violence among Whites, Black and
Hispanics. Alcohol Research & Health, 25, 58-65.
6. Kaslow, N.J., Thompson, M.P., Meadows, L.A., Jacobs.,
Chance, S., Gibb, B. et al. (1998). Factors that mediate and
moderate the link between partner abuse and suicidal
behavior in African American women. Journal of
Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 66, 533-540.
11 .Foshee, V., Linder, G.F., Bauman, I.E., Langwick, S.A.,
Arriaga, X., Heath, J. McMahon, P., Bangdiwala, S.
(1996). The safe dates project: Theoretical basis,
evaluation design, and selected baseline findings.
American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 12, 39-47.
12. O’Keefe, M. (1997). Predictors of dating violence among
high school students. Journal of Interpersonal Violence,
12, 546-568.
15. Thompson, M.P., Kaslow, N.J., Kingree, JH.B., Rashid,
A., Puett, R., Jacobs, D. & Matthews,A. (2000). Partner
violence, social support, and distress among inner-city
African American women. American Journal of
Community Psychology, 28, 127-13.
14. Foshee, V. (1996) Gender differences in adolescent dating
abuse prevalence, types and injuries. Health Education
Research, 11, 275-286.
15. .Benson, M., Wooldredge, J., Thistlethwaite, A., Fox, G.
(2004). The correlations between race and domestic
violence is confounded with community context. Social
Problems, 51, 326-342
7. Goodman, L., Bennett, L. Dutton, M.A. (1999). Obstacles
to victims’ cooperation with the criminal prosecution of
their abusers: The role of social support. Violence and
Victims, 14, 427-444.
8. Leskin, G.A., Block, CR., Campbell, J. (2003). Ethnic
differences in intimate partner violence an PTSD: results
from the Chicago women’s Health Risk Study. In C.R.
Block and R. Block (eds.), Public health and criminal justice
approaches to homicide research: Proceeding of the 2003
Homicide Research Working Group Annual Symposium.
Chicago: HRWG Pubications.
57
Eastern North Carolina
Domestic Violence Resource List
National Domestic Violence
Hotline Information
Hotline Number
1-800- 799-SAFE (7233)
TDD Number
1-800-787-3224
Administrative Number
512-453-8117
Fax Number 512-453-8541
National Sexual Assault
Hotline
1-800-656-HOPE
RAINN (Rape Abuse and Incest
National Network) www.rainn.org
North Carolina Coalition
Against Domestic Violence
Office: 919-956-9124
Fax: 919-682-1449
Eastern North Carolina
Domestic Violence Service
Providers:
BEAUFORT/
58
59
Community Insights on
Domestic Violence among
African Americans:
Conversations About Domestic Violence
Violence And
And
Other Issues Affecting Their Community
Institute on Domestic Violence in the African-American Community
Greenville, North Carolina, 2006
University of Minnesota
Institute on Domestic Violence in the African American Community
School of Social Work, 290 Peters Hall
1404 Gortner Avenue
St. Paul, MN 55108-6142
877-643-8222
www.dvinstitute.org
© Institute on Domestic Violence in the African American Community, 2005. All rights reserved.