Progress report
Geographies of children and
youth III: Alchemists of the
revolution?
Progress in Human Geography
37(1) 145–152
ª The Author(s) 2011
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/0309132511434902
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Craig Jeffrey
University of Oxford, UK
Abstract
This report analyses recent geographical scholarship and young people’s protest around the world in 2010
and 2011 in order to challenge two central themes in literature on politics and civil society. First, I critically
examine the idea that young people, especially unemployed youth, are engaged only in a type of romantic,
ineffective politics. Second, I question the notion that ‘civil society’ – in the sense of deliberative, non-violent
politics that acts as a positive check on state power – occurs principally through formal organizations representing a generalized public interest. In making these points I argue for a new approach to analysis of civil
society in human geography – one that allows for political mobilization that is informal, non-local, and based
upon particularistic identities such as religion and caste.
Keywords
Arab Spring, children, civil society, new ecologies of protest, revolution, youth
I Introduction
Travelling up through the hills of north India
recently I came upon a roadblock. Thirty
children had occupied the bridge crossing the
valley’s major river. Cars, jeeps and lorries were
backed up half a mile either side of the bridge.
Our taxi driver – a squat man with a huge moustache – barked angrily at the queue, ‘Kya ho
raha hain?’ (what’s happening?). Explanations
were hurled back up the line across the cars’
roofs: ‘The children don’t like their maths
teacher’, a woman on the roadside explained.
‘They want the District Magistrate (DM) to
replace him’, a lorry driver told us. An hour later
and the DM arrived. He strode across the bridge
to meet the children, brandishing his wooden
baton in a threatening manner. But the plaintive
appeals of the children, their ingenuity in staging the roadblock, and something perhaps of
the romance of the scene – water rushing under
their feet as they painstakingly explained the
inadequacy of their maths tutor – persuaded the
DM to act. He grudgingly accepted the children’s demands and the line of traffic jerked
back to life.
The past 12 months have furnished numerous
other examples of young people – even children
as young as eight – becoming involved in popular protest around the world. Every newspaper
presents a kaleidoscope of rebellion, dissatisfaction and anger prosecuted in large part by young
people, and sometimes with reference to the
notion of ‘youth’ and ‘generation’.
Corresponding author:
School of Geography and the Environment, University of
Oxford, South Parks Road, Oxford OX1 3QY, UK.
Email: [email protected]
146
These protests point to the importance of a
globally comparative analysis of the hardships
suffered by contemporary children and youth.
My first report provided a template. I identified
some of the key factors shaping young people’s
lives across a wide variety of settings: poor education, an inability to remain in formal education due to other pressures, and the widespread
phenomenon of youth unemployment. Added
to this list might be: police harassment, corruption, poor housing options and intergenerational
tensions. I also argued that it would be useful to
look at key moments of change, or ‘vital conjunctures’ (Johnson-Hanks, 2002), during which
young people’s marginalized position becomes
especially evident but when, paradoxically, new
possibilities for action can also come to light –
moments such as the year after leaving school
or the period after migrating to a city.
Since I wrote my first progress report on
these issues, geographers have become much
more active in documenting the marginalization
experienced by young people. Some studies concentrate on issues of access, young people’s
unequal capacity to acquire a meaningful education (Hamnett and Butler, 2011), their restricted
access to places of leisure and play (Pain et al.,
2010), and patterns of volunteering marked by
social inequality (Jones, 2011), for example.
Other studies consider the spatial performance
of discrimination, for example within high
schools (Thomas, 2008), university (Fincher and
Shaw, 2011; Hopkins, 2011) and neighbourhoods (Nayak, 2010; Potter et al., 2010). Still
other studies have charted how powerful institutions denigrate or indoctrinate young people,
often in subtle, embodied ways (Ansell, 2010;
Porter et al., 2010). This includes new work on
the state’s increasing concern with security – or
‘securitization’ – and the negative implications
of such disciplinary drives on young people (see
Hyndman, 2010).
In the second report I argued for the importance of understanding young people’s agency
(Jeffrey, 2011). I drew attention to their
Progress in Human Geography 37(1)
purposeful, strategic efforts to resist dominant
forces, their resourcefulness in contexts of constraint, and young people’s involvement in the
reproduction or deepening of pernicious power
structures: ‘negative agency’.
In this, the third and final paper, I want to pick
up on themes of the second report and reflect upon
how young people’s protest around the world in
2010 and 2011 challenges two central arguments
in literature on oppositional politics (see also
Sparke, 2008): the notion that young people,
especially unemployed youth, are ineffective
political actors, and the idea that resistance occurs
principally through formal organizations representing a generalized public interest.
As in the previous reports I use the term ‘children’ to refer to 6–15-year-olds and ‘youth’ to
refer to 16–30-year-olds. I employ the term
‘young people’ to refer to both children and
youth together. These are categories of convenience; all of the terms – especially ‘youth’ – are
problematic intellectually and politically (e.g.
Jeffrey, 2010a). There is no straightforward
experience of ‘childhood’ or ‘youth’ that marks
the lives of the young people discussed in this
paper. Whether people in different parts of the
world use the terms ‘youth’ or ‘child’ at all is
by no means clear. Suffice to say that people
in their pre-teens, teens and twenties are on the
frontline of processes of globalization; analysis of young people can illuminate a host of
interesting issues in human geography around
space, place, scale, education, work and the
environment.
II Young people as effective
political agents
The notion that young people, especially unemployed youth, are either wholly ‘useless’ or
some type of dark threat to society is everywhere repeated in media reports, World Bank
policy papers, and some academic studies. Such
ideas can be traced in part to the notion of Marx
and Engels (1978) that unemployed youth were
Jeffrey
‘alchemists of the revolution’, a term they
employed ironically to suggest ineffective forms
of politics, which were somehow ‘adolescent’ in
nature: moving too fast and too slow at the same
time. Pierre Bourdieu (1984) was similarly dismissive, identifying youth as victims of unrealistic dreams and spurious and romantic fantasies of
upheaval.
Karl Mannheim (1972 [1936]) provides an
alternative view. He argued that each generation, because it has grown up in distinct historical conditions, has a type of ‘fresh contact’
with its surroundings. Mannheim was careful
not to attribute to young people the quality of
being revolutionary, but he was optimistic about
the ability of children and youth in certain conditions to rethink dominant structures and
change aspects of local and non-local society.
Holding Marx and Engels and Bourdieu, on
the one hand, against Mannheim, on the other,
provides a framework for analysis of youth
mobilization. Are young people simply ineffective dreamers, in the Marxian mould? Or could
they act as a type of generational force for
change in the Mannheimian vision?
Recent geographical and anthropological
studies point to some of the type of quixotic,
idiosyncratic politics that Marx and Engels and
Bourdieu imagine as the purview of young people, and of unemployed youth in particular. For
example, Daniel Mains (2007) refers to youth in
urban Ethiopia who spend long periods of the
day ostentatiously ‘doing nothing’. My own
research in north India provides examples of
young people who have responded to poor job
prospects through engaging in a type of lackadaisical retreat from politics. ‘Enough, we are
doing nothing, waiting for our luck to change’,
was a common refrain on the streets of provincial towns in Uttar Pradesh (Jeffrey, 2010b).
But set alongside this story must be the type
of spectacle I encountered while travelling in
Uttarakhand in north India: everyday and also
sometimes long-term efforts by young people
to alter local, national or international structures.
147
Examples are legion, and can be drawn from both
recent news sources and geographical work. The
outpouring of youth frustration on the streets
and squares of Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin
America over 2010 and 2011 – a ‘volcano of
rage’ (Rodenbeck, 2011) – is truly remarkable.
In December 2010 an educated underemployed
young man in Tunisia committed suicide in
response to police harassment. This act triggered a wave of protests against the state culminating in the overthrow of the dictator Ben
Ali. The Tunisian uprising in turn sparked further protests across the Middle East and North
Africa, most notably in Egypt, where a partly
youth-led movement used social media and
direct protests to force the authoritarian leader
Hosni Mubarak from power. These uprisings
were not straightforwardly ‘youth’ mobilizations. They involved people of different ages
and they had agendas that went far beyond the
narrow interests of those in their pre-teens,
teens and twenties. But young people were
important in the Arab Spring.
More recently, there was fairly widespread
urban unrest among young people in London
in August 2011, sparked in the first instance
by anger at the police. There have also been
demonstrations in southern Europe, South
Africa, Sri Lanka and Chile regarding the privatization of higher education. In addition, young
people have played lead roles in the ‘Occupy’
movement, which has involved the establishment of urban camps in cities in Europe and the
USA as well as in other places, such as the Philippines, Mexico and Japan. There are less
directly related protests in which young people
are prominent in India, where anti-corruption
has provided the rallying call. Again, not all of
these demonstrations were undertaken mainly
by young people. But children and youth have
been highly visible in recent mobilization
around the world, often playing roles as facilitators, rabble rousers or intellectuals. Young people appear to be acting as true ‘alchemists of the
revolution’, as they have done in the past.
148
Recent geographical work points in similar
directions. Children and youth are centrally
involved in a range of parliamentary-style
debates in many countries, as the research of
Kallio and Häkli (2011) in Finland suggests.
Children and youth have sometimes played a
role in lobbying high officials, as the research
of Philo and Smith (2003) reveals. Young people are involved, too, in building new links with
children and youth in other contexts – for example, through travelling to foreign countries to
volunteer (see Jones, 2011), establishing communication online (e.g. Gardner, 2008) or engaging in forms of political protest that cross
national boundaries (Juris and Pleyers, 2009).
This scholarship demonstrates the ability of
people in their pre-teens, teens and twenties
to use their common identity as young people
or as a ‘generation’ as a starting point for critique and action.
One of the more interesting examples of
such mobilization among young people comes
from the village of Tilonia in north India, a
Non-Governmental Organization (NGO)-sponsored experiment in rural living. In Tilonia, a
children’s parliament takes many key decisions
on schooling, governance, and village affairs
more broadly – with some significant results
in terms of the effectiveness of school functioning and absence of corruption (see http://
www.tilonia.com).
III New ecologies of protest
The form of youth politics does not always
straightforwardly accord with mainstream
notions of political resistance, however. Lenin
(1992) depicts oppositional politics as proceeding through disciplined organizations that have
strong leadership and a set programme of goals.
Scholars of civil society make similar points.
Hegel (1991) defined civil society as a sphere
occurring between the family and state evident
in the existence of institutions and organizations
such as clubs and debating societies. For Hegel,
Progress in Human Geography 37(1)
civil society was founded on gesellschaft sociality: disinterested social relations conducted
without reference to family, caste and creed –
rather than gemeinschaft – affective forms of
sociality founded on feelings of family spirit
(see Tonnies, 1955).
Some collective action among children and
young people does accord with this Hegelian
notion of civil society. Askins and Pain (2011)
argue that participatory art projects recently run
in northeast England provided the grounds for
young people of different racial and ethnic
backgrounds to develop a sense of shared purpose. While not explicitly political in nature,
such ‘contact zones’ (the authors’ term) may
serve as a basis for civil society organizing in
the Hegelian mould.
But the current upsurge in youth mobilization
presents a challenge to these visions of how
opposition – in the form of political movements
or civil society – proceeds.
For example, some forms of youth-related
civil society emerge not out of impersonal
social relations (gesellchaft) but according to
religious or other identitarian logics (gemein
schaft). Hammer (2011) argues that Tunisia’s
transition to democracy has occurred in large
part through the efforts of a mainly young population within a network of mosque organizations. In western Uttar Pradesh, low-caste
young people often mobilize with reference
to the idea of being ‘Dalit’ (low-caste) in order
to achieve social objectives (Jeffrey, 2010b).
Likewise, in the case of the London Citizens
movement studied by Jane Wills (2011), young
people sometimes came together to campaign
for progressive change as part of religious
organizations.
Wills’ example is particularly interesting
because she shows how a form of civil society
based upon gemeinschaft – the church group,
for example – can morph into mobilization
along gesellschaft lines, as when the group
comes to work with people from organizations
representing other faiths or community ties. In
Jeffrey
a somewhat similar vein, political mobilization
in Egypt between 1980 and 2011 moved to some
extent from gemeinschaft to gesellschaft. Religious groups like the Muslim Brotherhood were
able to capitalize on widespread grievances and
recruit and mobilize large numbers of youth in the
1980s and 1990s. But following the state’s harsh
persecution of Islamists in the 1990s, youth activists began to express their grievances through a
new generation of protest movements open to all
ideological backgrounds and to those without an
explicit ideology. Youth mobilization can evolve
in the opposite direction, too. For example, in
Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood intensified its
efforts to enrol children and youth in its organization in 2011, employing a sophisticated system of
recruitment (see Trager, 2011). The key point
remains, however: particularistic loyalties can
provide a basis for ‘civil society’ in the sense of
deliberative, fairly democratic mobilization that
acts as a positive check on state power.
Another prominent theme of emerging journalistic and academic comment on the Arab
Spring is that of the capacity of young people
within countries to mobilize across local and
regional boundaries, especially via the web.
Selim Shahine (2011) refers to the crucial role
played by self-styled ‘internet youth’ in the
coordination of protests in Egypt in January and
February 2011. Hirschkind (2011) argues that
these young people were able to create a new
type of political language that could connect
people across geographical boundaries. Others
have focused on the capacity of young people
to borrow ideas and tactics across national
boundaries via the internet. Rodenbeck (2011)
describes youth activists in different parts of
North Africa and the Middle East sharing stories
of their protests and providing moral support
online. The Occupy movement provides a still
more vivid example of how a network of protest
sites can be practically and imaginatively linked
through new technologies to increase the reach,
effectiveness and plasticity of protest in which
young people are prominent.
149
Scholars analysing earlier, anti-globalization
protests make similar points (e.g. Juris and
Pleyers, 2009). Geographers have highlighted
the reciprocal relation between web-based communication and specific ‘local’ performances of
civil action. Pløger (2010) uses a study of the
civil liberties youth-led group Pirate Party to
show that youth mobilization often involves
both canny use of the media and an ability to
orchestrate specific ‘presence-events’: visceral
encounters ‘on the street’, for example, that can
then be broadcast to a wide variety of young
people across the world. Such studies help
explain the simultaneous importance of both
concrete, face-to-face, urban spectacles of protest and the dissemination of images and written
propaganda online. Such variegated spatial networks stand in marked contrast to the relatively
stable and ‘local’ debating society or coffee
house of civil society in its 19th-century mode.
The Arab Spring and other forms of recent
youth mobilization have proceeded largely outside formal party politics, institutional bodies,
and readily identifiable social movements. It is
important to enter a caveat. In some regions protesters made use of organizations, for example
trade unions in Tunisia. But the protean and
informal nature of protests is a recurrent theme.
Ruthven (2011) stresses the spontaneous character of much of the web-based mobilization occurring recently in Syria and other parts of the
Arab world. There seem to be no identifiable
leaders or organizations, and there are no structures or plans in place for an alternative political
system if the regime collapses. It is precisely this
sense of spontaneity that is conveyed in Samuli
Schielke’s (2011) extraordinary blog on the
Egyptian ‘revolution’ of February 2011. Some
commentators imagine this spontaneity as suggesting a lack of seriousness, as per the analyses
of Marx and Engels and Bourdieu. But it is also
possible to read the relatively unplanned, flexible
nature of the mobilization as a strength.
Geographers have made similar points about
unorganized action and spontaneity in other
150
writing. Kallio and Häkli (2011) draw attention
to the numerous informal everyday ways in
which young people circulate critiques and
develop a political sensibility in contemporary
Finland. That children and youth can also
engage in critiques of society and effect change
through their involvement in informal political
mobilization is also evident in literature on
friendship networks (Dyson, 2010), patronclient systems (Gardner, 2008) and young people’s consumption practices in urban settings
(Collins, 2010).
Such studies point towards new ecologies of
youth protest (cf. Jeffrey, 2008; Katz, 2004).
The ecological metaphor does triple service.
It highlights how technologies, materials and
specific places are mutually entangled in the
production of oppositional politics. It hints, too,
at the complexity, spontaneity and mutability of
action. And the ecologies metaphor – when
clearly distinguished from its use by Chicago
School sociologists – can provide a framework
for examining the rhythms, regulations and
improvizations that constitute politics in practice. The emerging ecologies of protest are
‘new’ because they make use of technologies
previously unavailable, bridge national boundaries in ways that were previously impossible,
and possess a fluidity and spontaneity which –
if not quite unprecedented – is novel in its intensity. At the same time, commentators should
deploy the notion of ecologies mindful of the
capacity of the state to marshal and restrict
young people’s mobilization, for example
through controlling people’s use of the web.
IV Conclusions: sentenced to hope?
Two key dynamics are reshaping the contemporary world. First, a particular articulation of
age and capitalism is occurring wherein young
people are suffering from some of the most profound social hardships. These hardships often
have common elements, including a decline in
the quality of government education, widespread
Progress in Human Geography 37(1)
unemployment, and new forms of surveillance
and control. In numerous contexts the media,
governments, NGOs and parents enjoin young
people to embrace a spirit of modernity, to
‘enterprise themselves’ or ‘polish their assets’,
even as the paving stones to a viable future fall
away under their feet. In the words of Syrian
playwright Saadallah Wannous, young people
are ‘sentenced to hope’ (Rodenbeck, 2011).
Second, young people are contesting dominant power through multiple forms of social and
political critique and protest. This mobilization
is sometimes effective. Mannheim’s emphasis
on generational change remains a powerful
analytical tool. Mannheim’s notion of ‘fresh
contact’ points precisely towards the material,
experiential dimensions of politics that are
being elucidated by contemporary geographers.
But young people’s politics somehow belies
conventional thinking on how effective oppositional politics unfolds. We somehow require a
new political vocabulary to describe the sometimes spontaneous and typically complex politics of age and generation that is being played
out on news screens across the world. The
notion of new ecologies of protest provides one
viable starting point.
This paper could have been written with reference to recent anthropological work, and a
final question concerns what, if anything, geographers can add to the study of the hardships
and response of children and youth in the current moment. Geographies of young people are
distinct not because of their subject matter. It is
not the case, for example, that geographers
examine young people’s relationship to the
environment thus leaving social and political
issues to those in other disciplines. Rather,
geographical studies of young people are distinguished from much anthropological and
sociological work on the same topics by their
relative determination to draw attention to
comparative insights across space and their
willingness to spell out the implication of findings for policy-makers. More than studies in
Jeffrey
other disciplines, they also draw out how a
focus on young people might illuminate wider
debates on space, place and scale (see also
Jeffrey, 2008, 2010a).
In a recent progress report on the history and
nature of geography, Richard Powell (2011)
raises the important question of what if anything
is geography’s ‘value added’ in the present conjuncture. My sense – derived from a focus on
young people’s geographies – is of a discipline
that has at its heart not a specific topic of interest
but a set of shared commitments: a comparative
urge, a broad approach to theory, a critical sensibility, and an abiding interest in thinking carefully about space, place and the environment.
Acknowledgements
I am very grateful to Karenjit Clare, Jane Dyson,
David Maguire, Nicholas Simcik-Arese, Sahar
Romani, Clarinda Still, and Stephen Young for comments on drafts of this paper. I am especially grateful
to Dhana Hughes for her assistance in finding and
summarizing bibliographic materials. The usual disclaimers apply.
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