THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF FRANCIS BACON
AS REFLECTED IN HIS ESSAYS
by
ELSA BROCKMAN HANNA
A Thesis
submitted to the faculty of the
Department of English
in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
in the Graduate College
University of Arizona
1939
,»
JL
TABLE OP CONTENTS
Page
I
II
The Problem.
The Writing of the Baseys. . . . . • • . . . • * • 3
III
The Relationship of Bacon*8 Life to the Essays • .10
IV
The Character of Bacon as Reflected In the Essays.29
V
The Real Character Contrasted with the Character
In the Essays . . . . . . . . . . . . # 5 1
VI
Conclusion ........
. . . . . . . . . . .
.55
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.58
A p p e n d i x .............. ................ .
.60
123615
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THE LIFE M D
M
CHARACTER OF F R M C I S BAGOK
REFLECTED IH HIS ESSAYS
I.
THE PROBLEM
Franois Bacon made his mark in statesmanship, law
philosophy, science, and literature.
Ho study of the reign
of Queen Elizabeth or of King James I would be complete
without some knowledge of this brilliant thinker who played
so prominent a part in the affaire of his day.
He left to posterity a great mass of wrltingephilosophical, professional, and literary.
It was the
dream of his life to found a system for research and the
organising of human knowledge for the conquest of nature to
the service of man.
Yet today* the dust that settles on
his philosophic and professional works is seldom disturbed
save by research students; while anyone who has even any
pretensions to a liberal education knows Bacon*8 Essays.
Any attempts to establish Bacon1s Influence on the
course of legal history, polities, science or philosophy
leads to controversy.
Arguments become acrimonious when
Bacon’s paradoxical character is discussed.
Bacon’s Essays appear to be an enduring part of our
literature.
Since Bacon’s character has led to so much
disputation, I became Interested in finding outs (1) What
is the relationship between Bacon’s life and the Essayss
(2) What character we should attribute to Bacon, judging him
solely by his Essays: (3) What is the relationship between
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this conception and the Francis Bacon we reconstruct from a
knowledge of his life and his other works; and (4) What
Influence Bacon’s life and character have had upon the
success of the Essays,
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II* :THE WRITIHG OP THE ESSAYS
P o p a proper tmderstanding of the Essays, especially
since chronologically Bacon is quite important In the develop­
ment of the form, it is well to know something of the origin
and development of the genre, of Montaigne1s Influence on
Bacon, and of Bacon’s own purposes and opinions regarding
the Essays.
..
EVOEHTIOH OF THE GENRE:
One of the chief features of
the Renaissance was the revival of interest'in'classical
learning.
By the middle of the sixteenth century, there had
arisen in all countries influenced by the Renaissance various
types of work designed to make accessible the knowledge and
ideas of antiquity.
Prom the Dlstlchs of Cato, a work dating
from the late Homan Empire, were descended many collections
of nsentences,” books in which were brought together under
headings such as "education," "death,” "riches," etc., wise
sayings of ancient and sometimes of modern authors.
From
the inflmenee of Plutarch and Valerius Maximus sprang many
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books of apothegms, or "sentences” put In'*the mouths of his­
torical characters, and of “examples” or significant anec­
dotes gleaned from historians and moralists.
had tremendous popularity.
These works
However, they were not so much
books as compilations of raw material, and to supplement
them and make them more readable, certain writers began to
fuse the "sentences,” apothegms, and "examples" Into short
dissertations upon ethical subjects.
In Prance this type of
writing was called the lecon morale.
In 1570, a cultured French lawyer retired to his estates
to live quietly and read.
This was Montaigne.
During the
course of his reading, he jotted down notes; end probably when
he found himself writing, he turned to the lecon morale for
v
inspiration.
Perhaps almost insensibly, his own ideas began
to creep into these lecons; at any rate, he later said he
simply wished to portray himself— and in doing so, be bad
created the personal essay.
However, he called his compo­
sitions simply "Essais." his use of the word in that sense
~......2.
being original with him.
The form was immediately popular, both in France and
England, where Montaigne’s Essais soon made their way.
In
1595 a copyright was issued for an English translation—
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.
2 .
possibly that of John Florlo, which appeared in 1605.
How­
ever, Montaigne’s Essais did not need to await translation
t o b e .acclaimed in England.
Bacon, Sir William Oornwallis,
and Robert Jenson published essays before the Florlo trans3
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latlon appeared.
Bacon is commonly credited with being England’s first1
2
1. Bryan, F.B., and Crane, R.S., The English Familiar Essay,
pp. xi-xvi
'~
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---- -----2. Ibid., p. xvi
5. Vllley, Pierre, "Montaigne en Angleterre," Revue des deux
mondea, 1913, vol. 17, pp. 115-150.
essayist.
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whatever date his first essays were written*
theywerepreoeded in publication by a work which was in
technical form the earliest publication of essay-writing in
the English language.
It was entitled Remedies against Dis­
contentment . drawen Into several discourses from the Writings
of Philosophers; by Anonymous; it was printed and registered
in 1596, and dedicated to the Attorney-General, Edward, later
2
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Sir Edward Coke.
Though Bacon was not England*s first essayist, he was
the first to borrow Montaigne *s title and establish the form
in England.
IRFIUEHCE OF MOETAIGNE OH BACON: Actually, when one
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"V .' speaks of essays, one considers Montaigne as the originstor
of the form, and the next question to arise is, what is the
extent of Montaigne1s,influence on Bacon?
There is certain evidence that Bacon knew of Montaigne.
He is almost certain to have known of him through his brother,
Anthony,
who was in Bordeaux in 1592 and there became the
friend of Montaigne, who in 1580 had published the first
1.
2.
3.
In the dedication to the first edition Bacon stated that
he decided to publish the essays "as they passed long ago
from my pen." The Works of Francis Bacon, ed. James Speddlng,
VOl # 6, P. 36V . ,
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Bacon, Francis, A Harmony of the Essays, ed. Edward Arber,
p p # Ix-x
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Ibid., p. vill, and Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 6,
edition of the Essals,
It In quite within the realm of possi­
bility that Anthony may have presented hie'.brother7with a copy
of Montaigne1s work.
iosltive evidence, of course, is that Bacon adopted
Montaigne *s title In the edition of 1597, and mentioned him
by name in the essay "Of Truth"
which first appeared in 1625.
There are also striking similarities in the titles of
individual essays, in parallel thought, and almost in the Very
language.
Against this. Bacon never in so many words acknowledged
indebtedness to Montaigne.
On the contrary, he claimed ancient
models when he referred to his essays as;
"Certain brief, notes, set down rather, significantly
1.
The Works, ed. James Spedding, vol. 6, p. 379.
The list of passages v/here Bacon parallels the thought
of Montaigne, and uses decidedly similar phraseology, is
a very large one. Most important among them are those
in which a train of thought, pursued by Bacon i n ,some one
essay, may be traced back, point by point, to various part#
of Montaigne‘a work....Other instances of parallel thought
. with reasonably close parallel in language occur in dis­
cussion of points like these; 1, The goodnesewe have made
a habit as compared with that which is natural in us; 2,
_
Whatever is somewhere won is somewhere lost....If similarity
of expression should not be Insisted upon, a host of. simi­
lar ideas might'be collected from the two authors, .some-rdf
them from among their favorite contentions.., .That the two
men often use the same citations from the ancients, or
Illustrate with similar examples, is much less significant.®
Bpham gives many specific examples to Illustrate the
above statements.
than curiously, which I have called Essays» The word is late,
hut the thing is ancient. For Seneca*s Epistles to Wolllua,
if one marks them well, are but Essays, that is, dispersed
meditations, though conveyed in the form of Epistles,* 1
In spite of similarities, scholars are agreed that
Montaigne *s influence on Bacon was not very deep,
Pierre'
Villey, whose works on Montaigne are considered authoritative,
agrees with Bacon’s statement, and says, RI1 doit a Montaigne
2
lo tltre, mais non la chose,”
Bryan and Crane concur:
”Only
the title, it would seem, came from Montaigne, and that was
doubtless added some time after the book Itself was completed."
4
Arber remarke that Bacon Ignored his guide.
Upham says the
conclusion of all would be that Bacon was familiar with
Montaigne’s work, found it a source of interesting ideas, but
followed Montaigne only so far as the innate differences be.: 5
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tween the two men permitted.
Bacon and Montaigne were both very intelligent $ they
were men of the world, and had no sentimental illusions about
life; and they had an excellent classical background to draw
upon, so that it is only natural that they should have seen
eye to eye in many matters.
But there were also radical
differences between them. .Montaigne was humorous; Bacon, In1
5
4
3
2
1.
This comment appears in the cancelled dedication to Prince
Henry* Bpadding, James, The Letters and the Life of
Francis Bacon, vol. 4, p.*"Mo.
“
2. Wiley, p. 126.
3.
4.
5.
;
Bryan and Crane, p. xvli.
Bacon, ed. Arber, p. vii.
Cpham, p* 280, ’
deadly earnest.
Montaigne searched deeply and left hi a readers
to draw their own conclusions; Bacon examined practically and
gave advice.
Montaigne was concerned with expressing himself;
Bacon wished to set down precepts for success.
While Bacon
was glad to adept anything from Montaigne which he could use,
he was too independent a thinker, and too confident of his own
abilities to be a mere imitator.
BAQOIPS IDEAS REGARDHG THE BSMT S s
^
From the title,
Eaaava or Counsels Civil and Moral, we know that Bacon's pur­
pose was didactic.
And from the dedications to the Essays we
learn much of what he thought about them.
From the dedication to the edition of 1597, we learn
that although he thought the essays were good, they were too
brief.
But since he feared piracy, he preferred to publish
them as they were.
Be Judged they contained nothing contrary
to religion or manners, but rather were medicinable*
The popularity of the first edition led him to add other
2
essays to the edition of 1612.
And in 1625 he had discovered
that the Essays, because they came 11home to men's business
and bosoms," were the most current of his works, and were "like
to last."
In fact, the Latin edition might "last as long as
books last<1
3
2
1.
2.
3.
The Works, ed. James Redding, vol. 6, p. 523.
ibldV, vol. 6, p. 539.
Ibidi, yol. 6, p. 373.
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T
h
e
,had, Indeed, aehieved wide popularity.
The
first edition appeared in 1597, a second, in 1598, a pirated
edition in 1606, and between 1607 and 1612 the Earleian MS.
5106 of the Eaaaya. was transcribed.
In 1612 appeared the second
revised edition, followed by two pirated editions, one in 1612
and one in 1613. The Essays appeared in Italian In 1618 and
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1621, and In French in 1619 and 1621. For 1624 Arber lists
2
one, and Glarke speaks of two pirated editions. The final
English version appeared in 1625, and the Latin edition which
Bacon had In mind speared in 1658.
The latter is the only
one of these which appeared after the author*s death, and
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there may have been several other editions, so that Bacon
bad cause to rejoice in their popularity.
Bacon wrote to hie friend, Toby Matthew:
manner, I alter ever, when I add.
till all be finished."
"And after my
So, that nothing Is finished
This was Bacon*s method with the essays,
and for a comparison of the editions, in which may be seen the
expansion, changes and additions made, we may turn to Edward
Arber*a Harmony of the Essays.
However, for our purpose, we
shall use the final English edition, that of 1625 as it is re4
printed by Speddlng.1
4
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2
1.
2.
5.
4.
Bacon, ed. Arber, p. xxxl.
Francis Bacon, Essays, ed. G. H. Clarke, p. lv.
"There is still so much uncertainty both as to the earlier
and more recent editions of the Essays....that this list
must be considered purely tentative. There m a y b e several
editions not included." Arber, p. xxxi.
The Works, ed. James Speddlng, vol. 6, pp. 365-512.
III.
THE RELATIONSHIP OF BACON’S LIFE TO THE ESSAYS
Biographical Information concerning himself, directly ex­
pressed, is exceedingly meager in Bacon’s Essays.
He tells us
that he knew certain individuals, only one of whom he mentions
1 .
2
by name.
As one of these was counsellor and secretary to
Clueen Elisabeth* two were competitors for the secretary’s
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place, two were noblemen* and another was a "monied man
we may assume that, whether as an equal or not. Bacon had the
opportunity of knowing people of title. Important office, and
1
means. Bacon also mentions having been in France, and says
that he was a child when Queen Elizabeth was "in the flower of
her years;"
and since he is looking back upon her reign, ws
know that he lived at least into the reign of James I.
Throughout the Essays, Bacon expressed many opinions,
likes, and dislikes; but with the few exceptions mentioned
above, it is only by checking against other sources that we
may say whether the counsels Bacon gave were the results of
his own or of vicarious experience.
When we cheek against other sources, we perceive that
indirectlyt much of Bacon’s life is mirrored in the Essays.
If, when he makes a comment or offers a piece of advice, we1
4
3
2
1.
2.
3.
4.
The Works, ed. by James
Ibid., vol. 6, p. 429,
Ibid., vol. 6, p. 456,
Ibid., vol. 6, p. 475,
Speddlng, vol. 6, p. 464,"Of Pronheeles*
"Of Cunning"
"Of Discourse*
"Of Usury"
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ask with what antherifcy he does so, Bacon ean frequently reply?
•Through experience."
For althou^i he has proved so reticent
.
about mentioning h i e o w n p a r t i n affaire of the day, he does
not heeltete to put before us the wisdom that life brou^tt him.
This drawing upon experience is very marked In the essay,
1 •
n0f Great Place."
"The rising unto place is laborious, and by pains men come
to greater pains; and it is sometimes base, and by indignities
men come to dignities. The standing is slippery, and the re­
gress is either a downfall or at least an eclipse, which is a
melancholy thing,"
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Here, in miniature, is Bacon*a whole career.
.
From’the
time of his father *s death (1679), when it became apparent
that he would have to make his own way in the world, we find
Bacon a most importunate and unhappy suitor for employment in
the Queen*s service.
His father, Sir Hlcholas Bacon, -had been
Elizabeths Lord Keeper, a man whom she had esteemed highly;
his uncle. Lord Burghley, and his cousin. Lord Cecil, had great
influence with Queen Elisabeth! lasex, the Queen*s favorite
and his devoted friend, made vigorous efforts to secure a place
for him.
In spite of such relationships, any of which might
have been influential with Elizabeth, and of his own incessant
efforts to please M o wilful sovereign, during Elisabeth*8
•
reign the only offices which Bacon obtained were the reversion
1.
8
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The Works, ed. James Spedding, vol. 6, p. 398.
This quotation was written In 1612, when Bacon had be man
polnfui
to the office of Clerk to the Star Chamber, irialeh did not bene­
fit him until some twenty years later, and the office of Learned
Counsel Extraordinary, without patent or fee.
Bacon was nearly
forty-five years old when he received n grant by. Patent of the
office of Learned Counsel (1604).
A steady rise followed:
he
was made Solicitor-Genera1 (1607), Attorney-General (1615),
‘
Privy Counsellor (1616) Lord Keeper (1617), lord Chancellor
(1618), Baron Verulam of Verulam (1618), Viscount St. Alban
(1621).
Be could scarcely have g r o w n aemuitomed to his latest
title, when, with dramatic suddenness, all was swept away.
Found guilty of accept1 % bribes, he was heavily fined, de­
prived of all offices, and committed to the Tower.
Though the
fine was remitted, and impriaonment only nominal. Bacon was
never restored to favor, but g>ent the remaining five years
of his life in eclipse.
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He spoke from experience when he said men in great place
were thrice servants, for aside from the cares of office, he
was at the mercy of the King and of Buckingham, the royal
favorite.
Too well he knew that in seeking power he had lost
M s liberty} that in place there was license to do good or
evil} that all rising to great place is by a winding stair.
"For corruption: do not only bind thine own hands, or
.■thy/ servants* hands, from taking, but bind the hands of
suitors also from offering. For integrity used doth the one*
but integrity professed, and with manifest detestation of
bribery, doth the other. And avoid not only the fault but
.the'suspiclon. 1
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In 1625 he knew that the advice he had given in 1612 was
1.
The Works, ed. James Spedding, vol. 6, p. 400, "Of Great Place"
good.
Failure to follow his own maxim cost him what he had
struggled a lifetime to gain.
nIf thou have colleagues, respect them, and rather call
them when they look not for it, than exclude them when they
have reason to look to be called.” 1
Bacon himself had informal gatherings of hia colleagues,
inviting them to dine with him, and discussing affairs without
Insistence bn authority.
"Roughness” was another vice of
authority which he deplored, and Hawley, M s chaplain* who
afterwards wrote an account of Bacon's life, tells uc that
the King testified to his dealing always in business suavibus
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Tims we see that Bacon# holding high office, had the
opportunity to test or observe the value of all the counsel
he gave in ”0f Great Places”
The essay ”Of Judicature” sets forth Bacon's ideas as
to t W
functions of a judge.
"Judges ought to renember that their office is jus dlcere
and not jus dare: to interpret law, and not to make law or
give law.•..fudges ought to be more learned than witty,...
Above all things, integrity is their portion and proper virtue.
Judges ought, as far as the law peralttcth. In justice to
remember mercy.” 3
;
Judges must give the parties that sue, the advocates that1
3
2
1.
2.
3.
The Works, ed. James Spedding, vol. 6, p, 401# ”0f Great Place,’
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 13.
Ibid., vol. 6, p. 506.
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plead, the assistants -under them, and the state, consideration.
They should endeavour to prepare the way for a Just sentencei
and remember that the welfare of the people is the first lawi
Judges should ”imitate God, in whose seat they sitH *
These precepts are uttered by "the most philosophic lawyer
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In England11, Over forty years of Bacon's life were devoted to
the law,
and the essay "Of Judicature" embodies both practical
rules and the high ideals which Bacon kept before himself.,
On-
fortunately, he could not always live up to the standards which
he set up,
Hawley, Bacon's chaplain, tells us that Bacon was
S
4
a merciful and considerate judge, and Boldsworth that he ful­
filled his promise to do speedy justice; but even Spedding can­
not acquit him of having approved of the examination by torture
5
in two cases,
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
and he weakly allowed Buckingham to interfere1
5
4
3
2
Boldsworth, Sir William Searle, A History of English Law,
yol# 5, p • 238,
From 1580, when he began M s studies at Gray*a Inn, until
his downfall, in 1621, Bacon was actively eonoemed with
the law,
"When his office called him....to charge any offenders...,
he was never of an insulting or domineering nature over them,
but always tender-hearted and carrying himself decently to­
wards the parties....as one that looked upon the example
with the eye of severity, but upon the person with the eye
of pity and compassion,1 Hawley, William, Life of Bacon,
reprinted in The Works of Francis Bacon, ed. by James
Spedding, vol. 1, pp. 1%I8.
Boldsworth, op. cit., p. 253.
One was the case of Peachnm, a clergyman accused of treason
the other, of Peacock, a school-master thought to have in­
fatuated the King's judgment by sorcery. Bacon stated
that In both eases the torture was deserved. Letters and
Life, vol. 7, p. '78.
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1
with hie adminietretion of office.
Sir William Searle Holdsworth, whose History of English
Law Is authoritative, gives this evaluation of Bacon as a lawyers
”He was a more complete lawyer than any of his contemporaries.
Hot only was he an eminent practitioner In the common law; not
only did he leave his mark as lord chancellor upon the develop­
ment of equity; he. also studied both English law and law in
general scientifically and critically. The only other lawyer,
in that age of distinguished lawyers, who can be compared with
him, is his great rival. Coke." 2
Coke was q great common lawyer, and his Influence was practi­
cal.
Bacon was a great juridical thinker, and his Influence was
literary and scientific.
Holdsworth maintains that from some points of view the
purely legal side of Bacon's career is one of the most important.
Certainly his legal training and practice influenced his politi­
cal and philosophic thought, teaching him to reason out his
rules and principles from the concrete facts of individual
cases.
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As in hi# discussion of high place. Bacon unquestionably
knew from actual experience what he was discussing.1
2
1.
2.
Buckingham made constant applications to Bacon in favor of
Chancery suitors. Bacon tolerated his interference with the
course of the law, although so far as is known, the pressure
of the Favorite did not lend him to any dellverate perversion
of justice, except In the case of Br. Stewart, a friend of
Buckingham who was allowed to defraud his nephew of money
entrusted to hie. Abbott, Edwin A., Francis Bacon, pp.267-68.
Holdsworth, op. cit., p. 239.
Another phase of Bacon*s life Is represented in the essay
°0f Counsel",
"The greatest trust between man and man Is the trust of
giving counsel. For in other confidences men commit the parts
of life.,.,but to euoh as they make their counsellors, they
commit the whole: by how much the more they are obliged to
all faith and integrity," 1
Bacon spoke of the necessity for. counsel, its inconveniences,
and the remedies for them; he gave good advice upon the selection
of counsellors and the best ways to employ them so that their
counsel would be efficiently and sincerely given.
Here again, as we have said, his experience gave him
liberty to speak with authority.
Throughout his life about
the court and state he had the opportunity to observe the
effect of counsel and to practice the bestowing of it.
As
early aa 1584,
find M . writing a Letter of M v i e e to
Quoen Elizabeth,
in which he advised her on religious and
foreign policy.
Spcddlng's volumes are crowded with occasions
upon which Bacon volunteered advice, or complied with requests
for It:
letters, speeches, articles, familiar conversations,
books, addressed to Queen Elizabeth, King James, Parliament,
Essex, Buckingham, his relatives, his friends, humanity,
great part of his duties consisted in giving counsel.
A
Through­
out his Parliamentary career, he was a member of many committees,1
2
1.
2.
The Works, ed, James Speddlng, vol.,6, p. 423.
Setters and Life. James Speddlng, vol. 1, p. 47.
1
and was often sailed upon t® represent the House of Commons';
he was a member of the commission ®f union betnwen togland
and Scotland, "which was a grave and orderly assembly,n as
he mentions In the essay* .Sir William Cockburn
says that
but for Bacon*s own wise coimaels, British settlements in the
Hew World might have passed away, and English might not have
been the language spoken on the American Continent*
It is to Bacon*s credit that in giving counsel, he always
gave it sincerely and to the best of his ability, living up to
what he considered "the greatest trust between man and man"*
A great part of the Essays Is devoted to advice regarding
dealings with one *s fellow men*
Baeon says
"We take cunning for a sinister or crooked wisdom. And
certainly there is a great difference between a cunning man
and a wise man, not only in point of honesty, but in point
of ability ♦.♦.And because these cunning men are like haber­
dashers of small wares, it is not amiss to set forth their
shop," 5
Whereupon, half exposing, half proposing. Bacon enumerates
a number of practical tricks which one should either know how
to use or be on guard against.
"I knew a councillor and secretary that never came to
1.
2
See Appendix, Items 40: and 47 for examples of his activities.
. Quoted
in footnote by Otis, William Bradley Heedli
3.
Morriss H., Survey History of English Literature. p. 268
The Works, ed.James Speddlng, vol. 6 , p , 468.
.18-
Queen •Elisabeth of England with hills t o ;sign, but he would
always first put bar Into some discourse of estate, that she
nought tlw less mind the bills.”
,
”I knew two that were competitors for the secretary's
place in Queen Elizabeth’s time,....and would confer one with
another upon the business.”
.
Then Bacon goes on to relate how one of the competitors
outwitted the other by a cunning trick.
;.
The points of cunning that Bacon mentions were learned
in the court of Elizabeth.
Abbott quotes a bit of doggerel
found somewhere in Anthony Bacon’s correspondence, which em­
bodied the rules for success:
\
, ,
"Cog, lie, flatter and face.
Four ways in Court to win men grace.
If thou be thrall to none of these.
Away, good PiersJ Home, John Cheese!" 1
Elizabeth’s court is usually seen through a glamorous
haze.
We think of high adventure, of romance, of the dashing
figures of Raleigh, Sidney, Essex.
We see the period as It
is reflected in Shakespeare’s dramas and Spenser’s verse,
But time and poets have east a halo about the Court which.
If pierced, gives a better understanding of Bacon.
The Court waa corrupt.
Elizabeth’s parsimony drove her
servants to reimburse themselves through bribes.
Her encourage­
ment of rivalry between factions was injurious to the morals
of the Court.
1.
It led to bickering, and to resorting to any1
Abbott, op. cit., p. 1.
i
means, fair or foul, to gain her favor.
The Queen's caprices
were catered to, for her will was supreme.
Essex spoke of
having to look one way and row another, and he was naturally
a blunt impetuous man.
Pawning, lying, trickery, treachery
were employed to gain favor.
In the Court of James, courtiers and statesmen were at
the mercy of such men as Rochester and Buckingham, the royal
favorites, charming, hut unscrupulous.
The need of conciliating
such men in order to obtain anything for themselves, debased men
of James* time.
We may see that in the essay "Of Cunning", Bacon,having
spent his life in such surroundings, simply sets down a few of
-
-
-
iV ;
1
the tricks that were in favor, that he saw and practiced,
and
that he had come to believe were an essential part of one's
a m o r and weapons in the struggle of life.
.■
The essay ?0 f Simulation and Dissimulation",
2 ••
.. -
with Its
consideration of the advantages and disadvantages of hypocrisy
and feigning, la, as "Of Cunning," an echo of the Court practices
of his day.
' .■
'
■
So, likewise are observations such as:1
1.
2.
In the Commentarius Solutus, a private notebook in which
he set down his random thoughts. Bacon listed many little
subterfuges which he planned tp put into practice. Letters
and Life, vol. 4, p. 30.
~
------TrKe Works, vol. 6, p. 387, "Of Simulation and Dissimulation.■
"There Is a kind of followers likewise which are dangerous,
being indeed espials, which Inquire the secrets of the house,
and bear tales of them to others. Yet such men many times are
in great favour, fbr they are officious, and commonly exchange
■.
'
- " ■ ■; ■ ' ■■ - ' ' ■■■ ' ■ '■ '■
- ...
.
' i
"In base times active men are of more use than virtuous."
Something of the social activities of the period is re3
fleeted in the essay "Of Masques end Triumphs".
Masques and triumphs "...are but toys to come amongst such
serious observations. But yet, since princes will have such
things, it is better they should be graced with elegancy than
daubed with cost."
Tournaments, masques, and triumphs were very popular in
the courts of Elizabeth and James.
Masques were glorified
allegories, the purpose of which was to celebrate some im­
portant occasion connected with the lives of royalty or nobility*
The actors were for the most part royal or noble.
A
Bacon devised and directed several suoh spectacles.
Two
of Bacon*s devices, offered by Essex in honor of Queen Elizabeth
{1592 and 1595), and a third for a "Gray* s Inn revel (1594) have1
4
3
2
1.
2.
3.
4.
The Works, vol. 6, p. 494, "Of .Followers and Friends".
Ibid,, vol. 6, p* 495*
Ibid., vol, 6, p* 467.
In a letter to his uncle. Lord Burghley, Bacon offered to
have M s friends from Gray*a Inn furnish a masque. Letters
and Life, vol. 2, p. 370.
In 1587 (probably) Bacon assisted in presenting a masque
for Queen Elizabeth by the gentlemen of Gray*s Inn* The
ibrlfc, vol. 1, p. 67.
*—
Bacon*s share in the masque offered for the princess*
marriage la described by an eyewitness* "it came to Gray*a
I m and the Inner Temple* s turn to come with their masque,
whereof Sir Francis Bacon was the c M e f contriver... .their
-21
1
been preserved.
'■
One of the most remarkable of these "toys*1
was the one which Bacon supplied, at his own expense, in honor
of the marriage of Rochester, King James* favorite, to Lady
Frances Howard,
this performance, of which an excellent tiee-
crlption is given in King's Favorite,
■
Bacon upward of
2,000.
is said to have cost
■
Bacon's own share in such entertain­
ments gave him leave to speak regarding dances, dialogues,
m a l e , lights, costumes, etc.
Bacon was thinking of money in an abstract and idealistic
■■■
■ :
■ '
:
!
-
.
■
"
■
way when he wrote n0f Riches*,
4
-
■
'
"
''
‘
'
■
Although he pautioned against
taking too seriously people who seemed to despise riches ("for
they despise them that despair of them"), he counseled against
avarice and unscrupulous ways of acquiring them.
He felt that
great riches were of no use except in the spending of them.
5
’V l n the essay "Of Expense", he was concerned with what
1.
2
.
3.
4.
5.
device was the marriage of the river of Thames to the
Rhine." They made a gallant spectacle, as they came up the
river in barges, "which passage by water cost them better
than three hundred pounds....Oreat expectation there was
that they should excel their competitors... .But by what
ill planet it fell out I know not, they come home as they
went, without doing anything.? Much to Bacon's chagrin,
the performance was postponed, and although the masque was
presented a few days later with great success, such vex­
ations may account for Bacon's disparagement of such toys.
Poor King James .is to be excused for having disappointed
Bacon? he had already sat up through two nights of the
entertainmentJ Speeding, vol. 4, pp. 343-4.
Letters and Life, vol. 1, pp. 119, 374.
Gibbs, pMIlip, King's Favorite, pp. 153-159.
Abbott, op. cit.7 pT I S ^ T ^
The Works, vol. 6, p, 460.
mra
p. 443.
today we would call *budgeting," and he gives prudent and
judicious advice upon the spending of money.
1
Curiously enough in so practical a person. Instead of dis­
playing the prudence he counseled in "Of Expense," Bacon showed
the disinterestedness
implied in "Of Riches11.
Bacon1s finances were always in a muddle.
For the first
forty-five years of his life, he was usually in straitened
circumstances.
His elder brother, Anthony, repeatedly came to
his assistance, mortgaging and selling property to help Francis,
who .was frequently obliged to borrow money, and was even arrested
3
.
4
"■ .
.
for debt. . Although he had a fow windfalls, his fortunes were
precarious.
In 1604 he received a grant by Patent, of the of-
^
flee of "Learned Counsel," and a pension of £ 6 0 a year for life.
In 1606, he married Alice Barnhom, by whom he said his fortune
was improved.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
A steady rise in his fortunes began in 1607,1
6
5
4
3
2
"Ordinary expense ought to be limited by a m a n ,s estate....
and not subject to deceit and abuse of servants. If a man
will keep but of even hand, his ordinary expenses ought to
be but to the half of his receipts; and If he think to wax
rich, but to the third par t.. ..Commonly it is less dis­
honorable to abridge petty charges than to stoop to petty
gettings. The Works, vol. 6, pp. 443-4.
His detractors would call this love of ostentation.
Letters and Life, vol. 2, p, 106.
^
In 1595 Essex gave Bacon an estate valued at 2:1^800. Letters
and Life, vol. 1, p. 371. In 1601 he inherited from H s
brother, Anthony, such parts of the latter's estate as the
two had not already consumed. Ibid., yol. 3, p. 5, and .
Elizabeth awarded him ;£L,200. from fines and forfeitures
which were collected from the estates of Essex and his con­
federates. Ibid., vol. 3, p. 14.
Ibid., vol. 3, p. 217.
"In answering a cousin's congratulations on his marriage, he
replies that his fortune is improved by It,...'For ms my
state is somewhat amended, so I have no other circumstance
of complaint.'"Abbott, op. bit. p. 114.
when he was made Solicitor-General, and he enjoyed prosperity
end high office until his sudden downfall. In 1621.
guilty of bribery, he was fined
tence.
Found
40,000 as part of his sen­
Although the fine was r,emitted, or rather conveyed in
trust to certain persons chosen by him, in his will Bacon
directed that the funds be applied to his debts and legacies,
•having charitable care that the poorest of my creditors or
: :
'
1
legataries be first satisfied.”
Even during his prosperous years, he was always in debt.
The condition.of his finances after his downfall is confusing
to the reader*
Bacon seems to have had an annual income of
about 2*500; he wrote many letters to Buckingham and' the king
imploring financial aid, and picturing himself in dire distress;
'
'
,4
;
he continued living in style; his demeanour was not altered
5
by circumstances, but he devoted himself to his studies; he*
5
4
Letters and Itlfe. vol. 7, p, 544, and Montaigne, Basil
a.
yeckonod hi=
property at 84,155 and his income at 4,975, burdened
with considerable debt. Church, R. W., Bacon, p. 79.
5. Montaigne, op. cit., p, ccclxxxvlil.
4. ”It is related that the Prince, coming to London saw at
^ dletance a coach followed by a considerable number of
people on horseback, and, upon inquiry, was told it was
the Lord. St. Albans attended by his friends; on which
his Highness said with a smile, ”well, do what we can
the man scorns to go out like a snuff.” Ibid, cccxc.
5. "Those who knew him in the privacy of his domestic life
Concur in praising the patience and good temper with which
he met adversity and the unruffled perseverance with which
he pursued M s philosophic studies." Abbott, op. cit.,
p * 307*
-
w*® heavily In debt; and in his vdll he made lavish bequests,
#%p*@ting a “good round surplusage,0 when in fact M s debts
1
were greater than hia whole estate.
Bacon is said to have “made himself and his wife such store
W
raiments of cloth of silver and gold that it drew deep into
her portion".
those under him.
He gave munificently.
He was very liberal to
Aubrey notes that when King James sent &
■
_
.3
V
.
buck to him, he gave, the keeper fifty pounds.
His purse is
.
4
■■ '
said to have been at the mercy of his servants.
Although at
the time Bacon drew his will, he evidently knew nothing of the
state of his finances, at times he carefully cast up M s accounts,
,
■ ■. 6
One amazing list of receipts and disbursements/ shows that be­
tween June 24 and September 29 of 1618 he received /4,160, paid
out & , 7 1 1 , and gave almost tih® entire balance in "gifts and
rewards".
Thus it would appear that Bacon knew well enough and told
us how one should, rather than how he did, manage finances.
1.
2.
3.
4.
6.
He
"Proceeds of M s estate amounted to little more than *7,000
while his debts amounted to *20,000." Abbott, op. cit., p. 308;
Oarleton’s letter to Chamberlain, quoted by Church, op. cit.
p. 75,
Aubrey, John, Brief Lives, vol. 1, p. 71.
Hawley’s account, in The Works, vol. 1, p. 14. Also Montagu’s
footnote giving a quotation from the preface to a work en­
titled The Cries of the Oppressed, published by M. Pitt,
1691. The writer tells how he heard that servants, with
impunity, filled their pockets with his lordsMp ’s money.
Montagu, op. cit., p. ecclxxxviii.
Letters and Life, vol. 6, p. 327.
-25-
spent open-handedly, with a real contempt of riches; but/
financial worries, t W
ib^ortimities of creditors, and arrest
for debt certainly made him aware of the value of prudent
management of money,
1
In the essay "Of Building"
Bacon passes from a con­
sideration of a suitable site to a description of a princely
palace, "making a brief model thereof".
Then he gives a de­
sign for a house with separate sides, the one Tor the banquet,
the other for the household*
He would have stately tower#,
a goodly room of some forty feet high, with dressing rooms
below it, suitable for the presentation of triumphs, stately
galleries, fine chambers, cellars, kitchens, butteries, and
pantries, etc*
Bacon was not merely giving free rein to his Imagination.
. 2 '
. ' : '
•
.V.'
Aubrey, the seventeenth century antiquarian, visited Bacon*s
houses, Verulam and Oorhambury.
He tells urn that his Lordship
built the "most Ingeniosely contrived little pile that ewer
I saw.
No question but his Lordship .was the chlefest architect
....This howse (Wrulam) did cost nine or ten thousand 13b# ,
building.? He then gives a description of the houses and
'
■
their gardens, which correspond very well with what we find
^
*
- 3
described in the essays "Of Building" and "Of Gardens".1
3
2
.
1.
2.
3.
.
The Works, vol. 6, p. 481.
Aubrey, op. cit., pp. 77*.84. .
The Works, vol. 6, p. 485'.
.
,
.
1
"Of Regiment of Health"
gives many common sense observations
for the preservation of health, which was,a matter of concern
to Bacon*
In 1617 he suffered a short Illness which made some
think that the new Lord Keeper had "so tender a constitution
of body and mind that he would hardly be able to undergo the
2%/'. .
burden of so much business as his place required,"
A short
illness does not occasion ouch concern over a person with a
normally robust constitution.
He was troubled with gout* for
which he gave his remedy in the natural History,
He observed
M s own constitution and symptoms very carefully, as we may
see from his Memoriae Valetudinla*
in the Commentarius Solutus,
in which he put down many remedies and jotted the effect of
'
4
. . ..' . ■ ; V
different foods t^on him* Hawley describes briefly his diet
and the regimen of his health*
He tells us that Baoon took
na maceration of rhubarb" infused in white wine and beer, once.
in six or seven days* but that he took no other physic "in
an ordinary way (whatsoever hath been vulgarly spoken)}"
apparently, his contemporaries were inclined to discuss him
as a hypochondriac*
"Costly followers are not to be liked; lest while a man
maketh his train longer he maketh his wings shorter. I
reckon to be costly not them alone which charge the purse,
but which are wearisome and importune in suite," 51
5
4
*
2
1.
2.
5.
4.
5.
The Works, vol. 6, p. 452.
Abbot, op. elt., p. 260.
Letters and Life, vol. 4, pp. 78-9.
frhe Works, vol. 1, pp. 16-17.
Ibid., p. 494, "Of Followers and Friends.”
Bacon eouia express his ideas on followers from two
points of view.
one.
He was a follower himself, and an importunate
The best years of his life were spent petitioning men
in power; hanging about the
Court expecting summons that did
not come; currying favor, beseeching, reproaching; almost
giving up, and then returning to weary himself and his friends
once more, until James crowned his efforts with success.
After his rise to power. Bacon had M e
own followers,
Spedding gives a roll of Bacon’s retinue which. Incomplete,
..: '
1
numbers over one hundred and fifty people.
So great a train
might well trim M s wings!
^Our Lord Keeper exceeds all his predecessors in the
bravery and multitude of his service. It amazes those that
look on his beginnings, besides never.so indulgent a master.
On the first day of term he appeared in M s greatest glory;
for to the Hall, besides M s own retinue, did accompany him
all the Lords of his Majesty’s Council and others, with all
knights and gentlemen that could get Worses and foot cloths.** 2
Even after M s disgrace, his retinue was large,enough to
-3
arouse comment.
And once more he gives us M s conclusions
based on experience.
Unity in religion was a subject very close to Bacon’s
heart.
Religious matters were of great and rising importance
in Elizabeth’s day.
Bacon’s travels in France with Sir Amyas
Paulet from 1576 to 1579 were during years when France was1
3
2
1,
2,
3,
Letters and Life, vol, 6, p, 536,
Ibid., p e 181.
See note Ho. 4 on page 23.
torn by civil wars rising over religions questions.
Rstnrelly,
Bacon was impressed with the importaaoe of religions unity as
one of the essentials for peaceful end prosperous government,
"The virtue of prosperity is temperance, the virtue of
adversity is fortitude. ..prosperity doth best discover vice,
but adversity doth best discover virtue." 1
These lines were written after Bacon*s downfall.
And,
in truth. Bacon displayed such fortitude in his demeanor,- and
humanity profited by his devotion to his philosophic and
literary pursuits in his eclipse.
And so, throughout the essays are found many scattered
pieces of advice or reflections which knowledge of his life
makes more significant.
Bacon was a lawyer, statesman, courtier, and philosopher.
He knew both the Inconveniences of poverty and the advantage
of wealth.
He was a suitor for preferment, and he had high
office and noble titles conferred upon him.
He was a man of
# i
action, and of contemplation.
He was Interested in problems
of religion and of the government.
He sat in Parliament, was
advocate and judge In the law courts, and was a familiar
figure In the royal courts of Elizabeth and James.
honour and disgrace, defeat and success.
He knew
So that when, to
his varied experiences, be applied his keen judgment and powers
of generalization, he found there what is the framework of
the Essays.
1.
_______ ' - / '
'
The Works, vol. 6, p. 386, "Of Adversity".
:
"
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"
89-
IV.
THE CHARACTER OF BACON AS REFLECTED
III THE ESSAYS
Very often a m a n *8 expressed opinions yield clues by
which we may deduce something of hi a character.
Obviously,
expressed opinion# are not a perfect criterion; taking them
as such, we should be assuming complete sincerity In the
speaker, and correspondence between opinions and deeds.
Never­
theless, if we had no other knowledge of Bacon, and read the
Essays. we should have definite views concerning the man who
wrote them.
And for the moment. It Is solely upon conclusions
drawn from the Essays that I wish to portray Bacon1s character*
The Essays are Intended as Counsels Civil and Moral* and
1■ ■
■
Bacon himself felt that there was nothing in them contrary to
religion or manners.
The purpose of the essays Is didactic.
This In Itself Implies that Bacon had sanguine self-confidence,
and belief In his knowledge and experience to give advice.
The giving of this advice, which is intended to be of us*
to men wishing to make their way In the world, also reveals a
generous mind.
Hot all people are willing to extend a helping
hand to others* it seems particulsrly generous in Bacon, for
if his counsels were to be followed, some of his tricks might
be turned against himself.
In spite of this, he was willing
to give others the benefit of his ejperience.
Advice has been
-SO-
given from time immemorial, but there is little to compel one
to give it.
•
The Essays themselves reveal in Bacon two omtstandixig
qualities:
realism and idealism.
the two Is of great interest.
The relationship between
Bacon represents life without
idealisation, sentimentality, or even any feeling of rebellion
against the evil in the world; on the other hand, he holds
constantly before his eyes lofty ideals of virtue and service.
Sometimes BaconPs idealism manifests Itself in a wistful
admiration of things we must "send to Utopia;"
it may be
heaven upon earth to have a manfs mind turn upon the poles of
truth, but a mixture of falsehood makes truth work better;
and cunning is advised even as it is deprecated.
At other
times he expresses his ideals without qualification.
His con­
ception of the judicial function is inspired by a desire for
justice tempered with mercy, and for the welfare of the people
as the supreme law.
Patriotism, a true devotion to the wel­
fare of his country, dominates much of Bacon’s thought.
Above all, the ideal that permeates the Essays Is expressed
often and sincerely.
aim of m a n ’s life.
1.
It is that to do good is the end and
\
_______ _
"Power to do good is the true and lawful end of aqj iring."
The Works, "Of Great Place," p. 399.
"Honour hath,...the vantage ground to do good." Ibid., "of
Ambition," p. 369.
"Riches are for spending, and spending for honour and good
actions." Ibid., "Of Expense," p. 443.
-31
Bacon, the Realist, has no Illusions.. He sees that
vjp#opl« are motivated by self-interest.
Hen, he tells us, do
not do wrong for the wrong*s sake, but to purchase themselves
profit, pleasure, or honor.
Men are not saints; we must ex2
pact them to be truer to themselves than to us.
A man's
;- ;
.;
s
i
self is his arch-flatterer, and it is well that it should be
so, for: '
"Doth any man doubt, that if there were taken out of
men's minds vain opinions, flattering hopes, false valuations,
imaginations as one would, and the like, but it would leave
the minds of a number of men poor shrunken things, full of
melancholy and indispositions, and unpleasing to themselves." 4
What friendship there is, is not between equals, but be­
tween superior and inferior, where the fortunes of one are
5
linked with those of the other,
'
'
6
.
People are not only selfish, they are stupid
_
-
hearted;
'
and those who are dishonest stand the best chance
for success.
floated.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
.
6
and hard-
These things are unquestlonlngly taken for
Bacon's realism then leads him to adopt a very
The Works, vol. 6 , "Of Revenge" p. 385,
Ibid., "rtf
]0t Suspicion," p. 454.
---- - 'Of Praise," p. 502.
Ibid., "Of Truth," p. 377.
Ibid., "Of Followers and Friends," p. 495.
Common people praise the lowest virtues, admire the
middle virtues, and have no sense or perceiving at all
of the highest virtues. "Of Praise, p. 474.
Usury is a necessary concession to the
__ __
of people, who otherwise.would not lend. "Of Usury,"
g. 474.
'There be not two m r e fortunate properties than to have
a little of the fool, and not too much of the honest.
The Works, vol* 6, "Of Fortune," p. 473.
'
7.
8
.
- -
practical view of life.
He gives much excellent advice through-
out the Essays, but where he speaks of ways to nwork”
his advice usually has a Machiavellian tinge.
any man,
For example $
"when you have anything to obtain of present dispatch,
you entertain and amuse the party with whom you deal with some
other discourse, that he be not too much awake to make objections.
"if a man would cross a business that he doubts some other
would handsomely and effectually move, let him pretend to wish
it well, and move it himself in such sort as may foil it.” 3
Such advice, which is very practical, but not admirable,
appears in consideration of personal relationships.
If we consider Bacon as a statesman, we may see Ik >w the
.
conflict between realism and idealism often resolves itself.
Bacon's concept of the state as set forth in the Essays
is that of a Royalist.
His point of view is that of a man
‘
z,
devoted to King and Country.
"The motions of faction under kings ought to be like the
motions (as the astronomers speak) of the inferior orbs;
which may have their proper motions, but yet still are
quietly carried by the higher motion of prlmum mobile.” 4
Under the King is the nobility', which, if it is great
and potent adds to the majesty of a monarch, but diminishes
i;
"If you would work any man, you must either know his nature
and fashions, and so lead him; or his ends, and so persuade
him; or his weakness and disadvantages, and so awe him; or
M m . ' W
2.
3.
Ibid., ”0 f Cunning,” p. 429.
Ibid.
8,16 80 60Tern M b *
33m
hi a power •
The nobility must not be too great for sovereignty,
nor justice, but must be strong enough to bear the brunt of
insolency of inferiors, and to ward off envy and hostility which
might otherwise be directed at majesty.
The greater nobles are
to be kept at a distance, but not depressed, for the king has
w e d of their colouration.
The second nobles ore a counter­
poise to the higher nobility, and, being in most immediate
authority with the common people, have influence in tempering
popular commotions.
There is also a gentleman class, and a
free class, almost peculiar to England, which composed of free
servants and attendants upon noblemen and gentlemen.
Upon the
merchant class depends the economic security of the nation.
The yeoman class must not be depressed, for upon it the king
must depend for good and valiant soldiers.
A professional
body of soldiers is dangerous, but military training of men,
scattered and without pay, is advisable.
Prom the common
people little danger Is to be apprehended unless they have
powerful leaders, or their religion, customs, or means of life
are Interfered with.
The secret of government lies In main­
taining a balance of power between all these component elements
of the state so that each may fulfill its part with a maximum
of efficiency and contentment.
The best way to prevent seditions is not to give occasion
for
"v
.
\
.'
'
"The causes and motives of seditions are innovation in
religion, taxes, alteration of laws and customs, breaking of
privileges, general oppression, advancement of unworthy persona.
Strangers, dearths, disbanded soldiers, faetions grown desperate;
and whatsoever In offending people jolneth and knitteth them
in a common cause,
'
The remedy, should sedition be afoot, is “to remove by
all means possible the cause of sedition.,•.which is want and
poverty in the estate. To. which purpose serveth the opening
and well-balancing of trade, the cherishing of manufactures,
the banishing of idleness, the repressing of waste and excess by sumptuary laws, the improvement and husbanding of the soil,
the regulating of prices of things vendible, the moderating
of taxes and tributes, and the like."
Bacon1s foreign policies are merely indicated, for he
feels that the occasions are so variable.
The one thing he
would recommend In all cases is to keep a careful watch so
that no neighbor, by increases of territory, expansion of
trade, or by means of invasion may become more able to annoy
them than they were.
He also favored alliances among nations
?
for maintaining a balance of power, and said:
“There is no question but a just fear of an imminent
danger, though there be no blow given. Is a lawful cause of
War is essential to a kingdom.
A civil war is like the 7
heat of a fever; but a foreign war is the heat of exercise.
It prevents the people from becoming effeminate and corrupt.
For greatness of empire, a nation should profess arms as its
principal honour, study and occupation.
The strength of a
country Is not to be measured by Its fortifications, artillery
or money to wage war, but in the courage and martial spirit
1.
The Works, vol. 6, “Of Empire," p. 421.
5
of its people *
' .
'
'
'
'
'
.
' .
-
-
-
/'
\
'
...
'
^
'
States that are liberal of naturalization towards strangers
«r# fit for empire; only thus can they hope to control
dominions.
,Bacon is well aware of the isportai
the sea, which he soys is, like another :
isrchy.
The essay n0f Plantations” furnishes an excellent pattern
for establishing and maintaining colonies.
In choosing people
to send to the colonies. Bacon would select, not "the scum
of people and wicked ©ondenmed men,” but worthy laborers,
people who have an honest trade.
He would choose a healthful
and convenient site, take provisions to feed the people until
their own crops should be ready, and set to work developing
natural resources.
The government should be in the hands of one individual
assisted by some counsel.
The plantation should be fret
customs until it is firmly established; investors should
neither exploit the plantation nor expect returns 1
.
.' '
■ • ■
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: ■■
The colonists should deal justly with what savage neighbors
they might encounter.
After the plantation grows to strength,
there is time enough for women to follow, that homes may be
established.
Above all, a plantation should not be forsaken,
which involves guiltiness of blood of many helpless people.
Bacon*a policy far-sightedly makes provision for all:
/
-36-
for the colonists, for the Investors, and for the savages, too,
‘
"L-.
:
...
■ ; ■ = ' *; , x'r '
There Is nothing unscrupulous or objectionable in what he advooatea, and everything Is on a basis of sound common sense.
Throughout the essays we find Bacon concerned with
religion, "the chief band of human society," in relation to
1
■
the state. ....
:
Bacon himself belongs to the Church of England, which he
accepts without question as the true church.
Catholics and .
Puritans, with their different beliefs, are alike in error.
Speaking of Catholicism, he says:
i
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.
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.
'
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:
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"
,
were better to have no opinion of God at all than
such an opinion as is unworthy of him; for the one is unbelief,
the other is contumely. And certainly superstition is the
reproach of the Deity." S
Of the Puritans: "There is a superstition is avoiding
superstition, when men think to do best if they go furthest
from the superstition formerly received. Therefore core would
be had that, as it faroth in ill purgings, the good be not
taken away with the bad; which commonly is done when the
people is the reformer." 3
The welfare of the state is imperilled by clashing
religions.
Therefore he gives counsel concerning them, "as
far as the weakness of human judgment can give stay to so
great revolutions."1
3
2
1,
2,
3,
The four pillars of government are religion, justice,
counsel, and treasure. The Works, vol. 6 , *0f Seditions
and Troubles," p. 408.
Ibid., "Of Superstition," p. 415.
Ibid. , p. 416.
*37.
nSurely there Is no better way to stop the rising of
new soets anS schisms than to reform abuses; to compound the
smaller differences; to proceed mildly, and not with san- '
guinary persecutions; and rather to take off the principal
authors by winning and advancing them, than to enrage them
by violence and bitterness,M 1
Bacon also considers the relation of the church to the
state, warning against the danger of the clergy when prelates
become too great, or where there is dependence upon foreign
^thorlty, or upon autlwrSty coming not from tie king or par­
ticular patrons, but from the people.'
As Bacon reasons, every­
thing, Including the Church @f England itself, is subservient
to the crown,
A certain conception, that of a great empire, with an
absolute monarch at its head has been formed.
has set the goal.
The Idealist
Them the Realist has stepped in and bent
every effort to achieve or maintain the ideal.
Internal and
foreign policies, even religion itself, are practically shaped
to conform with the ideal.
We can sympathize whole-heartedly
with Bacon's ideals, and we find that his suggestions for
attaining his goal are usually very fine, tolerant, fair and
well-grounded on good sense,; Thus far idealist and realist
have kept on the same path.
But if the practical way is the
only possible way, and if the practical way is not the ideal
way, .'.■■■ :
;' /; ;;. :' :: , " ', _
.
is the solecism of power to think to command the*
1
end, and yet not endure the mean.w 2
_______ •
1.
2.
The Works, vol. 6 , "Of Vicissitude of Things," p. 514.
lETaTTvol. 6 , "Of Empire," p. 420.
/
:
>38*
If we must wade through the mire to attain our dreams>
is it best to wade in or to give up the quest?
i# give it up.
Bacon refuses
His power lies in making us recognize that,
shabby or Machiavellian as some of his tricks are, he has not
lost sight of a noble Ideal of service to humanity.
Generally
speaking, Bacon’s realism is manifested in his dealing with
Individuals, and his Idealism in setting abstract standards.
Bacon devotes much consideration to religion as part of
the state.
He is also concerned with a personal religion.
Itoile he is no mystic, he is sincerely religious.
Edwin
ilsbot states .that religion is seldom or never mentioned in
1
the Essays as a basis of morality.
I feel that he has been
less than just, Inasmuch as Bacon repeatedly writes to the
Contrary*
For example;
.
■
2
"The well-pleasing of God....is all in all.”
’’Merit and good works is the end of m a n ’s motion; and
conscience of the some is the accomplishment of m a n ’s rest.
For if a man can be partaker of God’s theater, he shall like­
wise be partaker of G o d ’s rest.” 3
’’Goodness....of all virtues and dignities of the mind 1
3
2
1.
2.
3.
” As a subjeot of political interest it (religion) has a
whole Essay devoted to it....The theoretical morality of
the Essays appears to be based upon the recognition of a
public and a private Good, and upon the nobility of pre­
ferring the wider to the narrower object. Their practical
morality 1® based upon the recognition of the fact that
for the most part men will prefer the narrower to the wider,
their own to the public Interests.” Abbott, op. alt., p, 442,
The Works, vol. 6 , ”0f Unity in Religion,"p. 381.
ibid., vol, 6 , ”Of Great Place,” p . ,399.
*40.
the greatest; being the character of the Deity; and without
man Is a busy, mischievous, wretched thing, no better
kind of vermin** 1
"Man, when he reatest and assureth himself upon divine
protection and favour g n there th a force * * *
nature in itself could not obtain." 2
In speaking of "superstition," Bacon
would be preferable.
In view of his treatment of the subject
In "Of Atheism," we should consider the statement as hyperbolic.
W
:
’
and inspired by his dislike of Catholics rather than affinity
for atheists.
"I had ratter believe all the fables in the Legend, and •
the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this universal frame
la without a mind. And therefore God never wrought a miracle
to convince atheism because his ordinary works convince it." S
.
•
,
•
.
.
*
...
'
_
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.
;
.
It semns more reasonable to Bacon to have God giving
order to the universe, than that order should spontaneously spring
out of chaos.
-
'
.
He is inclined to think that atheists delude
.
. . .
'
-
-
-
themselves in saying there is no God.
_
But the great atheists
are really those who hypocritically handle holy things, but
without feeling.
'
.
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Belief in God> and a feeling of kindred to
'
'
.
, .
'
1
*
his spirit must not be denied, else we are only beasts.
Atheism would deprive human nature of the means to exalt
itself above human frailty.
Bacon believes in some form of future life.
Death is a
*
passport to God's rest, after a man has completed his work1
3
2
1.
2.
3.
The Works, vol. 6 , "Of Goodness and Goodness of nature, p; 403.
I5id., vol. 6 , "Of Atheism," p. 415.
Ibid., p. 413.
•41-
in this world, and
*Certainly, the contemplation of death, as the wages of.
ain and passage to another world, is holy and religious.**
Personal religion supplies for Bacon the foundation for ?
his ideals and the raison d ’etre for man’s life here on earth.
Another notable characteristic which we must attribute
to Bacon if we base our deduction# on the Essays, is an un­
usually oold, unemotional nature.
In our twentieth century
the relationship between parents and children has probably been
exalted out of proper proportion, and certainly more than in
Bacon’s day.
But even after making allowances for that. Bacon
disposes of the matter in five little paragraphs, the essence
of which is that perpetuity by generation is common to beasts,
but It is more proper to men to leave memorials in the form
of noble works; parents, especially mothers, are often unfair
in the distribution of their affections; and men foolishly
■
1
foster rivalry between brothers during childhood.
. .■ . 2
In the essay "Of Marriage,” wife and children are "hostages
to fortune," "impediments to great enterprises;” and the best
works and of greatest merit have proceeded from unmarried or
childless men."
•
'
'.
'
Would one be apt to feel that "Wives are young m e n ’s*
2
1*
2.
The Works, vol. 6 , *0f Parents and Children, pe SSO.
Ibid., vol. 6 , "Of Marriage and Single Life," p. 39l.
.4&.
mistresses, companions for middle age, and old men's nurses,"
is a palliative for “Certainly, wife and children are a kind
of discipline of humanity?”
1
"Of Love"
is also notoriously chilly,
"The stage is
more beholding to love than the life of man."
It is a weak
*
passion, for great and worthy men have seldom surrendered to
it; it is dangerous because It exposes one to contempt if the
love is not reciprocated, and because it causes one to quit
both riches and wisdom.
It is the child of folly, and leads i
men to betray their own best interests.
Love which is not
spent upon some few, will naturally spread itself towards
; - . •■ .
'
■ .
.
'
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many, and will make men humane and charitable.
J
Bacon considers friends valuable as confidants and critics,
and as seconds in one's undertakings.
The essay "Of Friendship"
has sometimes been criticized as taking too utilitarian a view
of friendship.
It is true that Bacon is
e-numerating the
practical advantages of friendship, but there is an implied
tribute in saying that a friend can be so valuable.
Bacon evidently is.not alien to the spiritual need for
friends $ a wistful note that would indicate he, too, felt
the need of his fellow men strikes a responsive chord in the
readers .
!
.,
-
.
.
11But little do men perceive what solitude is, and how*
1
...
,
1.
2.
......
..
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The Works, vol. 6 , "Of Love," g. 397.
Ibid., vol. 6 , "Of Friendship," p. 437.
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:
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far It extendeths for a crowd is not company, and faces are
but a gallery of pictures, and talk but a tinkling cymbal>
where there is no love.•..It is a mere and miserable solitude
to want true friends, without which the world is but a wilder*
ness." 1
Such moments of tender sentiment must be weighed against
2
the avowal that "There is little of friendship in the world,”
and that that is, is founded cm interest.
We may expect an
affectionate friend, but we cannot count too much upon hi*
loyalty if his interests should require him to choose between
self and friend.
,.
-
Undoubtedly, Bacon’s attitude toward wife and children,
friendship and love, leaves much to be desired so far as
"
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f
depth of passion is concerned.
'
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....
—
-
.
...
In jaundiced moments w e , too,
may relegate love to the stage, regard friendship— If any—
as a convenience, and recognize that wife and children are a
kind of discipline to humanity.
are Bacon’s normal condition.
But our jamdiced momenta
We ordinarily appraise those
things at a much higher value, and can only pity the man whose
emotional endowments are so small that wife, children, and
friends.can take no deep root In his character.
Bacon’s intellect has great power over his emotions.
He
recognizes the absurdity of seeking to extinguish anger com­
pletely, but he advocates that in order to keep it from doing
harm, one should not give vent to extremely bitter words,1
2
1.
2.
The Works, vol. 6 , "Of Friendship," p. 437.
Ibid., vol. 6 , "Of Followers and Friends," p. 494.
-44-
eepeclelly If they are apposite; nor should one break off any
business In a fit of anger, nor do anything Irrevocable, ;
The advice la excellent, but It seems somewhat impractical
to those who recognize that their emotions usually overpower
their judgment.
,
Since he knows (intellectually) that people may be expeoted to guard their o\ra Interests first. Bacon is not angered
when they do so.
This, again. Implies more than ordinary lack
Of emotional vitality; few people ever resign themselves so
calmly to disloyalty.
Again, B a c o n s approach to death is intellectual.
Death"
M0f
is one of the essays in which M s
train of thought
3
may be traced back to Montaigne, point by point. Death is
’
as natural as birth, but th® talos we hear of it, and the
weeping and mourning associated with it make it seem terrible.
"It is worthy the observing, that there is no passion
in the mind of man so weak, but It mates and masters the
fear of death; and therefore death is no such terrible enemy,
when a man hath so many attendants about him that he can win
combat of him. Revenge triumphs over death; love slights it;
honour aspireth to it....”
One that dies in an earnest pursuit, like one wounded
in hot blood, scarce feels the hart.
But to a man who hath
obtained worthy ends* Nunc dimitt is is the sweetest sound.1
3
2
1.
2.
3.
The Works, vol. 6 . "Of Anger," p. 511.
Ibid., vol. 6 , "Of Death," p. 379.
% h a m , op. cit., p. 279.
^
6^
Where deep eaotitms are not required. Bacon fares m e h
better.
We find him lenient and kindly.
In cases of life
and death, judges ought, wherever possible, to remember mercy;
they should weast a severe eye upon the offense, but a merciful eye upon the person”.
He shows himself considerate of
other people, both of their lives and feelings.
It would be
the greatest sin in the world to abandon plantations, for it
would involve the guiltiness of blood of many commisserable
2
persons.
A judge should offer a losing advocate a few words
V
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' '' : ... '■
of encouragement and commendation#
And
* As for jest ^ there be certain things which ought to
be privileged from it; namely, religion^ matters of state,
great persons, any man^s present business of importanoe and
any .ease that deserveth pity.” 4
Bacon is of a forgiving disposition, and feels, with
Solomon, that it is man's glory to pass by an offense.
Hor
does he believe in brooding over past grievances.
*That which is past is gone and irrevocable, and wise
men have @«ou#i to do with things present and to come;
therefore they do but trifle with themselves that labour
in past matters.,..Vindictive persons live the life of
witches, who, as they mischievous, so they end unfortunate.” 5
Bacon expresses contempt for suspicion, and feels that
the best way to clear one's self of it is to communicate1
5
4
*
2
1.
2.
S.
4.
5.
The Works,
lETd., "Of
Ibid., ”Of
Ibid., ”Of
Ibid., ”Of
vol. G, *0f Judicature,” p. 508.
Plantations,” p. 459.
Judicature,” p. 508.
Discourse,” p. 455,
Revenge,” p* 585
.
■.
. 1
frankly with the snspected party.
His manner Is dignified, but not haughty.
*Kan*a behaviour should be like their apparel; not too
strait or point device, but free for exercise or motion." 2
We may expect Bacon to be a man of motion.
Hot only Is he
constantly advocating that something be done, but he has a
philosophy v/hloh demands action.
Ho fatalist says;
"it cannot be denied but outward accidents conduce much
to fortune... .But chiefly the mould of a man's fortune Is in
his own hands." 3
And again* "For good thoughts (though God accept them)
yet towards men are little better than good dreams, except
they be put in act." 4
"Of Innovations," entitles Bacon to M s
we recognise British conservatism.
share of what
Changes must take place,
but let them come gently.
"it were good therefore that men in their Innovations
would follow the example of time itself; which indeed innovateth
greatly, but quietly, and by degrees scarce to be perceived." 5
He shows efficiency In conducting his affairs with due
regard for time.
In "Of Counsel" he recommends that certain
days be set aside for hearing petitions, thus expediting
matters for both parties.1
5
4
3
2
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
The Works,
Ibid., "Of
Ibld.y "Of
Ibid., "Of
Ibid., "Of
vol. 6 , "Of Suspicion," p. 455.
Ceremonies and Respects," p. 501.
Fortune," p, 472.
Great Place," p. 399.
Innovations," p. 433.
-47-
nTrue dispatch is a rich thing* For time is the measure
Sf IrosiBes®, "as money is of wares; and business is bought at
.e 'Sear M n d where there is small dispatch." 1
Bacon shows good sense in advising that one study, but
he warns that to spend too much time in studies is sloth.
Moderation in anything is best.
In the essay he shows, how­
ever, that he has the highest veneration for knowledge.
"There is no stood or Impediment in the wit but it may
be wrought out b y fit studies.11 2
If Baeon 1s character must stand or fall by the'Essays
alone, we must attribute to him an almost complete lack of
.
S'
4
humor. Clarke finds "cure the disease and kill the patient"
httiwrows.
Bacon apparently enjoyed:
"The fly sat upon the
axle-tree of the chariot wheel, and said, *What a dust do I
raise,»w which was "prettily devised of Aesop” ,
And he may
have enjoyed
"Mature will lay burled a great time, and yet revive upon
the occasion or temptation. Like as It was with Aesop*s
damsel, turned from a cat to a woman, who sat very demurely
at the board1s end till a mouse ran before her.” 5
The use of the word ”demurely” and the following remark
ore the only claims to humor that I could find in all fiftyeight essays.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
The Works, vol. 6 , "Of Dispatch," p. 434.
ISra7, *df studies."
' ■Clarke, George Herbert, editor of the Macmillan edition @f
the las
p. 245, Note 2, p • 997.
The
vol. 6 , "Of FriendshipP," P. 442.
Building," p, 470.
TFId.,
•*48-
"Leave the goodly fahrles of houses for beauty only, to
the enchanted palaces of the poets, who build them with small
iiafliu" 1
.. T ■"r'
~
~
% e Essays give evidence that Bacon absorbed a fine
elassicai education.
He is constantly reenforcing his points
by referring to the ancients
in
an easy, familiar way, as
if he were speaking of intimate friends with whose lives he
is well acquainted.
word occasional,
Latin quotations are frequent, a Spanish
The Bible Is often quoted, and Bacon also
mentions Montaigne once, and Machiavelli, whose Prince made
such an impression on the statesmen of the day.
Some of Bacon*s ways of thinking are very evident.
A
weighing of pros and cons In matters seems an ingrained habit
with him.
He finds three great advantages of simulation and
dissimulation| but there are also three disadvantages to set
it even.
bitter.
Children sweeten labours, but make misfortunes more
Single men are more charitable because they have more
means, but are harder-hearted because their generosity is less
taxed.
Boldness is 111 in counsel, good In execution.
has these discommodities, and those commodities.
Usury
Youth and
age have their advantages and disadvantages. Hot to use
V
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ceremonies at all diminishes respectg but dwelling upon them
is tedious.
.
:
\ ■ ' : .■
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Vv:v
;
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Likewise, causes and remedies of things are keenly 1
1.
The Works, vol. 6 , #0 f Building," p. 481.
.
.-49-
analyzed; of la^c of unity In religion, of envy, of seditions
.
:
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and troubles, of atheism and superstition, of counsel, of
wager, for example.
These are usually finely balanced, and
contribute much to Bacon’s style in writing.
7
This M b i t of thinking adds much to the value of his
conclusions| whether or not one accepts them, they bear
evidence of close and careful reasoning, which should make
his advice respected.
Finally in examining the three significant editions
of the Essays, we find that there Is no character development
apparent*
Sew essays are added, and old ones amplified, but
there is no reversal of previously held ©pinionsv Resignation
V:' :
.'
.
1
may appear In the essay n0f Adversity,1* written after his
fall; and a somewhat bitter remark may be added to "Of Wisdom
for a Man*a Self** *
"It is the wisdom of rats, that will be sure to leave
a house, somewhat before it fall." 2
But the remark Is not at all out of keeping with the
' -' ' 7 ' :'
7 ' ' .. v
■
.7
tone of the older part of the essay. Aside from improvement
from a literary point of view, wo may say fairly of Bacon
that there has been no development of character in the
twenty-eight years between the publication of the 1597, 1612,
and 1625 editions.
1.
2,
Hence, Bacon was satisfied with the______
The Works, vol. 6 , "Of Adversity," p. 38®.
Ibid., ,l0f Wisdom for a Man*s Self," p. 432.
views he expressed; his way of thinking (where the editions
lend themselves to comparison for us to judge) is unchanged,
his opinions the same,
'
if the Essays have represented l a w n *8
•
•
i
opinions for so long a time, then we are justified In using
the Essays as a fair expression of himself from which to try
to analyze his character.
V.
THE REAL CHARACTER CONTRASTED WITH THE CHARACTER
IH THE ESSAYS
The real Francis Bncon is paradoxical, complex,
mysterious.
Many men have attempted to analyze the character
of Bacon from his life and works, but there is no answer that
will explain away all contradletlons.
While Pope will call,
him the wisest, brightest, and meanest of mankind, Spedding,
who demoted a lifetime to the study of Bacon*a life and works,
feels that Bacon needs no apology, but has simply been mis­
understood, and maligned in consequence.
Dr. Rawley, who was Bacon’s chaplain, wrote a little
biography of Bacon, from which the following extracts are
quoted regarding "the Glory of his Age, the Adomer end Ornament
of learning" s
^ ' : . '"vh:-: ' ':
Those abilities which commonly go single in other men....
were all conjoined and met in him. Those are Sharpness of
Wit, Memory, Judgnent, and Elocution.
“He was never of an insulting or domineering nature....
but always tender-hearted.
.
"He was free from malice. He was no revenger of in­
juries. He was no heaver of men out of their places, as
Silightlng in ttialr ruin and undoing. .,
.;
.
"This ^ r d was religious....and died in the true faith
established in the Church of England." 1
Rawley is fulsome in his praises.
1.
Rowley, op. cit., pp. 1-18.
Aubrey says "all1
1
that were great and good honoured him." .Ben Jonson was his
friend end admirer.
His testimony is:
,"My ooneelt of his person was never increased toward him,
by his place, or honours. But I have, and do reverence him,
for the greatness that was only proper to himself in that he
seemed to me ever, by his work, one of the greatest men, and
most worthy of admiration, that had been in many ages. In his
adversity I ever prayed, that God would give him strength;
for greatness h e .could not want. Neither could I condole in
a word or syllable for him, as knowing no accident.could do
harm to virtue, but rather help to make it manifest." 2
Macaulay sums up the charges against Bacon when he
accuses him of having
"sullied his integrity, resigned his independence,
violated the most sacred obligations of friendship and
gratitude, flattered the worthless, persecuted the innocent,
tampered with Judges, tortured prisoners, plundered suitors,
wasted on paltry intrigues all the powers of the most ex­
quisitely constructed intellect that has ever been bestowed
on any of the children of men. 3
R. W. Church says: :
*fhe life of Francis Bacon la one which it is a pain
to write or to read. It is the life of a man endowed with
as rare a combination of noble gifts as ever warn bestowed
on a human intellect." 4
He feels that with all his intellect, ideals and magnifi­
cent career, Bacon 1s life was a poor one because he was not
true to what he knew, because he was a "pleaser of men,"
and lacked sincerity in his dealings with men.1
4
3
2
1.
2.
Aubrey, op. cit., p. 70.
Jonson , Ben, "Timber", The Works of Ben Jonson,
vol. 9,
■'P. 161.
3.
4.
; . .—
;
—
Macaulay, Thomas B.,„"Lord Bacon", Essays, vol. 1. p. 263.
Church, op. cit., p. 1 .
:
453*
Montagu feels that Baeoz* wIn lending himself to matter
Immeasurably beneath him,...sometimes stooped too low....
"y
V '
1
But that heart was neither *cloven nor double J*" Ife attribute#
Bacon 1s faults to carelessness, and says he was duped hy his
»
servaate while he was preoccupied with philosophic meditations;
and he laments deeply that Bacon should have been at the mercy
of a caprlclous queen, a mean king, and unworthy favorites.
Israel Levine Is impressed with Bacon*s extraordinary
agility in shifting po sit ion to comply with the immediate demends of any situation. ■
'
,
_
: '
permonent basis of firm convictions, cherished dearly,
and to be vindicated at all costs, was 'simply alien to Bacon's
constitution.,*.A nature of this kind Is evidently not eiroable
of deliberate evil or malice either.” 2
L
Jus m r a n d says that he was sharp-sighted, that his intellect
dominated M s feelings, and that, if ever his heart warmed,
it was for ssleme.
Boldsworth considered him a great lawyer, a paradoxical
character with great ideals, but with a nature incapable of
deep feelings of love and friendship.
His absorption in his
ideals weakened a sense of personal honor never too keen, and
caused his downfall,
.
■
. ■
:
Each critic has his own interpretation of facts, and1
3
2
1. Montagu, op. cit., p. cccclxxvi.
2. Levine, Israel. Francis Bacon, p. 62.
3. Jusserand, J.J., A literary History of the English People.
■ . pp« 587-549. '■
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-54-
hls own opinion of Bacon#
With the same material to draw from,
to some Bacon is all good, to others all bad, and to the rest,
a strange combination of both.
It is beside the point to attempt to decide
estimate# of Bacon*s character.
among-, these,
The thing that matters is
that, while ,in the Essays Bacon*s character may lack humor
and warmth of feeling, the flaws in his character which sully
M s fame do not appear.
We can agree that Bacon was brilliant
sand learned, a prudent and loyal counselor, a devoted patriot,
that he was practical, capable, efficient, tolerant, and
generous.
We do not find the over-weenlng ambition which has
been considered the main-spring of his H f e reflected in the
Issaga.
Nor do we find treachery and ingratitude.
On the
other hand, there Is no great stressing of Bacon's Ideals,
no great pleading for science, no evidence of Bacon's M g h
quest for knowledge.
In the Essays, we find much of the good, and little of
the bad that was In the real Bacon's character, and we can
lay the book aside feeling that we have received much fine
:
-v-v
:
-■
'
■ '•. . '
" advice from a very learned, wise, tolerant, friendly man,
who has been kind enough to try to make our path to success
a little easier for us by giving us the benefit of his own
experience and his own great mind.
.
VI.
dOHCLWOl
.Baoon said that the Essays were the most current of his
----
.
.
"
works because they came "home to ments business and bosoms"»
This, Indeed, is the cause of their success.
,
The Essays are of interest from the point of view of
literary history, coming almost at the origin of the essay as
•literary form.
They are also of Interest for the picture
they present of Elizabethan and Jacobean days, with their
Varied problems, and Interests, their ways of thought, and mode
Of lif®.
.
'
. /'
But primarily they make their appeal to "men*s business,"
the latellectu^ and practical side of m a n ’s nature, for two
very substaafci^ i^asonst
Bacon’s advice is practical, and
it has the ring of authority.
It has often been observed that Bacon’s ideals.were too
far in advance of hls time for him to make effective pleas
for science and philosophy.
eoppreheiisioa.
not appear.
His lofty meditations were beyond
But in the Essays. the "visionary" ideals do
The ideal of doing good for humanity underlies
the Essays, and this Ideal is perfectly comprehensible in a
Christian civilization; the ideals set forth for personal
-,
- . •• -:
*■•.
,
.
conduct, statesmanship, religion, judicature, etc., are quite
practical ones. In no way beyond the mental or emotional range
of any person endowed with common sense who is concerned with
making his way in the world*
The close relationship which we have observed between
Bacon's life and the thoughts reflected In the Essays gives
them an authoritativeness that only experience can bestow.
The Essays come home to "men's bosomsn, and make their
appeal to the heart in two ways; through their fine literary
style, and through the idealized personality of Bacon that
.
makes Itself felt in them.
The essays are compact and unified.
epigrammatic, very quotable.
of M s
The style is concise,
The balanced structure of many
sentences gives a marked rhythm to his writings.
Bacon's essays are rich both in style and content.
Basil
Montagu gives two brief comparisons between attempts made to
modernize Bacon by making translations from the Latin version
of the Essays.
The Impoverishment of style is evident at once.
For example, fcho translator says, "There are several parts and
signs of goodness,,l where Bacon says, "The ports and signs of
goodness are many".
The translator says, "If he be thankful
for small benefits. It shews he valued men's minds before
their treasure", where Bacon has said, *If he be thankful
for small benefits, it shews that he weighs men's minds, and
■' 1
not their trash."
In the first instance, rhythm is lost,1
1.
Montagu, op. clt.. Note 3,2,
and in the second Mtreasure” proves much less forceful
than "trash*.
.
Ttadoubtedly, Bacon knew what he wished to say, and how to
say it, and his literary style has great power in moving the
heart of his reader.
Bacon's personality also proves appealing, as here his
character is unmarred by any of the serious flaws whieh M s
real life may reveal.
The Essays are pervaded with a spirit
of good-will, tolerance, and high leadership* so that we are
/'
1
*
•
glad to follow Bacon as a friendly and worthy mentor.
Upon these things rests the success of the Essays; not
that they are all of Bacon's life and character, but because
they are so much of the best of them.
-58-
B IB LIom iP O T
Abbott, SArln A.
prancls Bacon
London: Mneinlllan, 1886•
AUlbone, S. Austin
"Francis Bacon’1
A Critical Dictionary of English Literature
FhUaHelpHial J . B. Llppincott, 1899.
Aubrey, John
Brief Lives, vol. 1
• Ed. Andrew Clark
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1898.
Bacon, Franois
A^fiargony^of the Essays
.
Westminster: A. Constable, 1895
Baeonw Pranoi#
fBemay#*
The Works of Francis Bacon, vol, 6 , ed. James Spetiding
London: Longman & Co., 1857-59
Baeon, Francis
The Es
7S or
He. York:
Macmillan, 1933
Bryan, F. B. and Crane, B, S,
The^English Familiar E s s a ^
Campbell^ Job* ; .
Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Keepers of the Great
LondoWT- JoHn’lIurr ay , 1846
Char oh, R, W,
Bacon (English Men of Letters)
New York: Harper and Brothers, 18—
x a cM c n a ry . ot jH aM onal Rlp.cr.aphy
•tethony M e o n * '
Vol. 1, pp. 796-800
"f^*ancis Bacon”
Vol. 1, pp. 800-832
London: Oxford U. Press
Reprint of 1921-89
50-
Gibbs, Sir Phillip Hamilton
B. Lippincott, 1929
Boldsworth, Sir William Searle
I^.Hiatory^of ^Bn^llsh : avr, vol. 5, pp. 238-254
and Co., 192 - 5 8
Jonson, Ben
_
"Timber"
The Works of Ben Jonson. vol. 9
London: Bickers & Son, 1875
Jusserand, J. J.
A Literary History of the English People, vol. 3
lew York: 5. P. Pulmam,1926
Levine, Israel
p^apcia Bacon
London: Leonard Parsons, 1925
Maeaulay, Thomas Babington
"Lord Bacon"
vol, 1
Montagu, Basil
The Life ofj r a n o i ^ ^
1834
Otis, m
Bradley and Needleman, Morriss H.
lew^ ork:glBanie8° an^loble L^ | g ature
Hawley, William
^
r,Life of Bacon"
r
Published in T t e Works of Franc la Bacon, vol. 1
Ed. James Spedding, kobort Leslie kills, Douglas
London: Longman & Co., 1857-59
Speddlng,
7 welt.
►rts, 1861-74
1!phsng
1| | . f
Villey, Pierre
"Montaigne en Angleterre"
Revue dead e n * mondos, 1913, vol. 17, pp. 115-150
APPMDEE
SALIENT EVENTS IN BACON *S LIFE
Date
1.
Born at York House. . v •. . . . . . .
.. . •
. .*
18*0
«.
<^e® to Trinity College, Cambridge. . .. • .
. .*
1573
3.
In France with Sir Amyas Paulat ( see
4*
Recalled by death o f his father • . . *. • •
5.
Studies law.
6
footnote) • .
1577-9
. • •
1579
Admitted "Utter Barrister” . • • . • *
1582
. Represents Melcombe
Regis in Elizabeth^
fifth Peril ament . . . . . . . . . . . * . . .
1584
Writes Letter of Advice to Queen Elizabeth. . • • •
1584
8 . Becomes a Bencher of Cray1s Inn • . • • • • . i • •
1586
9.
Represents Taunton in Elizabeth*s sixth Parliament.
1586
10.
Represents Liverpool in Elizabeth’s seventh
Parliament V . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1588
Advert!sment touching the Controversies of the
Church of E n g l a n d ii . . . > . . . . . . . . . .
1589
7.
mm.m . m- mrnmmmmmmm
11 •
m m*mm
wmmmm
•
i
n
M il
in.
i
12.
The Clerkship of the Council in the Star Chamber
is granted to Bacon in reversion . • . * • * . . 1589
13.
Anthory Bacon, returning from abroad, finds his
brother ‘hound and in deep ."arrearages“ to
Eseom.
-# . . . . . . . . . . .
; ...
1592
Represmts Middlesex in Elizabeth*s eight
Parliament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1593
14.
15.
Bacon opposes the Government in a speech on a motlcm
for a grant of three sub sidle a payable in four
years; he is consequently forbidden to come
into the Queen*s presence. . .. . , . . . .
lames Speddlng gives 1576-9 as the date. Letters and Life,
vol. 1 , p. 6 .
1593
16.
Sue a unsuccessfully for the place of Attorney
and then-for that of Solicitor General. . . . ♦ 1593-5
»,
Gesta Or quorum, a Device represented at Gray* a Inn . 1594
18,
PromuB of Formularies and Elegancies . . .Christmas. 1594
19.
R@@elves estate from Essex to console him for
disappointment. Device written for Essex . . . 1595
20
.
21
. Essays
Maxima of the Law.- *■ *•'
(first edition)
. -#- » *< *- * . •- . •• . . . . . . . . .
;
*• * 1 ^ 6
. . . . 1597
.
22
25.
Represents Southampton in Elizabeth*s ninth
Parliament. * « . . . • » . • • • . * . . • * _• 1597
...■■ '
•;• i y i : i
f ♦ '
Brings in bills against Inclosures; supports the
Subsidy Bill. * . ■• . «. • * *
♦ s; •• *'■ •' *' # # 1597
24.
Seeks the hand of Lady Hatton, asking Essex to
intercede in his behalf . #■ •- •• • .•
• •• , .■ • 1597
25.
Is arrested for debt while engaged in bualmeaa
of the Learned Counsel. . . . . . . . . . . . .
. Tokos
86
1598
part in proceedings against Essex at York
Hous e.
uune 1600 :.
27.
Offers his services to Essex a fortnight after
his release. .<
•>
• . *- « . •■• •. .. . .July 1600
28.
Outbreak of Essex; his arraignment (in which
Bacon takes part) .. .... ... . . . . . . . . ♦ . . 1601
29.
Bacon quarrel® with Ooke . . . . . . . .
30.
Speaks against repealing the “Statute of Tillage,n
against a Bill declaring Monopolies illegal,
and against the "Act relating to Charitable
frosts,!* in Elizabeth*s tenth and last
Parliament. . . . . .
. • » • . • «~ # « . 1601
31.
Advocates repeal of superfluous laws; recommends
to Cecil toleration of Irish Roman Catholics. .1 6 0 1
32.
Declaration of the Practices and Treasons attempted
and coranTttfcT by Rob9rt,^IatFTarl of“lisex.
'
.1
QG3 -♦ # # -*
e *# # "
# 1601
. ...
. • 1601
-62-
33.
On Elizabeth»s death. Bacon seeks to get himself
recommended to the King's favor. . . ... . . . .
1603
34.
About tills time wrote Advancement of Learning • . * * 1605
35*
Accidentally omitted from list of thenLearned
Counsel". Subsequently reappointed . . . . .
. . 1603
36.
Received financial aid from his cousin. Lord Cecil.
. 1605
37,
Is knighted . . . * .1. .
. 1603
.
58*
;
39.
401
41.
.
'
*
' '
. .i. t .1. . . . . . .
?
.
«
.-
i
f
-
■-
. •
...
v:
} ; } • • ,
Desires nto meddle as little as he can In the King's
causes," and to "put his ambition wholly
upon his pen." , . . . * * ..... . . . . . . « • 1603
Apology . . * . *V. . . . .
.*
♦ • 1604
Beeon repeatedly, chosen to be spokesman for
committees o f the House of Commons in ';
■ • >
Conference with the Lords in James' first
Parliament. • • . . . • . . > . . . . . « . . • . 1604
Receives a grant, by Patent, of the office of
W a r n e d Counsel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 1604
42.
Publication of the. Advancement of Learning . . . . . • 1605
43.
Marriage to Alice Barnham.’ • .
.• . v
.
44.
Is made Solicitor General. . .
.. * *
*• i
45.
Succeeds to the Clerkship of the
Star Chamber.. . . .
46.
Probably begins Bovum Organum.’
...
47.
Beeon is chosen by the Commons as their spokesman •
for presenting a Petition of Grievances . . . . .
.v .
• . 1606
* . .* . . 1607
.
1608
. •• . 1608
16W
48.
Advises the House not to raise the question of the
King's right to ^impose0; speaks in favor of
the King's right. . . • . * . . . *.* • » * ♦ » * 16to
49.
Is appointed one of the Judges of the Court of the
Verge, and opens the Court. . . . . . • . . . .
50.
51.
Employed as Sub-Commissioner to assist the
Commissioners of the Treasury V > . . . . . .
• 1612
• . 1612
Employed as Sub-Commissioner for collecting the^
Aid on the marriage of the Princess Elizabeth,
and for repair of the King's estate . . * . . . . 1612
'
52♦
Esaayti (second
-■•
‘- :
;
leia.
.• .. . ..* * •
:■
..r
" "
54.
,
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.:
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-
161
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Hew Atlantis. •..." * . % . . • • • * * • * • * • « •
;
'" . \
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. . .
...
.
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:
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.
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-
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.
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-
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• * ' » • "•
.
* - » 1615
•♦' .
v55v
Is re
1614
• • • • *
■
* ■*- • • • • •
..
60*
Is Bi@d@ lord K@@p@r * * * * * + * * * » + * L * * * * 1617
’
Is made lord Chanoellor • # . • * . * ♦ • • * .
-
61*
' ' '
*
:
.'t-
'I ... '
64.
Publication of
65.
Sent.ences Sir. Henry
66.
Is erea
*7V
68.
Devoted
out
•
70*
Dles*
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-*■
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i