CERS Working Paper
China does practice racism, it is not just a Western Phenomenon?
Charlotte Falvey 2014
Introduction
It is said that racism is not a problem in China. It is a Western Phenomenon that proceeds to
disadvantage ethnic minorities around the world. China itself, denies that racism is part of its unified
nation and it continues to hide behind ideologies that aim to establish the most civilised race in the
world. However, unbeknown to much of the world, what lies hidden behind these ideologies are
radicalised processes that continue to exploit and discriminate ethnic minorities. Although China is
composed of 56 ethnic groups, it still views its nation as ‘Chinese’ and takes measures to ensure that
the modernising world does not compromise its unity. (Travel China Guide, 2014) The importance of
developing a ‘Chinese’ nation stems back to historical beliefs about Confucianism and the superior
and noble identification of the ‘Yellow Emperor”. Notions about skin colour and outside peoples have
led the Chinese down a very narrow path of beliefs. The Chinese see themselves as the most civilised
nation in the world and any slight difference in culture labels all others as less intelligent, less
civilised and less important. It is these notions of superiority that have fuelled the discourse of race in
China. The Han Chinese have become the leading elite in china today, despite the surge of ethnic
groups coming into China, the Chinese have not allowed any compromise to their ‘Han’ identity.
Radicalised processes prevail in this determination to maintain one race. Tibet is a key example that
illustrates the Chinese government’s dominance in the attempt to satisfy Chinese communist ideals.
The overpowering of this one minority allows China to have total control over a culture they view as
‘backward and ‘uncivilised’. (International Campaign for Tibet, 2001) In this context, racial prejudice
becomes apparent through the explicit discriminatory treatment and inferior opinion of Tibetan
culture. Radicalised processes are very strongly implied through eugenic policies, allowing the
Chinese to enforce ideology through biological means. Extreme measures such as forced abortions are
often taken to ensure the Chinese remain ‘Chinese’ and no outside blood can threaten their pure race.
(Dikotter, 1992). Advancements in science have opened racial based doors for the Chinese as they
continue to use eugenic laws to stimulate Chinese development. Anti-black sentiment can also be
exemplified as an example of racialization within China as much evidence has come to light that
demonstrates quite a clear hostile opinion towards blacks.(Sautman, 1994) Again, an element of
racism can be emphasised here to show the many elements of racism are in fact practised in modern
China. China denies racism and this is why this topic is so intellectually stimulating because it can be
shown that china is one of the most racist countries in the world. The extent of racism is widely
unknown and when examining such a strong communist nation, finding evidence to oppose their
integrity is terribly exciting. This essay will closely examine the radicalised processes that exist in
China and create understanding of Chinese opinion on race as well as the ways in which it practices
racism.
The Construction of the Han Chinese
The Han Chinese share a sense of belonging ensured through culture, history and the notion of
belonging to the ‘yellow race’. The racial construction of the Han Chinese emerged at the end of the
nineteenth century as an endeavour to generate a racial identity based on superiority and enhanced
civilisation. Racial discourse in China arose with the intent to overthrow the Manchu Government and
popularise a new ideology of one dominant race in China. This anti-Manchu thinking stemmed from
the ideas of Sun Yat Sen and Zhang Binglin who both recognised other states to comprise many races
but insisted that China should consist of only one race and this ideology played a crucial role in the
revolutionaries rising up against the Manchu Government. The anti-Manchu ideology can be shown
as evidence as to why race has been central to the construction of the Han Chinese population. The
Han race refers to those who are not ‘Manchu’, those who are biological decent from the ‘Yellow
Emperor of China’, those who are seen as the epiphany of civilisation. The representational value of
‘yellow’ labelled the Han Chinese as distinct from all other cultures and races because of its
significant association with nobility and supremacy. Confucian ideals of social hierarchy and racial
classes led to the Chinese seeing themselves as the most advanced and pure race, this resulted in all
other races being looked down upon. (Law, 2012)
Central to the development of the Han race was cultural and racial distinction from other cultures. The
innate unity of the Chinese realm encouraged the view that all other people outside of China were
‘Barbarians’. In Confucian thought, China was the cultural core of the world and therefore anyone
who did not assimilate themselves into Chinese culture was not welcome into the unity of China and
this “vindicated the idea that “barbaric uncivilised” peoples should be eliminated”. (International
Campaign for Tibet, 2001. P24). As the Chinese expanded Westward and accelerated in the
development of arts and technology, not only did the Chinese people develop a stronger sense of
cultural superiority but it created the concept of assimilating foreigners into Chinese civilisation by
allowing them to adopt Chinese culture by abandoning their own and therefore becoming accepted
into the growing race. Their desperation for a single pure race can be demonstrated by this exact
endeavour as well as their need to share all common features such as blood, language, customs and
religion in order to constitute one large, dominating Chinese unity. This significantly highlights
China’s strong sense of unity and very narrow-minded ideologies of culture and custom. (Law, 2012)
Skin colour is also a predominant feature in the discussion of China in radicalised context. In fact, the
centrality of the race idea in the expansion of Chinese society has “drawn on notions of blood,
barbarism, skin colour, linage and purity” (Law, 2012. p99) This illustrates that ideologies about a
‘Han Race’ have been socially constructed to create a race superior to all others, and skin colour, in
particular, played a crucial role in determining a person’s value in Chinese society. “Not all Chinese
had the privilege of a light complexion. Labourers were called ‘black-headed people’: the label
established a symbolic distance between the peasants and the landlord class” (Dikotter, 1992, p11)
these ideologies of skin colour and either assimilating or eliminating outside individuals maintain the
viewpoint that china has directed its people down a very specific pathway. Its people have been
subject to racial principles for a very long time in order to satisfy the interests of the ruling elite.
Continuing from the ideals of the ruling elite, it is especially important to illustrate how china has
been radicalised through a political point of view. Communism declares itself at the most advanced
stage of social, political and economic development. Modern policies in China today are influenced
by the practices of racism and racial discrimination in the historical development of China carried
through by nationalist and then communist rulers. Sun Yat Sen had developed the idea of a single race
and Mao adopted this very stance by making it very difficult for national minorities to prosper within
Chinese society, he was accused of Han chauvinism and clearly opposed the inclusion of minorities
by persisting on the proof of their inferiority. The early Confucian notion of unity once again becomes
central to China’s ideologies in nationalism and communism. Before communism came to play,
nationalism had already fostered a sense of unity and after the Manchu dynasty collapsed in 1911; the
Chinese state rendered itself one nation and conveyed its entire people to find common ground
through racial ancestry, even if this was a fabricated ideology. Mao introduced the theory of MarxismLeninism as it emphasised the need for a strong distinctively Chinese race, and it was the spread of
modern nationalism and Marxist-Leninist theories that have shaped the current attitudes of China.
Marxist ideology can be demonstrated as a system of ideas that conform to economic and political
interests. Seen through a structural perspective, politics and economics are exemplified through the
concept of power. The ruling class form the ideologies that echo throughout its society and China is
no different. The Communist Party of China insist of formations of unity and that if national
minorities are to be adopted into Chinese society that they must understand the true intentions of the
ruling elite and only then, once they have become educated and civilised, will any individuals
considered non-Chinese become bound into the ‘Han Chinese’ population. It is fair to say that
communist ideology is consistent with Marx’s view that nationality is an economic arrangement
reflecting class relationships and it is these type of ideals that allow the ruling elite to supress the rest
of the Chinese nation. Racial discourse in China was quite evidently formulated through perceptions
of class and the persisting need to lead China into one unity. (International Campaign for Tibet, 2001)
Domination of Ethnic Groups
The process of racial sinicisation in China allows forms of racism to take place. China has over 100
million people belonging to ethnic minorities, yet it still finds ways of dictating and overpowering the
non-Han population. Racial sinicisation comprises hostile and partial behaviour towards ethnic
minorities in the promotion of their breakdown. Enforced through government policy, sinicisation
processes help to maintain the attachment of inferiority to the non-Chinese. The assimilation of ethnic
minorities into the ‘Han’ Chinese population is seen as a tool of refining the ‘Han’ into one dominant
race that stimulates socialist development as well as practicing communist ideologies. China thrives to
form a modernised and socialist state and the integration of non-Chinese culture into ‘Han’ culture is
seen as a method of strengthening the existing population and therefore enhancing and developing
China. The disappearance of ethnic minority culture, language and identity is an ideology pursued
through the sinicisation process that allows significant racial domination and the formation of an
‘authentic China’. This form of racialization remains a prominent threat to ethnic minorities living in
China which further illustrates the embedded and underlying concept of Chinese unity. (Law, 2012)
Consistent patterns of racialization are also poignant in the example of Tibet. The Chinese state
justifies its ill-treatment towards Tibetans by labelling themselves as the “most revolutionary” race
and therefore feel they are obliged to lead Tibetans and all other ethnic minorities on a pathway to
civilisation. Tibetans are a minority in the five of the ten areas of Tibet. Invaded in 1950 and governed
by the People’s Republic of China, Tibet is subject to specific forms of racialization that also involves
the frequent racial process of sinicisation. With a Chinese Communist-led government in Tibet,
political ideologies of non-Han culture have been spread over the Tibetan region. Tibet identity has
been manipulated to symbolise poverty and ‘backwardness’, they are therefore viewed as ‘barbaric’
individuals and inferior to the Chinese. The physical identity of Tibetans also stimulates racial
prejudice, seen as a darker colour; it immediately labels Tibetans as inferior, linking back to the
ideologies about skin colour and a lighter complexion being the idealised image. Official statements
rarely show explicit racism towards Tibetans, however, this is not to say that highly racialised
prejudice does not exist. Everyday examples of anti-Tibetan racism include, refusing to serve in hotels
and restaurants, exclusions from housing and permits, exclusion from public transport, discrimination
within social institutions and difficulty to freely express their culture and religion. (Law, 2012) Other
evidence of racial abuse includes reports of open racism by the Chinese on Tibet locals, including
comments about their intelligence, culture and physical appearance. (International Campaign for
Tibet, 2001) The Tibetan centre for Human Rights and Democracy 2000, laid out explicit evidence of
widespread discrimination. A significant example of this is in the employment system where the
treatment of Chinese migrants substantially differed from the experiences of Tibetans, differences
included salary amount, tax exemption and pension schemes, not surprisingly, the Chinese were
granted the better end of the deal in all areas. Within schools, patriotic education campaigns have
been the method of transforming Tibetan identity into Chinese identity. Criticisms of Tibetan culture,
religion and ways of life have found place in primary school textbooks in the aim to produce negative
perceptions of ethnic minorities and project the Chinese ideology of a hierarchy. This strongly
exemplifies the extent of racialization in the region of Tibet as young children are being subject to
manipulation and stereotyping in the promotion of Chinese unity and the elimination of ethnic
identities. Tibet is a key example that illustrates the unwillingness of communist regimes to
implement ethnic identity into their ideological system. The communist belief that these cultures can
be influenced through the process of assimilation and sinicisation to promote Chinese national
development and one pure single race is strongly exemplified when looking closely at Tibetan
experience. The Chinese hold incorruptible opinion on the future of their state, the racialised
processes of assimilation and sinicisation are very much in play, as portrayed through the Tibet
example, however, the question remains as to whether China is commendable in its decision to
dissipate ethnic identity in the quest for a complete authentic Chinese population. (Law, 2012)
In sync with Tibetans, the Uighur minority group have also been subjected to similar forms of
domination. The Uighur have no intentions of becoming modernised despite the pressure from the
Chinese Government. They feel ultimately stuck in their own culture as they are continually victims
of institutionalised racism. The promotion of Chinese nationalism has brought about ‘identity politics’
which largely threatens ethnic minorities in China. This concept legitimises various forms of racial
abuse in the road to establishing one Chinese identity. However, both Tibetans and Uighurs are
rebelling against the efforts of the Han Chinese as neither want to fall into the trap of Han-ification.
The refusal to follow the leadership of the Chinese Government has led to increased levels of hostility
and discrimination. Examples of Han repression have been seen in local Uighur markets where the
Han have downgraded the appearance of the markets in order to make their own areas of living more
appealing. The obvious divide of lifestyle within both Tibet and Xingjiang is due to the superior
attitudes of the Han Chinese. Both cultures resent the Han endeavours and refuse to become sucked
into the communist ideology of assimilation. (Law, 2012)
Since 2009, 122 Tibetans have protested against Han repression but to maintain their overpowering
and unified image, the Han Chinese condensed the media footage on these very protests because they
indicate failures of the Chinese Government to maintain control over minority groups like the
Tibetans. Tibetans and other so-called minority groups have actively denied following the Chinese in
the social, political and economic development of the Chinese state. Both Tibetans and Uighurs have
been involved in political participation against the Chinese government due to the denying of their
cultural rights, for example, there has been discrimination against Uighur women as they have been
forced to work in poor conditions in factories. Representation of Uighur culture in the media has led
to further hatred towards the Chinese, Uighur anger peaked in 2009 when blood riots took place in the
Xingjiang autonomous region which consisted of a fight between the Uighur and Chinese Han
workers, the outcome was prolonged hostility and conflict by the Han Chinese. Chairman Mao
explained to the Dalai Lama in Beijing 1954 that the Chinese invaded Tibet in hope of helping them
develop and modernise, more recently it has become evident that the Chinese method of achieving
this wasn’t so composed as initially anticipated. (Law, 2012) In fact, the Dalai Lama identified
weakness in the Chinese Government “The method to promote harmony was through tight control and
relying on the use of force. That is a mistake. As soon as use force, creates fear. Fear and trust cannot
go together. Using force failed. So they must now create a policy to respect Tibetan culture and
Tibetan people. I always pray the Chinese leadership should develop more common sense”. This
refers back to the previous question as to whether the Chinese government are legit in their choice to
use dominating racist processes, it seems that minorities are resisting their forceful attempts take over
their cultures and it is not an unheard of opinion that the Chinese Government are pursuing their
ideologies through a precarious approach. (Kingston, 2013)
Racism through Eugenic policies
Eugenic policies within China have stimulated radicalised processes that advocate Han chauvinism
and the continuation of domination over ethnic minorities. Eugenics has become a significantly
fundamental aspect of the 20th century which has adopted embedded ideologies about “race”. In the
People’s Republic of China today, Eugenic laws have become official policy with little resistance
from the general public, government officials and scientists. Eugenic laws have legitimised racial
principles through creating scientific authority, its processes include birth control, marriage
restrictions, forced abortions, segregation and genocide. The recent modernisation in China has led to
the envision of one single pure Han race, and the introduction of eugenic policies has meant more
order can be maintained over social hierarchies and the ideological vision of Chinese society can be
constructed through a biological process. The rights of individuals can no longer compete with the
rights of an abstract, romanticized structure of the Chinese nation. Although eugenic policies are
evident elsewhere in countries like Sweden and Norway, democratic unities like Britain tend to be a
lot less inclined to introduce eugenic regimes; China is a rare example of a country that promotes such
a taboo subject. China’s constant domination over ethnic minorities, particularly Tibetans has been
made a lot easier through eugenic regimes as scientific development in ‘race control’ has widened the
gap for prejudice and racism against non-Han cultures. (Dikotter, 1992)
The Chinese rank ‘races’ within their social hierarchy due to the Chinese adoption of Marxist
thinking, their perceptions about ‘race’ could be down to “myths of biological distinctiveness purport
to convince all People’s Republic of China’s citizens of their primordial and unambiguous placement
within the Chinese nation” (International Campaign for Tibet, 2001. p43) Their decent from the
Yellow Emperor can be placed as the ultimate reasoning behind their ideas of superiority and the
mental drive to eventually maintain a united and integrated Chinese state. Eugenic laws have done
nothing less than help to fuel these ideologies. China’s particular feud with Tibet has seen
discrimination through eugenic practices. There are policies aimed at prohibiting birth of children
who may have low IQ’s or abnormalities in order to cleanse the Chinese race. The justification for
these political and legal frameworks is simply the explicitly racist concept of Tibetan inferiority.
Eugenic laws will be undoubtedly used to single out Tibetan culture and limit the spread of the
Tibetan population. Chen Minzang stated that “Births of an inferior quality are serious among the old
revolutionary base, ethnic minorities, the frontier and economically poor areas” (International
Campaign for Tibet, 2011. p51) This clearly shows that the potential for racist application in against
Tibetans and other minorities is dangerously high and will undeniably become a reality if it hasn’t
already.
Chinese eugenic laws have been closely compared to those of Nazi Germany, creating an instant
extremist reflection of Chinese policies. In October 1994, China’s law approved a ‘eugenics and
health protection law’ which had to be renamed after the serious criticism that China was justifying
scientific policies and racial processes in the same way Nazi Germany did. (International Campaign
for Tibet, 2001) China has a heavy history of feudalism and 150 million people in China are either
semi-literate or illiterate, so unlike the West, it is easy to ignore any rules unless they are
legitimatised. Whilst China is reforming economically and politically, the assembly of legislation is
essential so does this provide leverage for eugenic laws? Western geneticists criticise Chinese eugenic
policies and furthermore, call for the immediate stop of all scientific communication with Chinese
geneticists. In tune with this, it is believed that constructive communication between the international
scientific communities could persuade China to reconsider its eugenic laws. (Mao, 1997) However,
China does not seem at all open-minded when it comes to its scientific attributes, in fact, according to
a leading evolutionary biologist; the Chinese are engaging in a huge breeding programme with the
aim of producing cognitively heightened individuals. China’s eugenic factories have set up in the US
giving the Chinese access to American DNA. “They seem mostly interested in people of Chinese and
European decent. They’re basically recruiting through a scientific conference… you have to send your
complete CV , publications you’ve produced, standardised test-scores, where you went to college
etc.”. It has become increasingly evident that the Chinese have an intrinsically established agenda to
create, through science and through assimilation, one, very enhanced, very smart Han race. They are
clearly motivated through economics and modernisation to become the most developed and civilised
race in the world. (Maessen, 2013)
When thinking about how China endeavours to establish itself as one pure race through eugenic
operations, it is relevant to compare the ideologies of China to another country. North Korea is a
particularly prevalent example that emphasises both China’s distinct beliefs and systems but also its
similarities to a very extremist hostile country. North Korea prides itself as the ‘cleanest race’ that has
founded itself upon far-right politics and Japanese fascism. Unlike China, North Korea refuses to
embed communist, Marxist-Leninist or Confucian ideals but instead bases its whole system on the
basis that its citizens are innocent and morally righteous. Their main ideologies are fabricated purely
from the idea that Koreans are racially pure. Being innocent and pure, they view themselves as the
morally superior race of the world. Compared to China, who base their values of superiority on the
concept of civilisation, interestingly a very different foundation for the ‘purest race’. Korean ethnic
nationalism is a form of racial identity that shares a bloodline and a distinct Korean culture, much like
Chinese nationalism, this also identifies one single race and identity by defining the purity of their
blood. For China, its whole nation is based on internal colonialism as it consists of several ethnic
groupings whereas North Korea is very much a ‘North Korean’ population with little recognition of
other cultures. In this sense, it could be argued that North Korea is a more unified nation even though
China’s most prevalent ideologies are centred on the concept of unity. (Myers, 2008)
Similarly, both countries has been developed upon notions of blood and purity but both believe very
different causes for their superiority in the international realm. Outside foreigners are also viewed as
‘dirty’ and not part of their distinct race. For China, ethnic minorities are characterized as
‘barbarians’ who become either eliminated or assimilated in Chinese culture and for North Koreans,
even South Korea is depicted as a place of racial contamination. (Myers, 2008) Despite similarities in
their beliefs about purity, North Korea holds a strong extremely hostile opinion of the Chinese. A UN
report divulged information that North Korean woman were being forced to drown their own child as
it was fathered by a Chinese man, “secondary sources and witness testimonies point to an underlying
belief in a ‘pure Korean race’ in the DPRK to which mixed race children are considered a
contamination of its ‘pureness’. This demonstrates the extreme measures that North Korea go to in
order to maintain their ‘pure race’. It is interesting to compare this to China as it highlights the extent
to which both cultures will go to secure their race. China uses eugenic policies that can be terribly
violent and both countries justify their actions through their perceptions of their own people. They
both believe that they are the purest race in the world, yet they have such enmity towards each other.
(Sen, 2014)
Anti-Black Racism
“From the most ancient times, the Chinese choose to call themselves white, with a light complexion
highly valued and likened to white jade”(Curry, 2013,p1) This elite ideology of skin colour links back
to the historical development of the Chinese race and the concept of colour consciousness stimulating
racial discourse. It was Sun Yat-Sen who had the clear view on race and who initiated the promotion
of one Han race which modernised through nationalism and communism. (Curry, 2013) It is
commonly viewed that no racial problems exist in modern China, as the Chinese claim to have no
idea about what racism is as well as the fact that 92% of the population are Han. (About.com, 2014)
However, noted experiences of African and African-American peoples in China lay out a strong and
convincing argument that suggest otherwise. Racial attitudes in China found that Africans and
Chinese peasants were at the lowest standing of social order, Africans were seen as being uneducated,
unintelligent and unable, The term ‘peasant’ is one that parallels with human worth and this coincides
with Marxist analysis on social hierarchy in society, the structural form China uses today through
Marxist communism.(Law, 2012)
Expressions of anti-black sentiment have been significantly shown through the experiences of African
students attending university in China. Anti-black sentiment has caught the world’s attention since the
late 1970’s. Demonstrations against African students in Nanjing and other cities in China were central
to media attention. When African students arrived in China as part of a government programme in the
1960’s, it was thought that it would boost China’s third world credentials. However, several instances
of anti-black sentiment has led China down a different path. African students became disappointed
with their living standards and general treatment throughout Chinese universities. In March 1962, a
beating of a Zanzibari by the Beijing Hotel led to hunger strikes. Ten years later, African students
burned down portraits of Mao Zeodong so that they would be instantly deported and no longer would
have to endure the poor living conditions and hostility. No reports of anti-black hostility came to light
during these times as at the same time that Africans were being poorly treated in China, China was
supporting anti-racism movements in Africa, no-one openly expressed racial sentiment but this was
quite clearly for China’s own selfish reasons. Moving further down the line, questions of living
conditions and social exclusion continued to be a prominent aspect of China in the 1970’s and 80’s.
Instances of racial influence can be highlighted through various small encounters between students.
The Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party set out a series of conflicts that
could be labelled as having racial stimulus. During an exam period on July 3rd 1988, Chinese students
complained of loud music coming from the accommodation of the African students and referred to the
Africans as “Black Devils” (Sautman, 1994. p415). Whilst trying to calm the situation, a Chinese
student was stabbed and injuries transpired to both sides. The next day, the African Students called
the police as the Chinese were throwing bricks at them, the police didn’t turn up for several hours.
Later on, Yemini students who arrived to assist the Africans, were attacked by Chinese students with
iron bars, the police did not intervene. During the same year it was recorded that there were 1,500
African students in China, which had grown by 1,100 since 1982, despite the hostile reception.
(Sautman, 1994)
African students protested during the 1980’s. They demonstrated in Nanjing after posters were created
that expressed the Chinese students’ resentment towards their Governments provision of clothing and
food for the Africans. Another example of African resistance occurred in 1985, when African students
planned a march in Beijing, but it was violently disrupted when a couple of the protesters were beaten
by the police. This highlights that despite high levels of risk standing up against the Chinese, African
students still remained consistent on fighting back. The refusal of Chinese officials to allow equal
treatment for ethnic minorities is becoming more and more prevalent, hostile attitudes do not only
take the form of Tibetan context but in the context of black culture too. When Chinese students
claimed that two Africans attacked them with bottles at a campus party, twelve African students were
taken away and detained and told that unless they pleaded guilty they wouldn’t be released. The
Chinese government, labelled the incident a ‘misunderstanding’ but the African students weren’t so
eager to shrug off the incident and refused to return back to campus. It comes to no shock when
Chinese officials deny that racism was a part of any of these dealings, most incidents of African
prejudice are passed over the shoulder and ignored by the Government, the media is manipulated to
only portray certain images of conflict within China, and not enough detail is shown that would imply
any level of racist embedment. (Sautman, 1994)
Most recently, anti-black racism came to light in China in 2009 when a 20 year old singer Lou Jing
appeared on the popular TV show ‘Oriental Angel’. Widespread attention of the girl occurred for the
wrong reasons, the reason being that her father was a black man. Reactions of Chinese internet users
enforced huge debate over interracial sex and this stimulated anti-black racism and a unified
disapproving opinion of a relationship between a Chinese woman and a black man. This further
demonstrates the “groundswell of popular racism in China”. (Law, 2012. p47)
Racism does exist in the context of anti-black sentiment, however, like all other racial elements in
China, seen in Tibet and amongst many ethnic groups, all racial context is pushed under the surface
and hidden behind ideologies of communism that will assist the establishment of a unified China.
When racism does comes to surface as it does with a modernising world, China places the blame on
the West and does everything in its power to conform to communism ideals and create a unified
China, ironically through racist processes.
Conclusion
Racism is not just a Western problem, it is a problem in China too. In many ways, China can be
viewed as racist. From ancient times, racism has been part of the construction of the Chinese Han
population. Perceptions about their standing in the international realm has provided their course of
development and fuelled their ideologies that embed racial context. The concept of unity provided a
flow throughout the essay as the concept itself stood behind all justifications of racial processes that
led to the outcome of one Han Chinese race. The development of the Han race was centred on the
Chinese perception that they are the most advanced and superior race in the world and any other
culture that came to China had to be either eliminated or adapted into Chinese culture in order to
stimulate civilisation. The Chinese Government choose to dominate regions of ethnic minorities so
they can maintain control and enforce racial opinion that allows a consistent consensus of the
superiority of the Han population. The Tibetan and Uighur regions have become subject to this kind
of manipulation and institutionalised racism has become a specific tool of domination. China can be
viewed an extremist country, its racial tactics have been compared to those of Nazi Germany as it
singles out other races in the quest for its own absolute power. China can be likened to North Korea in
the sense that it takes violent and discriminatory measures to eliminate ethnic minorities that would
‘contaminate’ their pure race. Eugenic polices have become widely used in China as a method of
ensuring that minorities do not become a threat as well as upholding the compliance to communist
and racial ideals. In this context, racism becomes more explicit as it entails the singling out of certain
races solely based on the view of Chinese authority. Racist practice can also be seen quite explicitly
through anti-black sentiment that is becoming increasingly observed and increasingly racist. All
expression of racism in China, particularly against blacks, is not only practiced through the authorities
but it is always justified. Any media attention of Chinese racism is manipulated and so the world is
blinded of the explicit every day racism and embedded racialisation that takes many forms in China.
So what does the future hold for China? What will happen to the racist processes that fulfil communist
ideologies? Quite clearly racism is deeply embedded and has been from day one but as the world
modernises and China advances in its many ways, the purely racist nation will surely become
exposed. As for its racist methods, they are already becoming drastically intense though eugenics and
as long as the Chinese hold on to their beliefs about their superiority, it seems nothing will stop them
from continuing down any path they choose.
Bibliography
About.com, 2014. Are Chinese Racist towards Blacks? (Online) Accessed on 3rd May 2014. Available
from: http://chineseculture.about.com/library/weekly/aa_racist02a.htm
Curry, G, 2013. China’s in Denial about its Race Problem. (Online) Accessed on 4 th May 2014.
Available from: http://www.afro.com/sections/news/national/story.htm?storyid=77680
Dikotter, F, 1992. The Discourse of Race in Modern China. C Hurst and Co Publishers Ltd.
International Campaign for Tibet, 2001. Jampa: The Story of Racism in Tibet. (Online) Accessed on
14th
April
2014.
Available
from:
https://vlebb.leeds.ac.uk/courses/1/201314_27253_SLSP2084/content/_2302975_1/JampaRacism.pdf
Kingston, J, 2013. Nationalism, Tibetans and Uighurs in today’s China. (Online) Accessed on 25 th
April
2014.
Available
from:
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2013/11/16/commentary/nationalism-tibetans-and-uighurs-intodays-china/
Law, Ian, 2012. Red Racisms: Racism in Communist and Post-Communist Contexts. [Online]
Accessed
on
10th
April
2014.
Available
from:
http://www.palgraveconnect.com/pc/doifinder/10.1057/9781137030849.0007.
Maessen, J, 2013. Chinese Eugenics Factory Collects “Genius” DNA To Breed “Enhanced” People.
(Online) Accessed 20th April 2014. Available from: http://explosivereports.com/2013/03/20/chineseeugenics-factory-collects-genius-dna-to-breed-enhanced-people/
Mao, X, 1997. Chinese Eugenic Legislation. In The Lancet, Volume 349, Issue 9045, Page 139.
(Online)
Accessed
on
21st
April
2014.
Available
from:
http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(05)60930-0/fulltext
Myers, B, R, 2008. The cleanest race. How North Koreans see themselves and why it matters.
Brooklyn: Melville House, 2008. 200pp. (Online) Accessed on 3rd May 2014. Available from:
http://studiesonasia.illinoisstate.edu/seriesIV/documents/Myers_Review_Studies_March2013.pdf
Travel China Guide, 2014. Chinese Ethnic Groups. (Online) Accessed on 4th May 2014. Available
from: http://www.travelchinaguide.com/intro/nationality/
Sautman, B, 1994. Anti-Black Racism in Post-Mao China. In The China Quarterly (pp 413-437)
(Online)
Accessed
on
1st
May
2014.
Available
from:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/654951?seq=1&uid=2&uid=4&sid=21104136813393
Sen, A, K, 2014. North Korea’s Kim Jong forced mothers to drown newborn babies: UN Report.
(Online)
Accessed
on
8th
May
2014.
Available
from:
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2014/feb/17/un-warns-north-koreas-kim-jong-un-stronglyworded-/?page=all