Post-apartheid Afrikaner Subculture: Dress Style Identities
Jacky Lucking
This presentation is part of a broader research project that explores how some of the style and dress codes
of post-apartheid Afrikaans alternative bands contribute to a newly-transformed image of what it means to
be a young Afrikaner in post-apartheid South Africa today. The broader project itself is underpinned by
newly-emergent perceptions of Afrikaner identity politics in post-apartheid South Africa. A working
premise here is that the oppositional stance of the music played by the bands in question, namely
Fokofpolisiekar (Fuck-off-police-car), and Die Antwoord (The Answer), leads to a proneness on behalf of
today's young alternative Afrikaans-speaking musicians, and selected members of their audience, to
explore new forms of identification through their styled appearance and dress codes.
Non-mainstream Afrikaans music bands have recently become highly successful in post-apartheid
South Africa. In pursuing alternative ways of styling themselves through dress, they have taken to
borrowing dress styles that reference past subcultures, and in the case of Die Antwoord, play a role in
consolidating what has become known as zef culture. Alluding to past subcultures due to a relative
absence of local, Afrikaner styling options, these non-mainstream Afrikaans bands appear to have ignited
a type of zeitgeist among some Afrikaners, most perceptibly manifested in very particular dress styles.
It is important to clarify my use of the term Afrikaner here: it is used here as an umbrella term for all
those who speak Afrikaans as a first language, regardless of their ethnic background, even assuming
cultural diversity among Afrikaners themselves. That being said, the bands and members of audience on
which the broader project focuses, are limited to white Afrikaans-speakers, as members of other ethnic
groups that self-identified with this subculture could not be situated.
At stake here, then, is a new, younger generation of Afrikaners who are part and parcel of the new
South Africa as a non-racial democracy, and appear to be disengaging from the institutional, cultural, and
political ideologies of the Afrikaner nationalist project which fuelled the apartheid regime.
2003 saw the inception of the punk Afrikaans band Fokofpolisiekar, Afrikaans for "Fuck-off-policecar".1 The band consists of five members, all of whom are middle class Afrikaners raised within a
traditional, conservative and nationalist Afrikaner ideology.2 Fokofpolisiekar have been widely reviewed
and discussed in the Afrikaans media for “their subversive, anti-establishment attitudes and their openly
hostile attitudes towards stereotypical Afrikaans identities”.3 The band amassed a sizeable and loyal
following consisting of a large number of young Afrikaners who clearly identify with the antiauthoritarian angst felt by many Afrikaners with the demise of apartheid. Fokofpolisekar's influence on
the identities of the post-apartheid generation of Afrikaners should in no way be underestimated:
Fokofpolisiekar’s influence and appeal was apparent: lyrics lifted from both bible and
Afrikaner literary canon set against a standard punk-rock sound … taking on church, state and
psyche, the band interrogating everything that constituted the old white South African
identities, achieving something that had never been achieved before. Fokofpolisiekar sang
specifically about here and now and how it felt, articulating a struggle against the self specific
[sic] to South Africa, and in so doing began the process of unifying a counter-culture.4
Following the local success of Fokofpolisiekar, Die Antwoord, an Afrikaans ‘rap-rave’ group, released
their first video ‘Enter the Ninja’ digitally on You Tube in 2010.5 The video went viral and catapulted
them into the international arena.6 Die Antwoord display a high energy rap type of music that members of
the band themselves have dubbed zef.7 Die Antwoord draw inspiration for their personas and their dress
styles from Afrikaner zef culture, which ostensibly refers to “concepts of ‘zef’ or being common”,
focusing on cultural aspects of poor, lower class white Afrikaners who have largely been looked down
upon by traditional Afrikaners.8
Traditional, elitist Afrikaners believed that impoverished, low class Afrikaners lacked Christian morals
and too readily embraced miscegenation.9 Die Antwoord represent the ethos of working class zef culture,
emblematised, among other things, by mullet haircuts, prison-style tattoos and the use of a vulgar, patois
version of Afrikaans.10
While attending performances of these two bands, my attention was drawn to an over-lap of young
Afrikaans audience members who appeared to comprise a subculture in their own right, due to their
display of a collective social identity. The aspects noticed include the way these young Afrikaners dress,
their argot as well as their demeanour. I was intrigued by this apparent subcultural development, which in
fact prompted the research question: In what ways do the dress styles of post-apartheid alternative
Afrikaans bands, Fokofpolisiekar and Die Antwoord, and their selected audience members, comprise new
expressions of Afrikanerness11 legitimising the new trends and characteristic features of young subcultural
Afrikaners in post-apartheid South Africa today? Before grappling with this question, allow me to specify
its terms.
The enquiry here lies in analysing the dress styles (including hairstyles, body modifications and
accessories) of the bands in question and more specifically of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural
participants. Generally, the term 'dress' refers only to the literal act of covering the body with a selection
of garments.12 Style, on the other hand, may be perceived as symbolic of one’s culture - the clothing that
we wear and the music that we listen to says something about our identity and where we belong in terms
of social categories.13 These style characteristics are usually unique to different cultures, with many of
these features displayed as collectively recognised symbols of a particular culture.14
Within the context of fashion studies, the term style is understood as a selection and arrangement of a
variety of objects, adornments and/or body modifications, which through their particular combination
become a style.15 Style can therefore also be seen as the “construction of self through the assemblage of
garments, accessories, and beauty regimes that may, or may not, be ‘in fashion’ at the time of use”. 16 This
approach is further extended when style is viewed as "part of the process of self-telling, that is, to
expound an aspect of autobiography of oneself through the clothing choices an individual makes”; these
procedures maybe referred to as style narratives.17
I have chosen the term dress style as it clarifies that the process of stylisation involves the act of
covering the body with clothing in a specifically combined or arranged manner. Hairstyles, body
modifications and accessories are included in the narrative of the dress styles.
The broader study is underpinned by the conceptual grid of subcultural studies, consolidated by the
Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at The University of Birmingham (CCCS). At the time,
scholars at the CCCS believed that subcultures typically display acts of resistance which seem to subvert
or set them apart from wider ‘mainstream’ culture.18 A belief that subcultures are structured from within
larger cultural networks from which they stem implicitly binds the subculture with aspects of a parent
culture.19 Importantly, CCCS scholars viewed the styles displayed by members of subcultures as a means
of understanding the social identity of the subcultural entities. In terms of the post-apartheid Afrikaner
subculture, the parent culture is identified as the traditional, conformist, Afrikaner culture linked to the
generation of apartheid ideologues.
Analyses of the dress styles in question are informed by a number of research methods. These include
observations at performances of the bands, semi-structured interviews with participants, and visual
analysis. Visual analysis spans photographic images of the bands in question, accessed through various
media platforms, as well as photographs taken of participants by the present author (with their written
consent). These photographic images have been analysed both thematically and in terms of their visual
semiotic codes. The interviews strongly suggest that post-apartheid subcultural participants desire to be
free, not to be judged and to be able to do as they please.20
The dress style of post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is predicated largely on the following:
a) Top and bottom garments
b) Colour, print and/or logos
c) Footwear
d) Hairstyles
e) Body modification: Piercings and/or tattoos
The top garments virtually always worn by members of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture
comprise close- to tight-fitting black T-shirts with wide V-neck openings. These T-shirts often feature
printed logos, which include names of favoured bands (usually heavy metal or punk bands), anarchy
signs, zef catch-phrases and tattoo-style drawings of skulls and/or crosses, to name but a few. In terms of
the male participants, the close fitting V-neck T-shirt is viewed by conformists as more conventionally
feminine than regular crew neck T-shirts, so that the V-neck wearer is perceived as a ‘metrosexual' man
“who is interested in and knowledgeable about things such as style, art and culture”.21 In terms of
outerwear, participants are regularly seen wearing leather jackets or street-style hooded sweaters. These
hooded sweaters are often oversized in fit and participants frequently wear them with the hoods pulled
over their heads, regardless of weather conditions. Leather jackets are often iconically linked to rock ‘n
roll-style rebellion, the jackets “express a rebellious stance either aesthetically or politically”.22 The
hooded sweaters may also be linked to hip-hop street style, similarly signalling rebellion and anti-social
behaviour.23 The dress style of male and female participants is very similar, resulting in an overall
androgynous look for all participants. Traditionally, Afrikaner culture is unequivocally patriarchal, hence
the blending of masculine and feminine attributes, contributing to a rather ambiguous sexual identity,
heightens the defiance displayed by the subculture.24
The bottom garments worn by the subcultural participants are usually tight-fitting black jeans,
currently referred to as skinny jeans. Skin-tight pants worn by many subcultural participants have
traditionally been viewed by conservative Afrikaners as a sign of rebelliousness. During the rock ‘n roll
era of the 1960s, young subculturalists would regularly sneak out at night wearing baggy flannel pants
over skin-tight jeans in order to conceal these from their parents in fear of reprisal. 25 Young post-apartheid
Afrikaners appear to be alluding to the time traditional Afrikaners were in their heyday. The traditional
Afrikaners viewed rock ‘n roll music as “dangerous and alien” and were concerned that the music would
lead to a moral collapse of Afrikaner culture.26
Colour-wise, the post-apartheid subcultural participants are most frequently dressed in black. Indeed,
at large gatherings, especially at performances of the bands, vast silhouettes of black are distinctly
noticeable. Although wearing black has come to exemplify defiance and rebelliousness against social
norms,27 it has also been interpreted in other ways. However, in the context of the post-apartheid
subcultural Afrikaner, dressing in black from head-to-toe is unmistakably perceived as a sign of resistance
to, or rebellion towards, the more conservative parent culture. Alongside wearing black, a number of
participants choose to add items of clothing made from plaid fabrics, such as lumberjack-style shirts or
kilt style-miniskirts. Plaid fabric, commonly worn by participants of grunge and punk subcultures, has
historically been associated with the working class and is perceived as representing opposition to fervent
consumerism.28
Converse All-Star sneakers or South African Tomy Takkies are the shoes most widely worn by the
Afrikaner subcultural participants. Tomy Takkies, low-priced sneakers which resemble Converse All-Stars,
are associated with the music and art scene of 1960s South African youth culture. Initially produced in
1964, they have seen a recent revival amongst young South Africans.29
Converse All-Stars have long since been the preferred footwear of many music-led subcultures, with
the sneaker being regarded as an “emblem of cool adopted by artists and musicians that extended into the
punk-rock and grunge eras”.30 In a local context, the Converse All-Star sneaker is also worn by the
Pantsula subcultural participants, and has become their trademark. The Pantsula constitute a
predominantly black male subculture, often - although by no means always justifiably - viewed as
‘gangsters’ or thieves, Pantsula have traditionally been perceived as a lower class subculture, so that in
the black townships the Converse All-Star subsequently became a symbol of belonging to the working
class.31
The dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participants is further complemented by
hairstyles, hair colour, piercings and tattooing. Hairstyles vary but there does appear to be an attempt by
the subcultural participants to have their hair cut, styled, and coloured in ways that would be considered
non-conformist and subversive by conservative Afrikaners. In observations made by the present author,
the styling of hair includes specific patterns of shaving the head, leaving the remaining hair long and
unkempt. Hairstyles include the mullet style, whereby hair is clipped short on the top and sides of the
head, but kept long at the back. The mullet hairstyle is commonly linked to zef culture, and as mentioned
earlier, has negative connotations in the sense that its wearers are regarded as belonging to lower-class
poor white Afrikaner culture.32
Conservative Afrikaners do not generally approve of body modification practices, and typically
consider piercing and tattooing to be off-limits, if not taboo, within traditional Afrikaner culture.33 Their
arguments are endorsed by the biblical verse from Leviticus 19:2834 “Do not cut your bodies for the dead
or put tattoo marks on yourselves. I am the Lord”. 35 Thus body modifications of any kind are viewed as
‘un-Christian’ and therefore in violation of traditional Afrikaner values.
Let us briefly consider the silhouettes, external and internal, respectively, of the post-apartheid
subcultural Afrikaner dress style. With the top half of the body displaying a slightly looser fit and the
bottom half a very tight fit, the silhouette of the body is that of an inverted triangle, albeit a rather linear,
elongated one. This silhouette stands in stark contrast, for example, to that of the more oversized
confrontational hip-hop dress style silhouette, which strongly suggests an “in your face” attitude. 36
Displayed by a minority subcultural group, an oversized silhouette may seek to counter the possibility of
going unnoticed or even being subjected to erasure.37 Accordingly, the somewhat slender silhouette of the
post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture may be regarded as evoking a desire not to stand out, and to appear
unthreatening towards society at large.
The inner silhouette of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural participant is that of a framed face.
Given that participants are usually dressed exclusively in black, and typically wear deep open V-neck Tshirts, the face and neck of the participants are emphasized. This conspicuous display of the face could
possibly be viewed as a forceful sign of a self-acknowledged identity. A self-acknowledged identity is
conducive to the accomplishment of meaningful interaction taking place “amongst a society of thinking,
creative, conscious and active individuals”.38
Notwithstanding the ways in which the dress style of the post-apartheid Afrikaner subcultural
participants subverts the Afrikaner parent culture, it is important to note that it clearly corresponds with
stylistic trends prevalent in the context of cultural globalisation. After all, their style is not as distinctive
as goth or punk dress styles, and may even appear to those outside the Afrikaner parent culture as not
extremely 'alternative', or even relatively conformist. However, in relation to the conformist style of
conservative Afrikaners, taking on a dress style that situates these subcultural participants within a global
context may well be perceived by members of the parent culture as a conscious act of resistance.
In the above I have tried to shed light on ways in which the post-apartheid Afrikaner subculture is
choosing to re-construct its identity by combining various elements of Afrikaner culture with components
of global popular culture. By using zef culture as a reference of Afrikaner culture, post-apartheid
Afrikaner subcultural participants are clearly turning their backs on the conservative aspects of traditional
Afrikaner culture. At the same time, I believe that the style narratives of the subcultural participants
indicates their willingness to be a part of the New South Africa by portraying a hybrid identity that does
not stereotype them as traditional Afrikaners. It would appear, then, that the subcultural participants do
not wish to detach themselves from society at large by becoming an exclusive sub-group; it is only the
Afrikaans parent culture from which they wish to distance themselves.
11 Annie
Klopper, Biografie van ‘n Bende. Die Storie van Fokofpolisiekar [Biography of a
Gang/Band. The Story of Fokofpolisiekar] (Pretoria: Protea Boekhuis 2011), 90.
22 Francois
van Coke, interview with author, 9 June 2012.
33 Hannelie Marx
and Viola C. Milton, ‘Bastardised Whiteness: ‘Zef’-culture, Die Antwoord and the
Reconfiguration of contemporary Afrikaans identities’, Social Identities: Journal for the Study of
Race, Nation and Culture 2011 17(6):733.
44 Alice Inggs, ‘The Sound and the Fury’, Rolling Stone Magazine South Africa, December
2013/January 2014, 48.
55 ‘Die Antwoord
– Enter the Ninja (official)’, Viewed 23 February 2013,
<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wc3f4xU_FfQ>.
66 T.
Cole Rachel, ‘Die Antwoord’, Interview Magazine, October 2010, 90.
77 Jenny
Eliscu, ‘Die Antwoord’, Rolling Stone Magazine USA, 2010 1115, 64.
88 Anton
Kreuger, ‘Part II: Zef/Poor White Kitsch Chique: Die Antwoord’s Comedy of Degradation’,
Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies 2012 13(3-4):402.
Liese Van Der Watt , ‘Part III: Ask No Questions, Hear No Lies: Staying on Die Antwoord’s
Surface’, Safundi, The Journal of South African and American Studies 2012 13(3-4):411.
99 Aletta J.
Norval, Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse, (London: Verso, 1996), 24.
1 Kreuger,
10
‘Zef/Poor White Kitsch’, 402.
Rebecca Davies, Afrikaners in the New South Africa, ( London and New York: Tauris Academic
Studies, 2009). 106.
1
11
1 Joanne Entwistle,
12
The Fashioned Body (Cambridge: Polity Press 2000), 43.
Malcolm Barnard, Fashion as Communication (London: Routledge 2002), 10.
1 Patrick
13
J. Williams, Subcultural Theory, Traditions and Concepts, (Cambridge: Polity Press,
2011), 69.
1 Warren
14
Kidd, Culture and Identity, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 9 - 10.
1 Dannie
15
Kjelgaard, ‘The Meaning of Style? Style Reflexivity Among Danish High School
Youths’, Journal of Consumer Behaviour 2009 8(2-3):71).
1 Carol Tulloch,
16
‘Style-fashion-dress: from Black to Post-black’, Fashion Theory 2010 14(3): 276.
1 Ibid.
17
1 John Clarke,
18
et al., ‘Subcultures, Cultures and Class: A Theoretical Overview’, in Resistance
Through Rituals, eds Stuart Hall and Tony Jefferson (Birmingham: Routledge, 1976), 14.
1 Clark,
19
et al., ‘Subcultures, Cultures and Class’, 60-65.
2 Quentin Venter,
20
2 ‘Men
21
interview with author, 13 August 2011
and V neck T-shirts. Too metro?’, Viewed 12 April 2014,
< http://dappered.com/2011/01/men-and-v-neck-t-shirts-too-metro/>.
2 Diana
22
Crane, Fashion and its Social Agendas (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press 2000),
182.
2 Marcia A. Morgado,
23
‘The Semiotics of Extraordinary Dress: A structural Analysis and
Interpretation of Hip-Hop Style’, Journal of Youth Studies 2007 8(1):150 & 152.
2 Katie Mooney,
24
‘’Die Eendsterteuwel’ and Societal Responses to White Youth Subcultural
Identities on the Witwatersrand, 1930-1940’ (PhD thesis, University of the Witwatersrand 2006)
301-307.
2 Mick
25
Farren, The Black Leather Jacket (London: Plexus Publishing 1985), 8.
2 Albert Grundlingh,
26
‘”Rocking the Boat” In South Africa? Voëlvry Music and Afrikaans AntiApartheid Social Protest in the 1980s’, International Journal of African Historical Studies 2004
37(3): 489.
2 Crane,
27
Fashion and Social Agendas, 182.
2 Maria
28
Macckinney-Valentin, ‘The Lumberjack Shirt: The Fabric and Fabrication of Zeitgeist’,
Catwalk: The Journal of Fashion, Beauty and Style 2012 1(1), 9-10.
2 ‘Brands
29
– Tomy Takkies’, Viewed 15 June 2014,
< http://www.futurafootwear.co.za/tomy>.
3 Ann
30
Marie Fiore, Understanding Aesthetics for the Merchandising and Design Professional
(New York: Fairchild Books 2010, 66.
3 Idah
31
Makhosazana Makukule,‘Amapantsula Identities in Duduza from the 1970s to Present Day’
(MPhil thesis, University of Johannesburg 2008) 3 & 105.
3 ‘Zef
32
voort!’ [Zef forward!], Viewed 23 June 2014,
< http://www.litnet.co.za/Article/zef-voort>.
3 ‘Tatoeëer
33
of nie?’ [To tattoo or not?], viewed 23 June 2014,
< http://gelofteland.org/index.php/ons-god/21-aktuele-vrae/1716-tatoeeer-of-nie.html>.
3 Leviticus
34
19:28 The Holy Bible New International Version (Cape Town: The Bible Society of
South Africa 1986), 106.
3 ‘Tatoeëer
35
of nie?’ [To tattoo or not?], viewed 23 June 2014,
< http://gelofteland.org/index.php/ons-god/21-aktuele-vrae/1716-tatoeeer-of-nie.html>.
3 Morgado,
36
‘Interpretation of Hip-Hop Style’ 139 & 146.
3 Janice Miller, Fashion
37
3 Kidd,
38
and Music, (Oxford: Berg 2011) 115.
Culture and Identity, 56.
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