the PartyRoom
Published by the Hon Andrew Robb AO MP & Senator Mitch Fifield
ISSUE 4, SPRING 2006
community legal centre reform
the hon philip ruddock mp
CHINA’S RISE AND THE IMPLICATIONS FOR AUSTRALIA
SENATOR ALAN EGGLESTON
recognising interdependent relationships
warren entsch mp
RURAL INDUSTRY LEVIES
STUART HENRY MP
A NATIONAL YOUTH VOLUNTEER PROGRAM
The hon tERESA GAMBARO MP
pUBLIC VERSUS PRIVATE ELECTION FUNDING
senator GARY HUMPHRIES
somatic cell nuclear transfer
dr mal washer MP
the lockhart review
senator guy barnett
CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
MARK BAker mp
the future of australian education
michael ferguson mp
the PartyRoom
ISSUE 4, SPRING 2006
Publishers:
The Hon Andrew Robb AO MP & Senator Mitch Fifield
Editorial Board:
Senator Mitch Fifield
The Hon Andrew Robb AO MP
Kathryn Hodges
Sarah Bridger
James Newbury
The views expressed in these articles are solely those of the authors and do not represent the views of the publishers,
editors, Liberal Party of Australia or the Australian Government. The Editors make no representation as to the
correctness of any fact or statement made by any of the authors within this publication.
Enquiries and comment can be directed to the Editorial Board
c/o Phone:
Fax :
368 Centre Road
Bentleigh VIC 3204
03 9557 4644
03 9557 2906
Printed by Document Printing Australia P/L 332 - 342 Lorimer Street Port Melbourne Victoria 3207
The Party Room is a journal designed to promote new policy discussion by showcasing the breadth
of ideas amongst current members and senators who make up the Party Room within the Federal
Coalition.
Contents
Editorial
Senator Mitch Fifield
2
The Hon Andrew Robb AO MP
3
Community Legal Centre reform
The Hon Philip Ruddock MP 4
China’s rise and the implications for Australia
Senator Alan Eggleston 6
Recognising interdependent relationships
Warren Entsch MP
8
Rural industry levies
Stuart Henry MP 10
Book Review
Coming to the Party: Where to next for Labor? 12
Washminster Review
13
A national youth volunteer program
The Hon Teresa Gambaro MP
14
Public versus private election funding
Senator Gary Humphries 16
Electoral Round-up
17
Somatic Cell Nuclear Transfer
Dr Mal Washer MP 18
The Lockhart Review
Senator Guy Barnett
20
Corporate Social Responsibility
Mark Baker MP
22
The future of Australian education
Michael Ferguson MP 24
Adjournment: Maiden Speech
Dame Enid Lyons 26
Editorial
SENATOR MITCH FIFIELD
A
ustralians recognise equality of opportunity as one of the cornerstones
of our society. Equality for men and for women in life and in work.
Accordingly, our parliaments have enacted laws to prohibit discrimination on the
basis of gender including in the workplace. But there is one workplace where not
all roles are open to women - the Australian Defence Force (ADF).
Defence Instructions (General) PERS 32-1 issued by the ADF prohibits women
filling direct combat roles including clearance divers, airfield defence guards,
artillery, armour, combat engineers and infantry.
This prohibition is curious considering the ADF’s difficulties in recruiting and
retaining personnel, particularly women. Evidence the Federal Government’s
recent announcement of a sponsorship deal securing ADF naming rights for
the Women’s National Basketball League (WNBL). This will see defencejobs
positioned on WNBL branding to encourage young Australian women to consider
the opportunities available in the armed forces.
As a result of a review in 1998 ADF employment options for women were
expanded to include 87% of employment categories. The rationales barring
women from the remaining ADF categories are of two sorts. Women are
assumed to be physically incapable of filling some roles. And it is argued that
combat operations could be jeopardised by men being unduly concerned about
the welfare of their female colleagues. Both warrant examination.
If a minimum standard of strength and fitness is set for direct combat roles,
then women should be entitled to test their fitness against those benchmarks. A
woman should not automatically be excluded simply by virtue of her gender.
And to suspect that chivalrous behaviour may compromise operations is to
underestimate the professionalism of our troops.
With trouble recruiting and retaining ADF personnel we should be doing all we
can to make service life appealing, satisfying and challenging for men and for
women. And with the raising of two new battalions we need to widen the pool
of potential recruits.
To this end, the portfolio ministers have indicated the ADF is considering
seeking recruits from previously excluded categories. Weight, minor medical
conditions, former drug use and body art may no longer be disqualifications.
Soon overweight, asthmatic, tattooed, former cannabis smoking men may be
eligible for ADF service, while qualified women (including those who already
serve) will remain ineligible for combat roles.
Bruce Smith, businessman, parliamentarian and early exponent of Australian
liberalism wrote over a century ago in Liberty and Liberalism about prohibitions
on women’s employment. He remarked that, “To say that women, who are
obliged to earn their living, shall not get it by following a possibly honest and
honourable occupation, is surely a piece of the most glaring despotism.”
Suitability for ADF roles should be entirely competency based. Merit should
be the only criteria. If no women ever serve in direct combat roles because they
fail to meet the required standard I will be surprised, but content. It is not the lack
of women in combat roles that should be troubling, but the denial of opportunity.
Ultimately, there’s a decision to be made. Not by the ADF, but by Government.
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
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Editorial
T
he unexpected and huge emergence of China and India in the global
market, together with a rapidly ageing population in the rich nations,
presents Australia with major new challenges if we are to lock in prosperity
for another 10 or 20 years.
The hon andrew
robb ao mp
One particular challenge is the huge skills shortages emerging in the rich
countries as a result of the ageing population.
To put it in perspective, between 1975 and 2000 across all the wealthy OECD
countries, the pool of working age people grew by 120 million. Yet, in the 25
years from 2000 to 2025 that pool of working age people will only increase by
5 million, while the total number in retirement swells by 70 million people.
Finding the labour force to retain the living standards we now enjoy will be
no easy matter. There is no simple answer; no silver bullet.
Firstly, we need to unlock significant pockets of a potential workforce in
Australia that is now not employed.
For example, many of the nearly 700,000 on disability support pensions
could, and should, and want to work 15 or 20 hours a week. Similarly, many of
the 750,000 plus on parenting payments have a capacity to contribute, at least
on a part time basis.
Many who are reaching, or have reached, retirement age would like to
continue working in some capacity.
While success in enlisting the massive unutilised workforce requires in many
cases a cultural change in the attitudes of these Australians, it also requires
a significant cultural change in the attitude of management in utilising, in a
substantial way, a more flexible part-time workforce. Such cultural change is
a huge undertaking.
Much of the Government’s policy agenda over the last 18 months – with
WorkChoices, Welfare-to-Work, Independent Contractor legislation,
superannuation changes, several tax initiatives for seniors, and training and
education initiatives are designed to effect this cultural change.
Dealing with these workforce challenges also involves many issues for
our migration programmes, not the least our significant emphasis now on
permanent and temporary skilled migrants.
In this regard our ability over the decades to successfully integrate people
from over 208 different countries into our Australian family must continue to
be strengthened.
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the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
Community Legal Centre reform
THE HON PHILIP
RUDDOCK MP
I
t is time for Community Legal
Centre reform. Legal centres
must restore their focus onto the
interests of their clients, rather
than political causes. These clients,
drawn largely from the less fortunate
members of our community, have
a right to expect that community
legal centres will devote their public
funding to delivering legal services.
So too, do Australian taxpayers.
The Hon Philip Ruddock has
represented the New South Wales
electorate of Berowra since the 1992
redistribution. He has previously held
the seats of Dundas and Parramatta.
He was first elected to Parliament in
1973.
Philip Ruddock has held a number
of Ministries since 1996, including
Immigration and Multicultural and
Indigenous Affairs. He is currently the
Attorney-General.
It is a responsibility for those in
public office to ensure all members
of our community are afforded
access to justice. The Australian
Government does this through a
range of measures including funding
for Legal Aid and Community Legal
Centres. Since 1996, the Australian
Government has increased funding
to Community Legal Centres
by more than 60 per cent. The
funding increase demonstrates the
importance the government places
on access to justice.
Although the centres provide
services relating to a fairly even
mix of Commonwealth and State
matters, some States and Territories
don’t provide any funding at all!
The Commonwealth Government
remains
the
single
largest
contributor, currently 62 per cent of
total funding.
Centres themselves would do well
to encourage each State Government
to contribute its fair share. I note
that the Shadow Attorney General
Nicola Roxon regularly calls
upon me to increase the Federal
Government’s funding contribution,
but she is strangely silent in calling
on her State colleagues to fulfil their
funding responsibilities.
There is little doubt that
Community Legal Centres can and
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
do help people who cannot afford
legal assistance.
The National
Association of Community Legal
Centres describes the services
as
“independent,
non-profit
organisations which provide referral,
advice and assistance to more than
350,000 people each year, free of
charge.”
Unfortunately, some centres
devote valuable resources to
running political campaigns and the
promotion of ideological causes,
rather than providing legal advice
and assistance to Australians in need
(as per their Charter).
The Federation of Community
Legal Centres (Victoria) recently
published a manual to coach legal
centres in political campaigning.
In it, they cite the need to build
capacity to “take on” the Howard
Government over its anti-terrorism
measures.
Of course, offending centres
defend their actions on the grounds
that they are empowered to carry out
“community education”. But using
the term “community education” to
describe some of these activities is
positively Orwellian.
In an email to Victorian legal
centre staff, volunteers and friends,
Mr Anthony Kelly, a Policy Officer
from the Federation of Community
Legal Centres (Victoria) wrote:
“Lets make sure we have a huge
community legal presence at the
huge Say No to Unfair Work Laws
- National Day of Protest next
Wednesday June 28. Bring your
centre banners and placards and lots
of friends and family - encourage the
night staff and volunteers to come
along, Marches are always more fun
if you come as a big block!”
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The email went on to advertise a
protest “in” the office of Liberal MP
Phil Barresi, noting that Deakin is
“the most marginal Victorian Liberal
seat”.
The
Peninsula
Community
Legal Centre – also in Victoria –
thought the best use of its allegedly
inadequate resources was to run
seminars and develop an ‘industrial
relations database’ as part of a
campaign against the WorkChoices
legislation.
I can understand why the Labor
Party would like more taxpayer
dollars poured into these programs.
Yet I wonder how members of
the public who have been turned
away by a Victorian centre, would
feel about the fact that valuable
resources were being diverted to a
party-political campaign?
The Annual National Conference
of Community Legal Centres in
2000 devoted an entire session to
‘Changes to Child Support: The
Howard Government’s ‘Second
Wave’ attack on Carer Parents and
their Children’. I can’t help but
wonder if carer parents and their
children would have been better
served if the money had been
spent on providing them with legal
services.
I am surprised by the audacity of
those centres that allocate resources
to these partisan political campaigns
while complaining they are in dire
need of more Commonwealth
funding.
While Community Legal Centres
do a great deal of beneficial work in
providing legal advice to members
of the community, it is disappointing
that a handful of individuals believe
the system is a personal fiefdom, the
resources of which can be marshalled
to serve their political interests
and ideological predilections. This
undermines the independence of all
centres, while diverting resources
from those in need.
The Federal Government has a
responsibility to taxpayers to ensure
their money is being well spent.
Unlike Labor, the Government
is committed to basic principles
of accountability and financial
probity. That is why I refused to
provide funding for the upcoming
National Association of Community
Legal Centres conference, which is
devoting an entire day to political
campaigning.
Centres must focus
on serving clients,
not running private
political agendas.
In future, the Government will
adopt a model for assessing the
adequacy of Community Legal
Centre funding which focuses not
on inputs, but on the outcomes
delivered to clients. Centres must
focus on serving clients, not running
private political agendas. It is time
for reform.
The main foundation of every state, new states as well as ancient or composite
ones, are good laws and good arms...you cannot have good laws without good
arms, and where there are good arms, good laws inevitably follow.
MACHIAVELLI
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
China’s rise and the implications for Australia
SENATOR ALAN EGGLESTON
T
wo hundred years ago
Napoleon
Bonaparte
famously said “let China sleep”.
In contemporary times, there is
no doubt that China has woken.
China is the world’s fastest growing
economy and has experienced a
growth of 10 per cent in the last
two years.
Senator Eggleston joined the Liberal
Party on his first day at the University
of Western Australia. He went on to
become President of the University
Liberal Club. Whilst living in the
North West the Senator was President
of the powerful Kalgoorlie North
(Pilbarra/Kimberley) Division, State
Vice President and is a long term
member of the WA State Council.
Senator Eggleston believes that
individuals should be free to conduct
their lives without undue interference
from government. The Senator was
elected to the Senate in 1996. Alan
chairs the Senate Environment,
Communications, Information
Technology and the Arts Standing
Committee.
There are an increasing number
of observers who today believe that
China is on the way to becoming
the world’s largest economy and
that in conjunction with India, the
two will combine to become the
dominant global economic force.
Australian exports to China
have grown enormously over the
last decade, chiefly within the
minerals sector. China has become
the world’s largest consumer of
industrial materials; including
cement, copper, iron ore, zinc and
aluminium. This is reflected by the
fact that our export of minerals and
energy has increased by more than
700 per cent over the last ten years.
Resources account for almost 60
per cent of total Australian goods
exported to China.
In 2005, Australian iron ore
exports to China increased by 126
per cent, reaching a combined
value of $5.7 billion. Over the next
twenty-five years the North West
Shelf Venture will annually supply
China with $1 billion of liquefied
natural gas.
Education has also become a
major component of trade between
our two countries. The trade of
educational services are now
our largest source of overseas
student enrolments, with over
81,000 Chinese students currently
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
enrolled in Australia’s educational
institutions. The students are in
addition to the more than 285,000
Chinese tourists who visited our
shores last year.
Australia and China’s economies
are highly complementary. As
a major resource exporter, we
are well placed to feed China’s
insatiable demand for raw materials.
China
particularly
demands
minerals, energy and agricultural
commodities. According to the
Department of Foreign Affairs and
Trade, vastly different Australian
and Chinese economic strengths
mean that Australia faces relatively
little competition from China
in export markets but rather
complements China as a trading
partner.
In April 2005, the Australian and
Chinese Governments agreed to
launch negotiations on a Free Trade
Agreement. A Trade Agreement
would represent an invaluable
opportunity to tie our nation to the
most rapidly expanding economy
in the world, with a market of 1.3
billion people.
Although China has reduced
its tariffs and other trade barriers
since gaining membership to the
World Trade Organisation in 2001,
its barriers are still higher than
ours. Australia’s agricultural tariffs
average 1.3 per cent compared to
China’s average of 15.3 per cent.
Our tariffs on manufactured goods
average around 5 per cent, while
China’s range up to 45 per cent.
It has been estimated that
under China’s full liberalisation,
our economy would grow by an
additional $24.4 billion over the
following decade.
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Unfortunately China’s economic
development has not been matched
by
corresponding
political
liberalisation. The Chinese people
continue to endure the burden of
an authoritarian and repressive
one party state. The Chinese
Communist Party remains firmly in
charge and gives no indication that
it has any intention of loosening its
stranglehold on power.
In a recent address, Ross Terrill,
China specialist and Harvard
University Professor, described
China as a Leninist State that has
largely left Marxism behind, to
transform into an essentially free
enterprise economy. Being wary
of authoritarian China, whilst
engaging with it as a nation, is a
dualism Terrill believes we can and
must deal with.
Terrill also outlined that
Australian foreign policy must be
based on the pursuit of Australian
long term interests while balancing
good relations with both the United
States and China.
However, issues such a Taiwan
continue to simmer. China may
choose to flex its muscles over
Taiwan, or Taiwan may provoke
its neighbour by declaring
independence. Either event may
force the United States to come
to Taiwan’s aid. Such a series of
events would present a dilemma
for Australia who has consistently
held the policy that cross-strait
differences should be managed
through peaceful dialogue.
China’s economic rise has been
nothing short of spectacular. In
recent years Australia has benefited
from the explosion in China’s
demand for raw materials. A
potential Free Trade Agreement
would cement in-place the benefits
from China’s growth. While China
is seeking to carve out a role for
itself on the world stage, it may
pressure our relationship with the
United States. However Australia
is a regional power within its own
right and our foreign policy must
be directed to addressing our longer
term interests. This will mean the
careful balancing of good relations
with China and the United States.
CHINA
China is the world’s
fastest growing
economy and has
experienced a
growth of 10% in the
last two years.
FACT DIGEST
China covers approximately 9,596,960 sq kilometres of land - the world’s fourth largest country
China’s population at July 2006 was estimated to be 1,313,973,713
The median population age for Chinese men is 32.3 years and 33.2 for women
Approximately 90.9% of the Chinese population aged over 15 years are considered literate
China was unified as a country in 221 BC under the Ch’in Dynasty and became a republic in 1912
China is comprised of 23 provinces, 5 autonomous regions and 4 municipalities
China considers Taiwan its 23rd province
There are 2,985 seats in the National People’s Congress with Members serving 5 year terms
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
Recognising interdependent relationships
WARREN ENTSCH MP
Warren Entsch was first elected to
Parliament in March 1996 as the
Member for Leichhardt, Australia’s
eighth largest electorate. He is a
proud and unashamedly parochial
Far North Queenslander who entered
the Parliament with the benefit of a
broad and colourful life experience
which enables him to relate easily to
his constituents.
Warren has worked hard for
his electorate and in his role as
Parliamentary Secretary to the
Minister for Industry, Science and
Resources between 1998 and 2006.
Warren has announced publicly it
is time for him to hang up his size
12 R.M. Williams boots at the next
election, but he remains a passionate
advocate for his constituency and
has his sights set on a number of
key achievements before leaving the
Parliament.
O
ne of the most important
social policy responsibilities a
government can undertake is to provide
support, recognition and protection
for committed and interdependent
adult
relationships.
Committed
relationships provide an increased
level of economic and social stability
for both the individuals themselves
and the broader community. People
often mistakenly assume that all forms
of relationship are recognised and
treated equally under federal law. That
is not the case. There are many areas
of legislation that discriminate against
people living in an interdependent
relationship.
Lack of provision is stark when
considering
further
instances.
Members of the Australian Public
Service who have lived in long term,
committed same sex relationships
are denied financial security in
circumstances where their partner
dies, because they do not receive a
reversionary pension. In other cases
involving serious illness or injury, a
person may be forced to pay higher
medical costs simply because their
partner is of the same sex. Such
situations should not occur in our free
and tolerant society, and certainly not
under our government which espouses
the values of liberalism and fairness.
Under current federal legislation,
most couples are supported by a
number of benefits and entitlements.
Benefits include; tax concessions and
rebates, compensation where one
partner dies as a result of a workrelated injury, the ability to combine
medical expenses in order to reach
the Medicare and PBS Safety Net
thresholds and finally the entitlement
to allocate superannuation to their
partner in the event of death. These
practical examples highlight the way
the Federal Government supports
Australian couples.
By the same token, discriminatory
treatment can work both ways. For
instance, in financial terms, the impact
of this differential treatment in Social
Security income support is usually
beneficial to same sex partnerships.
Unlike heterosexual couples, people
in same sex or other interdependent
relationships receive single rather
than (lower) partnered rates of
payment and the income and assets of
their partner is not taken into account
through means test calculations.
However, not all committed adult
couples are entitled to receive these
benefits. There are currently a number
of people living in an interdependent
relationship who fall outside existing
federal provisions, including same
sex couples. Lack of provision also
affects two elderly siblings or an
elderly parent living with their adult
child. These are but of few examples
of people who live together, relying on
each other for financial and emotional
support.
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
So, while there may be some
financial benefits associated with
legislative recognition of same sex
and interdependent relationships, it
must also be acknowledged there
are instances where it may cause
a financial impost. This clearly
highlights that the issue does not boil
down to dollars and cents – it is about
fairness, equity and a fair go.
Our government has taken
significant steps towards recognising
interdependent relationships. In 2004,
the definition of ‘dependant’ was
extended to include relationships
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surviving same sex partner to
receive death benefits without
discriminatory tax treatment. This
year the definitions set out under
the Migration Regulations were
also extended to recognise same
sex partners for the purpose of
temporary long stay work visas.
Extending the recognition already
offered to same sex couples under
superannuation and migration law to
all areas of federal legislation is the
next logical step. Our government has
a legislative responsibility to ensure
committed, adult, interdependent
relationships are protected.
Beyond these arguments, we are
morally bound to ensure that no
Australian is treated in a discriminatory
way, irrespective of the gender balance
within their particular relationship.
...we are morally
bound to ensure
that no Australian
is treated in a
discriminatory
way...
Spam, spam, spam, wonderful spam!
S
pam, the mass generated electronic mail, not the
savoury delicacy, continues to remain a meaty
issue for elected representatives the world over.
Spam can cause clogged email in-boxes and crashing
computer servers. And that does not take into account
the many hours of man power spent sifting through
incoming electronic messages.
feature, despite pleas from advocacy groups that the
logic technology is a threat to democracy.
The implementation of the logic puzzle raises a
serious issue for parliamentarians and lobby groups
alike. Are organised repetitive mass email campaigns
the best form of communication? Or has the overflow of
electronic mail simply made it harder for constituents to
directly contact their parliamentary representatives?
Yet despite the frustrations spam causes, lobby groups
still believe that mass electronic mail campaigns are the
best way to communicate with elected representatives.
In an effort to deter mass email campaigns, the
Chief Administrative Officer of the United States House
Administration recently implemented new technology
which requires a user to complete a logic puzzle before
being able to send an electronic message to an elected
representative.
The logic questions posed are simple. For example,
a user might be asked to complete an easy number
sequence. The questions are not designed to actually test
the intellect of a user, but are instead designed to ensure
that only an individual making a personal representation
is able to make contact. The test may mean that mass
mailed contact may become a thing of the past.
Implementation of logic puzzles have caused
advocacy groups to cry foul and it has forced complaints
to be delivered by dated means, through facsimile.
Elected representatives are given the option of
whether to take up the new logic puzzle technology.
Currently around sixty offices have chosen to add the
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
Rural industry levies
STUART HENRY MP
Stuart Henry was elected in 2004
to represent the West Australian
electorate of Hasluck. He is the first
Liberal member for the seat.
Stuart Henry’s approach to
representing the Hasluck community
in Canberra mirrors his love for Rugby
Union. As the former captain of the
WA rugby team, Stuart has brought
a mixture of leadership, passion, fire
and commitment to Federal politics.
Stuart is an active member of both
the Education and Vocational
Training and Employment,
Workplace Relations and Workforce
Participation Standing Committees.
I
n January 1997, the Federal
Government introduced a set of
twelve levy principles that must be
met when an industry or a group of
levy payers proposes change to an
existing statutory levy. In addition
to these twelve principles, a number
of additional guidelines have since
been implemented. This has created
a system of Levy Principles and
Guidelines. However a number of
failings to the current system have
emerged, causing increasing concern.
This suggests that a serious review
governing the introduction of levies is
long overdue.
The issue of better resourcing
rural innovation, development and
marketing has been sharply brought
into focus by a recent proposal to
introduce a levy on Australian turf
growers. The proposal underlines
that well resourced research and
development programs are widely
supported across the Australian
agricultural and horticultural sectors.
There are currently twenty-four
levies placed on horticulture growers.
All of the horticultural levies are
supported by so-called ‘peak industry
bodies’. These bodies have been
specifically established to implement
levies and thereafter function as
marketing boards and research and
development councils.
The Federal Government’s Levy
Principles and Guidelines were
originally drafted to ensure that peak
industry bodies informed industry
growers of any intention to introduce
levies and also to offer industry
support. These outcomes are rarely
achieved. In practice, the peak industry
bodies and levy promoters are often at
odds with the intentions of the Levy
Principles and Guidelines.
10
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
Horticulture Australia Limited
(HAL), owned by over twenty peak
industry bodies, plays a significant
role in promoting levies to growers for
the purposes of marketing, research,
development and disease control.
68
the
Ass
gro
onl
resp
The HAL website states that “HAL
knows what’s important to growers
and makes it happen”. Some may
question whether the establishment
of an industry levy actually achieves
those noble objectives. Though HAL
is confident that it acts in the best
interests of growers, in my view, a lack
of rigour applied to the interpretation
and application of the Levy Principles
and Guidelines and a lack of clarity
in the Guidelines themselves have
undermined HAL. In light of these
assertions it must be asked whether
HAL can bring about the best
outcomes within the industry.
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to
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There are a number of aspects to
the Levy Principles and Guidelines
that cause confusion, such as the
voting system. The Guidelines leave
the questions of eligibility, voting
method and the majority threshold
requirements up to each industry body.
Without any level of independent
assessment, current voting systems
are a recipe for disaster.
The Guidelines also make repeated
references to the conditions for levy
introduction. Requirements are that
all actual or potential levy payers be
included in the ballot for the levy and
that a ballot must receive majority
support.
These
requirements
seem
unambiguous, but were not met in the
recent ballot for a proposed turf levy.
In that ballot, only 30 per cent of some
possible 450 growers responded. Of
the 30 per cent of respondents, only
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arch,
68 per cent (89 growers) supported
the levy. While the Turf Producers
Association claims that a majority of
growers support the levy, in reality
only 30 per cent of possible growers
responded to the ballot.
HAL
wers
may
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eves
HAL
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lack
ation
iples
arity
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hese
ether
best
While a grower can choose not
to vote, that decision should only
be made on a fully informed basis.
The peak industry body should be
responsible for ensuring that all
potential levy payers are aware of
the proposal. However, anecdotal
evidence often suggests that many
potential levy payers are unaware of
forthcoming proposals, unaware of
the possible impact and uninformed
that they can register objection by
voting.
ts to
lines
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oting
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dent
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levy
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and
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ome
. Of
only
Turf levy opponents from
Queensland, New South Wales and
Western Australia claimed they
were not fully informed of the turf
levy proposal and that a number
of growers eligible to vote did not
receive ballot papers. There is tacit
acknowledgement in the Levies
Revenue Service (LRS) Report
2004-2005 that a lack of knowledge
is widespread across a number
of horticultural sectors subject to
levies. One may question whether
LRS should take the role of actively
educating and assisting levy payers
whilst also committing considerable
resources to collecting levies.
Given the proliferation of
horticultural levies and the increased
focus on corporate governance,
highlighted by the actions of AWB
Ltd, there are important political
and legal reasons for the process of
levy imposition to be much more
prescriptive than is currently the
case.
Levies are a tax on production.
LRS will collect approximately
$584 million in levy income in 200506. The Australian Government
will pay $166 million in matching
research levies, out of the Australian
taxpayers’
pocket.
Therefore
it is critical that an effective,
transparent and prescriptive process
be implemented to manage the
growing demand for the imposition
of levies.
To achieve the best possible
system a number of processes must
be implemented. Enhancing the
system must include requirements
that all new levy proposal ballots
must be conducted through the
Australian Electoral Commission.
Such a ballot must only come as a
result of extensive consultation with
all affected within the industry. To
ensure full consultation, the LRS
must consider the creation and
maintenance of an industry register.
...it is critical that
an effective,
transparent and
prescriptive process
be implemented to
manage the growing
demand for the
imposition of levies.
Implementation of each of these
proposals will strengthen the
integrity of the industry levy system
and ensure that a greater level of
transparency exists.
To repeat what others have said, requires education, to challenge it requires brains.
MARY PETTIBONE POOLE
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
11
Book Review: Coming to the Party: Where to next for Labor?
C
oming to the Party, is the latest of many tomes
since the 2004 election ruminating on the fortunes
of the Australian Labor Party. Of all these publications,
this latest entry is easily the least interesting, which is
surprising given that the effort is edited by Barry Jones;
a man who has never been short of ideas, however
flawed.
Lindsay Tanner succinctly notes that “Labor’s biggest
structural problem is our eroding brand.” An accurate
assessment. Labor has continually mistaken the cause
of their eroding brand as a lack of community awareness
in what Labor stands for. Rather the ALP brand is well
known within the electorate. The electorate have wisely
seen the policy wolf disguised in sheep’s clothing.
It is faintly depressing to see the parlous state Australia’s
oldest political party has fallen into. More disturbing
is that many of the contributors
to this collection of essays are
either direct contributors to the
Party’s current problems, or are
emblematic of them.
Julia Gillard’s contribution is particularly disappointing,
bereft of any concrete suggestions and coloured by
a bilious hatred of John Howard.
The opening sentence of Gillard’s
conclusion reads: “By the next
election, Labor should be offering
a new vision.” While perfectly true,
this is hardly the kind of cutting
edge thought that will lead to a
revival in Labor support.
In the former category, we have
luminaries such as Susan Ryan,
John Faulkner, Carmen Lawrence
and of course, the editor himself,
Barry Jones.
Among the bon motts espoused
by this collection of political
dinosaurs are that “Labor needs
to do a lot” (Ryan), claims that
“democracy is drowning in distrust”
(Faulkner) and the astoundingly
insight that a “competent voter
should at least have some basic
knowledge” (Lawrence). This of
course is somewhat different to
the view then-Minister Lawrence
held at the time of the Marks Royal Commission.
The second half of this polemic is given over to a
collection of authors referred to as ‘The New Believers’,
which would be fine, except that the only thing they
appear to really believe is that John Howard is an evil,
election-stealing warmonger and that it would be
better if Labor won.
Among the luminaries appearing in this section are Julia
Gillard, Bill Shorten and Lindsay Tanner. For some reason,
former Labor MP John Langmore is also included,
although he has been out of Parliament for a decade
and his economic thinking has been out of fashion
for much longer. Indeed, it’s hard to understand how
Langmore expects anyone to take him seriously when
he relies on the words of Margo Kingston to corroborate
his argument.
After reading through the second section of the
collection there is little wonder that the old guard
tend to reflect upon yesteryear with nostalgia. Perhaps
their main motivation for ruminating is the paucity of
inspiration to be found amongst ‘The New Believers’. 12
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
When reading her contribution,
one could be forgiven for casting
their mind back to the equally
empty contribution she delivered
in March to the New South Wales
Fabian Society; only weeks before
Newspoll would crown her the
preferred Labor Party leader. As
was the case then, it is easy to
wonder what all of the Gillard hype
is all about; seems more a case of a
Labor Empress preening in her new
clothes.
Similarly, the much touted Bill Shorten has only managed
a wafer thin piece. His essay neatly summarises perceived
problems but fails to offer even a single solution.
Shorten concludes that Labor will win the election if it
“can offer working Australians better management of
the economy and better policies in health, education
and the environment”. Ground-breaking.
If the author of such banality is considered to be Labor’s
rising star, it’s no wonder the party’s electoral prospects
remain dire.
Coming to the Party is an insightful entry into the mindset
of the Federal Labor Party. Although a cursory glance at
the publications cover would suggest that Barry Jones
has compiled a timely life saver, the collection fails to
recognise the need for Labor to formulate effective
solutions nor outline their form.
Review by: Simon Morgan
Edited: Barry Jones
Published: Melbourne University Publishing (2006)
RRP: $24.95
ISBN: 0-522-85283-1
washminster review
westminster
The return of the great British political sex scandal
t
he chaste nature of politicians in this country deprives the
australian public of one of the most interesting aspects
of uk politics, namely the sex scandal. temporarily under
threat from tony Blair’s promise that his government would
be ‘whiter than white’, this unique facet of British politics is
now firmly back in vogue.
lords, has the potential to
be more damaging to the
Pm than the shenanigans
of his Deputy.
first off was the former Secretary of State for education and
Home Secretary, David Blunkett, who survived months of
lurid revelations about his private life only to finally fall when
it was revealed he had used his position to fast track a visa for
his girlfriend’s nanny.
and yet, the issue of sleaze doesn’t seem to be having the
devastating effect on the labour government that it did on
the conservatives prior to the 1997 election. Sixty-nine per
cent of people now believe the labour Party is ‘sleazy and
disreputable’ compared to 29 per cent for the conservative
Party. and yet, the tory’s overall lead in the polls is much
more slender.
more recently, the Deputy Prime minister, John Prescott, was
forced to admit he was having an affair with his diary secretary
after pictures of the two ‘cavorting’ at the departmental
christmas party were splashed across the front page of a
daily newspaper.
it is quite possible that a feeling amongst the general
public that ‘politicians are all the same’ has replaced the
genuine disgust with which they viewed the sexual and
financial misadventures of some members of the last tory
government.
of course, this is just the fun stuff. the recent arrest of lord
levy (tony Blair’s personal envoy to israel and major fundraiser for the labour Party) over allegations that donors to the
labour Party were rewarded with positions in the House of
John Preston
Policy and Research Manager, Liberal Party of Australia (Vic
Division); Former Assistant Director Research Department,
Conservative Party Central Office United Kingdom
washington
Chameleon Hillary for President
m
adame tussaud’s famed waxworks museum recently
unveiled their model of Senator Hillary clinton.
meanwhile, the real Senator clinton has recently portrayed
an uncanny likeness to her wax twin, smiling and waving
silently.
Her reformed demeanour is part of a concerted effort to recast herself as a moderate Democrat. these days, Senator
clinton sounds very different to the activist student and
lawyer of the late 1960’s and 1970’s.
of course, it’s not unusual for politicians of both stripes to
moderate their images and positions on various issues as
a precursor to electoral success. Both nixon and clinton
re-cast themselves following electoral defeats in order to
present a more attractive electoral option. in both instances
their efforts paid handsome dividends.
However, the Hillary revamp has proven far more brazen.
while Hillary is remaining tight lipped about her future
intentions, there seems little doubt that she will seek the
Democratic nomination in 2008. there also seems little
doubt, at least on current polling, her party’s nomination is
hers for the taking.
that said, winning the nomination counts for little if
not followed by success in november. in the quest for
political immortality, it’s the white House or bust. Hubert
Humphrey, walter mondale and Bob Dole, while respected,
are not household names. it’s obvious that Hillary clinton
understands this.
consequently, the real challenge now confronting clinton
is how to address what some pundits dub the ‘credibility
deficit’. to win, Hillary must satisfactorily explain how an antiVietnam feminist who worked to impeach richard nixon
morphed into the hawkish Senator clinton who backed the
iraq war.
not all of this is Hillary’s fault. Some of her husband’s oval
office exploits mean that many americans remain suspicious
of anyone possessing the clinton moniker.
it is worth noting that prior to the lewinsky episode, Hillary
was largely reviled as a public figure; viewed as a latter-day
lady macbeth who would stop at nothing in pursuit of her
own agenda.
none of this means that clinton cannot win the presidency;
the success of her husband in remaking himself is proof that
centrist approaches work. However, what is clear is that the
road to the white House will be a hard-fought battle for
clinton - not the coronation
some of her supporters
would prefer.
Simon Morgan
Federal Campaign Manager,
Liberal Party of Australia (Vic
Division)
the PartyRoom|Spring2006
1
A national youth volunteer program
THE HON Teresa
gambaro mp
T
echnology has made a huge
impact on our lives. We
have never been more pampered,
convenienced and connected as a
result of it. We schedule our lives by
our online diaries, our emails dictate
our work routine and our mobile
phones ensure we can always be
reached, even when we don’t want to
be.
Teresa Gambaro is a mother of
two, who has a strong business
background. She was elected to
Parliament in 1996, and represents
the Queensland electorate of Petrie.
Teresa is the Parliamentary Secretary
to the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Teresa is a strong advocate for
multiculturalism, the elderly and
ensuring the youth of today are fully
prepared for tomorrow.
And yet, I can remember a time
not that long ago when receiving
hand written letters was a moment
to be savoured; when my longest
conversations were with my next door
neighbours over the fence, and not
with a mobile phone; a time when I
felt connected to a community that did
not require the internet. A time when I
knew the name of everyone who came
into my parents’ corner store.
My lament is not that we have
made great strides in technology.
The advantages of mobile phones,
computers, and other hi-tech devices
are irrefutable. But at least I can
remember the joy of receiving a hand
written letter, and the casual hospitality
of tea and biscuits with friendly
neighbours. This is something many
youth of today may never experience
or appreciate.
One of the greatest challenges facing
our youth of today is connection with
their communities. For this reason I
have proposed a program that will
increase community participation for
young people and in many cases help
them develop better life skills.
I have spoken to colleagues and
consulted widely with my constituents
to gain support for a youth volunteer
program that could be introduced
nationally into the school curriculum.
There is a widening divide across
our nation. The social interaction
between older generations and
14
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
the youth of today is almost non
existent. It is my belief that a youth
volunteering program will open
enormous opportunities as well as
provide a greater social collaboration
across a diverse cross section of the
community.
This is a wonderful opportunity to
create an interaction that will give an
insight into cross generational beliefs,
ideas and understandings. Recently I
read a book by Mark Grose, ‘XYZ The
New Rules of Generational Warfare’
in which he states, “Members of each
generation hang out with each other
so it is little wonder that, to some
extent, they look and sound familiar.
This identification with a particular
generation effectively keeps people
of different generations apart and the
rift is getting bigger, growing into a
yawning chasm!”
The volunteering program would
target secondary school students and
encourage them to donate time to
vital community organisations such as
Meals on Wheels, St Vincent de Paul
or those groups working with homeless
people and those less privileged.
Australia has a proud history of
volunteerism and in recent years there
has been phenomenal growth in the
number of people prepared to give
their time to support a range of worthy
causes. Sadly, the majority of growth
since 2000 has been in the 35-44 agegroup.
Youth volunteering programs are not
new. Similar programs have previously
proven successful. In my electorate
of Petrie, high school students have
teamed with retirement villages,
where students spend time with elderly
residents. This kind of interactivity
can open the eyes of students, while
providing companionship to the
elderly. Another positive example
is th
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while
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ample
is the strong partnership formed
between a state high school and
Meals on Wheels.
There are many success stories.
One young student, who worked
with the homeless, not only found
the experience of volunteering
rewarding and satisfying, but
also gained new insight into the
complexities of destitution.
After actively contributing to
the community the student became
better educated on the common
causes of homelessness, such as
drinking, gambling or sudden
financial
complications.
He
admitted, without encouragement
from the school, he may never have
actively sought to volunteer, but was
very happy he did make an effort to
contribute to the community.
A flexible approach to venue
choice is critical to the success of
the program. Consultation needs
to be undertaken by the school to
secure appropriate programs and
venues for student participation.
There are plenty of organisations
in the wider community that are
desperate for this interaction. With
more than 700,000 non profit
organisations in Australia, there is
enormous scope for young people
to give their time.
Investing in a nationally coordinated youth volunteer program
is very worthwhile.
In
Western
Australia
a
community service program will be
implemented in 2007. This program
will see Year 10 and 11 students
contributing at least 20 hours a
week towards volunteer duties in
order to receive their WA Certificate
of Education.
The youth volunteering program
proposal has been well accepted
in my electorate and has received
national media coverage. A Today
Tonight poll demonstrated that 87
per cent of Australians believed
some compulsory volunteering
in secondary schooling was an
excellent idea.
An active youth
volunteering
program is what
is needed now for
Australia’s next
generation.
An active youth volunteering
program is what is needed now
for Australia’s next generation.
I encourage you to seek out
opportunities in your electorates
and consider possible youth
volunteering opportunities to renew
and strengthen bonds between
Australia’s generations.
SCHOOLS
FACT DIGEST
There are currently 9,623 schools in Australia
Of the total school number, 6,929 (72%) are government and 2,694 (28%) are non-government
Non-government schools are comprised of 1,698 Catholic schools and 996 independent schools
In 2005 there were 3,348,139 full time school students in Australia
Of the total student number 67% attended a government school, down from 71% in 1995
In 2005, 94.7% of 15 year olds attended school, 82.6% of 16 year olds and 63.5% of 15 year olds
In 2005 there were 235,794 full time teaching staff in Australian schools
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
15
Public versus private election funding
SENATOR GARY HUMPHRIES
T
he time has come to put an
end to donations to political
parties. All government election
campaigns should be funded entirely
from the public purse and, possibly,
donations from individuals.
Even before Federation, Australians
were leaders in democratic fairness.
In 1856, Victoria led the world
when it held the first parliamentary
elections using the secret ballot,
which became known internationally
as the ‘Australian Ballot’.
Senator Humphries was chosen
to represent the Australian Capital
Territory as a Federal Senator on
February 2003 on the resignation of
the Hon Margaret Reid.
Prior to his entry into the Senate,
Gary Humphries was a Member of
the ACT Legislative Assembly. He
was first elected in 1989. As part of
the ACT Government, Gary held a
number of Ministries. Before rising to
the position of Territory Chief Minister
in 2000, Gary held the positions of
ACT Attorney-General, Deputy Chief
Minister, Minister for Health and
Community Care and Treasurer.
Australians again led the way in
1894, when South Australia was the
first in the world to give the vote to
women, and presently our democratic
system is recognised internationally
as one of the most exportable for
new and emerging democratic nation
states. However, we Australians may
no longer be able to call ourselves the
leaders in electoral fairness which we
once were.
Of all the apparatus which makes
up our democratic process, there is
probably no part which less enjoys
public confidence than the rules
governing corporate and union
donations to political parties. Most
Australians recognise these donations
for what they often are: attempts
to buy influence in the decisions of
government. They cannot be blamed
for believing that the campaign
money that comes from unions and
corporations is an impediment to a
fair electoral outcome. This underpins
a widely-propounded cynicism
that this money has been, and is,
used to disadvantage opponents,
buy influence, and at its extreme to
corrupt elected representatives.
As political parties’ memberships
shrink they are becoming more reliant
on union and corporate donations.
16
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
Some would go so far to say we have
been left lingering in a virtual “arms
race” of political finance which will
ultimately cause significant harm to
Australia’s major political parties.
Most Australians believe that an
election outcome based on merit and
ability is unlikely when one party
has a significant financial advantage
over its opponents or is beholden to
its donors.
In a recent letter to Liberal
Party Members, the Member for
Wentworth, Malcolm Turnbull said
“electoral funding...is an urgent
issue which cannot be ignored”, and
he put forward a number of options
for reform. The most striking is the
proposal that the use of corporate
and union donations be “prohibited
absolutely…for electoral purposes”.
While this proposal may cause
concern for some candidates, those
candidates should remember that
Menzies’ vision for the Party was
based on merit, ability, policy and
performance, not the strength of
money.
The history of Federal electoral
reform in Australia reflects not only
the effects of political factors, but also
the massive changes in the nature of
Australian society and technology.
Such influences have required thirty
one major changes, and many more
minor ones, to the Electoral Act since
Federation in 1901.
One important development took
place in 1983 when changes were
introduced to the Electoral Act to
allow public funding of election
campaigns and to ensure disclosure of
both political donations and electoral
expenditure. Since then the cost of
federal election campaigns has more
than tripled.
Va
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Various countries around the world
have adopted different legislative
approaches to electoral funding.
At their extremes they are typified
by Malaysia (where there are no
public subsidies, but no shortage of
regulations) and South Africa (where
there are subsidies and virtually no
regulatory measures).
Other measures used to make
election funding fairer include limits
on corporate and union donations to
parties, capping the amount that each
candidate can spend on an election
campaign, capping the size of
donations from individuals, reducing
the advantages of incumbency,
limiting TV air time for candidates
and increasing taxpayer funded
subsidies to political parties for
elections.
The last proposal is similar to
changes in election laws implemented
by the Canadian Government in
2004, to control the impact of money
on politics. Those changes have been
based loosely on our own electoral
laws. The fundamental difference
is that in Canada taxpayers provide
roughly 80 per cent of all political
party receipts. They have also
moved to severely restrict union and
corporate donations. Corporations,
unions and other entities may make
contributions of $1,000 per annum
in the aggregate to the candidates,
nominated contestants and registered
electoral district associations of
each registered party. Given the
similarities to our own electoral
laws, are these the types of changes
we should consider?
I believe this is an issue which
needs urgent attention. All of the
above mentioned proposals have
some merit. However, we should also
remember Karl-Heinz Nassmacher’s
warning that “The more perfect the
rules designed, the more perfect the
evasion will be.” That conceded, we
owe our electors at least a decent
effort at rooting out this deeplydistrusted feature of our democratic
experience.
...we owe our
...we owe our
electors at least
electors at least
a decent effort
a decent effort
at rooting out
at rooting out
this deeplythis deeplydistrusted feature
distrusted feature
of our democratic
of our democratic
experience.
experience.
Electoral Round-up
6 to 13 May - Fiji - Indigenous Fijian Laisenia Qarase was sworn
in as Prime Minister following a racially charged election win.
Qarase caused controversy by vowing to introduce a bill into
the Parliament granting amnesty to those involved in the
2000 coup that toppled Fiji’s first ethnic Indian Prime Minister.
21 May - Cyprus - Cypriots re-elected the ruling coalition,
returning President Tassos Papadopoulos of the Diko Party. The Diko Party won 18% of the vote (up
3%) while its coalition partner the Communist Akel Party won 31%. The outcome suggests support
for Papadopoulos’ stance against a UN proposal to reunify Southern and Northern Cyprus.
17 June - Slovakia - In the first election since Slovakia became a member of the European Union,
the main leftist Smer Party took nearly 30% of the vote, though not enough to form government.
Smer leader Robert Fico was appointed Prime Minister after forming a coalition with centre-left
Movement for a Democratic Slovakia and the right-wing Slovak National Party.
5 July - Macedonia - Nikola Gruevski of the centre-right VMRO-DPMNE won 44 seats in the 120
seat Parliament. After entering into a deal with the Democratic Party of Albanians and three small
parties the VMRO-DPMNE were able to form a government. The outgoing coalition was led by
Vlado Buckovski who only took office in late 2004.
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
17
Somatic Cell Nuclear Transfer
Dr mal washer mp
B
efore we get to the topic of
Somatic Cell Nuclear Transfer
we need to first look at embryonic
stem cells. Embryonic stem cells are
immature or master cells that give rise
to all of the cell types and tissue in the
body. They remain master cells until
they are activated to develop into a
specific cell type.
Dr Mal Washer was elected in 1998
to represent the West Australian
electorate of Moore.
In November 2004 he was appointed
Chair of the Joint Parliamentary
Standing Committee on Environment
and Heritage. Mal is also a member
of several other Parliamentary
Committees, including the House of
Representatives Standing Committee
on Science and Innovation;
Industry and Resources; Legal and
Constitutional Affairs.
Mal was a general practitioner
prior to entering Parliament. He
is passionate about science and
innovation and the roles they play
in keeping Australia competitive
and at the forefront of research and
development.
Embryonic stem cells are derived
from human embryos that are 4 to 7
days old. At this stage of development
the embryo is a hollow ball of about
200 to 250 cells, no bigger than a
pinhead, and is called a blastocyst.
Within the blastocyst is a small group
of 30 to 34 stem cells, called the inner
cell mass.
Somatic Cell Nuclear Transfer is
where the truly enormous potential for
medical advances lies. This technique
enables stem cells to have the same
genetic make-up as a particular
individual. This could be an individual
who is suffering from a particular
genetic disease or has damaged tissue,
such as a spinal injury. Essentially
the process takes a person’s cell and
reverts it into a stem cell.
In Somatic Cell Nuclear Transfer
the nucleus of a somatic cell, a skin
cell for example, is removed and
the rest of the cell is discarded. The
nucleus of the somatic cell is then
inserted into a denucleated egg. The
egg, now containing the nucleus of
the somatic cell, is stimulated in such
a way that it begins to divide.
After 5 -7 days the stem cells can
be removed from the blastocyst
and cultured in a laboratory. These
stem cells have the identical genetic
material to the individual who donated
the somatic cell.
As embryonic stem cells have
the ability to develop into different
types of cells, they have uses in
many different areas of research and
18
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
medicine, particularly if they have the
specific genetics of a certain disease
or individual.
disa
Such as:
Studying disease progression;
Stem cells can be studied to find out
why some cells become cancerous
and how genetic diseases start and
develop.
Testing of new drugs; Drug and
chemicals can be tested on stem cells
before being trialled on people.
Screening toxins; Certain toxins,
such as pesticides, can be tested on
these cells before being released.
Testing of gene therapy methods;
that may help people suffering from
genetic illnesses.
Replacing damaged tissue and
cells; in the body to potentially treat
a range of conditions such as spinal
injuries, heart failure, diabetes and
Parkinson’s disease –great advances
have been made in Australia recently
with the development of blood cells
and cardiac cells from embryonic
stem cells. By having the same genetic
material the cells won’t be rejected by
the immune system of the patient.
Some oppose the research as
it involves the destruction of an
embryo. Current legislation allows
the destruction of excess embryos in
the process of helping people to have
a family but will not allow embryo
destruction to help people with
debilitating diseases and injuries.
Different religions hold different
views on when life begins. Some
believe life begins at the moment
of fertilisation, and are therefore
also against the IVF process which
involves the destruction of embryos.
Whether this view should be used to
prevent a therapy that could potentially
save countless people from a life of
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disability and pain is another issue.
Others believe that it could lead
to the cloning of people. Somatic
Cell Nuclear Transfer does not
involve the union of an egg and
sperm and the generation of a
new individual. Nuclear transfer
embryos are different from normal
embryos and are created for the
purpose of deriving stem cells.
Based on cloning experiments
in sheep and other animals, the
potential of these embryos resulting
in a live birth in humans is virtually
zero. An enormous amount of
research into the development of
techniques to alter this embryo
would have to be undertaken for
this to become possible; however
reproductive cloning is currently
prohibited by law and must remain
that way. Appropriate regulation
and reporting conditions, as in the
UK, can effectively ensure research
is not conducted in the area of
reproductive cloning.
In June 2005 a committee,
consisting of Australia’s top ethicists
and scientists including Nobel
prize winner Barry Marshall, was
appointed to conduct independent
reviews on legislation relating to the
use of embryos. After considering
1035 written submissions and
hearing personal presentations from
109 people across every State and
Territory in Australia, the Statutory
Review Committee chaired by
former Federal Court Judge John
Lockhart, recommended significant
changes. The key recommendations
being to keep the ban on human
reproductive cloning, maintain a
rigorous national regulatory regime
and to allow somatic cell nuclear
transfer.
A Morgan Poll conducted in
June 2006 showed 80 per cent of
Australians approve of Somatic
Cell Nuclear Transfer for medical
research. Such strong community
support would indicate that the
Lockhart Review needs to be
discussed on the floor of the house
by all elected members of the
Parliament.
A Morgan Poll
conducted in
June showed 80%
of Australians
approve of Somatic
Cell Nuclear
Transfer for
medical research.
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the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
19
The Lockhart Review
senator guy barnett
Guy Barnett was appointed to the
Senate on February 26 2002. He was
elected on October 9, 2004.
Born in Launceston in 1962, he was
raised on a farm and educated at
Hagley Farm Primary School and
then Launceston and Geelong
Grammar Schools before studying
law at the University of Tasmania.
Senator Barnett practiced law in
Melbourne and worked with the
Taft law firm in Washington DC, for
Australian trade and agricultural
interests, before establishing and
managing his own award winning
government and public affairs small
business.
Senator Barnett is a member of the
Australian Government’s Health
& Ageing Policy Committee, the
Senate’s Employment Workplace
Relations and Education Committee.
He is also a founding and executive
member of the Parliamentary
Diabetes Support Group.
L
ike my colleague Mal Washer,
I do not intend to force my
views onto other people. But all
views should be considered fairly.
Unfortunately, the public debate about
the Lockhart Review has developed
to fever pitch. People who have
expressed reservations about the
Lockhart Review on ethical grounds
have had their views described and
demeaned as “emotional”, “irrational”,
“ideological” or what seems to be
the ultimate insult, “religiously
motivated”.
It is disappointing that proponents
of liberalisation have suggested that
expressing ethical concern is to “force
(one’s) views down others’ throats”.
This emotive language creates more
heat than light. The implication is that
those with ethical concerns do not care
about the plight of people suffering
from disease. Such an implication
is grossly unfair. I have Type One
Diabetes, also known as Insulin
Dependent Diabetes, and my father
had Motor Neurone Disease. I have
just as much interest in finding cures
to disease as the next person.
Four years ago, by way of a
conscience vote and after a very
public debate, the Federal Parliament
permitted heavily regulated human
embryo research. The Parliament also
unanimously banned cloning. This
ban included what is euphemistically
called therapeutic cloning.
Last year, the late Mr Justice John
Lockhart reviewed the legislative
decisions of 2002. I am unaware of
any evidence, either from the Lockhart
Review or from any other sources
that would warrant a change to the
Parliament’s ban on cloning. The
recent Cabinet decision that the ban
on cloning should remain, is the right
20
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
one. Likewise, the decision to allow a
more open debate on the issue is also
appropriate.
While I would continue to support
a conscience vote on any further
decisions taken by the Parliament,
a departure from the current ban on
cloning would prove a profoundly
fatalistic and philosophically pointless
exercise. Of course that would destroy
life in the hope of saving life.
The current debate is about means
and ends. Nobody is suggesting that
trying to avoid suffering or solving
incurable disease are not meritorious.
Rather, that is the proper purpose of
medical research. But what about the
means?
We need to be clear that this is
not a debate about whether to allow
embryonic stem cell research. We
already allow such research under the
regulations agreed to by Parliament
in 2002. The current debate is about
how the embryonic stem cells used
in research are derived. Currently
we allow the derivation of stem cells
from excess embryos in the IVF
process, a process intended to result
in birth. The issue with Somatic Cell
Nuclear Transfer (SCNT) is whether
to allow the derivation of stem cells
from embryos that have been created
specifically to be destroyed.
It is reasonable to ask whether the
process of creating a blastocyst (the
pre-embryo) - with the intention that it
be destroyed, albeit in the interests of
science - is ethical.
Proponents of deregulation avoid
these questions by simply denying
that a blastocyst is a form of human
life. As Simon Grose, science writer
for the Canberra Times, eloquently
stated, “A little clump of embryonic
stuff
or to
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stuff could be washed down the drain
or tossed to the birds for all I care.”
If you hold this view then there is
no moral or ethical problem to be
resolved.
But by what process of reasoning
does one arrive at this conclusion? Is
it a process of pure reasoning, or is it
the result of a pragmatic syllogism:
I want SCNT to be permitted. If a
blastocyst is not human life worthy
of protection, then SCNT will be
permitted. Therefore a blastocyst is
not human life.
Mal Washer accurately observes
that there is a great deal of
disagreement about when the human
life commences and therefore the
point where it becomes worthy of
respect and protection. Take, for
example, the view of Professor
Peter Singer, who suggests that
it is sometimes permissible, even
ethically acceptable, to kill children
after they have been born.
In the face of disagreement and
uncertainty about the point when
human life becomes worthy of
respect and protection – as would
be expected in a pluralist society – it
seems strange that we might adopt an
approach that dogmatically assumes
a blastocyst is not human life. Is this
not secular “dogma”?
Current debate suggests that the
opponents of SCNT have been far
from imposing their views on the
community. Rather, it is arguable
that those in favour have sought
to “impose” their dogma on the
community.
Opponents of SCNT suggest that
given the disagreement about the
origins of life, the scientific search
for curing debilitating disease should
focus on methods and means that are
not entangled with serious ethical
issues. Research should involve
adult stem cells. These cells have
shown far more promise in terms of
medical outcomes than embryonic
stem cells.
As for therapeutic cloning –
cloning is cloning. Call it therapeutic,
reproductive or SCNT. It is both
morally wrong and ultimately a
dangerous path. It is unethical
because it is contrary to natural
human procreation, the combination
of genetic material from two
parents to create a new, distinct and
independent life. Cloning creates a
copy of an existing life, rather than
a new one.
I watch with amazement as procloning political leaders make photo
opportunity stops in spinal injury
wards. They tell paraplegic patients
that “we’re going to do something for
you.” Over-promising is of course a
ubiquitous sin of electoral politics.
One should never underestimate
the messianic syndrome of public
representatives who yearn to solve
the unsolvable.
Nobody is suggesting
that trying to avoid
suffering or solving
incurable disease are
not meritorious.
But the over-reaching of the procloning lobby, to promise shortterm relief for every condition from
spinal cord damage and cancer, to
Alzheimer’s, offers false hope that
only compounds misery. Anybody
who understands these issues also
understands that a miracle is not just
around the corner.
As politicians, we must be wary.
Our role is to deliberate and legislate
on these complex issues. This will
not be assisted by clever spin and
emotive appeals.
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
21
Corporate Social Responsibility
orporate Social Responsibility
is emerging as an issue of great
significance to Australia’s business
community. Yet more needs to be
done within companies at a board
room level, to encourage companies
to rethink their goals and objectives.
C
Mark Baker mp
Mark Baker was elected in 2004 to
represent the Tasmanian electorate
of Braddon.
Mark decided to enter politics as a
result of his experiences as a road
safety advocate and as a lobbyist
fighting for hospital services
Mark is a member of both the
House of Representatives Standing
Committee on Publications and the
Employment, Workplace Relations
and Workforce Participation
Committee.
Corporate and Social Responsibility
(CSR) is commonly described as the
process of a company or organisation
considering,
managing
and
balancing the economic, social and
environmental impacts of its activities.
One method of measuring companies
CSR practices is through triple bottom
line accounting.
The World Business Council for
Sustainable Development defines
CSR as the business commitment and
contribution to the quality of life of
employees, their families and the local
community to support sustainable
economic development. However,
until recently this was largely a
notion for discussion by academics
which resulted in sporadic corporate
reporting on environmental and social
impacts.
During the past decade, corporate
responsibility has developed into a
practical mechanism for companies to
assess and manage their non-financial
risks and to maximise their long term
financial value.
Companies are increasingly coming
under pressure from both consumers
and shareholders to consider the
social and environmental impacts of
their business decisions. Globally, a
new group of investors has emerged
who believe in the concept of
socially responsible investment. This
challenges companies to consider
their ethical and moral obligations to
the community.
22
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
In Australia, the charge has largely
been set by financial institutions
that are at the forefront of this
development. They have developed
investments where an individual
can opt for a managed fund that will
invest in companies who have proven
to be both socially responsible and
responsible at a corporate level. For
example, this might include companies
that invest in medical or scientific
research and development; companies
who invest in skill development; and
companies who invest in community
development projects.
Many businesses acknowledge the
growing evidence that supports CSR
being implemented into business
activities. For example, AC Neilson
surveys taken in 2004-05, found 82
per cent of companies noted that good
corporate citizenship assists the bottom
line and 74 per cent acknowledged that
the public has the right to expect good
corporate governance and citizenship.
However, the reality is that there is
no feasible method to measure the
decision making of a company board.
In recent years, corporations have
demonstrated that businesses can
achieve commercial success and at
the same time contribute to society.
For example, intangible assets such as
brand and reputation, accountability
and transparency and risk management
have become increasingly important.
Businesses that exhibit good corporate
citizenship are more likely to be
rewarded in a growingly competitive
market.
Governments can promote CSR
through rewarding companies for CSR
initiatives, encouraging discussion and
disseminating practical knowledge.
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Last year in the United States, the
Federal Government’s Environmental
Protection Agency recognised three
major companies with its Climate
Protection
Award.
Coca-Cola,
McDonalds and Unilever were jointly
awarded for their efforts to adopt the
more environmentally friendly HFCFree commercial refrigerators.
Responsibility: Managing Risk and
Creating Value, closely examined
the increasingly important corporate
governance issues facing Australian
companies and the challenges
governments face in determining
what initiatives are appropriate
in promoting CSR in Australia’s
corporate and business sector.
The European Union recently
adopted legislation providing a
more tangible inducement for
pharmaceutical
companies
to
conduct clinical trials to which they
had previously given inadequate
attention. In return for six-month
patent extensions, pharmaceutical
companies undertake much needed
clinical trials into certain medications
to determine if they are appropriate
and/or effective for children.
In a world of empowered
consumers, companies are in a highly
vulnerable position if they choose to
ignore the importance that shared
values can play in a consumer’s
decision-making process. Companies
need to recognise this growing
movement and look to build stronger
relationships with consumers to
ensure that their actions and intentions
are understood.
These examples also demonstrate
that Australia is still some way behind
much of the world in embracing CSR.
However, the onus for taking up
corporate responsibility in Australia
rests largely with corporations
themselves.
The recent report of the Joint
Committee on Corporations and
Financial Services, entitled Corporate
Companies are
increasingly coming
under pressure from
both consumers
and shareholders to
consider the social
and environmental
impacts of their
business decisions.
The education and promotion
of CSR are becoming an essential
component of decision making at
the board room level. Long term
company sustainability requires that
business goals and objectives do not
solely focus on profit making but
also consider social responsibility,
thereby reflecting the shift towards
better corporate citizenship.
URANIUM
FACT DIGEST
Uranium is a naturally occurring element
Uranium was first discovered in 1789 by German chemist Martin Klaproth
Uranium has the chemical symbol ‘U’ and is the heaviest of all naturally occurring elements
The major use for uranium isotope U-235 is in fuelling a nuclear reactor
Uranium is the only naturally occurring material which can sustain a fission chain reaction
Australia has about 38% of the world’s low cost uranium resources
There are currently two uranium mines in South Australia and one in the Northern Territory
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
23
The future of Australian education
MICHAEL FERGUSON MP
Michael Ferguson has been the
Federal Member for the Tasmanian
electorate of Bass since 2004.
Prior to entering Parliament, Michael
worked as a teacher within the
Tasmanian school system.
Michael is a member of the House
of Representatives Standing
Committees on Agriculture, Fisheries
and Forestry and the Education and
Vocational Training Committee.
Michael was named Tasmanian
Young Achiever of the Year in 2002
for his contribution to his local
community.
T
he Howard Government has
vastly improved the Australian
education system over the past
decade. We can now stand tall as an
international leader. Achievements
have been made by increasing levels
of funding, supporting parents in their
right to choose the best education for
their child, reforming higher education,
providing proper recognition of adults
in vocational education and finally
through the creation of a new network
of Australian Technical Colleges. To
be eligible for funding, the federal
government has also required that
the states lift their game in relation
to values, literacy, numeracy and the
method of reporting.
However we need to continue our
lead in education reform. We need to
continually strive for a better education
system, focusing particularly on both
funding and improving education
standards.
As a former teacher, I can say from
experience that students who move
between states really struggle with
the difference in educational systems.
Indeed, some students who move
between schools within the same state
wonder whether they have travelled
between planets as there is no common
curriculum in terms of actual content
or outcomes.
It should trouble any parent that
their child can graduate from grade six
without knowing their multiplication
tables. It should make them angry that
their child can graduate from grade ten
and still not have learnt them. There
must be a common national curriculum
to cover the areas of numeracy, literacy,
science and health. Schools can then
add their own subjects to those basics
as well as applying their own unique
teaching methods.
24
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
I propose that to achieve these goals,
we must re-assess funding responsibility
to ensure Australia retains the world’s
best education and training system.
We currently have complicated
methods of providing public funding.
Early learning, government and nongovernment schools, TAFE, vocational
training and universities each source
funding from different combinations
of state and federal government
payments.
On
recei
publi
gove
cons
socio
comm
right
of e
feder
that
both
While every state government
willingly collects record federal
government funding for schools, they
have shown far less enthusiasm in
consulting the Commonwealth on how
the funding is administered.
D
at le
allow
the c
that t
supp
At the same time, the state
governments have been complicit
in a campaign against the federal
government for its support of nongovernment schools - a campaign
devised by the Australian Education
Union (AEU). The campaign has been
deliberately dishonest. It has claimed
that the federal government gives more
money to private school students than
public school students.
T
one p
takes
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10 o
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each
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to b
choo
State schools are the constitutional
responsibility of state governments.
The lines are far more blurred with
independent and Catholic schools.
However the federal government has
underlined its belief that all Australian
children are equally deserving and
that parents must be entitled to chose
the best school for their children’s
education. Apparently Labor now
supports the Government position but
in typical fashion, has refused to release
any policy detail.
The reality is that the federal
government is a major financial
contributor to both the government and
non-government school sectors.
Un
gove
for a
train
goals,
bility
orld’s
m.
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ding.
nonional
ource
ations
ment
On average, government schools
receive approximately double the
public funding per student than nongovernment schools do. Special
consideration is also given to the
socio-economic position of school
communities. This current balance is
right. Considering that the majority
of each state’s budget comes from
federal revenue, it is only appropriate
that state contributions are made to
both school sectors.
ment
deral
they
m in
how
Despite the AEU’s dishonesty,
at least the deceitful campaign has
allowed our government to highlight
the complicated nature of funding and
that the government firmly believes in
supporting both sectors of education.
state
plicit
deral
nonpaign
ation
been
imed
more
than
To remove funding complexity,
one possibility may be that each state
takes responsibility for all school
funding, whilst a child is enrolled in
the compulsory years. This would
mean responsibility until either year
10 or 12. Before allowing such a
change, it would be important that
each state guarantee to not reduce
financial support for non-government
schools and that parents will continue
to be supported in their right to
choose.
ional
ments.
with
hools.
t has
ralian
and
chose
dren’s
now
n but
lease
Under this proposal, the federal
government would take responsibility
for all post-compulsory education and
training. This would include TAFEs,
universities, vocational training and
apprenticeships.
In recognition that the withdrawal
of
federal
responsibility
for
compulsory education would increase
state spending, some areas of state
responsibility could be referred
back to the Commonwealth. These
areas could include environmental
protection measures, aspects of
health, or transport infrastructure.
Irrespective of which level of
government takes responsibility for
each level of education, both levels of
government must work together for
stronger standards and real consistency
in Australian education: therefore a
national curriculum is a must. This
can be done while still allowing room
for local needs and student choice,
depending on levels of interest and
local workforce demands.
State Education Ministers will of
course cry foul at any suggestion of
change, claiming it is both impossible
and unworkable. It wouldn’t be the
first time that the Labor Party shouted
the sky will fall in.
...one possibility may
be that each state
takes responsibility
for all school
funding...
If the Labor state governments
lack the ability or the will for much
needed reform, then for the sake of
our children’s future, the Howard
Government will need to continue to
show the same strong leadership it
has demonstrated in the past.
deral
ancial
nt and
the PartyRoom | Spring 2006
25
adjournment
I
t would be strange indeed were I not tonight deeply conscious of the fact, if
not a little awed by the knowledge, that on my shoulders rests a great weight
of responsibility; because this is the first occasion upon which a woman has
addressed this House. For that reason, it is an occasion which, for every woman in
the Commonwealth, marks in some degree a turning point in history.
I am well aware that, as I acquit myself in the work that I have undertaken for
the next three years, so shall I either prejudice or enhance the prospects of those
women who may wish to follow me in public service in the years to come. I know
that many honourable members have viewed the advent of women to the legislative
halls with something approaching alarm; they have feared, I have no doubt, the
somewhat too vigorous use of a new broom.
DAME ENID LYONS
Enid Lyons was born in a
remote timber cabin in the far
North-West of Tasmania in
1879.
At 17, Enid married Joseph
Lyons, then a Minister in the
Tasmanian Government.
Joseph would later enter
Federal Parliament and
become Prime Minister. During
her early married life she
worked as a teacher.
Having a keen interest in
politics all of her life, Enid
Lyons stood and was elected to
the Tasmanian seat of Darwin
in 1943. She became the first
female member within the
House of Representatives.
The following extract was
taken from Enid Lyon’s Maiden
Speech to the Parliament,
which she delivered on 29
September 1943.
I wish to reassure them. I hold very sound views on brooms, and sweeping.
Although I quite realize that a new broom is a very useful adjunct to the work
of the housewife, I also know that it undoubtedly is very unpopular in the broom
cupboard; and this particular new broom knows that she has a very great deal to
learn from the occupants of—I dare not say this particular cupboard.
At all events she hopes to conduct herself with sufficient modesty and sufficient
sense of her lack of knowledge at least to earn the desire of honourable members to
give her whatever help they may be able to give. I believe, very sincerely, that any
woman entering the public arena must be prepared to work as men work; she must
justify herself not as a woman but as a citizen; she must attack the same problems,
and be prepared to shoulder the same burdens.
But because I am a woman, and cannot divest myself of those qualities that are
inherent in my sex, and because every one of us speaks broadly in the terms of
one’s own experience, honourable members will have to become accustomed to
the application of the homely metaphors of the kitchen rather than those of the
operating theatre, the workshop, or the farm. They must also become accustomed
to the application to all kinds of measures of the touchstone of their effect upon the
home and the family life.
I hope that no-one will imagine that that implies in any way a limitation of my
political interest. Rather, it implies an ever widening outlook on every problem that
faces the world to-day. Every subject from high finance to international relations,
from social security to the winning of the war, touches very closely the home and
the family. The late King George V, as he neared the end of a great reign and a good
life, made a statement upon which any one may base the whole of one’s political
philosophy, when he said, “The foundation of a nation’s greatness is in the homes
of its people”.
Therefore, honourable members will not, I know, be surprised when I say that
I am likely to be even more concerned with national character than with national
effort. I have been delighted, since I came here, to find the almost unanimity that
exists in respect of the need for social service and in respect of many of the other
problems that have been discussed in this chamber. In the matter of social security
one thing stands out clearly in my mind. Such things are necessary in order that the
weak shall not go to the wall, that the strong may be supported, that all may have
justice.
Photo: Courtesy Old Parliament House
the PartyRoom | Spring2006
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