GCE EXAMINERS' REPORTS
HISTORY - HY3 & HY4
AS/Advanced
SUMMER 2015
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HISTORY
General Certificate of Education
SUMMER 2015
HY3 / HY4
Although these reports tend to be dominated by a focus on areas to improve, it is fair to
acknowledge the good to very high quality responses seen from the majority of candidates.
UNIT HY3
Centres are to be congratulated on the quality of responses submitted for HY3 which were,
at the higher end, worthy of the very high marks awarded by the centres. Most centres
applied the mark scheme appropriately though a few centres were too generous at the
higher end where the response needed to be fully integrated at AO2a and AO2b to gain mid
or higher Level 4 marks. A more serious problem was that some centres were too severe
with the weaker responses where mid or higher Level 3 marks should be awarded where the
candidates address and offer additional sources, appropriate source evaluation and discuss
the interpretations of the set issue. The Moderation panel would thank centres for their
continued co-operation with the submission of the HY3A form and urge the minority of
centres who fail to do so to follow the WJEC guidance on the submission of material for
moderation
Moderator reports for HY3 are no longer sent out directly to centres. They can be
accessed on the WJEC secure website from A level results day.
UNIT HY4
HY4 also provided examples of high quality responses which combined analytical and
evaluative skills to discuss and come to a sustained judgement on the exact question set.
However it is fair to say that many candidates did not pay sufficient attention, in both the
open ended and synoptic essays, on the demands of the exact question set. Some
candidates continue to offer mechanistic, and it appears, pre-prepared responses which do
not address the issues in the particular question set. Centres are advised that the
examiners are looking for candidates to engage with and debate the precise question set
rather than to recall and outline their knowledge of the topic in general.
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PERIOD STUDY 1
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF WALES AND ENGLAND, c. 1483-1603
SECTION A
1.
Crown, Council and Parliament in the reign of Elizabeth I, 1558-1603
This question was accessible to the majority of candidates. Most were aware of the key
developments in government and politics during this period involving the Crown, Privy
Council and Parliament. As mentioned last year a large number of candidates hardly
touched on the developments in local government. Those that did were able to offer a
meaningful discussion about the changes in government within a wider context. The Crown
and Privy Council depended on the assistance and co-operation of local magistrates to
enforce central government decrees and orders and to implement royal proclamations and
acts of parliament.
However, with regard to the main factor offered in this question it was necessary to
differentiate (which the better informed candidates did) between the power and authority of
individual privy councillors and the institution of the Council itself. The Council was at its
most powerful when its councillors worked as one but sometimes they worked against each
other. The development of faction in the 1590s - Cecil versus Essex - was discussed by the
more enlightened candidates. Collective power and authority as opposed to the power and
influence wielded by the individual councillor is an important if subtle distinction. Many
candidates did point to the fact that not all councillors were equal, the most powerful being
Burghley and Leicester.
The more able candidates framed their answers in such a way as to make plain the
developing links between the different areas of government in an integrated manner whilst
evaluating the power and authority of the Privy Council. The majority of candidates
challenged the question by suggesting that whilst the power of the Privy Council had
developed the Crown remained the dominant force in politics and government. However,
many did point out that as Elizabeth grew older her command of the Crown’s political power
did diminish. Royal patronage was the key to Elizabeth’s power to control and manage her
councillors – the ability to reward or not (even to withdraw patronage as she did to Essex
who, facing ruin, rebelled as a result.
2.
Mary Stuart and England’s relations with the Catholic Powers, 1568-1588
Once again this was the most popular question in Section A. The question proved accessible
to the majority though a minority of candidates opted to provide an overlong introduction on
Mary’s disastrous rule in Scotland prior to her seeking safety in England in 1568. The
question enabled candidates to trace the cause and development of ‘worsening relations’
and the treatment of Mary was considered the least important of them. However, some
candidates insisted on listing and describing in detail the plots against Elizabeth - Ridolfi,
Throckmorton and Babington - which did not always promote analysis and debate. The
better informed candidates sought to question the impact of Mary Stuart’s treatment on
England’s relations with the Catholic powers. They tended to conclude that the Elizabeth’s
involvement in the Netherlands was mainly responsible for ‘worsening relations’ especially
with Philip of Spain. Certain factors were discussed such as Elizabeth’s refusal of Philip’s
marriage proposal and the seizure of the ship carrying the money to pay Alva’s army in the
Netherlands.
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The most impressive answers carefully debated a range of issues leading to the
deteriorating relationship with Spain: privateers, the effects of bullion shipments from the
New World, the treatment of Catholics in England and, of course, the Pope and his
excommunication of Elizabeth. These candidates did attempt to assess their significance in
regard to the outbreak of war with Spain and the subsequent launch of the Armada. Many
candidates were able to offer meaningful comments on the mainly cordial relationship with
France but with reference to the St. Bartholomew Day’s Massacre and Mary’s ties with the
French royal family. There were also perceptive references made to an impact of the
Catholic counter-reformation and the use the papacy made of Mary to frame its religious and
political propaganda.
SECTION B
1.
Poverty, vagrancy and the poor in Wales and England 1483-1603.
The vast majority of candidates were aware of the causes of poverty and vagrancy and
some were determined to discuss (or more often describe them) but the question did not
require this. The key word in the question was relief and whether religious institutions were
more responsible than any other agency for providing it. It is pleasing to note the fact that
there were far fewer instances of candidates simply listing, often chronologically,
government legislation.
The majority of candidates did attempt to engage with the question by identifying and then
discussing the contribution that ‘religious institutions’ made to relief. Most focused on the
monasteries but some candidates did widen the discussion to include the secular church,
from the humble parish priest up to the senior clergy. It was pleasing to note the attempt to
link government legislation with the contribution of church authorities.
It is to the credit of the candidates that a large proportion of them were able to focus on the
thrust of the question – the extent to which religious institutions were responsible for relief.
This was accompanied by a consideration of the changing attitude to poverty and vagrancy
of those in authority during the century, be it in central, local, municipal and church
government. Again it was pleasing to note that more candidates made an attempt to
distinguish between the poor and the vagabonds which enabled them to discuss the fact that
contemporary attitudes to the able-bodied ‘vagrant’ poor hardly changed during the period.
The more enlightened candidates discussed a range of factors, some of which included the
role of humanism, the work of Cromwell’s circle of ‘commonwealth men’, urban experiments
and merchants. The impact and influence of contemporary publications on shaping the
attitudes of people at the time was a welcome addition to the debate and those candidates
who explored this aspect of the discussion are to be commended.
2.
Tudor Foreign Policy, 1483-1603
Candidates continue to offer answers that are mainly chronological in approach, usually
reign-by-reign. This approach is not in itself a bad thing but it must be done carefully with the
key demands of the question always in mind. The less aware candidates were limited by a
reign by reign approach, with a tendency to narrate rather than debate.
Last summer there was a collective failure to comprehend the meaning of the word
‘commercial’ (essentially trade), this was evident again this year with the word ‘colonial’
appearing in the question. Such understanding was obviously a vital component in providing
a suitable response, along with the required evaluation and analysis of the main factor in the
question. A number of candidates made scant reference to ‘colonial ambitions’ and those
that did tended to dismiss it. Others extended the term to include Ireland, France and
Scotland. Not all were able to identify colonial ambition in the reigns of Henry VII and
Elizabeth I and there were only a few references to Roanoke.
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The more accomplished answers evaluated the influence not just of colonial ambitions, but
also alliances, trade and commerce, diplomacy and security against a changing religious
background. There were some outstanding responses which provided an overview of key
events over the century framed within a wider context. These candidates were able to fully
evaluate the above-listed factors, whilst clearly passing judgement on the changing
relationship between England, France and Spain.
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PERIOD STUDY 2
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF WALES AND ENGLAND, c.1603-1715
SECTION A
1.
England’s relations with Ireland, Scotland and Wales, c.1603-1649
This question proved popular with candidates, the majority of which knew a great deal about
the key features of religious change in early Stuart Britain. Many candidates were also
reasonably familiar with the Crown’s religious policies though they were often less sure
about their impact on Ireland, Scotland and Wales (though it has to be said that reference to
Wales was often just an afterthought). The key here was in focusing on the causes of
‘tension’ between England and her near neighbours – religious, political, economic and
cultural. The less aware candidates tended to offer a one-sided response that focused on
religious change – although this was done well by many it failed to provide the balanced
answer required by the question. The more aware candidates realised that political and
economic problems contributed as much if not more to the rising ‘tension between the Crown
and the landed and political elites of Scotland and Ireland. It was pleasing to read
meaningful discussions on the impact Plantations in Ireland had on relations between the
native Irish, (Catholic), New Irish (descendants of protestant incomers) and the Crown and
Church of England. Political, religious and economic factors all came together here to add to
the tension between the three groups.
2.
James II, the Glorious Revolution and Party Politics, c. 1685-1715
Many of the candidates who attempted to answer this question did so without fully
understanding what was required. The question focused on the power of the Crown - did it
get stronger and more secure or did it weaken and become more vulnerable between 1685
and 1715? Candidates were invited to discuss those factors that might have contributed to
or impacted upon the powers of the Crown during this period. In effect how significant was
the accession of William and Mary in the development of the Crown’s powers and status
bearing in mind that their accession was by invitation of the English Parliament. Many
candidates were quite knowledgeable about James II, the Glorious Revolution and the Bill of
Rights but, as with last year, not enough was done to explore the role and impact/influence
of party politics - Whigs and Tories. The key political events of Queen Anne’s reign also
needed to be more thoroughly explored - the last monarch to refuse to sign an Act of
Parliament.
SECTION B
1.
Crime, disorder and protest, c. 1603-1715
No candidate attempted to answer the question on Crime, Disorder and Protest 1603-1715.
2.
England’s changing relations with foreign powers, c. 1603-1715
This question proved quite challenging for some candidates simply because they were
unsure what was meant by ‘colonial’ ambitions. Last year the phrase ‘commercial rivalry' had
the same effect. It was noticeable that some candidates attempted to substitute colonial for
commercial which meant that the main factor in this year’s question was almost completely
ignored! Almost inevitably the century long-coverage encouraged many candidates to adopt
a reign-by-reign approach and/or a country-by-country which while not in itself a bad thing it
must be done carefully with the key demands of the question always in mind. In this instance
it led to a repetitive trawl through each reign. Colonial ambitions are of course closely linked
to commercial and political rivalry though only a minority of the better prepared candidates
were able to discuss this relationship. Few candidates mentioned the formation of the East
Indian Company (1600), the African Company (1660) or the significance of the North
American colonies. Religion as an alternative factor affecting England’s relations with foreign
powers was, in most cases, only peripherally discussed.
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PERIOD STUDY 3
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF WALES AND ENGLAND, c.1780-1886
SECTION A
1.
The Conservatives in the age of Peel and Disraeli, c. 1834-1880
Candidates were expected to analyse, evaluate and explain the assessment that Disraeli
was nothing more than an opportunist. This was, by far, the most popular question in
Section A although candidates did not always fully grasp the meaning of opportunism.
Mechanistic answers simply went through their knowledge of Disraeli asserting that this was
or that was not opportunistic. Some insisted that any legislation that was permissive was by
definition opportunist. The best answers debated a range of issues relevant to the question
set, including Disraeli’s role in the fall of Peel and the extent to which this represented
political opportunism. Disraeli’s belief in Young England, Tory Democracy and his social
awareness as revealed in his novels also came in for much discussion. Nearly all agreed
that his pursuit of parliamentary reform in 1867 was a combination of cynicism and dazzling
parliamentary performance. Some candidates contrasted Disraeli’s success in engaging with
backbenchers with Peel’s failure in 1841-46. Many saw the period after 1868 as one of
transformation for Disraeli and the Conservative party with his famous speeches in
Manchester in 1872 and the electoral success of 1874. The legislative record 1874-80 and
the perceived opportunism in foreign and imperial policy in the same period came in for
much analysis and evaluation. There were some excellent responses that gave a full
evaluation and judgement on Disraeli, looking at various facets of the argument.
The examiners hope that candidates are encouraged to debate issues and come to a
conclusion, rather than being content to agree with the interpretation in the question. They
should also read the question carefully to ensure coverage of the key components.
2.
The Development of Liberalism, c.1846-1886
Candidates were expected to analyse, evaluate and explain the judgement that Gladstone’s
greatest achievements were all accomplished during his first ministry 1868-74. This was
very much a minority question but generally candidates answered this convincingly. Most
were able to see that there was at least a case for arguing that some achievements in the
second ministry, in particular, were substantial enough to challenge the statement, for
example on Ireland, parliamentary reform and property rights for women. Gladstone’s earlier
policies as Chancellor of the Exchequer were also discussed in some of the more wide
ranging answers. Hardly any candidates were aware that some of the meritocratic reforms
1868-74 were passed with Gladstone’s grudging support, a perspective also relevant to the
Secret Ballot Act 1872 which many saw as one of Gladstone’s greatest successes. Weaker
answers revealed scanty knowledge of the second and third ministries and concentrated
exclusively on unloading information about 1868-74 without using this material to create an
argument.
SECTION B
1. Social Reform c.1780-1886
This question was not very popular and responses were variable in quality. Few had any
real grasp of the meaning of social reform confusing it with political and economic reforms.
There were significant gaps in candidates’ knowledge of social reforms throughout the whole
period. The central factor to be discussed – the problems created by industrialisation – was
not often successfully defined let alone differentiated. It had been hoped that this concept
could have been used to link in with a substantial number of social reforms including working
conditions and public health. Answers were on more secure ground in suggesting
alternative influences on social reform such as utilitarianism, humanitarianism, parliamentary
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enquiries, Royal Commissions and individual campaigners. The political motivation for and
against social reform was mentioned in some answers but in general was not fully debated.
Secure coverage of the whole period was noticeably lacking in the answers seen this year.
2. Parliamentary Reform c.1780-1886
This was the most popular question in Section B and the majority of candidates understood
the demands placed upon them by the question. The best responses were able to engage
fully with the question and demonstrated good knowledge and understanding of a
comprehensive range of factors that encouraged parliamentary reform in this period. In the
main fear of revolution was analysed convincingly with many arguing that it actually inhibited
parliamentary reform rather than encouraged it. This was demonstrated by reference to the
early part of the period although the Reform Act Crisis 1830-32 was seen as providing
evidence both for and against the central point of the question. Most argued that fear of
revolution became less important in the later period as other factors increased in importance.
Alternative lines of argument included the shortcomings of the unreformed parliamentary
system, the impact of social and economic change, the growth of radicalism and the
motivation of key politicians in the process. Weaker responses opted for a chronological
survey of the various reforms without looking at the whole process of parliamentary reform
outside of legislation. Nevertheless the examiners were impressed with some excellent
answers which were consistently focused on the question, showing the relationship between
fear of revolution and parliamentary reform as well as a full assessment of other factors that
had an impact through the whole period.
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PERIOD STUDY 4
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF WALES AND ENGLAND, c.1880-1980
SECTION A
1.
Depression and austerity, c.1929-1951
Virtually all candidates attempted this question. Candidates needed to spend more time
assessing the question set and thinking more about the key debating point in the question
itself, in this case whether the policies of the Labour Government substantially improved the
lives of the people of Wales and England between 1945-1951. Many candidates simply did
not engage with the concept of ‘substantially improve’. Those that did were rewarded with
the higher marks as they were attempting to answer the specific question set. However,
once again too many candidates came into the exam with pre-prepared answers, often
based on whether the Beveridge Report was successfully implemented or not. At worst
some candidates from centres come into the exam with answers which are word for word ,
or paragraph for paragraph the same, taking no regard of the question set. These answers
are classed by examiners as UCN, (unloading class notes) and cannot get good marks as
they do not answer the question set (NATQS).
To successfully answer the question, candidates needed to focus their answers on whether
the Labour reforms did or did not substantially improve the lives of workers, women, children
and different sections of society. A sustained answer discussing the overall impact of the
formation of the National Health Service, the education reforms, the general welfare state
legislation and economic reforms on the lives of the people of Britain would have been well
rewarded.
2.
Changes in Wales, c.1945-1980
Only one candidate answered this question which was one more than in previous years.
The answer seen was a general survey of changes in Wales in this period with little, if any,
focus on the question set.
SECTION B
1.
Social reform, c.1880-1980
Most candidates attempted this question and were able to make a decent effort at covering
the full historical period required. Most were also able to discuss instances of reform being
introduced for political gain, and were also able to suggest other possible driving forces
behind reform: war, economic considerations, humanitarian or social reasons. This listing of
the main factor and bringing in other factors has some merit but the best candidates were
able to discuss the issue of ‘main driving force’, evaluating whether it was in fact the ‘main’
driving force or whether other issues were dominant.
Many were able to discuss the rise in the electoral base and the fear of the rise of the Labour
Party being responsible for reform post-1906 and also how generally reform was only
implemented if it was a sure vote winner. Some were able to go further that the threat of
Labour during the pre-First World War period and discuss how the dominance of the
Conservatives and the dominance of the National Government meant that winning the
popular vote was of little concern at times. Others were able to discuss the development of a
more welfare-dominated attitude to reform post-1951, and how some reforms were legislated
which might not have altogether been the popular thing to do, for example, reform of the
death penalty, while others were perhaps more so such as extending compulsory education
to 16.
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2.
Britain and Europe, c.1880-1980
Some candidates attempted this question but found covering one hundred years of foreign
policy difficult in many cases. Most were also able to discuss to some extent how economic
considerations were important, but many could not make the link between this and protecting
the Empire and foreign trade, treating them as separate factors. They had clearly been
taught to do this, the prevalence of pre-prepared answers holding the brightest candidates
back again this year. Most could say something about the main factor and bring in other
factors which were also ‘important’: influence of war, appeasement, the search for peace,
fear of Germany or Russia. This listing of the main factor, and bringing in other factors has
some merit but the best candidates were able to discuss the issue of ‘mainly dominated’,
evaluating whether it was in fact the ‘dominating’ factor or not.
Many were able to discuss the pre-World War One period and how Britain formed ententes,
though knowledge about ‘economic considerations’ in this case was often poor. This was
also the case for the post-Second World war period which attained sketchy coverage at best,
and was totally ignored by others. The answers at the higher end of the mark scheme
discussed a hundred years of history, evaluating the dominance of ‘economic
considerations’ against other possible dominant factors.
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PERIOD STUDY 5
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF EUROPE, c. 1515-1621
SECTION A
1.
The reign of Philip II, 1556-1598
This question was by far the most popular in Section A with over 90% of the candidates who
sat this paper opting to answer this question. For the most part it was well done and
pleasingly, in some cases, it was very well answered with some candidates making a
sophisticated attempt to engage with the question on how far religion was the main influence
on Philip II’s foreign policy.
However, there were some candidates who wanted to consider Philip’s ‘motivation' rather
than focusing on the word 'influence' which was asked in the question. Maybe this was the
title of a previous essay attempt or maybe they believed that influence was the same as
motivation? Some also wanted to list areas which could be considered as foreign policy and
some strayed into a discussion of domestic policy. Better integrated accounts were seen
with consideration of the many influences on Philip’s foreign policy such as religion, finance,
control of the inherited Low Countries, Anglo Spanish relations, the French Wars of Religion
and the accession of Henry of Navarre, the need to protect western Europe against the
Ottoman Turk and also the influence of the opportunity to annex Portugal and unite the
Iberian peninsula in 1580.
In this answer candidates should be considering the relative value of factors. That is, which
factors were more or less significant influences on Philip’s foreign policy and why. This
question was not an invitation to list the areas of foreign policy. Some candidates also chose
to consider the governing of the New World as foreign policy. Also it must be noted that
there were several candidates, often from the same centres who chose to answer the
question in the present tense throughout all or most of their answer.
2.
France c.1562- 1620
This question was only answered by a small number of candidates but they performed well
in general. The skill in answering any question on the long and complicated French Wars of
Religion is one of strict rationing of the selection and deployment of relevant specific support.
There is a danger of drifting into a narrative if caution is not applied. This was particularly the
case in this question which demanded an analysis of a period covering 1562 to 1610 when
France experienced civil war and a settlement of sorts in the Edict of Nantes. This question
is centred on the impact of the Edict of 1598 which supposedly gave toleration to Protestants
in France. However, discerning candidates will have noted that the question asks for a
debate on the significance of the impact of the Edict in this complex and difficult period as a
whole. Therefore a discussion of the significance of this religious settlement to both
Catholics and Protestants in France should be included and might include that the edict was
a religious settlement of sorts and that it was caused more by war weariness than the desire
for a long lasting peace. It satisfied neither Catholics nor Protestants. This would then have
been balanced by a discussion of the relative weakness of weak monarchy, the regency of
Catherine de Medici, the strengths of the remainder of Henry IV’s reign and their relative
importance in the protracted French civil wars of 1562-1610.
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SECTION B
1.
Political and religious change in Europe, 1515-1621
Less than 20% of the entry attempted this question and most, but not all, appeared to have
done so intentionally and as a group they performed as well on this question as those who
answered question B2. However, there is still some evidence this year of a very small
number of candidates answering this question by mistake. It is always vitally important to
check and recheck the question heading and the question number before attempting to
answer a question for which one has not prepared. The question addressed change in
Europe and was not a question focused on Spain in Europe as was question B2.
For other candidates there appeared to be few difficulties with engaging with European
problems and many were able to evaluate whether or not the challenge posed by the
Ottoman Empire was the greatest problem of the period. Balance was offered by a
consideration of the other challenges which presented at this time such as the German
Reformation, the Catholic Reformation, Hapsburg Valois Rivalry, economic exploitation of
the New World and conflict in the Netherlands, the French Wars of Religion and the
Armadas sent to England.
2.
Spain and Europe, 1516-1621
This question was answered by most of the entry for this paper. Better answers analysed
whether Spanish prestige in Europe was substantially greater at the end of the period than at
the beginning. They made a brave attempt to discuss and debate the extent, pace and rate
of change in Spanish prestige and her relationship with Europe as well as continuity over
and within the set period. They also arrived at a firm judgement on the question set.
Some said prestige was substantially greater by the end of the reigns of the three monarchs
and some said it wasn’t. Some offered an alternative assessment in that the height of
Spain’s Golden Age was in the reign of Philip II and that prestige declined after that period
with the number of peace treaties of Philip III’s reign. Some even used the Spanish peace
treaties of the early seventeenth century as a sign of strength and not of weakness and
therefore argued that by 1621 Spanish prestige was greater than at any other period.
Candidates used economic, religious, political and military conflict to assess Spain’s prestige
at any given time. But very few grasped the opportunity to use cultural developments and the
show of wealth in such examples as Philip II’s building of the Escorial and portraits by Titan
as proof of Spain’s growing prestige. Much was made of the prestige gained by the
acquisition and exploitation of the Americas and victory in battle against the Turks, in
particular at the Battle of Lepanto in 1571. Some included other significant military victories
such as the Battle of Pavia against the Valois and the Battle of White Mountain at the end of
Philip III’s reign and some assessed the negative impact of the spread of Protestantism on
Spanish prestige.
It needs to be noted that this question did produce some excellent answers which were fully
integrated and sustained throughout and which were focused from the beginning to the end
on answering the question set. There were fewer narratives with bolt on judgements with
most making some attempt to engage with the question set and offer a judgement on
whether Spanish prestige was greater in 1621 than in 1515.
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PERIOD STUDY 6
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF EUROPE, c.1696 –1815
SECTION A
1.
Catherine the Great, 1762-1796
All candidates attempted this question which asked them to consider how effectively
Catherine the Great solved the problems she faced during her reign. Candidates were
expected to debate, the full range of issues that affected the key concept in the question – in
this case, the effectiveness with which Catherine solve the problems she faced. Good
responses offered an analysis and evaluation of the situation pertaining in Russia when she
became Empress and the circumstances surrounding this. Consolidating her position was a
problem which she overcame. A broad selection of problems needed to be considered
among these should be - domestic problems notably those relating to the nobility and serfs
and external problems with particular focus on the threat from her neighbours. There will be
a consideration of the strategies used to deal with these and whether or not they were
successful. Good responses argued convincingly that while a number of problems were
resolved by Catherine, Russia's other problems remained. A balanced and nuanced
response is needed to this question.
2.
Commercial and colonial rivalry, c.1750-1815
No answers were attempted to this question this year.
SECTION B
1.
France, c.1715-1815
Only four candidates attempted this question. While some responses did attempt to provide
a balanced answer, all too often essays followed a rigidly formulaic approach based on
chronological divisions. Candidates were asked to discuss the extent to which changes in
leadership were the most significant development in France during the period 1715-1815.
The question was posed in order to draw out an analysis of the relationship between the key
factor and others, when assessing the development of France over the hundred year period,
many responses included the impact of the long minority of Louis XV on the state, and his
subsequent role as King. Issues concerning the character and personality of Louis XVI and
his wife – notably the problems of weak leadership during the pre-revolutionary period were
well developed. During the revolutionary period due focus was given to Robespierre and the
Terror – where strong leadership ensured the survival of to the republic. Often by the time
the accounts reached the Napoleonic era time was short and responses were undeveloped.
The best answers did seek to explore other factors such as the emergence of revolutionary
ideology, and during the ancien regime the desire for overseas territory or after 1763
revenge on the British.
2.
Great Power rivalry, c.1696-1815
This was by far the more popular of the two synoptic questions. A number of answers were
mechanistic and focused on describing a succession of events rather that arguing in a
coherent fashion. The question asked candidates to discuss whether France’s ambition to
dominate Europe was the most significant influence on Great Power rivalry during the period
1696-1815. They needed to challenge the notion and suggest that Great Power rivalry was
driven by many factors - one of which involved checking the ambitions of France to
dominate Europe - which some candidates did not do. While many candidates sought to
support the view by reference to the period relating to the French Revolutionary and
Napoleonic Wars from 1792 until 1815, they frequently downplayed the existence of other
factors. Dynastic concerns for example were particularly significant in the first half of the
period with succession issues in Spain and Prussia responsible for periods of acute
instability.
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PERIOD STUDY 7
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF EUROPE, c.1815-1917
SECTION A
1.
France, 1848-1870
The candidates were expected to consider and debate the full range of issues that affected
the key concept in the question, namely the domestic reforms of Napoleon III. Furthermore,
candidates were expected to analyse and evaluate the domestic reforms in the context of
their design and impact. However, many candidates did not focus upon the precise demands
of the question and failed to engage with the key words of ‘design and impact’. As a result
candidates drifted into answering a question of their own suiting rather than the precise
question set. Many candidates focussed upon the popularity against unpopularity
arguments. Others focussed upon the successes or failures of Louis Napoleon. Both these
types of responses included comprehensive sections on foreign policy which was not part of
the focus in this round of examinations. Others adopted a relative importance approach
which measured the success of one set of reforms against another. Whilst all of these
responses at times showed indirect links to the question they did not produce a meaningful
discussion of the key issues. It was almost as if the candidates had been drilled into
answering specific issues but were unable to adapt their historical knowledge and
understanding of the topic area in order to meet the precise demands of the question.
There were some excellent responses seen. The more successful responses engaged with
the key words and produced meaningful discussions of the key characteristics influencing
the design and impact of domestic reforms. Candidates either supported or challenged the
view that the reforms were timid in design or limited in impact. They focussed upon
Napoleon’s idealism, and explored the notion that he was intent upon promoting economic
and social well- being, introducing a more liberal regime which suggested that the forms
were far from timid in design. This was often challenged by the notion that liberalisation and
welfare policies were only superficial and paternalistic palliatives and the political system did
not change. The impact of the reforms was usually addressed by examining successes and
failures although candidates would have done better to focus upon how they impacted upon
the people and institutions of France.
2.
Russia, 1881-1917
There were some reasonable attempts at establishing a judgement in relation to whether or
not the Tsarist regime was more secure in 1914 than it had been in 1905.These usually took
the form of a comparative approach to aspects of the regime both in 1905 and 1914. This
ensured that the candidates engaged with the key words in the question. There was
however, a temptation amongst some candidates to provide a narrative of the situation in
Russia in 1905 followed by a narrative of the situation that had emerged by 1914. Usually
the judgements which then emerged took the form of: ‘so as you can see, the Tsarist regime
was more secure...’ Unfortunately this approach did not analyse or evaluate the key
characteristic within the period and within the context of the precise question set.
Candidates needed to discuss whether or not there was change as well as continuity in the
attitudes of the people to the Tsarist regime in the period which in essence affected the
stability and security of the Tsarist regime. Rather than describing the reasons for reform
and revolution after 1905 candidates should have evaluated the implications of the 1905
revolution for Tsarism and analysed whether or not the reforms initiated following the
revolution had made the Tsarist regime more secure. Candidates needed to debate whether
or not the regime was in a more vulnerable position or whether it was following the
evolutionary path towards establishing a more modern European state in 1914 which would
have suggested that it was more stable. The debate could have centred on the question of
whether Russia was in a more stable and secure position at the outbreak of the First World
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War or whether nothing had really changed and that there was still dissatisfaction, which
revealed itself in a heightened revolutionary atmosphere by 1914. Most of the balanced
responses argued that the regime was unstable throughout the entire period and that its fate
was decided by entry into the War and the refusal of the regime to fully reform itself in the
period leading up to it.
SECTION B
1.
International Relations, 1815-1917
Candidates were required to debate whether or not the Eastern Question was the main
influence upon international relations in the period 1815-1914. There was almost excessive
focus on the influence of the Eastern Question at the expense of the other key features,
influences and characteristics which affected international relations in the period. This led to
many unbalanced discussions which failed to weigh up the relative importance of the
Eastern Question against the other key features. Some of the responses were very linear in
approach and one dimensional in analysis. Few candidates for example took the opportunity
to evaluate the influences which led to change which were measured in terms of differences
in degree, extent, and pace. Neither did they consider that the Eastern Question and the
other influences such as the balance of power, economic and colonial rivalry, the impact of
war, revolution and nationalism, sometimes had a positive as well as negative impact upon
international relations. Few candidates took the opportunity to explore the complexity of
change over time and the fact that many of the key influences overlapped and influenced
each other at different periods. Far too many candidates considered the influence of various
factors in isolation rather than examining the relationship between them.
Candidates could have shown the relationship between economic growth and commercial
expansion which led them to increased competition resulting in the need to protect their
interests which may have been threatened through aspects of the eastern question. As a
result meaningful discussions and balanced judgements failed to emerge. The quality of
knowledge and understanding was not always matched by effective analysis and evaluation.
For some candidates coverage of the period and the appropriate themes proved to be too
much of a challenge. Some of the focus upon the Eastern Question faded after the Crimean
War and there was little focus upon the latter period. In order to access the higher levels of
response candidates must ensure that they sustain their focus upon the key issues and
cover most of the period.
2.
Germany, 1815-1914
Candidates were required to debate whether or not political leadership was mainly
responsible for the development of Germany in the period 1815-1914. Most candidates
adopted a leadership trawl through the period. Some of the responses were very linear in
approach and one-dimensional in analysis. Few candidates for example took the opportunity
to evaluate the effects of political leadership upon the development of Germany in terms of
degree or scale. Few pointed out the different attitudes of those in authority and within the
government and how that affected the pace of change and development. Some candidates
did however, consider that political leadership and the other influences such as war, the
growth of nationalism, the role of Prussia and economic and cultural influences sometimes
had a positive as well as negative impact upon the development of Germany. Few
candidates took the opportunity to explore the complexity of change over time and the fact
that many of the key influences overlapped and influenced each other at different periods.
Far too many candidates considered the influence of various factors in isolation and in
blocks rather than examining the relationship between them throughout the entire period.
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Candidates should consider adopting a more integrated approach towards answering the
question. For example, candidates could have shown the relationship between the relative
importance of war which created a nationalist tradition, and the driving force of leadership
and economic policy which led the nation to war. As a result meaningful discussions and
balanced judgements failed to emerge. The quality of knowledge and understanding was not
always matched by effective analysis and evaluation. For some candidates coverage of the
period and the appropriate themes proved to be too much of a challenge. Some of the focus
upon the political leadership omitted one or more of the key leaders, and at times the
chronology of the response was out of step with some of the analysis which was being
attempted. There often was very little focus on the period 1815-48 either in a positive or a
negative capacity. In order to access the higher levels of response candidates must ensure
that they sustain their focus upon the key issues and cover most of the period.
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PERIOD STUDY 8
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF EUROPE, c.1878-1989
SECTION A
1
International relations, 1918-1945
The candidates were expected to consider and debate the full range of issues that affected
the key concept in the question, namely international agreements in the period 1925-1939
and the extent to which they were aimed at appeasing Germany. However, many
candidates did not focus upon the precise demands of the question and failed to engage
with the key words of ‘appeasing Germany’. As a result candidates drifted into answering a
question of their own suiting rather than the precise question set. Many candidates focussed
upon the nature of German foreign policy in the period and argued that Germany was the
main cause of instability in the period. Unfortunately this was not the precise question asked.
Others focussed far too much upon why Germany was appeased and instead of whether or
not she was appeased throughout the period. Some candidates were under the
misapprehension that ‘appeasement’ was itself an international agreement! Most of the
mechanistic responses engaged in an appeasement against other influences style of
response. Whilst all of these responses at times showed indirect links to the question they
did not produce a meaningful discussion of the key issues. Some candidates focussed far
too much on international agreements prior to 1925 and so unbalanced responses emerged.
There were some excellent responses. Most candidates were secure with the Locarno,
Stresa and Munich and these were usually citied by those who agreed with the premise of
the question. Usually the counter argument revolved around the idea that international
agreements may have used Germany as a barrier against the spread of communism. The
debate did not often extend to whether or not the agreements accepted Germany into the
international community or they were measures aimed at preventing Germany from exerting
an influence upon Europe. The more successful responses engaged with the key words and
produced meaningful discussions of the key characteristics influencing international
agreements and Germany in the period. Few candidates considered the impact of
agreements on Italy and whether or not the maintenance of the balance of power was really
the main thrust of international agreements in the period.
2.
International relations, 1945-1989
The candidates were expected to consider and debate the full range of issues that affected
the key concept in the question, namely the fear of the Soviet Union and its impact upon
international relations in the period. However, many candidates did not focus upon the
precise demands of the question and failed to engage with the key words of ‘fear of the
Soviet Union’. As a result candidates drifted into answering a question of their own suiting
rather than the precise question set. Many candidates became engaged in a rather narrative
approach to answering the question by discussing the nature and extent of Soviet foreign
policy in the period. Others drifted into a generalised consideration of the causes of the Cold
War. Whilst both of these responses at times showed indirect links to the question they did
not produce a meaningful discussion of the key issues. It was almost as if the candidates
had been drilled into expecting a question on general issues but were unable to adapt their
historical knowledge and understanding of the topic area in order to meet the precise
demands of the question. There were some excellent responses. The more successful
responses engaged with the key words and produced meaningful discussions of the
threatening and provocative actions of the Soviet Union. Some candidates either supported
or challenged the view that fear of the Soviet Union was mainly responsible for changes in
international relations in the period. Usually they argued that America and the West were
more to blame. This approach often resulted in mechanistic two half essays with
occasionally the beginnings of some meaningful discussion. These answers were more or
less a distorted or adapted Cold War type of response.
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The better responses engaged in a meaningful discussion of the interrelationship between
the key characteristics influencing international relations. Often the post war situation was
cited as the polarisation point of a range of key issues. Some candidates argued that the
changing nature of international relations was the result of the growing divergence between
East and West over, strategic, military, economic, territorial as well as ideological tensions.
SECTION B
1.
Germany, 1878-1989
Candidates were required to debate whether or not economic changes had the most
significant influence upon the development of Germany in the period 1878-1989. Some of
the responses were very linear in approach and one dimensional in analysis. Few
candidates for example took the opportunity to evaluate the influences which led to changes
which were measured in terms of differences in degree, extent, and pace. Neither did they
consider that the economic changes of the period and the other influences such as political
leadership, nationalism, war or territorial ambitions sometimes had a positive as well as
negative impact upon the development of Germany. Few candidates took the opportunity to
explore the complexity of change over time and the fact that many of the key influences
overlapped and influenced each other at different periods. Far too many candidates consider
the influence of various factors in isolation rather than examining the relationship between
them.
Candidates could have shown the relationship between economic changes, the growth in
military power and the outbreak of war, and the extent to which this was the result of political
leadership. As a result meaningful discussions and balanced judgements failed to emerge.
The quality of knowledge and understanding was not always matched by effective analysis
and evaluation. For some candidates coverage of the period and the appropriate themes
proved to be too much of a challenge. Some of the focus upon economic changes as an
influence drifted into a discussion of why there was economic change which was not the
precise question set. This often led to misunderstanding and an unbalanced response. Most
candidates attempted to cover the period but In order to access the higher levels of
response candidates must ensure that they sustain their focus.
2.
Russia, 1881-1989
Candidates were required to debate whether or not political leadership had the most
significant influence on Russia in the period 1878-1989. Some of the responses were very
linear in approach and one dimensional in analysis. Some candidates adopted a ‘trawl
through the leaders’ approach which was very mechanistic in style and led to a 'factors for
and against' outcome. Few candidates for example took the opportunity to evaluate the
influences which led to changes which were measured in terms of differences in degree,
extent, and pace. Neither did they consider that political leadership and the other influences
such as economic developments; war or territorial ambitions; cultural changes sometimes
had a positive as well as negative impact upon the development of Germany. Few
candidates took the opportunity to explore the complexity of change over time and the fact
that many of the key influences overlapped and influenced each other at different periods.
Far too many candidates consider the influence of various factors in isolation rather than
examining the relationship between them.
Candidates could have shown the relationship between political leadership of both Tsarist
and Communist Russia and economic development and the growth in military power and the
outbreak of war. As a result meaningful discussions and balanced judgements did not
always emerge. Few candidates chose to examine political leadership and the other factors
in terms of change and continuity. Candidates could have taken the opportunity to examine
these factors in terms of modernisation and reform or conservatism and idealism. The quality
of knowledge and understanding was not always matched by effective analysis and
evaluation. Some of the focus upon political leadership as an influence drifted into a
discussion of why there was political change which was not the precise question set. This
often led to misunderstanding and an unbalanced response. Most candidates attempted to
cover the period but In order to access the higher levels of response candidates must ensure
that they sustain their focus.
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IN-DEPTH STUDY 1
WALES AND THE TUDOR STATE, c.1529-1588
No candidates were entered for this option on the history of Wales in the sixteenth century.
IN-DEPTH STUDY 2
REBELLION AND REPUBLIC, c.1629-1660
1.
Personal Rule and Conflict with Parliament, c.1629-1642
Many candidates were able to discuss how religion did indeed provide opposition to the
Crown. However, focusing on the key phrase 'increasing opposition' provided far more of a
challenge, with only a few able to demonstrate this over the whole period. Those who did
focus on 'increasing opposition' were able to understand and discuss the complexities of the
situation insofar as the increasing religious radicalism led the moderate majority into support
the king. This led to the Crown’s position being strengthened rather than weakened
particularly with the formation of the King's Party. Those who referred to events in Scotland,
such as the introduction of Laud's Prayer Book and the Bishops’ Wars, as a key part of the
Crown’s foreign policy misunderstood the situation. Clearly understanding that Charles was
King of England and Scotland and nominally head of the Church would have encouraged the
development of some stronger arguments.
Some of the less well prepared candidates found it difficult to focus on the key issue and
instead wanted to discuss finance or Divine Right as the main cause of opposition. Linking
these points to religion tended to prove problematic. These were significant factors and
should have been used to greater effect to provide a balanced counter-argument. Those
candidates who simply concentrated on religion did so to the almost total exclusion of other
factors. Disappointingly, these one-sided answers were much in evidence. Additionally, there
were few references to Wentworth and the wider political causes of opposition to the Crown.
The indiscriminate use of ‘evil councillors’ became jarring after a while.
2. Cromwell and the Interregnum, c. 1649-60
This question was less popular and proved to be something of a challenge for many
candidates. Surprisingly some candidates were unfamiliar with the term 'the Instrument of
Government' and so proceeded to write about Interregnum governments in general. In
adopting this general approach they were thus unable to engage with the key issue. Others
simply discussed a list of other significant developments again in a very general way.
The better prepared candidates had no problem with the Instrument of Government and they
were able to discuss its significance – the first attempt at a written constitution that paved the
way for the post of Lord Protector, regular parliament and even reform of the franchise.
However, some candidates were determined to prove that the Instrument of
Government had a negative impact on the political in that it gave Cromwell the means to set
up a dictatorship as evidenced by the establishment of the rule of the Major-Generals.
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IN-DEPTH STUDY 3
REFORM AND PROTEST IN WALES AND ENGLAND, c.1830-1848
1
Peel and Reform, c.1834-1846
Candidates were expected to consider and debate the key concept in the question that
Peel’s greatest problem was his relationship with the Conservative party. Many agreed that
Peel’s greatest problem was his relationship with his party, devoting the whole of their
answer to that issue without suggesting any other possible greatest problems. One theme
that emerged was that it was Peel’s relationship with some of, or a section of, his party that
was the problem. Another popular idea was that Peel’s personality was his greatest
problem. More successful answers did discuss his problems with backbenchers over factory
reform and sugar duties before dealing with the issues of free trade, the Church and the
Corn Laws. These answers then considered that Peel had other major problems to deal with
such as the response to parliamentary reform, the revitalisation of conservatism, problems in
Ireland, social unrest and social reform. Weaker answers tried to show that every single
policy of Peel’s caused disaffection within the Conservative party enabling them to use all
their revised information. One candidate decided that when it came to greatest problems
‘only Peel himself can know’.
2
The period of Rebecca, c. 1839-1843
It was hoped that candidates would consider and debate the full range of issues affecting the
key concept in the question, in this case whether the Rebecca rioters were very successful
in achieving their aims. Unfortunately many candidates seemed to have prepared answers
on the success or failure of Rebecca and found it difficult to focus on her aims. Most agreed
that the destruction and permanent removal of the tollgates was not the sole aim but there
were many different approaches to the discussion of other aims. Some of the best
responses suggested that Rebecca’s aims may have shifted during the course of events, as
the personnel and leaders changed. Many themes were discussed including the attempt to
relieve poverty, the intention of making the government aware of issues and the response to
grievances about tithes. The 1844 Turnpike Act, the Enclosure Act 1845 and a new Poor
Law Board were cited as successful outcomes as was the setting up of a royal commission
in 1843 to investigate the causes of the riots. The best answers provided a substantial
judgement on the success the Rebecca rioters had in achieving their aims.
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IN-DEPTH STUDY 4
CHANGE AND CONFLICT IN WALES 1900-1918
1.
Education, religion and culture in Wales, c.1900-1914
No candidates attempted this question.
2.
Wales and the War, 1914-1918
Most candidates made an attempt to answer the question set in a generally balanced way.
Most candidates were able to discuss the extent of support for the war effort but the focus on
the specific question set, namely ‘partial and unenthusiastic’ varied. Most candidates could
point out that the reaction to the start of war was enthusiastic as recruitment figures suggest,
but that this support waivered as the war progressed and casualty figures increased. The
role of women figured prominently as did conscientious objectors and workers in Wales.
Candidates were comfortable in dealing with the issues of support but some had difficulty
with the concept of ‘partial and unenthusiastic support’ and this is the issue that divided the
higher achieving candidates from those discussing support with a bolt-on reference to the
question set at the end.
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IN-DEPTH STUDY 5
BRITAIN 1929-1939
1.
British foreign policy, 1929-1939
Around 60% of the candidates attempted this question. Most candidates were able to
discuss something about the growing power of Germany. More than ever this year however
too many answers were narrative in tone or had a pre-prepared quality about them which
hampered the brightest students from achieving their full potential. Narratives with no regard
for the question set are not well rewarded, and this will always be the case. For the most part
the majority of candidates were able to discuss the growing fear of Germany in terms of the
rise of Adolf Hitler and the expansionist policy that followed which led to tension in
relationships in Europe. Most could then address other influences on British foreign policy
including appeasement, the desire to avoid conflict, public opinion, co-operation with other
countries and the fear of Russia. This listing approach was preferred by many and although
better than narrative it did not evaluate which was the main influence in this period. Some
went a stage further complimenting the list with a bolt-on reference to the question set at the
start or the end of the essay. Again, this approach was better than the narrative, and better
than the listing but ultimately failed to get more than top Level 3 because of the lack of
evaluation. Evaluative essays that weighed up the influence of the growing power of
Germany against other influences to determine which was the ‘main influence were well
rewarded.
2.
Depression and recovery, 1933-1939
The majority of candidates were able to at least discuss in general terms what the
Government did to help between1933-1939. Candidates made references to the Special
Areas Act, the support given to the house building industry and the fact that some regions
received more support than others because of the reliance on the struggling staple
industries. Few made reference to other legislation such as the Factory Act, the Holidays
with Pay act, and other government policy such as the maintaining of low interest rates, low
taxation and keeping spending to a minimum. For the most part candidates were more
confident in criticising government action, their use of means testing and the inadequacy in
spending featured heavily as did general narratives about the suffering of the people and
how the government ‘did nothing’. Some candidates treated the question as a 'good times vs
bad times' narrative, clearly not addressing the question set. There were fewer two part
essays which is commendable, these are normally a page on ‘yes they were driven by
genuine concern’, and then a page on ‘no they were not’ showing little by way of evaluation
in reality. Answers which discussed the actual question set and evaluated whether
government action between 1933-39 was mostly driven by a genuine concern for the welfare
of the people, providing factual support, were well rewarded.
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IN-DEPTH STUDY 6
THE GERMAN REFORMATION, c.1500-1555
1.
Charles V and the German Reformation, 1515-1555
It must be stated that many candidates knew little beyond the formation of the League in
1531 and its defeat in 1547, the latter leading to the rather simplistic judgement that this
meant it did not have any significant impact. Students then retreated to the trusty standby of
listing, topic by topic, all the other factors that hindered Charles V and led to his failure. This
approach restricted their access to the higher levels.
Those candidates however, who produced thoughtful and evaluative responses to the actual
question set were well rewarded. The establishment of the League was a defiant move by
some of the princes which indicated their determination to provide military and political
support for the new faith. It was also suggestive of a nationalistic trend which had found
expression in the works of some German Humanists and inadvertently in Luther’s protest. Its
formation and influence however, came relatively late to the Reformation and the princes
and the emerging reformed faith had already taken full advantage of the Emperor’s extended
absences. These absences were a factor in Lutheranism’s success as Charles was
obviously distracted by his wars against the French and the Ottoman Empire. The
Schmalkaldic League was one of several related factors that contributed to hindering
Charles in his fight against Lutheranism in the 1530s and 1540s. They did however, at a
crucial time in the struggle, provide a veneer of confidence and support for Luther and the
reformed faith which found expression at Augsburg in 1555.
2.
The Peasants’ War
Here the focus was on Luther’s views on religion as a motivating force for the Peasants’
War. It was not an invitation to outline Luther’s actions between 1517 and 1525. Students
were expected to examine how his ideas on salvation and the various doctrines of the
Catholic Church became catalysts for social upheaval. Many peasant leaders were attracted
to Luther’s ideas of spiritual equality and his apparent rejection of the hierarchies which
seemed to exclude the poor from salvation. His sermons in the vernacular and the copious
woodcuts produced by the printing press further broadened his appeal and diffused his
message. The led to other causes of conflict, including the apocalyptic teachings of Thomas
Muntzer, initially inspired by Luther, and the deep rooted social and economic problems
throughout the Empire which were given a religious gloss by reformist teaching. This was a
complex conflict. There were social, economic and political factors present in German
society which made Lutheranism attractive to the people and subsequently a force for
change.
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IN-DEPTH STUDY 7
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, c.1774-1795
1.
The Terror, c.1792–1795
This was the most popular question with centres. The question invited candidates to
consider to what extent the need to preserve the survival of the Republic was the main
objective of the Terror. Most students were able to discuss examples of the many external
and internal threats facing the Republic such as the war against the First Coalition or the
rebellion in the Vendée. Many also offered alternative objectives such as the need to satisfy
the political and socio-economic demands of the sans-culottes or the possible desire by the
Montagnards and, in particular, Robespierre for power. Fewer candidates attempted to
evaluate the relative importance of these objectives and, thereby, answer the question set.
2.
The Church and the Revolution, c. 1789–95
A limited number of candidates attempted this question. The question invited candidates to
consider to what extent the Civil Constitution of the Clergy had the most significant impact on
the relationship between the Church and the Revolution. Most students were able to
consider the impact of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, the subsequent Clerical Oath and
the schism which they created in France. Some candidates tried to place the reform in the
context of the bourgeois dominated National Assembly’s attempts to bring the Church into
line with the underlying principles of the Revolution. Many also tried to discuss the impact of
other revolutionary policies towards the Church, in particular the nationalization of Church
property, the dechristianization campaign, the abolition of the tithe and the loss of the
Church’s privileged position in society. Unfortunately, many candidates listed and described
these changes. Fewer candidates attempted to evaluate the relative impact of these policies
and, thereby, answer the question set.
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IN-DEPTH STUDY 8
THE CRISIS OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC c.1848-1877
1.
Abraham Lincoln and the Crisis of the Union, c.1848-1865
Most centres answered this question. Candidates were expected to consider and debate the
full range of issues that affected the key concept in the question, in this case the judgement
that Lincoln deserved to be remembered as the Great Emancipator. Most focused their
answer on Lincoln’s role in passing the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 – there was
good knowledge and understanding of this issue and successful linkage with the concept of
the Great Emancipator. There was awareness of the argument that Lincoln had not always
shown support for the emancipation of the slaves. Examiners did see a number of excellent
responses which showed Lincoln’s changing attitude to the slavery issue and how this had
evolved from his early life experiences and political career to his policies as President.
These answers included a full discussion of the period before 1861 as well as a focus on the
1864 election and Lincoln’s determination to pass the 13th Amendment. Less successful
answers had a very narrow focus on the events of 1862-63 which, of course, was relevant
but revealed an inability to discuss a range of issues covering the period of the depth study.
2.
Reconstruction, c.1863-1877
Although less popular, answers to this question revealed that candidates had been well
prepared. Candidates were expected to consider and debate the full range of issues
affecting the key concept in the question: the extent of reconstruction in the southern states
and the judgement that it was largely unambitious and ineffective. Confident knowledge of
the changing responses to the problem of reconstruction was shown in the majority of
answers. Almost all candidates were able to offer a valid judgement in support of their
debate. Key issues that were debated included the mixed record of the new state
administrations, the economic impact upon the lives of African Americans, the failure to
guarantee civil rights for African Americans, attempts at enfranchisement of African
Americans, the failure to overcome white resistance and opposition to reconstruction and the
problem of corruption. Less successful answers failed to link material to the idea that
reconstruction was unambitious and ineffective.
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DEPTH STUDY 9
NAZI GERMANY, c.1933-1945
1.
Support, opposition and resistance within the Third Reich, 1933-1945
This continues to be the more popular question. Although there were some outstanding
responses, the majority of candidates continued to adopt a very mechanistic approach to
answering questions on this topic area. The focus in this round of examinations was upon
the extent to which Nazi ideology was mainly responsible for maintaining the support of the
German people between 1933-1945. Some candidates lost immediate focus by
concentrating upon the attraction of ideology in the pre-1933 period, with little focus upon the
concept of ‘maintaining’ support after 1933. It was clear also that a sizeable number of
candidates had no working knowledge of Nazi ideology and therefore they were only able to
make indirect references to the main issue. Some candidates confused ideology with Nazi
policies in general and there was no attempt to link the nature of Nazi social, economic or
foreign policy with the ideology of the movement. The introduction deployed by some
candidates was far too generalised and led the candidates into constructing very
mechanistic responses. For example, some began their essay with the very obvious
judgement: ‘Nazi ideology was mainly responsible for maintaining the support of the German
people, but there were other factors to consider ‘. What usually followed was a paragraph or
two on each of a range of factors. There was no attempt to debate the relative importance of
the identified range of other factors and indeed each new paragraph began with the phrase:
‘Another major factor...’ Rather candidates made a series of unsupported assertions which
were not debated in any meaningful way. Candidates in essence wrote down all they knew
about the topic area.
The more successful responses considered the impact of ideology on various groups in
society but not in isolation. They usually considered ideology within the context of the impact
of propaganda and terror. They argued that those whom the Nazis could not win over
through the essence of ideology had to be won over through fear and seduction strategies.
Yet terror and propaganda alone could not have sustained the regime, they had to be
counterbalanced by the positive image of the regime. Some candidates linked Nazi social
policy to the Nazi theories of Volksgemeinschaft and others considered the positive, the
passive and the negative features of Nazi ideology within their evaluations. The more
successful candidates debated to different degrees the relationship between the key
characteristics related to the question.
2.
Germany: war and defeat, 1939-1945
The main focus in this round of examinations was whether or not Germany’s defeat in the
Second World War was mainly due to her economy. Many candidates chose to answer this
question by firstly making mechanistic references to the key issue of the economy and
followed this with further mechanistic references to a range of other factors including tactical
errors, the power of the West and the Russian front, flawed leadership and the strength of
resistance. Whilst the coverage of the other factors which affected the outcome of the war
were presented with ample knowledge and understanding, unfortunately candidates did not
always take the opportunity to weigh up their significance against that of the German
economy.
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The more successful responses offered an analysis and evaluation of the main factor set in
the context of other key characteristics. Some candidates for example analysed the main
factor, the economy, evaluating the nature and extent of economic planning in this period
and gaps which emerged in provision, organisation and production. Some candidates even
challenged the assumption that the economy was to blame for Germany’s defeat by arguing
that in fact the resources of the state were exploited to the full and that the economy was
ready for the demands of a prolonged war. They then introduced the range of other factors
but evaluated the relationship which existed between the economy and military failure; the
economy and tactical errors and the economy and leadership. Some candidates diverted
their focus to the economic progress of the 1930s but often they failed to discuss the
importance of the strategy of Blitzkrieg which made it appear that the German economy was
geared towards fighting small localised wars and not a prolonged conflict. There was often
little focus upon the confusion and inefficiency which led to shortages in manpower during
the war. The significance of the role of Albert Speer rarely appeared.
GCE History HY3 and HY4 Reports Summer 2015
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