82
CHAPTER III
SOCIAL REFORMERS AND THE AWAKENING
OF KERALA SOCIETY
In the 19th century, Kerala witnessed a cultural and ideological struggle
against the backward elements of traditional culture and the ideological hegemony
of the Brahmins. This struggle was due to certain structural changes in the society
and the consequent emergence of a new class ,i.e., the educated middle class.
The new society which was developing in India since the advent of the British rule
had distinct needs differing from those of the old society. The new intelligentsia,
which imbibed the liberal western culture, recognized these needs and launched
movements to reform the respective social institutions, religious outlooks and
ethical conceptions inherited from the past, since they felt that these were
obstacles to natural advance.
The attitude of the members of the emerging middle class towards
traditional institutions, beliefs and social relations was quite critical. While
opposing the feudal values they favoured the introduction of values characteristic
of contemporary western bourgeois order. They were convinced that the new
society could politically, culturally and economically develop only on the basis of
liberal principles such as the recognition of individual liberty, freedom of unfettered
expression of human personality and social equality. The result was the beginning
of several reform movements which represented the striving of the conscious and
83
progressive sections of the Indian people to democratize social institutions and
remodel old religious outlooks to suit the new social needs.
In the social sphere, there were movements of caste reform or caste
abolition, equal rights for women, a campaign against child marriage and a ban on
widow remarriage, a crusade against social and legal inequalities. In the religious
sphere, there sprang up movements which combated religious superstitions and
attacked idolatry, polytheism and hereditary priesthood. These movements, in
varying degrees, emphasized and fought for the principles of individual liberty and
social equality and stood for nationalism.
The reform movements in Kerala were initiated and led by the middle class
under the influence of both traditional and western ideas. The reformers of Kerala
came mainly from intermediate and lower caste background. Their caste
perspective was clear from the nature of the issues they exposed, mainly the
problems of the lower castes: casteism, expansive and obscurantist social
customs and practices, education, temperance etc.
The British conquest and the consequent dissemination of colonial culture
and ideology had led to an inevitable introspection about the strengths and
weaknesses of indigenous culture and institutions. The response, indeed, was
varied but the need to reform social and religious life was a commonly shared
conviction. The social base of this quest which was generally, but not altogether
appropriately been called the renaissance, was the newly emerging middle class
and the traditional as well as western educated intellectuals. The socio- cultural
regeneration in the nineteenth century India was occasioned by the colonial
presence, but not created by it.
84
The nineteenth century witnessed a cultural – ideological struggle against
the backward elements of traditional culture, on the one hand, and the fast
hegemonising colonial culture and ideology on the other. Society in the nineteenth
century was caught in the vicious web created by religious superstitions and social
obscurantism.
The caste system thrived and persisted for many centuries primarily
because of the low level of economic existence of the Indian people. The precapitalist economy on which it rested was primarily based on the village
autocracy, the absence of appreciable development of exchange relations, and
extremely weak and meager means of transport1 .
The economic foundations of the caste was shattered by the new economic
forces and forms introduced into India as a result of the British conquest. The
destruction of the village autocracy, the creation of private property in land, the
steady industrialization of the country which evolved new vocations and created
modern cities which were the solvents of a number of caste taboos and
restrictions, the spread of a network of railways and buses which made possible,
for the first time in the Indian history, mass travelling resulting in willing and
unwilling mass contact. These were some of the principal factors for the growing
disintegration of caste system.
The new land revenue system together with the technical backwardness of
Indian agriculture, the rising indebtedness of the Indian agriculturists and over
pressure on agriculture due to this ruination of the handicrafts not balanced by any
proportionate industrial development in the country, also forced a section of these
1
A.R.Desai, Social background of Indian Nationalism, New Delhi, 1989, p.247.
85
farmers and artisans to migrate to cities, where they became factory workers or
domestic servants. This also disorganized the vocational basis of caste. 2
The British government, by introducing a uniform system of law in the
country, dealt a severe blow to the social and legal inequalities rampant in the
Hindu society in the pre- British period. Formerly, caste status determined the
punishment for an offence. The expropriation of the caste committees of all penal
powers by the British government deprived caste of a powerful physical weapon to
stampede its recalcitrant members into submission. Caste became only a
voluntary association, which commanded no sanction of law when they inflicted on
their members fines or such other punishments for infringement of caste rules.
This considerably weakened the caste.
One of the most effective instruments in generating social consciousness in
a society, be it modern or traditional, is education, which can render the human
mind skeptical, logical, historical and democratic. Education not only elevates the
self conception of the people, whether they are poor or rich, oppressed or
privileged, rural or urban, but also motivates people to seek change. In this sense
education provides a potent form of consciousness. 3 The British introduced the
western style public education in India. This had a powerful impact on the
educated people and it resulted in the formation of a western educated Hindu elite
class. Learning of world history, literature and science made them conscious of
events occurring around the world. Acquiring knowledge of social revolutions and
struggles for political freedom and civil rights that was taking place at that time,
induced in this educated class rationality and a desire for a change from their
2
A.R.Desai, Op.cit., p.248.
P. Chandramohan, ‘Education and social consciousness in the making of modern Kerala’, in Dr.
Jnaneswaran, (ed.,), Historiography: Structure and Practice, Thiruvananthapuram, 2010, p.176.
3
86
superstious way of life. At the same time, public education helped the lower
classes become educated and thus conscious of their civil rights and the right to
equality before the law. Learning English made it possible for Indians to build links
among different linguistic regions.
Thus we can see that in the 19th century India was passing through the
processes of transformation from the medieval to the modern age. This can be
attributed mainly to the spread of western ideas especially through English
education.4 It unyoked occupation from caste. And outside the caste framework it
contributed to the upward mobility of individuals and groups in the process of
westernization5, which permitted a chance for the lower castes to move up in the
modern status system. In Kerala also the dissemination of western ideas came
through English education. This was imparted to the Malayalis by the
missionaries. The first English school in the Travancore state was established by
Rev. Ringeltaube.6 English education on regular basis had been imparted since
1818 at the Nagercoil seminary founded by Rev. Mead. 7 He was also the pioneer
of female education in the state. By 1904 the LMS had 384 schools with 15641
students and the CMS had 200 schools with 13148 students under them. 8
Besides instruction in scriptures, general subjects like history, geography,
arithmetic and elements of natural philosophy were taught in these schools.9
An English school had been opened in the Cochin state as early as 1881
by Rev.J.Dawson at Mattancheri. 10 It was followed by the establishment of similar
4
R.C.Majumdar, History of Freedom movement in India, vol.l, Calcutta, 1971,p.259.
M.S.A., Rao, Tradition, Rationality and change, Bombay, 1972, pp.137-38.
6
George Mathew, Communal road to Secular Kerala, New Delhi, 1989, p.35.
7
M.Sahadevan, Towards social justice and nation making, Trichur, 1993, p.20.
8
Nagam Aiya, The Travancore state manual, Trivandrum, 1906, pp.446-47.
9
ibid., p.475.
10
M.Sahadevan, Op.cit., p.20.
5
87
schools at Trichur, Thripunithura and Ernakulum. The government started a
department of vernacular instruction in 1890 with a view to diffusing education
among masses. In 1892 government started a number of English vernacular
schools for girls.11 That by 1901, 108979 people became literate in a state where
the total population was 812025 shows the rapid spread of education in the
state.12 In Malabar the Basel Evangelical Mission assumed the leading role in the
spread of English education. It began with the foundation of an English school at
Varnasseri near Cannanore.13 The most notable thing about the efforts of
missionaries in the field of education was that the low castes were not denied
admission in the institutions. Most of the Ezhavas owed their opportunity for
English education to the missionaries. 14 This is evident from the fact that there
was no single Ezhava among the 1579 students who read in the nine schools in
the Travancore state during the year 1863-64.15
By the beginning of the 19th century, modern education was not restricted
so strictly as before to the upper strata of society. In 1910 more than twenty three
percent of the total number of students was from the artisan and labouring
classes.16 More than sixty eight percent of schools in Travancore were located in
the rural areas.17 When education did percolate downward to the lower strata of
society and rural areas of the state, modern ideas of democracy, social equality
and justice percolated down to the rural masses. The modern ideas kindled a
libertarian impulse among these ageless victims of Hindu social system. N.
11
C. Achutha Menon, The Cochin State Manual, Ernakulam, 1911, pp.291-94.
Census of India, 1901, XX, A, Cochin, Part.II, Imperial Tables, p.18.
13
P.K.Gopalakrishnan, Samskarika Charithram, Thiruvananthapuram,1994,p.520.
14
P.S.Velayudhan, SNDP Yoga Charitaram, Quilon, 1978, pp.22-23.
15
Quoted in ibid., p.23.
16
Travancore Administration Report, 1910-1911, (1806 M.E), p.50.
17
The Report of the All India Educational Conference, Madras, December, 1945, The South Indian
Teacher, 1946, p.13.
12
88
Kumaran, an Ezhava representative in Travancore Legislative council, said : “
owing to rapid spread of education in the country, these depressed classes began
to feel dissatisfied with the condition of life allowed to them by narrow and
depressing nature of their environment, and they began, therefore, to agitate for
their betterment”.18 The spread of education among the rural masses awakened
their self respect and enlightened their mind by engendering in them a feeling of
social and economic equality and justice.
It is generally attributed that modern education, especially English
education and the dissemination of European ideas, were largely responsible for
the development of social protest and religious dissent – the two significant
symptoms of socio – religious consciousness in India. 19 This perception of the
colonial ideologies led many missionaries, scholars from overseas and regional
writers, with different degree of emphasis and intensity, to interpret it to be the
reason for the emergence of enlightenment and the resultant social progress in
Kerala society.20 To them, the educational endeavour of missionaries and the
introduction of English education brought about enlightenment and social
consciousness in Kerala society. However, while over – emphasizing the role of
English education, the role of traditional knowledge in effecting change in society,
has somewhat been left out of the purview of these scholars.
Despite Kerala society having an unusually high proportion of literate and
educated people even in pre- colonial period,21 literacy and education could not
contribute to its ability to change or to respond to any challenge from outside. The
18
nd
Proceedings of Travancore Legislative Council, Vol.VI, 2 October, 1925, p.319.
R.C.Majumdar, (ed.,), British Paramountcy and Indian Renaissance, Vol.X, Part.II, 1965, p.89.
20
Samuel Mateer, The Land of Charity : A Descriptive Account of Travancore and its people,
London, 1870, pp.141-157; Native Life in Travancore, London, 1883, pp.396-413.
21
Kathleen Gough, “literacy in Kerala”, in Jack Gody, (ed.,), Literacy in Traditional Societies,
Cambridge, 1968,pp.151-55.
19
89
failure of the pre- colonial educational system to create a rationalist outlook and
scientific approach was due to the presence of unequal social relationship,
economic disparity, religious superstition and the prevalence of feudal values
within Kerala society. Since education was treated more an exercise in memory
than as an excitement to the mind, the originality in thinking was discouraged. 22
There was, therefore, not much provision or scope for the growth of knowledge as
a result of challenge and exposure, or of challenge and response. The precolonial education to a great extent failed to expand and awaken the mind of the
people.23 This did not mean, however, that the traditional knowledge had wholly
lost its relevance.
Whatever might have been the serious limitations of the traditional
education, its intellectual and cultural contents were very much alive, and capable
of renewed vitality under a dynamic leadership. The social and cultural ideas of
Chattampi Swamikal and Sree Narayana Guru, who were exclusively the products
of traditional knowledge,
24
are the best examples to show that the traditional
intellectual milieu had the potential to stimulate ideas and to create
consciousness. Their programme and methods – consecration of temple, idol
worship etc, were in no way modern, nor were they the creations of interaction
with Christianity. Instead they were contemporary expressions of centuries old
dissent of cultural ideological hegemony of Brahmins
25
and protest against the
penetration of Christianity.26 The writings of Vallathol Narayana Menon,
22
P. Chandramohan, Education and . . . , p.176.
ibid., p.177.
24
Swami John Dharmatheertham, The Prophet of Peace, Chempazhanthi, 1931, p.91.
25
Chattampi Swamikal Smaraka Grantham, Quilon, 1953,pp.14,98-99,206-211; for ideas of
Narayana Guru, see, “ Darsana mala”, “Atmopadesha shatakam”, “Advaita Deepika”, “Daiva
dasakam”, etc in T. Bhaskaran, (ed.,), Sree Narayana Guruvinte Sampoorna Krithikal, Calicut,
1985,pp.30-33.
26
Mannathu padmanabhan, Ente Jeevitha Smaranakal, Changanacherry, 1989, pp.30-34.
23
90
Kumaranasan and many others, which to a great extent had articulated social
regeneration in Kerala society, were influenced by Hindu caste oppression, social
inequality or Brahmanic socio – cultural hegemony. The intellectuals in general,
got their inspiration either from Hindu scriptures or Buddhist traditions.27
Thus education contributed, on the one hand, to the questioning and
challenging of old Kerala society, and on the other to the establishing in its place,
a much more demanding socio – political culture.28 Education in effect, became a
cause as well as a consequence of great popular movements. Education became
the passport to enter the public service, employment in plantations and many
other professions like journalism, teaching, legal and medical professions.
In parallel to the development of education and contact with western
missionaries, the 19th century saw the advent of journalism in Kerala. This paved
the way for disseminating knowledge and better communication. The first
Malayalam journal ‘The Rajya Samacharam’ was published from Thalassery in
June 1847.29 It was mainly intended to spread the news about the Kingdom of
God. The second journal published in Malayalam was ‘Paschimodayam’.30 It
contained information on subjects like astrology, history of Kerala, geography,
zodiac, astronomy, philosophy and news from the west.31 It was through the press
that the missionaries carried the light of learning and the consciousness of civil
rights to the minds of the downtrodden. The missionaries were later emulated by
social reformers to educate their communities through the means of press. A
27
For eg:- Kumaran Asan, Chandala Bikshuki,
Robin Jeffrey, Politics, Women and well being : How Kerala Became a model, Great Britain,
1992, p.59.
29
Fr. Paul Manavalan, Kerala Samskaravum Chrysthava Missionarymarum, Kochi, 1990, pp.217218.
30
ibid.
31
Puthuppally Raghavan, Kerala Pathrapravartana Charitram, Trichur, 1985, pp.29-42.
28
91
number of journals and newspapers in Malayalam began to be published since
the last quarter of the 19th century. The ‘Malayali’, ‘Service’, ‘Nair’, ‘Mithavadi’,
‘Vivekodayam’, ‘Desabhimani’, ‘Sujananandini’ etc were only a few among the
mouth pieces of the social reformers.32
The development of transport and means of communications had effected
revolutionary changes in Kerala society. Prior to the organization of the
engineering department in 1860 in Travancore, road communication was
extremely poor. The so called roads that existed were useful for travellers on foot
and horse and fit for traffic only by bullocks and donkeys. 33 Road construction
took a rapid pace in Travancore and by 1904 the state with 7091 sq.miles in area
was able to maintain 2218 miles of cart roads and 818 miles of village roads and
376 miles of traces for new roads. 34 By 1904 the railway line running from Quilon
to Tinnavelly had been completed. Between 1857 and 1865 post offices had been
opened up in Alleppey, Trivandrum, Quilon and Nagercoil. 35 In 1863 the
telegraphic line from Cochin to Tutucorin through the territory of Travancore was
established. In 1864, telegraph service was opened between Quilon and
Trivandrum.36
By 1905 almost all important places in Travancore had been
connected through telegraph.37 In Cochin also the construction of new roads and
railway line had been in progress by the end of the 19th century. With the opening
up of the country for easy communications, movements of people could not be
restricted by taboos. The unapproachable would no more be passive to the age
32
Puthuppally Raghavan, Op.cit. , pp.149-84.
Nagam Aiya, The Travancore State Manual, Thiruvanantapuram, 1906, vol.II,p.217.
34
ibid., p.225.
35
M. Sahadevan, Towards… ., p.19.
36
S. Raimon, (ed.,), Thiranjedutha Sarkar Theetturangal,(selected notifications of the
government), Kochi, Rpt:2005, p.43.
37
ibid., Vol.III, p.24.
33
92
old restrictions on their passing along roads and visiting public offices. Moreover,
the upper class would not be in a position to impede the exchange of ideas.
The land reforms also introduced major changes in Travancore, Kochi and
Malabar. They conferred fixity of tenure, ensured permanent occupancy rights and
reduced the power of jenmis over their tenants. Eviction became difficult and
majority of tenants got permanent occupancy. The pattam proclamation of 1865
resulted in the distribution of sircar lands among the cultivators belonging to all
castes and groups engaged in agriculture. The economic consequence of this was
the transformation of land into a stable commodity and this paved the way for
expansion in economic activities. 38 Naturally the money derived from the sale of
land could be utilized as investment for education or industry. The proclamation of
1867 granted permanent occupancy right and freedom from eviction to the
‘Kanam’ tenants.39 In Cochin freedom from eviction was partially granted to the
kanam tenants by the proclamation of 1863. 40 The legislation of 1896, the jenmi
kudiyan act, conferred permanent occupancy rights and other reliefs in the form of
fixation of rents and fees for the ‘kanam’ kudiyans who in all held an area of more
than one and half lakh acres41. Proprietary rights in land were conferred upon the
holders of government lands by the proclamation of 1905. 42 Land reforms, to a
certain extent, relieved the peasantry of their sufferings from exploitation and
helped to create an economy of small peasant proprietors and tenants with
substantial economic independence. Reforms like this gave a sense of security
38
T.C. Varghese, Agrarian Change and Economic Consequences, Madras, 1970,p.65.
ibid.,p.66.
40
ibid., p.69.
41
ibid., p.67.
42
C. Achutha Menon, The Cochin State Manual, Ernakulam, 1911, pp.313-14.
39
93
and confidence to low caste tenants to participate in the struggle for basic civil
rights.
With the advent of colonial rule, changes also took place in public
administration. This led to better job opportunities for the educated people in
bureaucracy. Less than two percent of total male population was employed in
government service.43 While employment opportunities in the government mainly
went to upper castes, those in the public works departments and plantation
industries were mainly the preserve of backward communities. The opening of
public works departments and plantation industries in Travancore and Cochin
provided salaried employment to thousands of low caste people as coolies. It also
widened the scope for labourers and raised their wages. The wages of laborers
increased from one and a half annas and one meal. The skilled workman could
get even a rupee a day by the end of 1880’s. In Travancore the wages of non
agricultural labourers in plantation industries rose by 167% and of the artisans
140%.44
Such developments occurred in the context of the evolution of socio
religious reform movements. We can see that the British and Indian administrators
introduced several liberal administrative reforms in the early decades of 19th
century. These reforms hastened the pace of social change in Kerala. The
abolition of slavery45 was one of the revolutionary steps taken in Malabar,
Travancore and Cochin towards the establishment of a new society, as it
weakened the grip of feudal elements over the toiling sections of the society. The
43
P.J.Cherian, (ed.,), Perspectives on Kerala History, Thiruvananthapuram, 1999, p.458.
Census of Travancore, 1875,p.266: Samuel Mateer, Native life of Travancore, London, 1883,
pp.235-36.
45
William Logan, Malabar, Vol.1,Trivandrum,1981,p.119: Act V of 1843 abolished slavery.
44
94
administrative machinery was over hauled in conformity with the modern ideas of
government in all the three administrative divisions. Hereditary offices were
abolished. The judiciary was organized on the basis of modern norms. Trial by
ordeal was abolished and every attempt was made to mitigate the rigors of the
penal code. Court of laws were set up in important centers. The obnoxious feudal
levies which curbed individual freedom and stifled free economic activity were
abolished. The system of free and compulsory labour for the government was
scrapped and payment of wages and salaries begun. 46 The irksome restrictions
on the use of conveyance, ornaments and dress were gradually swept away. All
these steps helped to quicken the process of transition from the feudal era to the
modern era of social equality and justice.
All these changes discussed above altogether produced a few men of
excellence. Their commitment towards social change was absolute. The
dedicated works of Narayana Guru, Chattambi Swamikal, Ayyankali, Mannathu
Padmanabhan, etc resulted in the social transition of the 20th century Kerala.
They revolted against the existing social order in which the Brahmins enjoyed a
monopolistic position. The social reforms eventually helped in ushering in a new
social order in which the non- Brahmin communities came to have their legitimate
place. The contributions made by these social reformers may be dealt with
separately.
Sree Narayana Guru
Sree Narayana Guru was the first man in India who gave the clarion call
against the caste system, standing on the threshold of a temple. He has set in
46
A.Sreedhara Menon, Cultural heritage of Kerala, Kottayam, 2008, p.248.
95
motion waves of drastic social changes. In fact, he has set his axe at the root of
superstitions and foolish practices observed in the name of religion and tradition
and shook the social conscience of Kerala. Sree Narayana Guru became the
spiritual force behind the social renaissance of Kerala.
Most of his influence was on the socially oppressed or downtrodden people
of Kerala, the so – called avarnas or untouchables. He rejuvenated them with soul
and spirit through religious teachings, and invested them with dignity and self
respect through education and economic power.
Kerala society was totally under the spell of the caste demon with all its evil
effects. Divisions and subdivisions based on caste hierarchy were strictly
implemented with the dividing walls of untouchability and unseeability. Privileges
for the high castes, the inhuman punishments and penalties for the low castes
were the accepted norms of the day. Practices for maintaining the ‘purity of the
caste’ had reached the level of absurdity.
When Sree Narayana Guru entered the scene, the social ground was ready
to receive the seeds of reformation that he sowed. The British rule caused political
enslavement, but it accelerated the transformation to a more humanitarian social
structure. Aspirations for higher values permeated the society. There was
dissatisfaction with the elitist and exclusive Sanskrit based education, discontent
about religion and worship and general awareness about social injustice. People
were ready for change and emancipation but they lacked leadership and
organized programme of growth and development. That is why great intellectual
personality, Romain Rolland, the noble laureate, portrayed his endeavour as “he
preached if one may say so, an jnana of action, a great intellectual religion, having
96
a lively sense of the people and their social needs, it has greatly contributed to the
uplifting of the oppressed classes in southern India and its activities have in a
measure been allied to those of Gandhi”. 47
Narayana Guru was born in the year 1854 A.D at Chempazhanthy, in the
suburb of the city of Trivandrum, the present capital of Kerala state, India.48
Narayana Guru’s father was Madan Asan and his mother was Kutti Amma.49
After attaining proficiency in Sanskrit learning, he took to penance and a
wandering life for some time. After years of meditation, he found the solution for
all maladies caused by religion and caste in the Advaitha philosophy. Advaitha
stipulates that the same divine spirit dwells in all living beings. He assimilated this
great truth.
Sree Narayana Guru evolved a philosophy – a gospel of unity, based on
advaitha. It is well explained through his poetic compositions “ Advaitha Deepika”
and “Atmopodesha Shathakam”.50. The essence of his philosophy is in three
assertions “One caste, One religion and one God for man”, 51 “Ask not, say not,
think not caste”52, “Whatever be the religion, let man improve himself”53. This
gospel of unity has shaken the social conscience of Kerala. Narayana Guru
ignited the masses with his unitive philosophy, to explode and become the
propelling force for their spiritual and social upward mobility. The whole process is
a bloodless revolution, in the upsurge of which all decadent traditions were swept
away and a new social order was ushered in.
47
Quoted in A. Sreedhara Menon, Cultural …. ., p.254.
Nitya chaitanya Yati, Sree Naryana Guru, Varkala, p.2.
49
ibid.
50
Dr. S. Omana, Life of Sree Narayana Guru, p.66
48
51
Bipan Chandra, et.al, India’s Struggle …, p.88.
K.K.Ponmeleth, Vazhikattikal, p.98
53
Kerala Through the Ages, pp.99-100
52
97
Sree Narayana Guru launched this revolution through a unique step.
Challenging social norms, he, an avarna, who had no right to enter into a temple
consecrated a temple for Lord Siva, who is strictly a deity for the upper caste, at
Aruvippuram, a few kms south east of Trivandrum.54
On the wee hours of
Sivaratri of 1888, he picked up a stone from the adjacent river Neyyar, stood in
meditation for hours, clutching the stone, and then placed it on an altar as
“Sivalingam”55. It was the demolition of the dividing wall of caste and tradition
between men and gods, and the assertion of man’s fundamental right to worship.
To the hundreds of untouchable devotees who stood watching the ceremony, it
was the first lesson in equality- equality of all before God, and the first step in their
liberation from spiritual serfdom. They can worship the same Lord, as their upper
caste overlords worship, if they cannot go to the temple, the temple has come to
them. To the enraged priesthood, he gave the befitting reply that it was an Ezhava
Shiva, and not a Brahmin Shiva that he had installed. 56 It was the death knell to
the authority of priesthood, and the launching of the bloodless revolution.
But his message to humanity was something more than that. On the newly
erected temple wall he wrote a small poem. It was a hymn of universal
brotherhood to unify humanity. It read, “This is the model abode, Where all live in
brotherhood, Without the dividing walls of caste discrimination and religious
rivalry”57.Through these lines, the small stone which he installed as Lord Shiva,
evolved into a symbol of human unity. Hundreds of Sree Narayana temples
sprang up for different deities with trained non-Brahmins as Archakas or priests.58
54
Koickal K.Jacop, Op.Cit, p.65
Kerala Through the Ages, Kerala Government Publish., p.99
56
Kottukkoyikkal Velayudhan Op.cit.,pp.88-89
57
Aymanam Nalinakshan, Sree Narayana Gurudiva Padmudrakal,p.12
58
Koikal.K.Jacob, Opcit., p.104-107.
55
98
Through these temples, his clarion call to liberate the so-called untouchables from
social and spiritual serfdom reached out to every nook and corner of Kerala and
awakened the lethargic souls. Temples became the centers of activity-unification,
enlightenment, and emancipation of the people.
The revolution that Sree Narayana Guru set in motion through temples at
Aruvippuram defies any stereotyping. It was a unification process and not division,
and therefore peaceful and silent. It was a harmonious integration of spirituality
and material progress. In effecting fundamental changes in existing order, its
power was more than what the ordinary mortals could have imagined. He used
the same institution of temples which were used to keep the people divided to
integrate them and guide them for a meaningful and prosperous life. It was the
creative approach of a social revolutionary, a practical genius, for transforming
these traditional institutions of temples into vehicles of social change, while
maintaining its characteristic as a place of worship.
Through his temples, Sree Narayana Guru brought out some specific
reforms. Firstly, he consecrated higher Gods in place of evil spirits and appointed
trained, dedicated Sanyasins from the lower strata to function as priests, thus
elevating them religiously. He wanted to replace the worship of evil spirits with
blood sacrifices and fermented drinks by an innovative form of worship. 59
Secondly, he instructed his followers to build new temples in simple, inexpensive
ways so that energy and money could be utilized for useful purposes. He reduced
the customarily elaborate and long temple worship to a much simpler and shorter
form. Regarding the building of new temples, his instructions were:"Temples
59
P.Chandramohan, “Popular culture and socio- religious reform: Narayana Guru and Ezhavas of
Travancore” in Studies in History,vol.3,1987,pp.62.63.
99
should not be built in expensive manner as was the custom of ancient days. No
money should be spent for elaborate festivals and its pomp….. Adjacent to the
temple should be schools and reading rooms. Small scale industrial training
schools should also be attached to temples. The offertory at the temple should be
used for the welfare of the poor people."60
The objective of Narayana Guru’s endeavours at religious reforms was not
to enable the low caste to have access to the Brahmanical gods but to create a
system of worship of their own. His initial consecration of the idol of Shiva despite
his disapproval of idolatry was with a view to circumventing the influence of both
the elite and the popular culture. Gradually he changed his pattern, from idol to
lamp and lastly to mirror, representing the spiritual progress of man.
The iconoclastic view of the Guru is evident in his consecration of just a
lamp, instead of an idol, in the Kaaramukku temple in Trichur in 1920, saying "Let
there be Light"61. In 1922, he built a temple at Murukkumpuzha and consecrated,
not an idol but a mere inscription of "Truth, Dharma, Love, Mercy" 62, and in 1924,
in the last temple he consecrated, he placed just a mirror in the sanctuary, instead
of an idol or an image, in the Kalavankode temple in Shertalai district
63
. His
intention is clear; you will see god in yourself--look to the inner self to see God. He
wanted to elevate man to God, to sublimate idolatry to the pure level of abstract
virtues, to lead the stem of devotion to the boundless ocean of Brahamam, the
changeless and imperishable "Tat Tvam Asi" and "Aham Bhramasmi". 64
60
Koickal K.Jacop, Op.Cit, p.65
Dr. S. Omana, Op.Cit., p.66.
62
ibid.
63
Koickal K.Jacop, Op.Cit, p.104.
64
Nataraja Guru, The Word of Guru, New Delhi, 1952, (Rpt:), 2008, p.51.
61
100
In his temple reforms, Sree Narayana Guru began with personal gods such
as Shiva, he then gradually moved towards an emphasis of the worship of
qualities, and finally arrived at the contemplation of the self as Brahamam, thus
meeting the various levels of emotional and spiritual inclinations of the people
from the ordinary to the intellectual. Here is thus the quintessence of Hindu
philosophy in action. He is also an example of a man who precisely practiced what
he publicly preached.
Moorkoth Kumaran, the first biographer of the Guru, says "The temples as
envisaged by the Guru should enrich the people culturally and financially,
through their attached groves, libraries, lecture halls, educational institutions and
industrial centers. Let the temple remain a centre of such activities. Let it be a
means of social uplift both to those who have faith in idol worship and to those
who do not have, each according to his own conviction." 65 Sree Narayana Guru's
main thrust was on education.66 All of the Guru's educational programs were
launched through temples and lectures at temples. Temples were only a tool in
his hands to bring his people out of their dejection and self pity. He held the view
that education is a must to enlighten and awaken the masses against oppression
and exploitation. He gave the people a three point formula for development,
“Strength
through
organization,
Freedom
through
education,
Economic
Independence through Industries”.67
Regarding the social customs, he sought to effect social changes aimed at
the eradication of senseless, meaningless and expensive social customs and
practices like Thalikettu kalyanam, the mock marriage of the child, Thirandukuli,
65
Koickal K.Jacop, Op.Cit, p.104.
Ibid- pp.108-110
67
Thaikuttam Purushothaman, Op.Cit.,p.66
66
101
the puberty ceremony for girls, Pulikudi, the first pregnancy festival and many
more before and even after the death of man. The Guru exhorted his disciples that
these festivals and ceremonies have no Vedic sanction, but were introduced by
the priestly class to perpetuate their hegemony. 68 The people were convinced of
the force of sincerity in his arguments, and it was resolved in 1905 to abolish
these customs, wherever possible, or simplify them, where a symbolic retention of
the custom is called forth. A new liturgy for the marriage ceremony was drawn and
a beginning was made for the first time to hold marriages in a simple way in
temples or before priests with prayer and worship. 69
Another issue taken up by Sree Narayana Guru was temperance. He took
this up with the view of ending the general identification of Ezhavas with the
production and sale of alcohol. 70 He wanted the social and economic
improvement of Ezhavas and other backward communities. He declared: “Liquor
is poison. It should not be manufactured, served or drunk. The toddy tapper’s
body will stink, his clothes will stink, his house will stink, and whatever he touches
will stink”71. The guru even went to the extent of asking people to excommunicate
the tappers and drunkards to achieve self- purification, self respect and economic
progress. His speech in a Pulaya conference at Muttathara sought to raise moral
standards and promote thrift and tried to convince the poor landless labourers that
liquor was a cause of idleness, poverty and crime. 72 When he incorporated
prohibition in his programme of social reform, there was an unprecedented
awakening in the entire society. As a result of his activities, in 1922 the number of
68
Thaikuttam Purushothaman, Op.Cit.,p.66
ibid.
70
A.Ayyappan, Social revolution in a Kerala village: a study in cultural change, Bombay, 1965,
p.154.
71
Sahodaran, September- October 1920, vol.33, No.5, p.162.
72
Vivekodayam, August – September, 1920.
69
102
auctioneers was less than the total number of shops and therefore the
government suffered a loss of four lakh rupees from items of Akbari. 73
The best known of all messages of Sree Narayana Guru is the one
exhorting his followers not to observe caste distinctions. Caste discrimination for
Narayana Guru was irrational and unscientific. He advocated that since all men
belonged to “one race and one caste” people should not observe caste
distinction.74 Reacting to the tension among the high and low castes, the guru
said, “Do not ask another’s caste, do not speak of one’s own caste and never
think of either”75 . According to him, “whatever be one’s religion, it is enough that
man becomes good and whatever a man does for his own pleasure shall be for
the benefit of others”.76
He was opposed to all distinctions based on caste and
Varna. He emphasized solidarity and equality of mankind. Nonetheless, the Guru
lived the life which he wanted others to live. In his own headquarters he abolished
all kinds of disparity, and all were admitted to temples consecrated by him. Poor
children were taken as free scholars and he taught them sacred books. Although
the Guru did not live long to see the full effects of his campaign, his work helped
release the forces which eventually contributed to the removal of untouchability
completely in Kerala. He brought an awareness of human rights to the people and
awakening of a sense of social brotherhood among all sections of society.
The hermeneutics of Guru’s mission was to establish the idea that religion
is for the well being of total humanity and that man is not for the sake of religion.
73
Kerala Kaumadi, 22 June 1922, p.4.
P. Chandra mohan, Growth of social reform movements in Kerala, in P.J. Cherian (ed.,),
Perspictives on…, p.38.
75
Quoted in Swami Dharma Therthan, The Prophet of peace, Chempazhanti, 1931,p.149.
76
Narayana Guru, “Athmopadesha Sathakam”, in Sree narayana gurudeva krithikal, Kollam
1976,p.115.
74
103
At the same time, he was able to keep a society in its own linear culture and
tradition without infringing the existing social structure and simultaneously defused
and neutralized the age-old diabolic social relations and established recognition to
the egalitarian social values from top to bottom of the society without shedding a
single drop of blood. That is why the Great Poet Rabindranath Tagore once
pictured him in the following lines. “I have been touring different parts of the world.
During these travels, I have had good fortune to come into contact with several
Saints and Rishies. But I have frankly to admit that I have not come across one
who is spiritually greater than Swami Narayana Guru of Malayalam”77.
Chattampi Swamikal
Yet another social reformer of the period was Chattampi Swamikal. He was
born on August 25, 1853 in a Nair family at Kannanmula in Trivandrum as the son
of a Namboothiri Brahmin.78 He had no formal education other than customary. At
an early stage of his life itself, he became a sanyasin and formed his vision of
social reform. The religiIous and philosophical discourses of Chattampi Swamikal
won for him a wide circle of disciples. Above all the enhanced Christian
missionary activities and large scale conversion of lower strata of Hindus to
Christianity in order to enjoy the fruits of social justice and equality considerably
transformed his vision and mission. 79 He identified himself with the aspirations of
the common folk and spoke strongly against the Brahmin domination.
Chattampi Swamikal rose to be a historical personage by waging an
ideological war against Brahmanical religion. His work was mainly confined to the
77
C. R. Mitra, Sree Narayana Guru and Social Revolution, 1979, p 143
A. Sreedhara Menon, Cultural . . . , p.252.
79
Chattampi Swamikal, Kristumatha Chedanam, Cochin, 1997, pp.3-4.
78
104
social fabric of the Nair caste, for he understood that a societal initiation among
them would serve as an encouragement to the non- Brahmin castes and would
set the swiftness for the great social changes in the coming years. 80 He tried to
give a new interpretation to the ancient history of Kerala as distinct from the one
given by the Brahmanas and wrote ‘Pracheena Malayalam’.81 He argued that the
right to land was to be proved by registered documents, which the works like
‘Kerala Mahatmyam’ and ‘Keralolpathy’ failed to do. They were purposefully
created to protect the vested interests of the Brahmins. So they were not to be
considered at all to find out the real owners of the land.82
In “Pracheena
Malayalam” he rejected the legend of Parasurama and the popular concept of
‘cahturvarnya’ and asserted that the criterion of caste is not birth but an
individual’s karma.
83
He contended that Nairs could not be considered as Sudras.
He held the epithet Sudra for Nairs as bitterly loathsome, it had no historical
validity but was a creation of the Brahmins to humiliate and keep the Nairs as a
servile lot.
Chattampi Swamikal argued that none was forbidden from taking to
learning. He tried to establish that none of the authorities along with the Vedas
was against the right of Sudras and women84. In his view, many of the taboos
against Sudras and women were the creation of commentators through
suppression of facts or suggestion of false meanings. 85 In his work “Vedadhikara
Nirupanam”, he made a scathing attack on religious superstition and sacerdotal
80
A. Sreedhara Menon, Survey …., pp.381-82.
M. Sahadevan, From Brahminism to Libaralism, Payyoli, 2008,p.87.
82
Chattampi Swamikal, Pracheena Malayalam in Maheswaran Nair, (ed.,), Chattampi Swamikal:
jeevithavum kritikalum, Thiruvananthapuram, 1995, p.357.
83
P.Chandra Mohan, Growth .., in P.J. Cherian, (ed.,), Perspectives . . ., p.25.
84
Ponnara saraswathy, Sree Vidhyadhiraja Chattampi Swamikal, Kollam, 2006,p.32.
85
Chattampi Swamikal, “Vedadhikara Nirupanam”, in Maheswaran Nair, (ed.,), Chattampi …,
p.504
81
105
dictatorship of Brahmins. He took a very critical attitude towards the scriptures as
well as the notion that the Vedas were the sole preserve of the Brahmins. He was
the first intellect who questioned the scriptural hegemony of Brahmins. 86
He was an advocate of women’s equality with men.87 He denounced the
oft- quoted statement of the law giver Manu, that “No Women deserves freedom”
as idiotic. Man and woman are interdependent and mutually corresponding. In fact
the prosperity of family and the society depends on woman. She suffers a lot as a
wife and mother only for the well being of others. The respect that she deserves in
society is never too much. So she is to be educated and given a position of
equality and respect by man without any discrimination.
At the time when sanyasin was identified with a life of absolute detachment
from worldly affairs and retirement to the solitude of the Himalayas for meditation,
he proved by his own example that sanyas need not necessarily mean asceticism
and that the sanyasin can do immense good by remaining in the midst of his own
people and helping them to improve their moral and social well being. 88
Chattampi Swamikal infused a new life and vigor into Hinduism at a time when it
was facing the threat of conversions. His activities achieved a large measure of
success in stemming the tide of such conversions from Hinduism.
Chattampi Swamikal built up a value consciousness aimed at the
regeneration of the existing social life of Kerala. The ideological components of his
thought, disseminated through his writings and disciples, were self respect,
rationalism, equality, women’s freedom, non violence and humanism.
86
Chattampi Swamikal, “Vedadhikara Nirupanam” …, p.504.
Chattampi Swamikal. “Prapanchathil Streepurushanmarkkulla Sthanam” in Maheswaran Nair,
ibid., pp.805-20.
88
A. Sreedhara Menon, Cultural … , p.253.
87
106
Brahmananda Sivayogi
Another social reformer of this period was Brahmananda Sivayogi. He was
born on August 26th 1852 in an aristocratic family as the ninth son of Nani Amma
of Karat Nair family and Kunjikrishna Menon of Nenmara in Palakkad District of
Kerala.89 In his childhood he was called Govindan Kutty. He was the founder of
the ‘Sidhasramam’ at Alathur in Palghat District.90 He was a believer in the yoga
system of philosophy which stands for discipline of a high order for the body and
mind. He believed that Man is not merely material. His mind is important. One
should control the mind otherwise his life would be miserable. 91
He condemned caste barriers, penance, pilgrimages, idol worship etc.,
practiced by the Hindus as irrational. 92 The Hindu scriptures which sanctioned
these practices were also denounced as pernicious. He looked upon the society
as a big family. He advocated that every person is a member of this family,
notwithstanding the differences artificially created in the name of caste and
creed.93 The aim of Sivayogi was the elimination of the sense of inequality and
discrimination practiced by the Hindus and thereby the rejuvenation of Hinduism.94
He stood against the ritualistic practices of animal sacrifices, extravagant
ceremonies and festivals of temples all of which obscured man’s capacity for
rational thinking.95 He was against idol worship. According to him it is obscure to
89
Pavanan, Brahmanandha Swamy sivayogi, Thiruvananthapuram, 1997,p.2.
Bhiman Guriji, Asthyathilninnu Sathyathileku – Brahmanandha Swami Jevacharithram, Alathur,
2002, p.31.
91
ibid., p.34.
92
A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey . . ., p.400.
93
Brahmananda Swami Shivayogi, Mokshapradeepam, Thrissur, 1997, p.183.
94
M.Sahadevan, From Brahmanism… , p.131.
95
P.V.Gopalakrishnan, A passage to the bliss supreme, Palakkad, 2000,p.35.
90
107
construct temples to worship idols and try to attain salvation by spending a lot of
money and labour. God is in our mind and not in the decorated shrines. 96
With the consent of Sivayogi an apex body called ‘Ananda Maha Sabha’
was formed. The sole aim of Sabha is to mingle with the local people, understand
their problems and guide them to lead a rational scientific and blissful life. It
should also expose the superstitutions and irrational customs spread in the
society.97
Sivayogi championed the cause of social reform among the Hindus by
advocating change in the Marumakkathyam system of
inheritance, widow
marriage, prohibition of liquor, female education etc. He was also an exponent of
gender equality. He ridiculed oppression of women. Gender distinction does not
mean any difference in the self, which is only the part of the whole. Therefore,
there is no meaning in gender inequality. 98
He favoured female education. To
deny knowledge to women by making education a taboo for them means keeping
them at animal’s level. It means a great loss to man himself and child. An
educated woman only increases the happiness of her husband, while she herself
can attain happiness. Only educated woman can inculcate social values in the
child’s mind. If society is to gain, woman should be given education.99 Sivayogi
advocated gender equality and women’s liberation. He laid stress on nonviolence, peace, acquisition of knowledge (jnana), social equality, happiness
(ananda) etc., as being the essential for the welfare of mankind. 100
96
Brahmananda Swami Shivayogi, Vigraharadhana Khandanam, Alathur, 1999,p.15.
Ananda Maha Sabha Souvenier, Alathur, 1961.
98
M.Sahadevan, From Brahamnism … , p.139.
99
Sivayogi, Streevidyaposhini, Palakkad, 1988,pp.2-15.
100
A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey . . ., p.400.
97
108
Brahmananda sivayogi was not just a spokesman of a particular religion or
doctrine. His teachings revealed the essence of all religions and philosophies. He
may perhaps be more appropriately called the founder of the Ananda religion.
Ananda cult did not mean religion in the modern senses. It was an association of
the people who were seeking the primary aim of life, Ananda or happiness.
According to Ananda cult, the primary aim is to achieve pleasure in life which can
be possible by the control of mind and its desires. The most important factor in
human being is his mind and he can control his mind by meditation and prayers.
This cult is against the faith of heavenly bliss and previous birth. He says that
human beings are not having any caste or religion. There exists no higher or lower
caste men moreover we don’t have the feeling of native or a foreigner. But we are
all of ananda cult, ananda caste and ananda religion.101 Ananda is the absolute
serenity or calmness of the mind, conquest of the mind is the greatest victory,
non- violence constitutes the supreme dharma in life, ritualistic deeds and
practices only breed ignorance and misery. 102 Thus “ Ananda or eternal bliss is
supreme of all religions; absorption of mind into itself is eternal bliss; conquest of
the mind is the greatest of all success; and not to cause any injury is the greatest
of all virtues”.103
He expounded his radical views in his works like “Mokshapradipam”,
“Anandasutram” etc104. The personality and teachings of Brahmananda Sivayogi
exercised a profound influence on the social life of Kerala.
101
Brahmananda Swami sivayogi, Ananda Mathaparasyam, Alathur, 1951,p.5.
Brahmananda Swami Sivayogi, Anandadarsam, Alathur,1998, p.5
103
Quoted in M.Sahadevan, From Brahmanism …, p.128.
104
A. Sreedhara Menon, A survey …, p.400.
102
109
Vagbhatananda
Yet another social critic and value setter whose standpoint was rooted in
Advaitha philosophy was one who was popularly known as Vagbhatananda. His
original name was Kunhikannan. He was born in 1885 as the son of Koran, a
Sanskrit scholar and teacher, and Cheeru Amma in North Malabar. 105 His social
life was very much associated with a cultural association called ‘Atmavidya
Sangam’, founded by him in 1917 to spread the progressive ideas aimed at
reforming the Hindu mental world.106
According to him, world is unreal but it appears to be real and the life in this
world is to be made happy and meaningful. It should be made useful for oneself
and others.107 Excessive indulgence in worldly pleasures would not bring
happiness. That is a form of vulgarized happiness. 108 Real happiness is to be
achieved through a detached life. Detachment is not escapism; it means only
control of mind that helps to lead a cautious life and makes one brave to face the
problems of life.109
His charismatic personality and oratorical skill attracted towards him a large
number of followers including those of the Savarna castes. He denounced the
concept of Varna and caste as an artificial creation of the evil traits in man, like
ego and jealousy, and propagated by some wicked fellows, as caste could not be
detected in any part or organ of the human body. 110
105
M.Sahadevan, From Brahmanism . . ., p.117.
P.P.Antony, “Yuktivadam”, in Kusumathinte Kritikal, Kottayam, 1989,p.165.
107
ibid., p.175.
108
ibid.
109
M.sahadevan, From Brahmanism …, p.119.
110
M.Ramavarma Thampan, “Matavum Yuktivadavum”, Yuktivadi,IV, No.9, Medam,
M.E.1108,p.280.
106
110
He was an ardent critic of idol worship, and other rites and rituals, 111 for two
reasons. Firstly, they are of no use in securing happiness and secondly wealth
created by the starving millions is wasted in the name of these. 112 Accumulation of
wealth and knowledge without inner development would only lead to degeneration
and vulgarity, he pointed out. 113 The essence of his ideas can be condensed like
this: A moderate life leading to moral and material well- being of the individual and
society is the ideal one.
He championed against addiction to liquor and the championed the cause
of prohibition. In 1914, he started “Sivayogi Vilasam”, a journal for propagating his
ideas, but it was short lived. 114 The teachings of Vagbhatananda helped to
strengthen the base of the nationalist movement in north Kerala.115
Ayyankali
These social reformers and their movements had profound influence in all
sections of Kerala society. This plight fuelled the emergence of Dalit agitations
later under the charismatic leadership of Ayyankali.
Emerging as the Dalit voice of rebellion in the later decades of the 19th
century when Kerala was agog with dissenting voices against caste and social
inequalities by the upwardly mobile middle class of the Ezhavas and Nairs,
Ayyankali waged a spirited battle for bringing the Dalits, especially the Pulayas, on
a par with the status of the domineering middle class. The Dalits were never
considered as part of the public and were least represented in the public opinion
111
S.Gupthan Nair, Aadhyathmika Navothanathinte Silpikal, Kozhikode, 2008, pp.69-71.
Yuktivadi, I,No.3, M.E.1105,p.74.
113
K.Ayyappan, “Sciensudasakam”, Yuktivadi,I, No.I, M.E. 1105, p.8.
114
S.Gupthan Nair, Aadhyathmika…, p. 68.
115
A. sreedhara Menon, A Survey …, p.400.
112
111
to the extent that they, despite bearing the brunt of a lumpen exploitative system,
were never in the picture in the discourses of reformation and social integration.
Ayyankali was born on 28 August 1863 in Travancore, Kerala. He was one
of the seven children of Ayyan of Pulaya caste.116 He had no formal education.
The missionary activities and the conversion of Pulaya jatis to Christianity and the
enjoyment of ‘forbidden fruits’ by the converts blossomed a new wisdom in him.
That is why he resorted to the path of breaking the social barriers imposed over
the downtrodden by the customary laws and challenging the discriminatory social
order of the day. He had received moral and material support from the English
educated ‘savarna jatis’ or upper castes and Christian protestant missionaries. 117
The spirit of Ayyankali’s spontaneous revolt was his bold attempt to lay
claim for, or to make a forceful entry into, the public space which he believed will
enable the oppressed people to brave all forms of oppressions and brutalities. He
organized a small band of revolutionary youths called ‘Ayyankalippada’118.
Ayyankali along with this group defied the most obvious points of caste
discrimination and spearheaded an all out war against all forms of exploitations.
By bravely violating the caste rules which brazenly denied Dalits entry into public
roads and marketplaces, this movement sought to subvert the symbolic world of
Jati maryada.
In 1899, in Aralamoodu Bazar near Balaramapuram, Ayyankali and his
friends tried to assert the right of lower castes to travel on public roads. Though he
had to face severe opposition, he kept on travelling on public roads in a decorated
116
Rev.Dr.J.W.Gladstone, Keralathile Protestant Christhumathavum Bahujana Prasthanangalum,
Thiruvananthapuram, 2004, p.179.
117
P.K. Gopalakrishnan, Keralathinte Samskarika Charithram, Trivandrum, 1991,p.372.
118
M.Nissar & Meena Kandaswamy, Ayyankali – A Dalit leader of organic protest, Calicut, 2007.
112
bullock cart.119 Ayyankali’s actions have got legal sanctions. As per rule, all public
roads are open to wheeled conveyances without restrictions.120 He also
challenged the practice of the lower caste persons being served tea by shop
owners in cattle sheds behind the shops and that too in earthern- ware pots and
coconut shells. Such acts of open defiance led to several clashes but it helped to
bring out an enhanced consciousness of Dalit’s status and mobilize the various
Dalit groups in Travancore.
Ayyankali advocated free and compulsory education. He also demanded
educational facilities for peasants and workers. 121 Owing to such persistent
pressure the governments of Travancore and Kochi started separated schools for
backward communities. In 1904, Travancore government took up the entire cost
of primary education of backward communities. In 1911, restrictions on the
admission of the Pulaya children to departmental schools were removed. 122 But
the upper castes were firmly opposed to this and they used violence to stop lowercaste children from entering schools. That led to violent confrontations between
these two forces. Such confrontations had been reported on a number of
occasions, mainly during 1904-05, 1907-08 and 1913-14.The first of these clashes
took place in 1904-05 when the Government first gave permission for Dalits to
enter schools. The resistance from upper castes was fierce and the Dalits fought
back. Since none of the Dalit children were allowed to enter schools, Government
allowed them to start their own schools to teach Dalit children.123
119
T.H.P.Chentharassery, Ayyankali, Trivandrum,2009, pp.16-19.
Cover files, B-40/C-16116/ sl.no.620/year 1865/ MS/pp.1-2, Kerala State Archives,
Thiruvananthapuram,
121
T.H.P.Chentharassery, Op.cit., pp.37-44.
122
P.Chandramohan, ‘Growth of …’ in P.J.Cherian, Op.cit., p.464.
123
T.H.P.Chentharassery, Op.cit., pp.58-59.
120
113
It was then that Ayyankali started a school in his village, Venganur, for
Pulaya children in 1905.124 But it was destroyed by the caste Hindus. Then in
1909, as Dewan P Rajagopalachari and the Director of the Education Department,
an Englishman named Mitchel, issued orders permitting Dalit admission to
schools.125 But the officials at the periphery sabotaged the order. The school
management consisting of landlords also refused to implement the order. Still
Ayyankali knocked at the doors of schools and tried to force the management to
honour the government order and admit dalit children. But they were adamant in
not letting dalits in the schools. Then to pressurize them Ayyankali thundered, “If
you don’t allow our children to study, weeds will grow in your fields".126 He cut
asunder the last strand of kinship between the landlords and labourers and paved
the path for a historic first ever agricultural labour strike. Through this, Kerala's
First Workers' Strike Ayyankali gave a call to Pulayas and other agricultural
workers for strike. His was a historic call, for he had heralded the first agrarian
strike in the history of Kerala.127 Ayyankali’s supporters struck work demanding
admission of their children to public schools, better wages, and freedom to travel
through the public roads. The boycott or strike started in 1913 and ended in 1914.
During this period, vast paddy fields remained uncultivated. Inspite of opposition
from the land owners the boycott movement seems to have had some effect when
a compromise was finally struck between the two groups. Land lords agreed to
raise wages. School entry and travel rights were accepted in principle. 128 The
124
T.H.P.Chentharassery, Op.cit., pp.58-59.
th
G.O.No.2247, dated 19 November 1909, Proceedings of His Highness the Maharaja of
Travancore – order thereon, No.E.2247, file no.451 /1909, Education, B.No. 35, Kerala State
Archives Directorate, Thiruvanthapuram
126
T. A. Mathews, Acharya Ayyankali, Kottayam, 2009,pp. 94-95.
127
T.H.P.Chentharassery, Op.cit., pp.62-63.
128
ibid., p.66.
125
114
strike was certainly not the product of any class consciousness129, but by inducing
the Dalits to use it as a forceful political weapon, Ayyankali succeeded in creating
in them a new consciousness130. He thus challenged the feudal relations in
agriculture and showed his men that there was nothing sacrosanct in their
relationship with Jenmies131 .
These efforts did have a positive impact on the education of Pulayas and
other Dalit groups in Travancore. According to the census figures in 1875, among
the 188,916 Pulayas in the state only 183 had been marked as literate. But
between 1913 and 1916, there was a five-fold increase in the Pulaya enrollment to
schools. According to figures published in Mitavadi, a local newspaper, the
admission of Pulaya children to school was only 2.01 per cent in 1913. But it had
risen to 10.91 per cent by 1916. 132
The nomination of Ayyankali to Srimoolam Praja Sabha
133
, was a
landmark event in the history of Dalit empowerment in Kerala. This paved the way
for a wide range of Dalit issues including housing, distribution of the agricultural
land, educational facilities and the right to use public roads being debated in the
Sabha.134 Ayyankali organized mass mobilisation programmes to get admission
for the Dalit students in schools and to prevent Pulayar women from wearing the
mandatory stone beads.135
129
T.K., Oommen, From Mobilization to Institutionalization: The dynamics of Agrarian Movement
in Twentieth Century, Kerala, Bombay, 1985,p. 62.
130
P., Sanal Mohan, ‘Dalit Discovery and the Evolving New Self: Contest and Strategies’ Lateral
Study Series, No. 13, Kottayam : School of Social Science, M.G. University,n.d., p.34.
131
ibid.,p. 35
132
ibid., p.96.
133
T.A. Mathews, Op.cit., pp.179-180
134
ibid., pp.181 – 193.
135
T.H.P. Chentharasery, Op.cit., pp.79-93
115
The most important thing with the reforms intiated by Ayyankali was that
they were to be within the legal framework existing in the State. Even when he
challenged the existing rules and regulations he did it with the final resort of
appeal to the authority of the Maharaja of Travancore. He never advocated
conversion to Christianity or any other religion as a way out for his fellow caste
people.136 Instead he fought for the rights and privileges for his caste people by
pointing the benefits enjoyed by those who got converted to Christianity and
Islam.137
Sahodaran Ayyappan
Another faction which embraced large sections of people and gave ballast
to the reform movement was the rationalist movement which questioned the very
basis of religion and traditional thought and practices. Sahodaran Ayyappan was
most prominent among them. Sahodaran Ayyappan was born into a traditional
Ezhava family of Cherai in Ernakulam district as the son of Kumabalathuparambil
Kochavu Vaidyar and Unnuli on 22 August 1889. 138 He lost his father at an early
age and was brought up under the guidance of his elder brother Achuthan
Vaidyar. After having his school education primarily in Cherai and North Paravoor,
Ayyappan did his pre-university course at the Malabar Christian College,
Kozhikode. He joined the Honours course in Sanskrit in the Madras Presidency
College. But without completing the course, after one year he returned home. 139
136
T.H.P. Chentharasery, Op.cit., pp.79-93
th
Proceedings of the 19 session of the Sri Mulam Popular Assembly of Travancore, 1923,
p.178.
138
C.K.Gangadaran, Sahodaran Ayyappan, Ernakulam, 1984, p.8.
139
M.K.Sanu, Sahodaran.K.Ayyappan, Kottayam, 1980,pp.30-33.
137
116
While at Kozhikode he began speaking in public platforms stressing the
need for social reforms. It was at this time that he had the opportunity to interact
closely with Sree Narayana Guru at whose encouragement he decided to
continue his studies and took B.A. from Maharaja’s College, Thiruvananthapuram
in 1916.140
The foundation of Ayyappan’s public life was laid here. It began by his
association with the activities of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam.
He became a frequent visitor of the yogam office. He also met the poet Kumaran
Asan during this time. He could also develop friendly relations with some
prominent public figures like C.V.Kunhuraman, C.Kesavan and T.K.Madhavan.141
By this time the social revolutionary in Ayyappan had come of age and was
ready to fight against the social evil of caste system. Back at Cherai, in 1917,
Ayyappan organized a misra bhojanan (a grand feast of all castes sitting together
under one roof). He gathered together a group of like – minded young men and
suggested the idea of interdinning ceremony. It was accepted and the ceremony
was held on 16 idavam 1092 ( 29 May 1917 ). 142 Those who participated in the
ceremony formed an association called ‘Sahodara Sangam’ and thereafter
Ayyappan came to be addressed with the ephithet ‘Sahodaran’ or brother before
his name.143 The interdinning ceremony invited the wrath of the conservative
elements in his community and resulted in his social boycott along with his
companions. The sangham started its own journal ‘Sahodaran’ as a means of
propaganda. In its first issue the aim of sangam was stated as follows :- “ This is a
140
M.K.sanu, “Mahattaya Jeevitham”, in Vivekodoyam, March – April, 1968, Irinjalakuda, p.9.
C.K.Gangadaran, Ayyappan …, p.33.
142
M.Sahadevan, Towards Social Justice . . . , p.30.
143
C.K.Gangadaran, Ayyappan … ,pp.25-30.
141
117
small organisation began in a humble way by bringing together those who are
ready to have the probity to preach what they believe and to practice what they
preach in order to eradicate the obsession of casteism by the power of its lofty
goal”144.
The Sahodara Sangham inspired the youth in the neighbouring regions to
organise interdining function as a measure against meaningless caste
discrimination. Such functions were held spontaneously at various places. A
woman’s Sahodara sangam was also organised on 1st September 1917.145 They
organised interdining as an action defying caste rules. It invoked the wrath of the
conservative elements and they took measures against it. This gained social
significance for the movement. The inflictions of enemies could not discourage
him. His methods were peaceful. He never varied from the path of non-violence.
He also got the support from Sree Narayana Guru for his activities. Guru gave a
message in his own hand writing to Ayyappan. 146 The message was this : “
Whatever may be the religion, dress or language etc.of the people there is nothing
maleficent in intermarrying and interdinning between them since they belong to
one caste”147 The guru also presided over the All Kerala Sahodara Sangham
convention summoned at Alwaye on 15th May 1921.
Ayyappan was a rationalist in the sense that he observed problems and
analysed them on the basis of reason and not faith. Rationalism to him was not
144
Sahodaran I, No.1. M.E.1093, N.Parur,P.front Flap, in M.Sahadevan, Towards Social Justice
…, p.59.
145
M.Sahadevan, Towards Social justice … ,p.60.
146
K.Ayyappan, “Kurippukal”, Kerala Kaumudi, 8 Dec,1963,p.2.
147
Quoted in M.Sahadevan, Towards Social Justice …, p.62.
118
the mere refutation of God. It was the insistence on the use of reason in the
process of analysis, criticism and assessment.148
When Ayyappan began to feel the necessity of making the people accept
rationalism as a way of thinking, the idea of starting a special journal for the
purpose germinated in his mind. He could obtain the co-operation of Rama Varma
Thampan, C.V.Kunjuraman and C. Krishnan in that venture. On the first of
Chingam M.E .1105 ( 17 August, 1929) the first volume of the “ Yuktivadi” was
published.149 It was a launching moment of the rationalist movement in Kerala by
Ayyappan and his comapanions.
It was a land mark in the history of modern Kerala. The light of modernity
was soon to bloom over her. Orthodoxy burst out in the form of ridicule.150 The
rationalists took a logical stand against their critics. The advertisement of the new
journal throws light on the nature and purpose of it as follows: “this is the
magazine that would state things boldly, stimulate free thinking and promote
sciences without servitude to any religion and without partiality to caste or
creed”151
The object of the rationalist movement inaugurated by Ayyappan and his
colleagues was to encourage free thinking, to arouse the spirit of inquiry and to
develop the spirit of criticism and not to foster atheism.
According to him, religion is a degenerating force in worldly life and he
denounced it. The good aspects of it had not been attacked. It was not religion or
God that helped man to better his life in this world but his own action. Man is the
maker of his own destiny. Therefore, reason alone should be the guiding force of
148
M. Sahadevan, Towards Social Justice …, p.36.
M.C.Joseph, “ Ente Vazhikatti”, in Vivekodayam, March – April, Irinjalakuda, 1968, pp. 22-23.
150
K.R.Achuthan, C.Krishnan, Kottayam, 1971,p.174.
151
Quoted in m.sahadevan, Towards Social justice … ,p.37.
149
119
his action. Reason based values are the primary requirements for a good life. He
wanted to create an intellectual awakening and moral regeneration among the
people by destroying their predilection for relying upon scriptures and traditions.
Without such an awakening, the society could not have been reformed. He was
preparing the ground work for it.
Belief in God had not been refuted by him. He only pointed out the adverse
result of the blind belief in God. He justified belief in God if at all it was
instrumental in inculcating human values152. In the annual get-together function of
the rationalists held at Ernakulam in 1963 he declared “A rationalist may be a
believer in God or may not be. Rationalism is only a way of thinking. It is the way
to reach the right conclusion”153.
His attitude towards religion was different from that towards belief in God.
This is clear from the open letter submitted to Gandhi while he visited Kerala in
1934 by the rationalists including Ayyappan. Organised religion was vehemently
attacked in it. Organised religion was held to be the number one enemy of
progress and civilization. It was the organised fraud that stood in the way of all
economic and political reforms. It was an instrument for organised looting of the
socially and educationally degraded people used by the heartless priesthood. 154
It was not the belief in God but religion which in the name of God used by
its exponents, the priests, to oppress the people in all aspects of life that was
questioned by Ayyappan as a rationalist. Religion in effect posed a check in the
way to the attainment of economic equality and fostered sectarianism. In this
sense it is a destructive force. So it must be destroyed. That was his view.
152
Kerala Kaumudi, 3, jan,1968,p.2.
M.P.Sheeja, Sahodaran Ayyappan Jeevithavum Krithikalum, Thiruvananthapuram, 2010,p.98 ;
K.A.subramanian, Ayyappan, p.453.
154
M.Sahadevan, Towards Social Justice … , p.40.
153
120
According to him, caste was the greatest obstacle to any progress in India
and particularly Kerala. The real freedom of India would be attained only when
caste distinctions were removed. So long as the caste system was in prevalence,
the caste disabilities could not have been removed. He believed that the struggle
for freedom of movement while retaining caste system was like smearing
medicine in the sores of leper. So, he advised that the Ezhavas were to be
exhorted publicly by their leaders to abandon caste distinctions. The educated and
qualified had to endeavour to prevent the non Brahmins from becoming the
replicas of Brahmins. They were not to be Brahmins or Ezhavas or Nairs or
Pulayas but they were to form a casteless society of patriotic Keralites. 155
An important measure he proposed for destroying caste was that each
community should try to bring with them the caste below instead of trying to get
upward to join the community higher to them. In his opinion caste was a
superstition and an evil and interdining and inter marriage were the only means to
bring an end to caste competitions and communal hatred in a country like India
and make the Indian people one though not immediately but in the distant
future.156
V.T.Bhattathirippad
V.T.Bhattathirippad was one among the modern social revolutionaries who
successfully led a social reconstruction of the Namboothiri community. He was
born in Mezhathur in a poor Namboothiri family which could not provide him with
the benefits of modern education. Soon after being initiated into the Vedas, he
was constrained to work as a temple priest for some time. Before long he joined
first the Yoga Kshema Sabha, an organization meant for the upliftment of
155
156
Cochin legislative Council Proceedings, 1929-30,III, part I –XXV, 19 Feb 1930,pp.599-96.
M.K.Sanu, Sahodaran K. Ayyappan, Kottayam, 1980, p.490.
121
Namboothiri society, and then the freedom struggle. But he secured himself from
politics which had disillusioned him and applied his heart and soul to the
movement for social reforms.
Namboothiri women had long been smarting under the age long evil social
customs such as purdah system. Young girls were often married to old men and
widow re-marriage was a taboo. The great revolutionary who took up the cause of
Namboothiri women and devoted much of his time for that was, V. T.
Bhattathirippad. He was the person who laid the foundation of the reform activity
among women. Raianeeransam - the collection of short stories published by V .T.
Bhattathirippad presented before the community the silent sufferings of
Namboothiri women. V.T. Bhattathirippad wrote a play Atukkalayilninum
Arangaathekku (From the Kitchen to the Arena) which portrayed the inhuman
customs existing in Namboothiri illams and the pathetic condition of the
Namboothiri women.
The first ever widow re-marriage was conducted in 1939 under V.T.
Bhattathirippad's initiative, with his blessings and also due to his efforts
157
. The
woman who came out with courage was "Nangema", V . T , Bhattathirippad's
wife's sister. The bridegroom was M.R. Bhattathirippad. Though it roused much
protest from the caste people, it triggered off a revolution which was to happen in
Namboothiri community.
V.T. Bhattathirippad took the initiative for Inter-caste marriages also. His
sister Ittippapti was married to a Nair youth named Raghavan158 . Here again
V.T.Bhattatirippad had to suffer insults from his own people, But nothing would
deter that great revolutionary.
157
158
V . T . Bhattathirippad, Veetivude Jeevitha Smaranakal , Kottayam, 1983, p.183.
ibid., p.201.
122
He called upon the women to come out of the kitchen, throwing away their
customary umbrella. He published a pamphlet exhorting his fellowmen to burn
down temples which had become the citadels of orthodoxy. All these raised many
an eyebrow and he was declared an outcaste. Undaunted, he went on fighting,
contributing inflammatory articles to ‘unni nambuthiri’, a magazine started in 1927.
‘Udbuddha Keralam’, started in 1937 under his editorship, also served to carry his
message far and wide by bringing out his heterodox views through short stories
and articles of a highly finished form.159
Reforming activities among Muslims - Vakkam Abdul Khadir Maulavi
The social reform movements in Kerala were not confined to the Hindu
community alone. The Muslim community of Kerala has also been influenced by
‘the wind of change’ in the 18th and 19th centuries. One of the most important
social and religious leaders who worked hard for the social uplift and moral
regeneration was Vakkam Abdul Khadir Maulavi (1873-1932), a scholar in Arabic,
Persian, Urdu and Malayalam.
The beliefs and practices of the Muslim community during that period had
evolved through the interaction with the indigenous culture. The Muslim
community in the 19th century was steeped in religious superstitions and
obscurantism. Their religious practices were beset with polytheism, Bidath
(innovations
in
religion)
like
nercha,
uroos,
chandanakkudam,
kathukuthukalyanam, chvadiyanthiram etc. The orthodox Ulemas exercised an
overwhelming and decisive influence over the Muslim community. The people
didn’t acquire temporal or spiritual education because of which they always
159
Amaresh Dutta, The Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature, Vol.I, p.479.
123
remained in darkness. The orthodox Ulemas were responsible for the educational
backwardness.because, though Islam made education obligatory on every Muslim
male and female, the Ulemas held it as a sin to send their children, particularly
girls,160 to school. Like other backward communities, Muslim community had
hardly represented the English knowing people in Kerala. During that period the
confronting attitude of the Muslim community of Kerala towards modern education
was very severe and it was inflamed by the orthodox Ulemas treating English as
the language of Satan.161 They were unaware of the fact that Quran was the part
and parcel of Islamic life. During that period the common people had no chance to
understand the Holy Quran. They recited the Holy Quran in some special
occasions like death, adiyanthiram etc. Gradually they deviated from real Islam
completely. In short, at the dawn of the 20th century, the Muslim community of
Kerala was in a quandary. It was during this critical moment that Vakkom Moulavi
came forward as a torchbearer disseminating the rays of knowledge to guide his
community to the dignity and identity. 162
According to him, lack of knowledge in the Islamic scriptures and general
ignorance, and the confronting attitude towards western education of the
community are the main reasons for the backwardness of the Muslim community.
So the dissemination of knowledge became a vital point of his programme of
reform. He held the view that education is a necessity to enlighten and awaken
the masses against oppression and exploitation and the spread of education was
essential for overcoming their economic and social backwardness. He knew that
160
For details see“ Mappila Faith and Fanaticism” Culcutta Review, Vol.xv,1897,pp.212220.
161
S.K.pottekkad and et.al., Muhammed Abdu Rahiman: A Political Biography,Calicut,
1985,p.13.
162
ibid.
124
those who controlled educational opportunities also controlled the avenues of
economic and bureaucratic spheres. Therefore, he criticized and opposed the
practice of limiting knowledge only to the upper classes in the society and
petitioned the government demanding better facilities for education for all in the
Government schools.
Moulavi conducted a systematic survey among the community and found
that Muslim literacy and social status were lower than state average and prepared
a petition to the government. In 1915, under ‘Lajnathul Islam Muhammadeeya
Sangham’, a memorial was submitted to the Maha Raja of Travancore demanding
the opening of more schools in the Muslim majority areas. Consequently, seventy
five schools were opened163. In 1919 Moulavi submitted another petition to the
Director of Travancore Education, Dr.Bishop, with sixteen suggestions. The major
suggestions were, teaching of Arabic in all state schools, fee concessions for
Muslim pupils, granting scholarships, exemptions from fees for all girls,
appointment of Arabic teachers, appointment of Quran teachers, training for
teachers etc. Almost all of these suggestions were introduced by the Maharaja’s
government.164 It is notable that it was the first time that Arabic teachers were
appointed in both govt. and aided schools in the history of Travancore.165
He exhorted the Muslims to discard all un – Islamic practices, to take to
English education in increasing numbers and to play an active part in modern
progressive movements. He has an honoured place in the history of journalism in
Kerala. He is remembered best as the founder and proprietor of Swadesabhimani
a news paper which became in due course the vehicle for a new social and
163
Travavancore Gazette, Vrichikam,10,1090.
T. Jamal Muhammed, Swadesabhimani Vakkom Moulavi, Thiruvananthapuram, 2009,pp.75-99.
165
Miscellenious File No. 122, State Archives, Thiruvananthapuram.
164
125
political movement. The news paper was started in 1905. 166 He edited such
periodicals as the ‘Muslim’ and the ‘Deepika’ and published an Arabic –
Malayalam monthly called Al – Islam.167
For Vakkom Moulavi the various journalistic ventures and literary efforts
that he undertook had the primary aim of reforming the practice of the religion of
Islam. His effort was to equip the religion for modern times. For this purpose he
tried to popularize reformist principles of leading Islamic thinkers and preached
modern education among Muslims.168 He propagated his ideas about the meaning
and objective of human life, the position of religion and religious consciousness in
life, the distorting influence of false religious consciousness, and about the
injustices prevailing in society and politics. His journalistic and literary work
became the main stay of a socio – religious reform movement.
To him, development of the society will be a reality only through the
mobilization of the womenfolk. He gave emphasis on women education. Vakkom
Moulavi found that, the eradication of superstitions and bidath was possible only
by removing the illiteracy of the womenfolk. Vakkom Moulavi published an article
entitled “Nammude Sthreekal” openly advocating women’s education in the AlIslam in 1918.169
Another specific area to which his attention was drawn was the question of
social organization. He argued that even if people are of varying abilities and
diversities, they have to live together in community, and in relation to each other.
166
Puthuppally Raghavan, Kerala pathrapravarthana Charithram, Mavelikkara, 2008, p.157.
A.P.Ahammad, Muslim Navothanam Chila Keraleeya Chithrangal, Kannur, 2010, p.73.
168
S. Mohammed Abda, “ Vakkom Moulaviyude Sahithya Pravarthanam”, in the news letter of
Vakkom Moulavi foundation and trust, Vol. No. 3, April 1988, pp.3-6.
169
P. Kalyani Amma, “Moulaviyum Swadesabhimaniyum”, in VMFT News Letter, April 1988,
pp.343-47.
167
126
He tried to reform local Jama – Aths and to make them active centers of secular
organization and moral fervor. But such efforts did not succeed. The reason for his
failure was the severe resistance that the ideas he preached had to face from
within his own community.170 Though he was convinced of the failures of jama –
Aths in Kerala, he tried to revive them at least as cultural organizations. He
travelled wide and addressed several gatherings for this purpose. Some
organizations accepted the leadership and guidance of Moulavi. As a result of
such efforts at least some Muslim boys started attending Non – religious
schools.171 Moreover Moulavi influenced the education department itself to teach
Arabic in schools. This policy attracted at least some Muslim pupils to schools.
The activities of Moulavi had a great impact at least among one section of
the Muslim community of Kerala. He had the advantage of combining the
religiously sanctioned status of a Moulavi along with a socially well recognized
personality of his locality. He carried the advantage to great effect. Still it can be
seen that his efforts did not succeed as much as those of other reformers. The
reason for this was in the extreme cultural backwardness that prevailed among
the Muslim community of Kerala at that time.172 Only few persons were interested
in social upliftement of the sort that was advocated by the Moulavi. Nevertheless,
the fact that such a movement emerged even within the Muslim community, which
was culturally backward, was very significant. Since their cultural backwardness
was directly related to religion- based practices and attitudes it was in those fields
that reforms were first required. Among the Muslims ignorance is their great curse,
170
Michael Tharakan, History as Development experience Desegregated and Deconstructed
Analysis of Kerala, Unpublished P.hd thesis submitted to Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam,
1997, p.103.
171
Travancore Report on Census, 1891, para 2, pp.365-6.
172
Census of India, 1961, Vol.VII, Kerala, part VI E, Village survey Monograph, Quilon District,
1964, Eravipuram, p.83; Travancore Report on Census, 1891, Part- I,p.101.
127
and to this curse may be attributed the immense influence exercised by their
itinerant Tangals or priests.173 This would explain the preoccupation of the
movement led by Vakkom Moulavi with religious reform. Along with religious
reform, education was perceived as a way to social uplift. He emphasized the
need for social organization for general improvement of the community and for
staking the claim for educational development. It was in this movement, more than
others, that the direct pedagogical role of journalism was perceived. All the
journals with which Moulavi was associated did bear the message of socioreligious reform.
Reforming activities among Christians - Poyikayil Yohannan
Likewise there were outstanding reformers among the Christians like
Palakkunnatthu Abraham Malpan, Poyikayil Yohannan alias Kumara Gurudevan
who fought for equal rights of dalit Christians, were discriminated not only by caste
Hindus but also by upper caste Christians. Finally Poyikayil Yohannan went to the
extent of revolting against the Christian church and forming his own Church.
Poiyikayil Yohannan was the founder of Pratyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha
(PRDS). He fought against caste in Kerala society at large and the prevalence of it
in the church in particular.
The founder of P.R.D.S. was born on 1879 February 18th of agrestic
Paraya parentage.174 ‘Kandan’ and ‘Lechi’ were his parents. 175 They gave him the
name of ‘Komaran’ later was changed to ‘Kumaran’. Kumaran had to do the
slavish work of Sankaramangalam household. Because his master followed the
173
Travancore Report on Census, 1891, Part –I, pp.365-6.
P.J.Thankappan, Kumara Guru Devan, Adiyar Deepam monthly, Eraviperoor, February, 1969.
175
Rev.P.C.Joseph, Poikayil Shri Kumara Guru jeevithavoum Dharasnavoum, Thiruvalla, 1994,
p.46.
174
128
Christian faith, the slave boy Kumaran had to become a Christian by name
Yohannan.
Yohannan in his young days, was an active preacher and was an itinerant
follower of the missionaries, before joining the Church Mission of South India and
later the Brethren Mission, he was with the Marthomite Church and the Church of
the Reformist Christians.176
Yohannan was intimated by the discrimination that witnessed in Marthomite
church. Dalits were second rate members in that church. One day, the dead body
of a default Christian was buried in the burial ground of the church. The same
night the leaders of parish got the dead body out. This caused much commotion.
Thus Yohannan left the Marthoma Church. 177 Then he worked in the “Brother
mission” and the separatist sect. There also he confronted discrimination. So he
turned away from them. Yohannan was vehement in defying the false Bible
culture among the dalits. This defiance led him to leave different Christian groups.
His subsequent activities were secretive and disguised. He organised meetings in
open places, market places and by the side of roads many of dalits stood and
united behind him. There were attacks on many meetings.
He recognized the existence of caste prejudices and practices among the
Syrian Christians. Using Biblical images he refuted the claims of Syrian Christians
and tried to present an alternative reading of the scriptures. He also held a
discourse on various themes on history and the culture of the adi- dravidas.178
The Dalits in crowds rallied behind Yohannan .They gave up work on land
and in field and camped at sites of meetings. They went from one gathering to
176
S.Thulaseedharan Assary, Colonialism, Princely States and Struggle for liberation:Travancore
1938-48, Delhi,2009, p.54.
177
T.H.P.Chentharassery, Poikayil Appachan, Thiruvananthapuram, 2010, pp.16-17.
178
Vijayan Kangazha, Sree Kumara Gurudevan, Thrissur, 1978, p.8.
129
another. The land lords were in trouble because they had no one to labor in
land and in fields. They tried to frame false cases against him and to kill him.
Thus they moved against the ‘peace rally’ at Maramkulam. They complained to
the courts that Yohannan was speaking against the British. 179
In
1908
Yohannan
got
himself
detached
from
all
Christian
denominations and started working independently. He convened a meeting at
Kulathoor in Mallappally (Pathanamthitta District) and introduced the subject
“Guarantee of Salvation” (Raksha Nirayam) He spoke about the early history of
Dalits, their lost prestige and spiritual cultural identity regeneration.
The
meeting continued for months and Dalits largely took part in them. They called
Yohannan, “Appachan” to mean that he was their saviour 180. They recognized
him as their teacher and their guide.
Yohannan described the existence of Churches and their discriminations
thus: “Church after church has come up in a line, I find distinctions still not
removed, The master has a church, The serf has another, A church for Pulaya,
A church for Paraya, A church for fisherman”. Christianity could not do away
with caste distinctions. Different churches prove this. Yohannan convinced
dalits that the Kingdom of God and Heaven cannot by attained through any
religion.
Kumara Guru / Yohannan‘s whole effort was directed towards the
elimination of class, caste, and surplus accumulation and the building of a
welfare society. He raised the problems of the depressed castes in general,
and not of any particular caste. His demands included making available three
acres of land per household along with agricultural credits. In the sphere of
179
Extract from circular No. 9/1962 Published from the head office of P.R.D.S. on 18.11.1962, pp.
9-10
180
T.H.P.Chentharassery, Poiyakayil … ,pp. 24-26.
130
education he demanded that depressed class children should be given
admission in schools and arrangements should be made to give them noon
meal and dress. They should not be detained but promoted. He also demanded
priority for them in cottage industries and government appointments.181 These
demands included, broadly, a claim for material resources, which were
essential for the development of the depressed.
Yohannan’s social practice had great emancipative potential because it
projected a vision of the future. Just like many other lower caste social
theorists, he too dreamt of an age of equality and freedom from exploitation. 182
His new theological discourses were powerful enough to erase the caste
differences among them leading to the formation of a new identity.
The emergence of social reformers resulted in a new social awakening
in Kerala. Its segmentary nature and distinct demands forced the different
social groupings to form separate community organizations for the redressal of
their grievances.
The experience of Kerala has shown how collective action can be
translated into organisation of different social groups and articulation of their
demands towards the fulfillment of their respective economic, social and political
interests. This process of public action has been developed in a gradual and
progressive way, and can be explained by different kinds of causes, like sociocultural, political and economic ones. So the particular features of Kerala society,
such as its high degree of social fragmentation along caste, class and religious
lines, have marked the historical process of social transformation. The rigid caste
structure that characterizes Kerala society favoured the development of caste
181
Vijayan Kangazha, op.cit., pp.223-225.
P.Sanal Mohan, Religion, Social Space and identity construction of Boundary in Colonial
Kerala, Conference of Subaltern Historians, Lucknow, 1998, p.16.
182
131
movements during the second half of the 19th century which represented the
beginning of the struggle against the system of oppression and domination from
which most of the population suffered. This earlier pattern of social mobilisation
established the basis for the later emergence of workers’ associations fighting for
their rights.
Different communities which were attempting to identify their constraints
and get rid of them began a soul- searching effort. Struggle for social equality
became the main plank of all non- Brahmin communities. Certainly, the Brahmins
themselves had their own problems to sort out. All of them wanted to modify or
remodel their customs and practices, in conformity with the emergent modernizing
process, outmoded social relations and practices were sorted out for bringing out
radical changes. This led to the mobilization of different community identities. This
mobilization was based on religious faith, sentiments and mode of articulation.
Even though the deprivation of status and civic rights was the apparent reason for
this mobilization, beneath it lay the impoverishment and poverty of the exploited
peasant masses. It is not true that communal overtones led to conflicts and
tensions. But they laid the foundations of a civil society through the achievements
made in the realm of civic rights. Thus, a civil society was in the making but it was
being shaped within the mould of primordial loyalties 183.
All these processes have led to the transformation of the social
consciousness which has meant both a progressive weakening of traditional caste
ties in social relationships and the adoption of new organisation patterns by
different social groups in order to articulate their claims directed to the state. The
colonial impact was the first step in the weakening of the traditional social system
183
Antonio Gramci, Selections from the Prison Note Books, Madras, 1996, p. 245.
132
based on caste structure that characterized Hindu society. The increasing loss of
the stability of the old system was also challenged from inside the caste structure.
It was the emergence of caste movements which led to the mobilisation of low
castes which started in the religious field and later spread their claims to greater
access to social status and political power. Social, historical and cultural factors
encouraged the emergence not only of caste movements among different Hindu
communities - like the low caste Ezhavas or high-middle caste Nairs - but also the
mobilisation of non-Hindu communities like Christians and Muslims.
Having explained about the social reformers and their ideologies in this
chapter, the fourth chapter attempts to understand aspects related to social
mobility and emergence of caste organizations.