Introduction
A Systematic Analysis of the
African American Educational Pipeline to
Inform Research, Policy, and Practice
Jerlando F. L. Jackson
Inequality, disparate representation, and denied access to opportunity are key challenges that have long plagued African Americans in their pursuit of education in
the United States. These challenges have been well documented in the annals of
history, chronicling the less than desired treatments in K–12 schools and universities. These three challenges have not been limited to African American students
but African American professionals as well. Although African Americans constituted 33.5 million or 12% of the U.S. population in 2000, they participate in education at a lower rate. For example, of the students attending higher education
institutions in 2000, 11% were African Americans. While the disparity in participation has narrowed to 1% for African Americans in higher education, the attainment gap remains a substantial challenge. In turn, most of the discussions in
education focused on research and policy are hard pressed not to have a major
agenda item centered on improving the conditions for African Americans.
Decades of research have described the dismal educational conditions for
African Americans (e.g., Hoffman, Llagas, & Snyder, 2003; Nettles & Perna,
1997), coupled with federal legislation targeted at improving these conditions
(e.g., TRIO Programs), however, the results have been slow and insignificant.
Now we are operating in an era when affirmative action is losing support, targeted
and preferential programs are under attack, and federal support for specific groups
is being downsized. The key question remains: What systemic set of strategies is
necessary to improve the conditions for African Americans throughout the educational pipeline? In this book we attempted to address this question by examining the status and recent progress of African Americans at critical stages in the
educational pipeline. In addition, our goal was to provide appropriate implications
for consideration by policy makers charged with addressing these issues, to advance the knowledge base for researchers concerned about African American education, and to provide praxis-based information to improve educational practice.
1
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A SYSTEMATIC ANALYSIS OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE
In the early 1960s, Coleman’s Equality of Educational Opportunity provided large-scale empirical evidence of the underachievement of African
Americans in education. Equality of Educational Opportunity, also known
as the Coleman Report, resulted from Section 402 of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964:
The Commissioner shall conduct a survey and make a report to the
President and the Congress, within two years of the enactment of
this title, concerning the lack of availability of equal opportunities
for individuals by reason of race, color, religion, or national origin in
public educational institutions at all levels in the United States, its
territories and possessions, and the District of Columbia. (Coleman, Campbell, Hobson, McPartland, Mood, Weinfield, & York,
1966, p. 548)
The product became the second largest social science research project in history, with Project Talent being the largest. Approximately 570,000 K–12 students in America were tested, along with 60,000 school teachers, and detailed
information on 4,000 schools was collected.
Reactions to the report were less than settled, with supporters arguing that
“it is the most important source of American education ever produced”
(Mosteller & Moynihan, 1972, p. 4). Meanwhile, critics (e.g., Bowles & Levin,
1968) noted that it was not methodologically sound, thus raising more questions than it answered. While these findings were potentially flawed, they were
relevant to African Americans’ participation in education. Several key findings
prefaced perennial challenges for the education of African Americans. Nationwide median test scores in 1965 for first- and twelfth-grade students described
and documented the achievement gap between African Americans and
Whites. In addition, the report documented that the absence of key educational
tools and interventions in homes and communities for African American students contributed greatly to their underachievement in schools.
Moreover, findings of the Coleman Report indicated that African American students were more likely to be taught by African American teachers. In
conjunction, the report noted that teachers who instruct African American students tended to be less well credentialed than those who instruct White students. School counselors for African American students were less involved in
their professional association, thus lagging behind in current knowledge compared to the school counselors for White students. Lastly, the disparate enrollment of African American students in higher education institutions was well
documented in the report. Of the African American students enrolled at institutions of higher education, they were largely concentrated at institutions with
© 2007 State University of New York Press, Albany
Jerlando F. L. Jackson
3
less prestige and fewer resources. It is difficult to understand the current status
of African Americans in education without examining their historical struggle
over access to education.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT FOR THE
EDUCATION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS:
FROM SLAVERY TO THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
African Americans’ plight regarding education in the United States has been a
unique journey (Anderson, 1988). African Americans represent the only immigrant group to be legally denied access to education. Their conspicuous journey
in education began prior to their ancestors being brought to America. Slave
masters deliberated over the type and scope of training that Africans would
need to be adequate slaves in America (Woodson, 1919). These slave masters
believed that the slaves could not be enlightened without developing a thirst for
liberation, which would make it far more difficult to exploit these new people.
The majority of southern slaveholders adopted this philosophy and decided
that African Americans should not be educated.
In 1661, slavery was legalized in Virginia, with other southern colonies to
follow soon thereafter. Accordingly, teaching slaves to read or write was
deemed illegal because it was thought to be a deterrent to slavery. While the
Quakers were the first settlers of the American colonies to offer African
Americans the same educational and religious opportunities as Whites, many
Catholic churches were instrumental in providing education for African
Americans, even within the confines of slavery (Woodson, 1919). In addition,
many African American slaves were astute enough to teach themselves how to
read and write. For instance, Phillis Wheatley in 1761 taught herself how to
read in 16 months around age 8 (Nott, 1993).
The first African Free School was founded in New York City by the Manumission Society in 1787. By 1824, seven African Free Schools were funded by
the city, such that free education for all African American children was available in New York City. In 1834, White students at Oberlin College (Ohio)
voted to admit African American and women students. Lincoln University
(Pennsylvania) was founded in 1854, making it the first historically Black institution specifically for college-level education. By 1870, 21% of newly freed
African Americans were literate. Edward A. Bouchet received his Ph.D. in
physics from Yale University in 1876, thus becoming the first African American to be awarded a doctoral degree from an American university.
Alexander Crummel established the American Negro Academy, the first
national association of African American intellectual leaders in 1897. In 1907,
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A SYSTEMATIC ANALYSIS OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE
the Jeanes Foundation, the Negro Rural School Fund (later known as the Anna
T. Jeanes Fund), was established, making it the first fund with the sole purpose
of improving rural public education for African American children in the
South. Atlanta University was established in 1929 as the first African American institution solely for graduate and professional education. While not a
complete history, the previous section does provide a description of the initial
years for African Americans in education.
KEY POLICY TOOLS FOR
AFRICAN AMERICAN EDUCATION
In order to understand the level of participation that African Americans currently have in education, policy tools require attention. Policy tools are critical,
because they are the elements in policy design that cause individuals to do
something they would not otherwise do with the intention of modifying behaviors to solve public problems or attain policy goals (Baker, 2001; Fastrup,
1997). Moreover, policy tools have implications in public policy designs because they direct the ways in which individuals are treated. These tools are designed to change behavior through several distinct mechanisms, each of which
carries significant symbolic and instrumental connotations. The authoritative
perspective on policy tools assumes that without the explicit or even implicit
threat of other sanctions, individuals will not treat all groups equitably. Accordingly, what follows are policy tools, broadly defined, that affected African
American education.
In 1865, the U.S. Freedman Bureau was established by Congress to assist
newly freed slaves with food, medicine, jobs, contracts, legal matters, and education. The bureau subsequently established over 4,000 schools for African
Americans. The U.S. Congress passed the Morrill Act II in 1890, which led to
the founding of historically Black land-grant institutions. The Plessy v. Ferguson decision in 1896 upheld that states have the constitutional authority to provide “separate but equal” accommodations for African Americans. One of the
more significant early admission cases that forced states to establish separate
professional programs for African Americans occurred in 1938, Missouri ex rel.
Gains v. Canada.
Frederick D. Patterson, president of Tuskegee Institute, conceived of the
United Negro College Fund (UNCF), which was incorporated in 1944. The
UNCF’s purpose was to enhance the quality of education for historically Black
colleges and universities (HBCU) students, provide scholarships, raise operating funds, and provide technical assistance for member institutions. In McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education (1950), the courts found that
the state must treat students of color equal to or the same as White students in
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Jerlando F. L. Jackson
5
all aspects of education and services provided. Subsequently, the Supreme
Court, in Sweatt v. Painter (1950), made it clear that when programs are not
equal, it is a violation of the Equal Protection Clause. This decision was based
on an evaluation of whether the legal education program at Texas State University for Negroes (TSUN) School of Law (later relocated to Texas Southern
University) was equal to the program at the University of Texas Law School.
Thurgood Marshall, who was at the time special council of the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), argued the
Brown v. Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas, case in front of the Supreme Court
in 1954. The Supreme Court concluded that racial segregation in public
schools violates the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. The decision ultimately forbids racial segregation in public schools, thus providing
students of color with the opportunity to attend the same public schools as
White students. On the higher education level, Frasier v. UNC Board of Trustees
(1955) represented a significant victory for African American students who
were denied admission to colleges and universities on the basis of admission
policies that admitted Whites only. Subsequently, in Cooper v. Aaron (1958),
the Supreme Court ruled, based on constitutional rights, that children are not
to be discriminated against in schools’ admissions because of race or color.
In 1964, affirmative action policies were instituted based on the Civil
Rights Act. In accordance, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed Executive
Order 11246 supporting affirmative action policies and practices. The Civil
Rights Act specifically exempted higher education from its jurisdiction. In the
following year, Title III of the Higher Education Act stipulated aid for
“strengthening developing institutions.” Historically Black colleges and universities were well positioned to take advantage of these additional federal resources. The same year, the Office of Economic Opportunity started the Head
Start programs, designed to address the education, health and nutrition, and social needs of low-income children and their families. As result of Title IV, Section 402, of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, James Coleman’s study Equality of
Education Opportunity, often referred to as the “Coleman Report,” was conducted. Policy implications from these findings resulted in busing as a means for
addressing segregation, and tracking, which inadvertently led to re-segregation.
The National Association for Equal Opportunity in Higher Education
(NAFEO) was founded in 1969 primarily as a public policy advocate to address
the interests of HBCUs. Due to the Adams v. Richardson (1973) case, the U.S.
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) was established with
an affirmative obligation to enforce its duties under the Civil Rights Act of
1964 with respect to education programs that receive federal funds. The Black
Mississippians’ Council of Higher Education filed a class action suit, Ayers v.
Waller (later known as Ayers v. Fordice), in 1975. The group requested that the
state enforce Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. When the suit was filed
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A SYSTEMATIC ANALYSIS OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE
by HEW, it was named United States v. Fordice. The U.S. Supreme Court in
1992 ordered the state of Mississippi to dismantle its dual system of higher education. In Regents of the University of California v. Bakke (1978), the Supreme
Court ruled that colleges and universities may administer carefully designed
admissions programs that to some extent take race and ethnicity into account
to foster diversity of their student bodies. At the same time, the court held that
quotas and set-asides in admissions were illegal. In 1986, it decided the only
ruling on de facto segregation and faculty assignment schemes in Wyant v. Jackson Board of Education, stating that seniority could be considered but race could
not. The American Council on Education in Washington, DC, established the
Office of Minorities in Higher Education in 1987.
PROBLEMATIZING THE AFRICAN AMERICAN
EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE
When used in reference to education, the pipeline metaphor elicits various responses. For the most part, while some may be impartial, two camps have developed in response to the metaphor: supporters and critics. Supporters tend
to find legitimacy in the use of the term as a heuristic tool to help explain the
representation of a group across a large and complex enterprise such as education (e.g., Cole & Barber, 2003; Kulis, Chong, & Shaw, 1999; Kulis, Sicotte, &
Collins, 2002). Meanwhile, critics tend to view the term as limited and less representative of the experiences of underrepresented populations (e.g., Bowen &
Bok, 1998; Cross, 1994). Some critics (e.g., Bowen & Bok, 1998; Malveaux,
1995) have offered alternative metaphors (e.g., shape of the river and merrygo-rounds). In the context of this book, the educational pipeline metaphor is
used to describe and depict critical stages in the educational process for African
Americans, both as students and professionals. As such, this metaphor permits
key decision makers (e.g., researchers, policy makers, and practitioners) to examine the identified stages to determine where additional attention and interventions may be needed (Bowen & Rudenstine, 1992; Turner, Myers, &
Creswell, 1999). In short, the metaphor was retained for this book because it
provides clear stages for interventions to improve the conditions for African
Americans in education.
In the final chapter, I present an enlarged and a more tangible understanding of the pipeline metaphor for African Americans in education. This discussion extends the pipeline metaphor and attempts to provide direct connections
to African American participation, attainment, and outcomes in education.
This is done by drawing on knowledge from applied science. This field provides
excellent guidelines and terminology to depict an enlarged understanding of
© 2007 State University of New York Press, Albany
Jerlando F. L. Jackson
7
the African American educational pipeline as a “free-flowing” pipe. In doing so,
this new conceptualization of the pipeline encompasses the dynamic nature,
multiple and parallel lines of progression, various end points, blocked passages,
cracked surfaces, and nonlinear status often attributed to African American
participation in education.
NATIONAL CONTEXT OF THE
PARTICIPATION, ATTAINMENT, AND OUTCOMES FOR
AFRICAN AMERICANS IN THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM
To provide a context for examining African American participation, attainment, and outcomes in education, this section highlights national-level data at
key stages of the educational pipeline. The enrollment of African Americans in
preschool declined 5.4% between 1991 and 1999 (see Table 1). During this
9-year period, African American preschool enrollment decreased from 182,133
in 1990 to 172,388 in 1999. In contrast, African American students’ participation in elementary and secondary schools increased 13.7% from 1990 to 1999.
In 1990, African American elementary and secondary school enrollment constituted 6,800,805 and 7,731,405 in 1999. High school completion rates for
African American students increased slightly (3.6%) during the time of data
collection. Specifically, African American students equaled 19,136,040 in 1990
and 19,817,201 in 1999.
TABLE 1
Distribution of African American Students in Pre-K–12 Schools
Category
Preschool
Total
Elementary/
Secondary
School
Total
High School
Completion
Total
1990
1999
Change
182,133a
172,388
⫺5.4%
6,800,805
7,731,405
13.7%
19,136,040
19,817,201
3.6%
Note: a represents 1991. Enrollment counts for preschool total enrollments were based on the
number for each year: 1,239,000 in 1991 and 1,214,000 in 1999. Enrollment counts for elementary
and secondary school students were based on the number for each year: 41,217,000 in 1990 and
46,857,000 in 1999. High school completion counts were based on the number for each year:
24,852,000 in 1990 and 26,041,000 in 1999.
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A SYSTEMATIC ANALYSIS OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE
The participation of African Americans in professional positions in
pre-K–12 schools is a critical aspect of the educational pipeline (see Table 2).
African Americans who held teaching posts in pre-K–12 schools increased
10.4% from 1990 to 1999. Overall, African Americans accounted for 221,102
in 1990 and 244,035 in 1999. When examining these data more closely, the
majority of African Americans held teaching positions in public schools. For
example, African American teachers in public schools constituted 211,640 in
1990 and 227,505 in 1999. In addition, African American teachers in private
schools equaled 9,462 in 1990 and 16,530 in 1999.
Data on school principals show that African Americans’ participation increased 45.9% from 1990 to 1999. More precisely, there were 7,413 African
American principals in 1990 and 10,813 in 1999. When taking into account
sector (public versus private), as with teachers, the majority of African American school principals were employed at public schools. In 1990, African Americans held 6,770 of the principal positions at public schools and 9,239 in 1999,
whereas, at private schools African Americans held 643 of the principal positions in 1990 and 1,574 in 1999.
Overall, the enrollment of African Americans at colleges and universities
increased 38.8% from 1990 to 2000 (see Table 3). African American undergraduate enrollment was 1,247,000 in 1990 and 1,730,000 in 2000. When considering gender, African American females outnumbered African American
males as undergraduates. The percentage of African Americans securing bachelor’s degrees increased 70.3% between 1990 and 2000. In 1990, African
Americans completed 65,341 bachelor’s degrees and 111,307 in 2000. Regarding gender, African American females earned almost twice the number of
bachelor’s degrees compared with males.
TABLE 2
Distribution of African American Professionals in Pre-K–12 Schools
Category
School Teachers
Total
Public
Private
School Principals
Total
Public
Private
1990
1999
Change
221,102
211,640
9,462
244,035
227,505
16,530
10.4%
7,413
6,770
643
10,813
9,239
1,574
45.9%
Note: Employment counts for school teachers were based on the number for each year: 2,915,773
in 1990 and 3,451,315 in 1999. Employment counts for school principals were based on the
number for each year: 102,770 in 1990 and 110,021 in 1999.
© 2007 State University of New York Press, Albany
Jerlando F. L. Jackson
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TABLE 3
Distribution of African American Students in Higher Education
Category
Undergraduate Enrollment
Total
Men
Women
Bachelor’s Degree
Total
Men
Women
Master’s Degree
Total
Men
Women
First Professional
Total
Men
Women
Doctoral Degree
Total
Men
Women
1990
2000
Change
1,247,000
485,000
762,000
1,730,000
635,000
1,095,000
38.8%
31.1%
43.6%
65,341
26,956
41,013
111,307
38,103
73,204
70.3%
41.4%
78.5%
16,139
5,709
10,430
38,265
11,568
26,697
137.1%
102.6%
156.6%
3,575
1,672
1,903
5,416
2,110
3,306
51.5%
26.2%
73.7%
1,003
417
586
1,604
587
1,017
59.9%
40.8%
73.5%
Note: Enrollment counts for undergraduate total enrollments were based on the number for each
year: 13,819,000 in 1990 and 15,312,000 in 2000. Bachelor’s degree completion counts were based
on the number for each year: 1,081,280 in 1990 and 1,244,171 in 2000. Master’s degree completion
counts were based on the number for each year: 328,645 in 1990 and 468,476 in 2000. First
professional degree completion counts were based on the number for each year: 71,515 in 1990 and
79,707 in 2000. Doctoral degree completion counts were based on the number for each year:
37,527 in 1990 and 40,744 in 2000.
Master’s degree completion rates for African American students more
than doubled between 1990 and 2000. Collectively, African Americans secured
16,139 master’s degrees in 1990 and 38,265 in 2000, which amounted to a
137.1% increase. During this time frame, master’s degree completion rates increased 102.6% for African American males and 156.6% for African American females. Over a 10-year period (1990–2000), African Americans obtaining
first professional degrees increased from 3,575 to 5,416, a 51.5% increase. The
growth by gender was as follows: African Americans females increased by
26.2%, and African American males increased by 73.7%. The percentage of
African Americans earning doctoral degrees between 1990 and 2000 increased
by 59.9%. Total growth went from 1,003 in 1990 to 1,604 in 2000. More
growth occurred for African American females (73.5%) during this time period
than for African American males (40.8%).
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A SYSTEMATIC ANALYSIS OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE
African Americans holding faculty positions between 1990 and 2000 increased 39.8% (see Table 4). Specifically, in 1990 there were 23,225 African
American faculty and 29,222 in 2000. During the time of data collection,
African American females’ representation increased at a higher rate (65.9%)
than African American males (26.7%). The increase resulted in parity between
African American males and females in the professoriate. African Americans
holding higher education administrative positions increased 19.1% between
1990 and 2000. There were 11,796 African American administrators in 1990
and 14,047 in 2000. Between 1990 and 2000, African American females in administrative positions increased 36.0%, while African American males increased only 2.7%. As a result, African American females outnumbered African
American males in administrative positions by 2000. African Americans holding university CEO positions increased 20.3% between 1993 and 2003. In
1993, African Americans held 177 of the university CEO positions and 213 in
2003. When considering gender, African American females increased 77.1%,
while African American males only increased 6.3%. Even with the sizeable increase, African American males still outnumbered African American females in
university CEO positions.
In summarizing data from the 1990s, African American pre-K–12 student
participation saw a decline in preschool enrollment, a moderate increase in elementary and secondary school enrollment, and a modest improvement in high
school completion. As pre-K–12 professionals, African Americans realized sigTABLE 4
Distribution of African American Professionals in Higher Education
Category
Full-Time Faculty
Total
Men
Women
Full-Time Admin.
Total
Men
Women
University CEOs
Total
Men
Women
1990
2000
Change
23,225
12,483
10,742
29,222
14,660
14,562
39.8%
26.7%
65.9%
11,796
5,997
5,799
14,047
6,160
7,887
19.1%
2.7%
36.0%
177a
142
35
213b
151
62
20.3%
6.3%
77.1%
Note: Employment counts for full-time faculty were based on the number for each year: 514,662
in 1990 and 571,599 in 2000. Employment counts for full-time administrators were based on the
number for each year: 137,561 in 1990 and 158,270 in 2000. a represents 1993 and b represents
2003. University CEO counts were based on the number for each year: 2,802 in 1993 and 3,191
in 2003.
© 2007 State University of New York Press, Albany
Jerlando F. L. Jackson
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nificant growth as school principals. Additionally, African Americans experienced moderate growth as schoolteachers. In both cases, the majority of the
growth occurred in public schools. The 1990s saw much wider access and participation for African Americans in higher education compared to enrollment
and attainment growth in pre-K–12 schools. It is likely that this is due in large
part to the marked participation growth that African Americans experienced in
pre-K–12 schools in the 1970s and 1980s. Considerable growth occurred in the
higher education workforce for African Americans at several levels (e.g., faculty, administrators, and presidents). A significant share of this growth could be
attributable to the participation level of African American women.
OVERVIEW OF THE BOOK
The sections of this book parallel the organization of the educational pipeline
(i.e., pre-K–12 schools and higher education). The final section examines the
importance of the social and technical context and its influence on the African
American educational pipeline. While on the surface these sections may seem
disconnected, the connections among them are essential considerations for examining the success of the African American educational pipeline. The conditions of education in pre-K–12 schools are critical in determining African
Americans’ readiness for postsecondary education, and they serve as building
blocks for success. As African Americans’ participation and success rates increased marginally compared to their counterparts, concerned groups (e.g., parents, policy makers, and researchers) continued to seek remedies to benefit
individuals in this ethnic and racial category. Clearly, the multitude of problems
encountered by African Americans throughout the educational pipeline
requires examination across sectors.
In chapter 1, Tyrone C. Howard examines the performance of African
American students on various student achievement factors and provides recommendations for how schools and teachers can improve the overall educational experiences for these students. In chapter 2, Jennifer E. Obidah, Tracy
Buenavista, R. Evely Gildersleeve, Peter Kim, and Tyson Marsh explore the
experiences of African American teachers who work in “hard-to-teach-in”
contexts. The authors focus on African American teachers in large urban
school districts (e.g., Los Angeles and New York City). African Americans in
school leadership positions in K–12 schools are the subjects of chapter 3.
Linda C. Tillman in this chapter explores the historical context and key roles
of school principals in shaping the policy agenda for the education of African
American children.
In chapter 4, Lamont A. Flowers uses longitudinal data to examine
African American students’ involvement in college. In chapter 5, Barbara
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A SYSTEMATIC ANALYSIS OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE
J. Johnson and Henrietta Pichon provide a comprehensive review of research
on African Americans faculty in higher education. They explore African
Americans’ participation in graduate school and its impact on the professoriate. Chapter 6 provides a national portrait for African Americans in leadership positions at colleges and universities. Here Jerlando
F. L. Jackson and Brandon D. Daniels report national-level data on important characteristics for African Americans in both academic and student
affairs administration.
In chapter 7, Mavis G. Sanders and Tamitha F. Campbell problematize the
intersection between community involvement and educational success for
African American students. In chapter 8, Jelani Mandara and Carolyn B. Murray describe the importance of the role African American families play in facilitating academic achievement in their children. In chapter 9, Jeffrey G.
Sumrall and Ramona Pittman explain how technology can be used to help address the achievement gap for African American students.
In closing, the goals of this book are (1) to provide a longitudinal and systemic perspective on the African American educational experience that offers
a status report on the progress made since Brown and Fordice; (2) to examine
the trends and challenges encountered by African American students and professionals as their participation widens in an era where multiple educational
reforms are competing for limited resources; and (3) to identify and share the
lessons learned across institutional components of the pipeline and to both
broaden and deepen the understanding for effective practice and policy. In
doing so, a systemic understanding of the African American educational
pipeline should emerge.
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