Vol.II
Centre for Law and Humanities
Jindal Global Law School
O. P. Jindal Global University, Sonepat, Haryana, India
Contents
Editorial Board
Editor
Editorial
Conflict Resolution: Tracing the Root
Dr. Anjana Hazarika
Research Articles
Ÿ Perspectives on Telangana Movement: Socio-Political Factors in the Telangana Region
Dhananjay Chidambaram
Ÿ Ethnic Conflict in Srilanka
Kopal Raje
Ÿ Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Collapse of the Congo
Smriti Ravichandran
Ÿ Naxalism
Himani Bhatt
Ÿ Bodoland: A Social Conflict Left Unresolved
Rishikesh V. H.
Ÿ Syrian Civil War
Prarthna Bathija
Ÿ Bound Freedom
Rhea Choksi
Ÿ Boko Haram Scourge: Violent Extremists and Insurgents
Aakash Jindal
Ÿ Social Conflict: ISIS versus the Yazidis
Gorang Goyal
Dr. Anjana Hazarika
Assistant Editors
Gorang Goyal
Kopal Raje
Smriti Ravichandran
Himani Bhattu
Art and Design
Riya Rathore
Editorial
Conflict Resolution: Tracing the Root
Dr. Anjana Hazarika, Assistant Professor and Assistant Director, Centre for Law and Humanities, Jindal Global
Law School, O. P. Jindal Global University, Sonepat, Haryana
The practice of conflict resolution (CR) is as old as the humanity itself. Conflict is ingrained in mankind. Conflict is normal, ubiquitous and unavoidable. It
is an inherent feature of human existence. It is even useful on occasions. It is difficult to conceive of a situation which is conflict free. Indeed the very
presence of conflict is at the heart of all human societies. This being the case, it is hardly surprising to note that 'conflict is a theme that has occupied the
thinking of men more than any other, save only God and love' (Rapoport 1960: 12). Thus, conflict arises in different contexts which include interpersonal,
intrapersonal, inter-group, organizational and at international spheres.
But what brings conflict in society? A comparative study of all varieties of emerging conflicts demonstrates that conflict is very much a part of social change.
Therefore 'shifting contexts generate varying focal points for competing interests, and the balance of perceived advantage and disadvantage ebbs and flows
accordingly' (Ramsbotham et al 2011: 414). Over the years, the key questions that dictate the CR debates are:
a. What are the elements that decide whether change can be violent or peaceful?
b. How is it possible both for individuals and respective societies to resolve internal and external conflicts in a peaceful manner?
c. What could be the possible fallouts if conflicts go beyond our management?
d. Finally, what would happen to the victims of conflict, particularly the most vulnerable sections: women, children, old and sick; and to the minorities?
While addressing these issues, the theory and practice of CR must be taken into consideration as both are inextricably linked. 'Conflict resolution is about
ideas, theories, and methods that can improve our understanding of conflict and our collective practice of reduction in violence and enhancement of
political processes for harmonizing interests' (Bercovitch et al 2009: 1). But the systematic study of CR is relatively new because earlier it was a part of
diverse disciplines and fields like political science, law, social psychology, history, international relations, diplomatic history etc. Therefore the very history
of CR has a trend of cross fertilization of ideas, concepts and landmark decisions of diverse fields and experts.
The evolution of CR as an identified area of inquiry provides us with context-relevant scholarship covering the following themes:
a. The recent evolution of CR highlights the end of the Cold War, resolution of conflicts in Africa, the Latin America, the Balkans and fast emerging
conflicts in the Middle East, China, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Myanmar etc.
b. It emphasizes the role of non-state actors like multinational corporations (MNCs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs), academics and think
tanks, civil society groups and international organizations (IGOs).
c. The increasing and changing role of global governance institutions like the UN and other regional forums like ASEAN, SAARC, G-8, GCC, EU, APEC etc.
in managing international conflicts need to be recorded.
d. Finally, 'there is an openness for what 15 years ago called new thinking' an attempt to look at old phenomena from a totally new perspective' (ibid: 2).
Thus CR has taken a new turn with the changing realities of globalization.
Historical Context of CR
The multidiscipline of the conflict analysis and resolution (CAR) emerged through a long journey. Before the 1960s, the Alternative Dispute Resolution
(ADR) emerged, when power sharing between the management and trade unions led to zero-sum solutions. During the Cold War period, nuclear deterrent
and Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) resulted into a balance of power between big political and military players in international politics. But this has
not provided any considerable solution to the ongoing arms race and fast expanding ethno-political conflicts around the world. 'The Vatican mediated the
1984 Beagle Islands dispute between Chile and Argentina; Adam Curle mediated the 1967-70 conflict between Nigeria and a secessionist Biafra. These
unofficial mediators facilitated dialogue among rival ethnic groups to promote understanding of the other's views and of basic human needs in order to
forge a new openness to build trust and to focus on consensus decision making' (Sandole et al 2011: 4). Thus, the CAR field has slowly received recognition
through unofficial players.
Subsequently, the CAR has taken primarily 'four waves' (ibid: 4) to come to the current status of the field:
a. The first wave came with people demanding a kind of participatory democracy and social change in their respective governments in the 1960s. 'Wave
one coincided with the power to the people counterculture revolution of the 1960s, and with student unrest unravelling in the struggle for native American
rights, the anti-war movement, the civil rights movement, the women's movement, and the ant-nuclear movement' (ibid). At the same time ADR came up
as people tried to solve their issues at the local level. As a part of this move, we could observe the following: In 1964, the United States (US) government
responded by establishing the Community Relations Service. In 1957, Prof. Ken Boulding came up with the Journal of Conflict Resolution. In 1962, Prof.
Johan Galtung brought out the Journal of Peace Research. And it so happened that in 1965, the International Peace Research Association (IPRA) was
established and the first school of Peace Studies was founded in 1973 at the University of Bradford. All these earmarked the beginning of a serious field of
CAR in popular academics, though it was all concentrated in developed nations.
b. The hardcore professionalization marked the second wave of the development of the CAR. During this 'the Society for Professional in Dispute
Resolution (SPIDR) formed in 1972 and eventually merged with Conflict Resolution Network (CREnet) and the Association of Family Mediators (AFM) in
2001 to become the Association of Conflict Resolution (ACR). Divorce mediation and community mediation sought to preserve continuing family
relationships and to rebuild neighborhood communities, and university law schools created ADR academic programmes in the early 1980s' (ibid). This
shows the expansion of the CAR into formal academic programmes in educational institutions.
c. Under the third wave, the CAR began to explore the structural roots of conflict, basic needs of human beings, and finally the connectivity between the big
and small levels of intervention in conflictual situations. For example, an MSc programme was founded at George Mason University in its Centre for
Conflict Resolution (CCR).
d. The fourth wave has brought to us the measures for conflict transformation and peace and conflict studies. Thus, the CAR has entered both into masters
and doctoral programmes across universities.
This is how the CAR has come to the current level of research, advocacy and teaching at various formal and informal networks around the world.
This article will also explore the dynamics of violence in the context of globalization.
Globalization and Violence
The nature of contemporary conflict is different from that happened in the past. 'Contemporary violence is new both in form (fragmented movements
rather than mass-based anti-system movements) and in content (concerned with demands for respect and recognition rather than with rejection of the
political system as a whole). The further feature or difference is global context of contemporary violence, itself a reflection of novel tools of technology and
the case international or global communication' (Schwarzmantel 2011: 48). Today, the challenges of managing contemporary violence have become more
difficult as it has become fully global. Hence, these challenges cannot be dealt only within the framework of nation-states. Arjun Appadurai in his work
'Fear of Small Numbers' (2006) highlights that globalization has intensified the conditions of large scale violence. The events of 9/11 symbolized a
movement to a new kind of war, a transition from what he calls the 'vertebrate system' of the nation-state to a 'cellular system' of a network society,
spanning nation-states and fostering a new kind of movements. The powers of the nation-states have come down to a great extent and it can no more
regulate the mass-based violence. Therefore, with the globalizing effect of violence, 'the nation-state has been steadily reduced to the fiction of its ethnos as
the last cultural resource over which it may exercise full control' (Appadurai 2006: 23). Gradually, the phenomenon of globalization has fast changed or
rather threatened the traditional guarantee of security once offered by the nation-state. In this process, the minority communities have always been
perceived as a threat to the 'majority community's sense of national purity and identity' (ibid: 48). Thus, globalization definitely helps in permeating
violence around the world.
Apart from growing political violence, globalization has also escalated the networks of organized crimes. The organized crime groups today operate both
above and below the state. 'Above the state, they capitalize on the globalizing tendencies of permeable borders and deregulation. Embracing the process of
globalization, these groups create demand for their services…………At the same time, transnational organized crime groups operate below as well as beside
the state by offering incentives to the marginalized segments of the population trying to cope with the adjustment costs of globalization' (Mittleman 2012:
227). The process that called as globalization has today created a deep faultline in the extent of power and autonomy of the nation-state. Increasingly, the
nation-state has become vulnerable to the forces created by it i. e. globalization. Thus, 'heavily laden with the trappings of force, circumscribed but not
disempowered, the state is less autonomous, with diminished ability to control borders. Not only is the state porous in terms of flows of knowledge and
information, but also increasingly transnational criminal elements are entrants. In the face of such cross-border flows, the traditional notion of
jurisdiction based on territoriality is progressively brought into question. New forms of criminality infringe on the principle of sovereignty, the centerpiece
of the Westphalian interstate system……' (ibid: 230). An urgent call to control the international crime networks in politics, economy, society and on the
cyber world has been gathering momentum globally, but this demands the pro-active actions not only from state, but from society itself.
The changed nature of the nation-state has also brought new movements which use violence as a political weapon. Philip Bobbit in his book 'Terror and
Consent' (2008) stressed that the changing nature of the state from, nation-state to market state, has made violence more likely, and indeed violence of a
different type, operated by new agents. Therefore, 'the market state is a principal force in transforming twentieth century, nationalistic terrorism into
twenty-first century global networked terrorism' (ibid: 527). This shows that contemporary terrorist groups like Al Qaeda, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria
(ISIS), Boko Haram etc. have gone beyond the control of the nation-states because they operate in a networked world with multiple agents starting from
common citizens to the employees of the state. They function in far more institutionalized form than they do two or three decades earlier.
Conclusion
Henceforth, it would be an awareness of shared humanity that we all need to pin hope for a cosmopolitan conflict resolution mechanism globally. It is to be
noted that 'theories about conflict or anything else should not be judged on whether they fit our beliefs, goods, and hopes, but on whether they increase
understanding, help us to make better decisions, and meet the tests of good theory: empiricism, falsifiability, generalizability, logic, parsimony, and
usability' (Churchman 2005: 11). Recounting the gory incidence of conflicts around, we need to reorganize, situate and emphasise on the goals of humanity
for inching towards a better world. But urgent need of the hour, particularly for young people is 'that subordinate identities, whether of family, clan, ethnic
group, nation, state, class, gender, culture or religion, do not cancel out the deepest identity of all- humanity' (Ramsbotham 2011: 426). The cosmopolitan
conflict resolution refers to a unique approach which does not belong to any particular state, organization or established system of regional powers. It
indicates a constructive way of managing conflict from local to global level only in the best interests of humanity. Immanuel Kant underlines very well that
'the greatest evils which affect civilized nations are brought about by war, and not so much actual wars in the past or the present, as by never ending and
indeed continually increasing preparations for war' (Held 1995: 226). One of the remedies put forwarded by Kant was his idea of an association of citizens
who could form a moral community, a pacific federation in which war would be renounced as a means of politics. 'Similarly, cosmopolitan conflict
resolution seeks to open new political spaces in which citizens from different parts of the world can tackle the transnational sources of violent conflict'
(Ramsbotham et al 2011: 266). When it comes to international organizations like the UN, it specifies the procedures for settling international disputes in
Art. 2 (1) of its Charter: 'All members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security and
justice, are not endangered'. Further Art. 33 (1) of the UN Charter provides all mechanisms available for the same: 'The parties to any dispute, the
continuance of which is likely to endanger maintenance of international peace and security, shall, first of all, seek a solution by negotiation, enquiry,
mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful means of their choice'. However,
the role of the UN in CR has been discredited by both the realist and Marxist thinkers. Realists like Bobbit (2002) observes the UN as one of the 'discredited
multinational institutions of the nation-states' which is highly incapable of responding to numerous global conflicts. Again, 'from a traditional Marxist
perspective the UN is often denigrated. It is seen to be hopelessly enmeshed in-indeed, to be an expression of the late capitalist power structures that have
produced it' (Ramsbotham et al 2011: 272).
Thus the UN has miserably failed in containing conflicts across the world, though it has brought some hope on some occasions. But it has always been
foreshadowed by the interests of a handful of powerful nations which finally dictates the CR agenda of the world. Hence, a cosmopolitan CR approach
would be the best possible one for managing and containing all existing and future conflicts.
References
Held, David (1995) Democracy and Global Order: From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance, Polity: London.
Ramsbotham, Oliver, Woodhouse, Tom and Miall, Hugh (2011) Contemporary Conflict Resolution, Polity: London.
Churchman, David (2005) Why We Fight, University Press of America: New York, Oxford.
Rapoport, Anatol (1960) Fights, Games and Debates, University of Michigan Press: Ann Arbor.
Bercovitch, Jacob et al (2009) The Sage Handbook of Conflict Resolution, Sage: London.
Sandole, Dennis J. D. et al (2011) Handbook of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, Routledge: London and New York.
Appadurai, Arjun (2006) Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger, Duke University Press: Durham NC.
Schwarzmantel, John (2011) Democracy and Political Violence, Edinburgh University Press: Edinburgh, UK.
Mittleman, James H. (2012) 'Global Organized Crime' in Frank J. Lechner and John Bolied. The Globalization Reader, Wiley Blackwell: UK.
Bobbit, Philip (2002) The Shield of Achilles: War, Peace and the Course of History, Allen Lane: London.
Bobbit, Philip (2008) Terror and Consent: The Waves for the Twenty First Century, Allen Lane: London.
Perspectives on Telangana Movement: Socio-Political Factors in the Telangana Region
Dhananjay Chidambaram, BA.LLB. 2014, [email protected]
The Telangana conflict is highly misrepresented in both print and news media. In Telangana, the media is irrationally for Telangana, ignoring any
problems or inconsistencies in the movement, and in Andhra, the media is irrationally against Telangana, with it being more of a prestige issue regarding
the loss of Hyderabad to Telangana. It is rare to find someone on either side who can present a balanced view. In the rest of India, it is common for people to
ask the need for a separate state for Telangana, citing a “common language”. As a domiciled Telangana-ite who has had no horse in this race, it has been
quite interesting to see the movement for statehood from its origins to its culmination. Most people, however, disregard the socio-political reasons for the
demand for statehood in Telangana.
Telangana itself has a different social structure as compared to Andhra. The region was once the epicentre of the Kakatiya dynasty, and then became the
region of the Qutb Shahi dynasty, until it was conquered by the Mughals, and given vassal status under the Asaf Jahi, known as the Nizams of Hyderabad. It
therefore has a relatively large and prominent minority of Muslims, who comprise of around 16% of the population today
(http://www.siasat.com/english/news/distribution-muslim-population-telangana-districts). The culture of Telangana has been influenced by Persian
and general Islamic traditions, and is itself distinct from the culture of Andhra, which is more southern in nature.
The region of Hyderabad, which is used as a reference to Telangana by commentators, is also highly diverse. The Nizams hired many mercenaries from
neighbouring states and beyond, leading to there being a significant minority population of Tamils, Kannadigas, Marwaris, Bengalis, and other
communities. This leads to a more cosmopolitan environment than the rest of Andhra Pradesh, which leads to the classification of Hyderabad as a smaller
metro city. Hyderabad is the capital of Telangana, and is its cultural and financial centre. Oddly enough, this has led to the unique evolution of two distinct
languages which are now the languages of the new state; Dakhani Urdu, and Telangana Telugu. Dakhani Urdu is spoken in conjunction with Hindi by the
Islamic and non-Telugu population, while the dialect of Telugu in Telangana has been influenced greatly by Dakhani Urdu over time, and is distinct from
standard Telugu.
The conflict in Telangana is more than just a conflict between different caste groups, although that is a major part of the argument. It is seen by the
common people as a struggle against the perceived economic domination of settlers from Andhra Pradesh, irrespective of caste. Unlike the chaturvarna
structure in the North of India, caste has been very lopsided in it development and sudden upheavals in the South. The two dominant castes in the whole of
Andhra are the Kammas, from Coastal Andhra and the Reddys, from the Rayalaseema region. Both are agrarian communities who later on become
landlords in their regions. Eventually, Kammas settled in large numbers in Telangana, especially around Hyderabad. Financial hegemony led to social
hegemony over time
(https://www.academia.edu/5023393/Princeton_talk_on_Kamma_caste). A frequently cited example is the shunning of the local dialect of Telugu by
academics and scholars from Andhra, and the offensive portrayal of Telangana people as villains or ruffians in TV and films, both of which are almost
exclusively produced by Kamma settlers.
The caste aspect is also important in the politics of Telangana. Telangana is dominated by the “lower” castes, with 57% of OBC, 15% of SC, and 7% of ST
population. The influx of settlers from coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema eventually lead to increased friction among castes, and it has led to a lot of ill will
among those from Telangana.
An aspect of the issue often ignored even by pro-Telangana activists is the backdrop of the Naxalite movement, and its close links with the demand for a
separate state. Naxals in Telangana have had strong roots, with the Telangana Rebellion in 1951 being a strong example of Leftist rebellions, where there
was a peasant's rebellion against the landowning Reddy and Velama castes, which are the forward castes of Telangana today. Increasing caste polarization,
coupled with unchecked acquisition of land by Andhra settlers only increased the pace of Naxalite activities in the region
(http://www.pucl.org/reports/AndhraPradesh/naxalites.htm). Many leading figures of the Telangana movement such as M. Kodandaram,
GummadiVittala Rao aka Gaddar, Varavara Rao have all either been linked with, or have been active participants in the Naxal movement. Osmania
University, the centre of the intellectual and political aspects of the movement, is also a hotbed of Leftist activities. At one point, it was considered unwise to
even consider separate statehood for Telangana since many people believed that the movement had been infiltrated by the Naxals, and a lot of people
thought that since Telangana shares a border with Chhattisgarh, and parts of North Telangana are also technically a part of the Maoist controlled zone, that
Telangana would see a resurgence in Maoist activities. In truth, Naxalism has been brutally suppressed by successive Chief Ministers in the entire state,
started by N.T. Rama Rao.
The class divide between the forward castes, who form less than 10% of the region's population, and the backward and scheduled castes still colours
Telangana politics today, as people accuse parties like the TRS (Telangana Rashtra Samithi) of favouritism, since most of the major leaders belong to a
Forward caste. Also, Reddys barely make up 5% of the population of the state; yet 68 out of 190 Legislative Assembly seats are occupied by Reddys.
In spite of all this, one can't deny that the people of Telangana will reap some of the benefits intended for them, seeing as most educational institutions have
come under Telangana, leading to a controversy of its own regarding Andhra students. Telangana plans to implement 68% reservation, following the
model of Tamil Nadu, with a planned reservation of 8% for non-creamy layer Muslims under OBC category. The reservation for Muslims is being fiercely
contested in Telangana, but in all probability it will remain in place.
As the Telangana movement reached its peak, the communal equations of the entire state showed signs of changing. Muslims were highly sought after as a
vote bank by the primary regional party, TRS, which resulted in a lot of polarization in Hindu-Muslim relations. Even the BJP gained prominence in
Telangana, earlier being strong only in the Greater Hyderabad area. Localized riots happen every year in the Old City of Hyderabad, with a majority of the
Muslim population of Hyderabad living in the Old City. Curfews are quite common, and are mostly related to some minor Hindu-Muslim tussle in the area.
Although riots do not occur on the scale they used to twenty years back, there is still a dormant resentment amongst both sides, which has only gotten worse
after statehood was granted to Telangana.
There are still many problems that Telangana faces, both economic and social. However, it has been a long struggle for statehood for Telangana, and
hopefully it will lead to much needed political stability in the region. Both Telangana and Andhra lick their wounds, with the vision of victory attained in
terms of statehood, or, in the case of the latter, increased development in their own region. No one regrets the formation of a Jharkhand, or an
Uttarakhand, and many of the issues have been projected as extreme by the media itself. Irrespective of one might say, Telangana has a state of its own, and
one of the largest and most productive cities in the country as its capital, and its future is yet to be prophesied by anyone.
References
DalelBenbabaali, Princeton Talk on Kamma Caste (https://www.academia.edu/5023393/Princeton_talk_on_Kamma_caste)
PUCL, State repression and the Naxalite Movement
http://www.pucl.org/reports/AndhraPradesh/naxalites.htm
Siasat Daily, Distribution of Muslim population in Telangana districts
http://www.siasat.com/english/news/distribution-muslim-population-telangana-districts
Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka
Kopal Raje, BA.LLB. 2014, [email protected]
Introduction
An ethnic conflict is an armed struggle between ethnic groups. Ethnic groups are groups of people who unite and are able to identify with each
other due to a common language, culture, history. There have been various ethnic conflicts as the Yugoslav Wars, the Israel- Palestine
Conflict, the First Chechen War and many others. In this article, I would be focusing on the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict.
Demography of Sri Lanka
The conflict was between the majority group, the Sinhalese and the minority, the Tamils of Sri Lanka. The Sinhalese who live in the southern
and central parts make up 74.9% of the population whereas the Tamils who are concentrated in the north- eastern part make up only 11.2% of
the populace according to the Sri Lankan Census 2010. Thus they had to face the majoritarianism of the Sinhalese.
Roots of the Problem
A series of discriminatory laws against the Tamils by the government sowed the seeds of the conflict. In 1948, the Parliament passed the
Ceylon Citizenship Act making it very difficult for the Tamils to obtain citizenship in the country. In 1956, the then Prime Minister
Bandaranaike passed the Sinhala Only Act making Sinhala the only official language of the country. The Tamils found this act discriminatory
linguistically, culturally and economically. Many Tamil civil servants had to resign because they were not fluent in Sinhala. Buddhism was
given precedence in the country which was the religion followed by the Sinhalese. These discriminatory laws spread anger among the Tamils
and it finally led to the formation of Tamil New Tigers by Prabhakaran in 1972 which later changed its name to Liberation Tigers for Tamil
Eelam (LTTE) in 1976. The LTTE started by assassinating the Sri Lankan legislators. Later they attacked the army. The government launched
a counter attack in which thousands of Tamils were killed. The Sri Lankan army launched Operation Liberation in May- June 1987 to regain
control of the Jaffna peninsula.
Role of India in the Conflict
India got involved in the conflict as there was support for the Sri Lankan Tamils seeking independence from the Tamils in India. Through
India's intelligence agency RAW, arms and ammunitions were provided to various militant groups in Sri Lanka including LTTE. In 1980s,
India dropped food parcels in Jaffna when it was under Sri Lankan Army's control. The Indo- Sri Lankan accord was signed in 1987 which gave
power to the provinces gave an official status to the language Tamil. India agreed to send the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to stabilize
Jaffna and agreed to stop giving aid to LTTE. However IPKF got into a fight with the LTTE and the former withdrew from Sri Lanka in 1990.
Support for the LTTE in India reduced drastically after the assassination of the former PM Rajiv Gandhi in 1991. It is believed that the
assassination was planned by Prabhakaran, the head of LTTE. Violence in Sri Lanka continued for years.
Peace talks began in 2002. A memorandum of understanding was signed between the two sides however hostilities arose again in 2005. The
Sri Lankan army continued the battle and launched major offensives in the areas controlled by the LTTE.
End of the Conflict
In January 2008, the Sri Lankan government abandoned the cease fire agreement with the LTTE. The Sri Lankan forces one by one captured
all the strongholds of LTTE. According to UN reports 1, 96,000 people fled the conflict zone where clashes between the Sri Lankan army and
the LTTE continued. On 16 May, 2009 the Sri Lankan army captured the last area held by the rebels. Addressing the G11 summit in Jordan on
May 17 2009, the Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse declared victory over the LTTE. On 18 May Prabhakaran was declared dead. The
common people celebrated the end of the long- drawn war. Talks are on between Rajpakse's government and the Tamil National Alliance
(TNA) on a viable political solution.
Current Scenario
The current scenario in Sri Lanka is grim. 40,000 of the 300,000 war survivors still live in camps. The Tamils are still fighting for their rights.
Human rights abuses are still prevalent and the country has been termed as a “de facto dictatorship”. The deep divisions between the
Sinhalese and the Tamils still exist. Various ad- hoc programmes are being initiated to bridge the cultural gap between the Sinhalese and the
Tamils. Sri Lankan Unites, an NGO in Colombo brought together the youth of both the communities for a conference in Jaffna in August 2013.
On 27 March 2014 the United Nations Human Rights Council proposed a resolution for investigating the human rights abuses at the end of the
war. USA and UK were among the countries that called for an international probe into it. Recently in September 2013, the Tamil National
Alliance (TNA) won 30 out of 38 seats in a provincial elections and this is being considered a big threat to Mahinda Rajpakse's government. It
is after 25 years that a Tamil party has won an election. The Sri Lankan problem continues to haunt India as the emotions of the Tamils in India
are always taken into consideration before taking any decision. E.g. The ex- PM Manmohan Singh did not attend the Commonwealth Summit
in Sri Lanka in 2013 due to pressure from Tamils in India.
Analysis
The Sri Lankan problem was a conflict of identity. The conflict that continued in Sri Lanka for so many years reflected ethnic centrism in Sri
Lanka. It showcased Sri Lanka to be a land of suicide bombers whose struggle led to negotiations between the Sri Lankan government and the
Tamil leadership. The conflict was a result of frustration in the Tamils because of lack of progress. The lack of power sharing and
accommodation by Sri Lankan government vis-à-vis the Tamils was the root cause of the beginning of the conflict. Had there been these two
basic ideals of democracy, the history of the island nation would have been much more peaceful. Though the war is over, yet the conflict is not
over because the root causes of providing rights and peace to all communities has not been discussed. The focus of the government is only on
economic development and not on giving rights to the Tamils. It is against an independent international investigation on war crimes and
considers it to be an infringement on the state's sovereignty as a lot of human rights abuses will be revealed in the investigation. The Sri
Lankan conflict is still not fully solved and a political solution based on meaningful federation would be the best way forward. Cultural and
political autonomy is the need of the hour. Tamils need to be given freedom not only on paper but in practice as well. The unitary state
structure imposed by the British needs to be replaced by a federal state. Devolution of powers and territorial autonomy to the Tamils on a
democratic basis is the only solution possible. Peace in Sri Lanka is vital for development in the South Asian peninsula.
Scope for Further Study
This article provides the reader with a basic backdrop of the Sri Lankan conflict. It discusses the roots of the problem, its causes,
consequences, India's role in the conflict and how it finally ended. This article can be used as a summary of the problem; it can be taken as a
basic study to go into a deeper analysis of the problem. New strategies can be developed on how to provide the Tamils with the rights they
desire, the core issues can be addressed and a detailed understanding of the problem can be developed. This article can be used as a source for
information for an advanced level of research into the conflict.
References
Burke, Jason (2013), Indian PM Manmohan Singh pulls out of Commonwealth Summit in Sri Lanka, The Guardian. Retrieved from
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/nov/10/indian-pm-manmohan-singh-pulls-out-commonwealth-summit-sri-lanka
http://www.irinnews.org/report/96737/analysis-sri-lanka-s-long-road-to-reconciliation
http://www.pbs.org/pov/nomoretears/special_timeline.php
http://www.srilankacampaign.org/currentsituation.htm
Imtiyaz, A.R.M. (2004), Conflict and Constitutional Solution in Sri Lanka, Indian Journal of Asian Affairs, Vol. 17(2), pp. 23-42
Jayawardhana, Kumari (1987), Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka and Regional Security. Retrieved from
http://www.infolanka.com/org/srilanka/issues/kumari.html
Perumal, C. A. & Thandavan, R. (1989), Ethnic Violence in Sri Lanka: Causes and Consequences, the Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol.
50(1), pp. 1-17
Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Collapse of the Congo
Smriti Ravichandran, BA.LLB. 2014, [email protected]
Introduction
The conflict of Congo cost the lives of over 50 million people. The atrocities committed in the 1996 civil war and the genocide of the Hutu and
Tutsi in Rwanda had caused major conflicts and rise in ethnic tensions not just in Rwanda, but also in the neighboring nations such as Congo,
Burundi and Uganda. So far, not much attention has been given to the conflict in Congo, as has been given to Rwanda. It has just been given
the label of being unfortunately dragged into war and poverty but never been put amongst the great human catastrophes such as the World
Wars or the Rwandan genocide. The events of 1996 and the brutal crimes committed on an extremely large scale cannot be explained simply
by stereotypes. There is no Hitler, Mussolini or Stalin who was behind all this. The main focus is to challenge clichés in order to understand
the roots of the violence by providing a rational explanation. The challenge here is to understand the complex reasons which made it
important for violence to be the solution and not peace. How can one discern a war that involves at least twenty different rebel groups and
armies of nine countries when there is no clear cause?
A Brief Outline of the History of Congo
Congo has always been gripped by violence and injustice. It had first been colonized by King Leopold II of Belgium in 1885 and set up as a
private enterprise called the Congo Free State making it a personal holding rather than a colony of Belgium during the rubber boom of 1890s.
The country had come to be a major producer of latex that was used in making tyres and many other industries. Leopold's rule through forced
labor caused horrible atrocities to occur as thousands of natives had been killed or tortured if they didn't agree to work for him. The brutality
of these events caught attention resulting in a human rights intervention which pressurized the King to hand over the country to the Belgian
government in 1908.
In spite of the fact that the Belgian government had put into place a more elaborate administration with extensive primary education, their
main concern was still to do with concentrating assets and so little had been done to support Congolese advancement. The elite classes of the
military and administration were totally white and often passed laws that kept the Congolese from living in high society neighborhoods and
from receiving education any more than the bare minimum.
After the Belgian government, came Joseph Mobutu, who was a typist and an army journalist. Mobutu went on to rule the nation for thirty two
years. He was also responsible for renaming the nation Zaire in 1971. Though initially he was popular for his rule, Mobutu later started
distrusting the government and the military which finally led to the downfall of his state institutions. At first, corruption and politics eroded
the institutions. Mobutu Sese Seko (By 1980s he had changed his name) grew more and more suspicious of his government, managing only to
avert the challenges the military posed by using his Cold War allies. This was, though, short lived as with the end of the Cold War, even these
resources had become scant. What set off the final trigger in 1994 was the raging civil war in the neighboring country Rwanda which had
resulted in a genocide of thousands of Hutu and Tutsi at the hands of the Hutu army and militia. The Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) had
crumbled the Hutu regime by the end and the Hutu fled to border of Zaire. Mobutu had now come to host over ten different armed groups of
different nations which angered the neighbors, who then formed a regional coalition consisting of Angola, Uganda and Rwanda to overthrow
him. At this time, owing to the weakness of the state, the ethnic rivalries and conflicts over land access had escalated. Leaders such as Mobutu
had used these tensions to divert the attention from the problems in their power so that they could rally support.
Rwanda's Involvement
Just in around a hundred days in 1994 over 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu were killed. Though the Rwandan genocide had been
organized by elites, it had been executed by the common people. Their instruments of butchery included using machetes, clubs and axes. The
entire population had involved itself and consisted of three kinds of people, the organizers, perpetrators and victims. The Hutu, who
constituted around 85 percent of the population were forced to seek refuge across the border into Zaire due to the RPF and the large scale
violence. Though, the genocide aimed at wiping out the Tutsi minority, the result was the retreat of the Hutu majority government into Zaire.
This however didn't end the civil war as the Hutu formed the Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR), which prepared itself to use the support it
received from Mobutu SeseSeko in the form of troops to support it against the RPF and so regain power in Kigali.
Conclusion
The manner in which the media portrays the Congo war is that it is either nothing but the result of chaos and fight between rebel groups over
resources in a failed state or it is fight between the good and the bad: the Rwandan government, U.S government and the warlords being
portrayed as the perpetrators of evil. With news mainly focusing on the atrocities of mass rapes and murders diverting the attention from the
main issue, which is to really understand the conflict and identify the reasons behind it. Calling them savages and evil, using stereotypes to
understand the situation hides the core problem, which is of understanding how political power is managed.
Thomas Hobbes, (1618-1648) spoke of humans being in a “state of nature” wherein life of the man is “nasty, brutish, short and solitary.” He
believed that the only way to solve this was for the people to forfeit their rights to a state or a government which would ensure order and keep
up everybody's interest. It should be created in the interests of people. This was the social contract.
From the brief outline of the story of Congo presented here, it is clear that there has never really been a strong government structure. From the
beginning, ranging from King Leopold's rule to the recent weak government structures existing owing to various reasons, ranging from
economic conditions, exploitation to the conflict of Rwanda which spread and had its impact in many parts of Africa, Congo has never had a
definite form of governance or state in place.
The story of Congo is complex and the causes of the conflict that plagued the nation are even more complicated. But it is very important for us
to look at the human edges and to understand that they are neither evil nor alien and the problem demands attention and must be thought over
as this is a humanitarian crisis. The problem cannot be solved by simply giving them food and money, the ultimate fate of the country rests in
its own hands and only the Congolese can help themselves. We must make them aware of the problems and think over these complicated
issues so that we can create an environment of stability for them.
References
http://www.enotes.com/homework-help/who-was-king-leopold-ii-what-did-he-have-do-with-467109
Stearns, Jason K. (2011), Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa. Public Affairs, U.S.
Naxalism
Himani Bhatt, BA.LLB. 2014, [email protected]
Origin
Maoism was articulated in India in the form of the Naxalbari movement in the late 1960s in India. The revolt started in 1946 in the Nalgonda
district in Andhra Pradesh, which was then part of princely state of Hyderabad, against the oppressive feudal lords (samasthans) and quickly
spread to the Warangal and Bidar districts in around 4000 villages [1]. The communist led agitation was successful in liberating over 3000
villages from the feudal lords and 10,000 acres of agriculture land was distributed to landless peasants. Around 4000 peasants lost their lives
in the struggle fighting feudal private armies. By July 1948, 2,500 villages in the south were organised into 'communes' as part of a peasant
movement which came to be known as Telangana Struggle. In 1964, CPI (M) splits from united CPI and decides to participate in elections,
postponing armed struggle over revolutionary policies to a day when revolutionary situation prevailed in the country.
In 1967 CPI (M) participated in polls and formed a coalition United Front government in West Bengal with Bangla Congress. This lead to
schism in the party with younger cadres, including the Charu Majumdar, accusing CPI (M) of betraying the revolution. On 25th May 1967 the
rebel cadres led by Charu Majumdar launched a peasants' uprising at Naxalbari in Darjeeling district of West Bengal after a tribal youth, who
had a judicial order to plough his land, was attacked by "goons" of local landlords on March 2. Tribals retaliated and started forcefully
capturing back their lands. The CPI (M)-led United Front government cracked down on the uprising and in 72 days of the "rebellion" a police
sub-inspector and nine tribals were killed. The Congress government at the Centre supported the crackdown. The incident echoed throughout
India and naxalism was born. The ideology of naxalism soon assumed larger dimension and entire state units of CPI (M) in Uttar Pradesh and
Jammu and Kashmir and some sections in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh joined the struggle. The rise of naxalism as one of the organized political
movements in India was the outcome of a historical situation.[2] Both colonialism and the failure of the Indian state to implement land
reforms more stringently in the aftermath of independence resulted in terrible sufferings of marginalized, land-dependent sections of society.
It is true that these movements failed to attain the goal of radical agrarian reforms for a variety of reasons. Yet, by raising a powerful voice
against feudal exploitation, they seemed to have begun a process of social churning that became critical for the future movements. These
movements had also articulated an alternative to the state-led development paradigm, which was hardly adequate to get rid of the welldrenched feudalism.
The 2007 Ninth Congress
The ninth congress of the CPI (M) is an ideological milestone for naxalism in India. Besides, evolving specific strategies for combating the
state power in India, the congress also prepared a blueprint for the seizure of power. In his address to the participants, Ganapathy, the General
Secretary of the party said:
th
“The 9 Unity Congress affirmed the general line of the new democratic revolution with agrarian revolution as its axis and protracted people's
war as the path of the Indian revolution that had first come into the agenda with the Naxalbari upsurge…It set several new tasks for the party
with the main focus on establishment of base areas as the immediate, basic and central task before the entire party. It also resolved to advance
the people's war throughout the country…and wage a broad-based militant mass movement against the neo-liberal policies of globalization,
liberalization, privatization pursued by the reactionary ruling classes under the dictates of imperialism.”
Two important ideas were articulated. First, the Maoists are favourably disposed towards militant mass movement to usher in a new era
people's power; second, they are also exhorted to take 'the guerrilla war to a higher level of mobile war in the areas where guerrilla war is in an
advanced stage and to expand the areas of armed struggle to as many states as possible.'
The militant campaign against the government efforts to acquire land for SEZs in Orissa, West Bengal or Andhra Pradesh is largely being seen
as part of a wider Maoist agenda to resist government agenda on SEZs. The congress has decided to take up struggles against the SEZs which
according to them are nothing but neo-colonial enclaves on Indian territory where no laws of the land can be applied.
It's been quite some time since the Naxals realized in the wake of massive force deployment by the government, they could not continue with
the traditional methods of guerrilla war. They therefore have decided to adopt 'mobile war' as their new strategy. The Naxals aim to paralyse
normal life by attacking the communication, transportation and other essential establishments. The Naxals today, are not technologically
challenged, or completely illiterate, or unaware as they used to be back in the late 1900s. They have kept themselves rooted and also changed
their methods to accomplish their aims with the changing times.
Maoism and Hindutva Politics
Since 23 August 2008, the day Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Swami LaxamanandaSaraswati was killed, Orissa's Kandhamal district
witnessed a lot of chaos. In the shocking interview, where the CPI (M) secretary for Orissa , Sabyasachi Panda confessed that the CPI(M) killed
the leader along with 4 other people. It was shocking because why would the Naxals kill an old Hindu priest? Because Naxals have no history of
interfering in religious matters. But the reports claim that the incident was triggered because of the ethnic division between the better-placed
Hindus and Dalit Christians. Killing of the leader was some sort of signal to Hindus by the Naxals.
The politics of Naxalism understands neither religion nor caste; however, growth of Naxalism in Bihar is mainly attributed to caste factors.
For some years now, the issue of conversion and re-conversion has become a driving force in Orissa politics. Naxals might not have interfered
in religious issues in the past, but that does not stop them entering into communal politics now. We know from this Naxal brand of politics has
changed in today's time. The killing of Laxamananda may have been an incident in isolation or it may also have been the signal for new
formations within Naxal politics. The primary purpose of Naxals is to fight the economic disparities, but the means of spreading terror and
fear to achieve a justified end are somewhat not justified. But how would they further justify when they fight for the wrong ends? From this
incident, we come to know that the Naxals have also started playing politics on the basis of religion.
Sources of Sustenance
This is common knowledge that Naxalites raise funds through extortion from farmers, teachers, contractors and businessmen. For instance,
as soon as a contractor receives a tender for the construction of an overhead bridge, he is charged 10 percent of the total money as admitted by
a civil contractor.
Other sources of mobilisation of funds include the operation of illegal mines, sale of tendu leaves, and illegal sale of various forest products
and narcotics. Naxalites are involved in opium cultivation at Chitra Konda in the district of Malkangiri. A rough estimate of 60 million worth
opium is produced and controlled by naxals. Gaanja is packed in small quantities and smuggled to the neighbouring states of Chhattisgarh,
Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh by well acquainted tribals. The police have not been able to track them as the naxalitescounter
attack them.
In the beginning, the tribals were given poor wages for their cultivation of tendu leaves. Now, after the Maoists came and fought for the rights
of the tribals, their wages have been increased but they have to pay taxes to the Maoists.[3] The response to this has been largely positive
because their source of income is now secured and other means of exploitation have been lowered as the Maoists are always there to protect
the locals. There are constant demands from people of other areas to invite the Maoists into their tribals for a similar change.
As the naxalites work for the tribals in the villages, they have been getting constant support in monitory as well as other terms from them,
which has helped them expand their base in the tribal areas of the states like Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh and others.
Despite police attacks and government intervention in these areas. A situation has emerged in which traders, local villagers and naxalites
seem to be bound together in a mutually beneficial bond. The red flag thus continue to remain a powerful symbol of protest, not merely
because of the ideological commitment of the indigenous population, but also due to effective Maoists strategies for mobilising adequate
funds for the movement.
The Government Response
In 2009, Manmohan Singh government declared Naxalites as the biggest threat to the internal security of the Nation. The state does seem to
be alert to the problem that usually crops up with significant intensity only during the elections, otherwise it is treated to be a problem
confined to specific localities. Today's alarming situation seems to be an outcome of the 'no naxal policy' of the state. Several states have put a
ban on CPI (M) and seven of its frontal organisation under criminal law amendment act 1908. This ban is not going to stop the naxalites from
spreading the red terror but nonetheless it will boost the morale of the police force and is a small start to the fight against the red terrorism.
The government should come up with a police force that especially works in the naxal affected areas as this problem is as intense as any other
external security threat to the country. The government has to realise that the ban is not a solution, effective coordination of military forces
and socio economic measures will make the ban affective. If there is a delay in this matter, then the fight will not just be against the naxals but
also about bringing back the confidence of the tribals in them.
Future
Maoism is an ideological continuity with the past. Historically, ultra-left movements seem to have uncritically accepted 'the one size fits all'
approach by accepting the classical Marxism-Leninism as sacrosanct. It is difficult to predict the future of Maoism though there's no doubt
that it is succeeded so far in expanding the red corridor. This itself is suggestive of the historical limitations of the state led development
programmes that have failed the situations seem to have worsened following the acceptance of neo liberal economic reforms in the wake of
serious domestic fiscal crisis in 1990s.[4] The government's need of rapid development has somewhere side-lined the tribals and poorer
sections of the society. If the government is not taking proper measures, then we can see a very strong domination of the naxals in different
states of India in the future.
Conclusion
Maoism is not an academic expression. This is an ideological movement seeking to replace the semi-feudal and semi colonial stage that has
flourished in India since Independence. But somehow this movement triggered an anti-nationalist anti-state emotion amongst the tribals and
poorer sections of the society. In the current scenario, we can see that the original motive of the naxalites has been side-lined. It is no longer a
movement which is fighting for rights of the tribals and marginalized, but has become an institution which is trying hard to establish its place
in India and Indian Politics.
References
Economic and Political Weekly (2009), The Political Context of Religious Conversion in Orissa, 11 April.
Agarwal Vineet (2006), Romance of a Naxalite, National Paperbacks: New Delhi.
Nayak, Nihar (2006), Maoist in Orissa Growing Tentacles and a Dormant State, Faultlines, Volume 17.
Singh Prerni, Bindra (2009), Enemies Within, Tehelka Volume 6 (16).
Bodoland: A Social Conflict Left Unresolved
Rishikesh V. H., BA.LLB. 2013, [email protected]
'Our leaders say that we must have nuclear missiles to protect us from the threat of China and Pakistan. But who will protect us from
ourselves?'
Arundhati Roy
Bodoland is a proposed state which lies in the state of Assam. It is largely inhabited by the Bodos who are one of the earliest inhabitants of
Assam. The area covered under this proposed state currently comes under the Bodo Territorial Area District (BTAD) and is governed by the
Bodo Territorial Council (BTC). The BTC was set up under the BTC Accord which was signed between the State Government of Assam, the
Union of India and the Bodo Liberation Tigers in February 2003. The objectives of the Accord were to create an autonomous, self-governing
body which is the BTC within the State of Assam, to provide constitutional protection under Sixth Schedule to it so as to fulfil the economic,
educational and linguistic aspirations of the Bodos. Also to preserve their land-rights, socio-cultural and ethnic identity and to speed up the
infrastructure development within the BTC area.
The Bodo's are the largest tribal community out of the 34 tribal communities in Assam. They began to fight for autonomy during the 1960's
when they felt they were being neglected. Their demands varied from statehood to outright sovereign status. The militant Bodo movement for
autonomy and statehood peaked during the 1980's and the 1990's in which there were large-scale killings and displacement of people. After
years of violence the Central and the State Government decided to enter into an Accord to meet their demands. The Bodo's felt that they have
been discriminated against for many years and saw the Accord as a way of their demands being heard and fulfilled. But the accord failed to
bring peace it was meant to. The changing demographics of the BTAD and the consequent land alienation, have led the Bodo's to fear that they
may become a minority in their own state.
After the 2003 Accord, there were fresh claims made for statehood especially after the formation of the new state of Telangana. The violence in
BTAD continues due to the different ethnic conflicts in the region. The Bodo's have had bitter clashes with the Adivasis and Muslims. While
the Accord did give the Bodo's political autonomy and power, they feel threatened by the Muslims as they see them invoking some form of
majoritarian politics. The Bodo's are also faced with the issue of illegal immigrants, this is an important one as the perception is that these
illegal immigrants are supported by Muslims and their number only seems to be growing. While the Accord does protect the land rights of the
Bodo people it is still unable to stop these illegal immigrants from freely acquiring land. The illegal immigrants can easily acquire important
government documents such as ration cards to establish that they are Indian citizens. Once they have the documents they are able to acquire
land by taking advantage of the BTC act. This conflict has led the Bodo's to feel that their rights are being violated and the non- Bodo's feel that
the Bodo's are getting more benefits than they deserve.
Another reason for ethnic conflicts in the region is the fact that about 75 percent of the population of the BTC is constituted by Non- Bodo's, yet
there are a substantial amount of seats in the BTC reserved for the Bodo's (30 of 46). This leads to most of the non- Bodo's feeling that the
Bodo's have no right to rule and makes them feel under-represented. This complicates matters politically and leads to competing claims for
political representation and state resources. These different political pressures and vote bank politics add up to the problem and make it
difficult to find solutions. Also, the easy availability of weapons in region adds to the violence. Furthermore, acts like Terrorist and Disruptive
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1987, Assam Disturbed Areas Act, 1955 and Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 were imposed in the
Kokrajhar district of Assam. In process many innocent people became the victim of fake encounters. Thousands of the innocent Bodo people
were sent in jail and tortured, but no compensation was made to the victims and their families.
The continuing violence in the BTAD must be looked into and cannot be neglected any longer. The State and the Central government will have
to look at the conflicting demands and will have make a better formulation of the BTC so that they can protect the interests of the various
groups involved. The problem of illegal immigrants must also be dealt into by making better regulations. The root cause of the problem must
be explored in great detail and addressed at the earliest.
References
Brahma, Kalidash (2011), Bodoland Movement and the Issues of Human Rights Violation. Retrieved from
http://kalidashbrahma.blogspot.in/2011/12/bodoland-movement-and-issues-of-human.html#
Firstpost India, (2014), Assam Violence: 5 Key Facts about the Bodo-Muslim Conflict. Retrieved from
http://www.firstpost.com/india/assam-violence-5-key-facts-about-the-bodo-muslim-conflict-1507865.html
http://bodoland.in/jaores/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=72:bodoland-at-a-glance&catid=25:the-profile&Itemid=45
http://cdpsindia.org/btc_accord.asp
http://mrunal.org/2012/08/polity-assam-riots.html
Juergens, Leonara (2014), Ethnic Fault-Lines in Assam: A Separate Bodoland, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies. Retrieved from
http://www.ipcs.org/article/india/ethnic-fault-lines-in-assam-a-separate-bodoland-4418.html
Syrian Civil War
Prarthna Bathija, BA.LLB. 2014, [email protected]
This article elucidates the Syrian civil war in the context of a bloody social conflict. It explores the factors of the struggle which called for urgent
international intervention and the harsh conditions imposed on the people of the nation. An inquiry is made into the form of government in
Syria and whether the rights conferred by a democracy such as the freedom of expression and to assemble peacefully in protest are actually
granted to the people. The internal struggles in Syria including the dangerous use of chemical weapons, the mass exodus and the sufferings
borne by the general population are analysed.
The current conflict in Syria has created international discord and divergent views regarding what constitutes the most appropriate response
to a humanitarian crisis of this kind. With the rising numbers of people killed, injured and forced to succumb to internal displacement and
problems of starvation as reported by the United Nations causes one to reflect on the interventionist role of the international community in
cases of mass human rights abuses and gross violations of international human rights law.
The origin of the bloody Syrian conflict can be traced to 2011 when a few teenagers were subjected to torture and harsh conditions for having
painted revolutionary slogans on a school wall. Protests took place to fight for these students but fire was opened on the protestors which
resulted in shock and unrest spread in various parts of the country. A sense of urgency was apparent in the citizens' demand for a democracy in
its true sense allowing them to exercise a greater freedom of speech. This demand soon transformed into a fiery protest against the
authoritarian rule of the President Bashar Al -Assad. A clear divide was marked between the supporters of the government and the rebel
fighters. The rebels consisted of multiple groups, the largest of which was the Free Syrian Army, the soldiers of which only had basic training
and hence proved grossly ineffective against the massive forces of the government. The opposition parties were fractious and deeply
undivided but shared the common view of a complete removal of the existing despotic government and proposed an alternative government
as a solution to the crisis. As the violent struggle continued, chemical weapons were introduced in the crisis which called for the immediate
intervention of international peace keeping communities. The use of chemical weapons is prohibited under treaty law including the Chemical
Weapons Convention. A UN Commission (Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic) set up for the
inquiry of the alleged human rights violation found evidence that both the government and rebel fighters had committed serious war crimes
including torture, hostage keeping, murder and execution.
On analysing the long and torturous civil war, the several reasons as to why the opposition was not able to gain international recognition
becomes clear. Factors of internal power struggles, absence of support activists at a fundamental level and limited financial and military
strength prevented the opposition from defeating the centralised power of the government.
Another important crisis that was a result of the Syrian civil war was the mass refugee exodus in recent history. As the conditions deteriorated,
people moved out of Syria at an alarming rate to neighbouring countries including Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey. This mass exodus put an
insurmountable amount of pressure on the said neighbouring countries to accommodate the unprecedented flow of Syrian citizens in their
country.
The war which began as another Arab Spring uprising against an autocratic ruler mushroomed into a brutal proxy war that has drawn in
regional and world powers. The international context of the war is a complex political scenario of the present times. It is important to realize
that for any kind of serious intervention by the United Nations (UN), a mandate requires to be passed with the approval of the five 'Big'
powers: China, Russia, UK, US and France. At present, Russia and China are on one side and US is on the other and hence, the war could be
said to have reached a standstill in the international political scenario.
It is essential that we understand this conflict in all its manifestations: the gross violation of human rights which crippled the country as a
whole, the chemical weapons and the question of their disposal, the mass exodus of people and the steps taken by powerful members of the
international community and their implications on the uncertain future of Syria. The questions of democracy in Syria, freedom of speech and
expression, the right to assemble and protest peacefully without arms and to constructively criticize the government must be seriously
scrutinized keeping in mind the current political scene in Syria. The important question which requires urgent attention is to examine how a
humanitarian intervention to alleviate and better the situation at Syria should be carried out.
References
Akame, Gilbert A. (2013), Chemical Weapons Use in Syria: Implications for International Law. Retrieved from
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2317809
Hannon, E & Russel, H (2013), From Peaceful Demonstrations to Armed Conflict: Considering Humanitarian Intervention in the Case of
Syria. Retrieved from http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2212711
BBC, (2015), What's happening in Syria? Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/16979186
Bound Freedom
Rhea Chokshi, BA.LLB. 2014, [email protected]
Imagine a family that lives in a home for which they have been paying rent for 25 years. In those 25 years neither do they actually own the
house or have access to the economic benefits arising from interest that could have been levied.
Based on this, the social theory of conflict argues that relationships in the society are unequal and favour the owners or those in power. Marx
argued that social evolution was directed by the result of class conflict through a dialectic process. Social conflict theory sees life as a
competition and focuses on the distribution of power, resources and inequality.
It is a macro-oriented theory paradigm in sociology that views society as an arena of inequality that generates conflict and social change. Key
elements in this perspective are that society is structured in ways to benefit few at the expense of the majority; to a social conflict theorist it is
all about dominant group vs. the minority group relations. Karl Marx is considered to be the 'father' of the social conflict theory. Thus, the
theory basically states that the groups within a capitalist society tend to interact in a destructive manner that allows no mutual benefit and
little cooperation.
The various institutions of society such as the legal and political system are instruments of ruling class domination and serve to further its
interests. Marx believed that western society developed through four main epochs—primitive communism, ancient society, feudal society
and capitalist society. Primitive communism is represented by the societies of pre-history and provides the only example of the classless
society. From then, all societies are divided into two major classes-master and slaves in ancient society, lords and serfs in feudal society and
capitalist and wage labourers in capitalist society. On the other hand Weber sees class in economic terms. He argues that classes develop in
market economies in which individuals compete for economic gain. He defines a class as a group of individuals who share a similar position in
market economy and by virtue of that fact receive similar economic rewards. Thus, a person's class situation is basically his market situation.
Those who share a similar class situation also share similar life chances. Their economic position will directly affect their chances of obtaining
the things defined as desirable in their society.
Ordinary people become pawns or a means to achieve the goals of the powerful, they are exploited and whenever they raise their voice against
this very exploitation they are silenced by whatever means necessary, be it force or coercion. The medieval times are a perfectly example of
blatant abuse of power where the people lived to serve the whims and fancies of the noblemen and women, this trend was quite visible even
during the renaissance period. Today the same trend is visible but in a more subtle fashion. Politics and industrialisation are means through
which people hold the reins of society; the public opinion is something to be swayed in their favour so that they can be kept in the dark and be
kept hopeful, to someday be free from the shackles of power.
Power and property are the twin sources of this theory. In some societies, property evidently comes first, the one with the most property holds
most power, however, it is a mistake to generalise, where there is strong centralised bureaucracy and politics in the saddle, power may well be
primary.
In the Indian context, earlier on in the century, upper caste Hindus particularly the Brahmins had a dominant position in both ownership of
land and in administration. With the abolition of landlordism after independence, the upper caste dependence on land was weakened too, to
an extent. But in the same period there was a notable expansion of public sector. While the dependence of the upper castes on land decreased
their role in the administration increased including management of industrial and commercial entities and today many of them can afford to
take up a relatively radical position on the question of ownership of land because their economic power base lies not only in the land so much
but also in the administration. This also illustrates a point worthy of noticing that a dominant class is often clings to its vested interest as a
whole.
However with time and evolution these are at critical points in history. There is scope for adjustment and re-adjustment along alternate lines,
the landed aristocracy of a feudal society may find a new position of leadership in the government in an era of capitalist development.
Advanced sections of the middle class in a capitalist society may get merged in the managerial spectrum in a socialist regime.
The history of mankind is honed in as a weapon by those who know the truth. The social conflict theory has been witnessed in all the corners of
the worlds and in all strata of a human life, be it public or private, in work places, government policies or even in the simple act of attending
college, each and every where we see the exploitation of the upper classes who feed on those beneath them. This evolution of exploitation
started right when man was a simple hunter, the men who were stronger physically would supersede those with a weaker physique and now
those with higher offices supersede those with menial jobs. We claim to live in a world that's free but in reality we are bound by the society we
live in.
References
Crossman, Ashley (n.d.) Conflict Theory. Retrieved from http://sociology.about.com/od/Sociological-Theory/a/Conflict-Theory.htm
Datta, Amlan (1980), Social Conflict in India Today, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 15(4). Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4368354#
http://education-portal.com/academy/lesson/social-conflict-theory-in-sociology-definition-lesson-quiz.html#lesson
Boko Haram Scourge: Violent Extremists and Insurgents
Aakash Jindal, BA.LLB. 2013, [email protected]
Boko Haram is an Islamic sect that believes politics in Northern Nigeria has been seized by a group of corrupt Muslims. Their aim is to create a
“pure” Islamic state ruled by Sharia Law, so they want to wage a war against those corrupt Muslims and the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Since
August 2011, Boko Haram has planted bombs in public places in northeast Nigeria. In 2012, twelve public schools in Maiduguri were burned
down during the night and 10,000 pupils were forced out of education. Every aspect of human endeavour, be it health, education, food,
security, political and social aspects in Nigeria are greatly affected because of the Boko Haram community. In states like Borno, the frequent
bombing and clashes between Boko Haram and security agents have weighed down seriously on commercial and business activities in the
state as many people have fled the state. Investors who have been doing business in the state for ages are said to be relocating their businesses
due to the unending security challenges in the state.
Boko Haram has deep roots in the social and economic marginalisation of population of northern states of Nigeria. Many businesses in
Nigeria have been affected by the activities of this insurgency. Military personnel have been taking over the shops there and converting them
into military bases. 97 percent of business was negatively affected by the security problem there.
The impact of the heinous activities of Boko Haram terror on the social, economic and political structure of Nigeria is over-whelming and
devastating. Due to this militant organisation, the government's performance has been reduced drastically. This militant Islamist group is
fighting to overthrow the government and create an Islamic state. This group also promotes a version of Islam which makes it “haram” or
forbidden for Muslims to take part in any political or social activity associated with the Western society which includes voting in elections,
wearing shirts and trousers etc. The sociological effect of their activities is that some non-Muslims have started to hate Muslims and are
tending to believe that all Muslims are fundamentalists, as well as some of them have malicious intentions along with their opinions.
Boko Haram recruits its members mainly from disaffected youth, unemployed high school and university graduates. In 2004, students in
northern Nigeria withdrew their names from school, tore down their certificates and joined the group. Ignorance, religious teaching, and
poverty make youth more vulnerable and susceptible to recruitment in terror groups. The young followers, who previously used local weapons
in attacks, have become highly radicalized individuals willing to carry out suicide bombings.
To conclude, the activities of Boko Haram have heightened serious fears among the Nigerian populace. The trend has led to loss of lives and
property. It has also succeeded in instilling fear and hatred among the people who have been living in peace and harmony for decades. Poverty
and unemployment have underpinned young people's vulnerability to falling prey to violent extremism. Thus, any attempt to effectively
weaken the insurgency in northern Nigeria must consider above factors, as this can significantly diminish the strength of the insurgency.
References
Casey-Maslen, Stuart (2014), The War Report: Armed Conflict in 2013, Oxford University Press
Chothia, Farouk (2015), Who are Nigeria's Boko Haram Islamists? Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-13809501
Fox News (2015), Boko Haram attacks north-eastern Nigeria town, engages in heavy fighting with army. Retrieved from
http://www.foxnews.com/world/2015/02/14/boko-haram-attacks-northeastern-nigeria-town-engages-in-heavy-fighting-with/
Perry, Alex (2014), The Hunt for Boko Haram: Investigating the Terror Tearing Nigeria Apart, Newsweek Insights.
Siollun, Max (2015), How Boko Haram Can Be Defeated. Retrieved from http://newafricanmagazine.com/boko-haram-can-defeated/
This Day Live (2012), How Boko Haram Activities Destroy Economy of the North. Retrieved from http://www.thisdaylive.com/articles/howboko-haram-activities-destroy-economy-of-the-north/122763/
ISIS versus the Yazidis
Gorang Goyal, BA.LLB. 2013, [email protected]
The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is an extremist group belonging to the Sunni sect of Islam and it controls territories in Iraq, Syria and
parts of Libya and Egypt as well. This group was started many years back but it came into prominence after the recent Syrian crisis in 2011 and
it captured major regions in Syria, thus, establishing a stronghold in Iraq. Slowly they expanded their control to towns of Nigeria as well, thus,
inducting them into their self-proclaimed Islamic State.
The tensions increased severely as ISIS condemns the Yazidi people as they believe them to be devil-worshippers. Even in the time of Ottoman
Empire, they were subjected to 72 genocidal massacres. The Yazidis, who are majority Kurds, comprises mainly of Christian and Islamic
descendants and share religious traits with them as well. The ISIS had declared the Yazidis to be worshippers of devil and they are completely
against them. In Iraq, the ISIS militants started massacring the people of the Yazidi religion. The crime against the Yazidis is not new. Its roots
can be traced back even at the time of Saddam Hussein in the late 1970s when he destroyed all the traditional Yazidi villages.
These extremists kill all the men and children and rape all the women and force them to convert to Islam. If the captive women choose to
convert, they are sold as slave brides, or else they are killed. Most of them choose to die or commit suicide rather than being raped by ISIS men.
Nazand Begikhani, an advisor to the Kurdistan Regional Government, said, "These women have been treated like cattle, they have been
subjected to physical and sexual violence, including systematic rape and sex slavery. They've been exposed in markets in Mosul and in Raqqa,
Syria, carrying price tags."
The ISIS has been conducting its beheading operations in Iraq lately. Its most popular strategy is to induce threat by broadcasting the
beheading videos of journalists or soldiers of the groups tackling them including the very infamous beheading video of Peter Kassig. Another
strategy that the ISIS use is social media and electronic media in promoting its violence and justifying its acts which has been condemned by
many including the likes of Al-Qaeda. It is pertinent to note that Al-Qaeda has never been as efficient as ISIS is presently when it comes to
promotion and funding and so, many may argue that the Al-Qaeda are condemning the ISIS now due to their popularity which is seen as the
Al-Qaeda's jihadi leadership is now disputed as ISIS is seeking to claim it.
ISIS claims its funding by smuggling oil barrels from its captured oil fields in various territories. An estimate shows that it might be earning
roughly around $1 million and $2 million per day. Also, in Mosul, Iraq, they robbed the central bank along with other banks. Thus, the ISIS
have a strong financial backing in the current times. While they are well financed, they have thousands of jihadis willing to die for their cause
including foreigners as well as prison escapees.
The ISIS threat is strong by the fact that they are very advanced and have incredible command and control. To be specific, they are properly
trained for warfare like any other army, in fact, tactically better than some.
The Kurds hail a prominent history when it comes to tackling violence, may it be World War I or the current crisis in Iraq. They are a part of the
People's Protection Units (YPJ) and are known to be a prominent name when it comes to protecting Yazidis and tackling the ISIS in Iraq. Even
the United States started helping them by dropping weapons along with air strikes. Some of the popular phrases common among the Kurdish
fighters are, “Our martyrs do not die. They live on in memory!" and “We carry weapons to protect our homes and avoid becoming slaves of
ISIS”.
The Kurdish fighters initially entered Iraq to save the Yazidis. Later they started training the Yazidis to include them under the YPJ, increasing
their manpower in the forces to efficiently tackle the ISIS. With the help of U.S. air strikes and supplies, they are very much able to combat the
ISIS rebels and restrict them at least, if not wipe them off completely. This Kurdish measure is very fearful for ISIS as they believe that if they
are killed by a woman, they will not go to heaven.
The Kurds are fighting against most heinous crime of genocide against humanity and the world should come forward and show support to
eliminate these extremist groups who have been projecting their power on the weak. The Kurds have shown that humanity is greater than any
religion against the battle of the holy struggle, commonly known as jihad. It is worth noting that no religion promotes sexual slavery of the
weak or massive genocide of those who oppose them. It is the interpreters who make it that way and the Kurdish are establishing this fact
within the history of mankind through their acts.
The battle has just started. Neither, the ISIS, nor the Kurdish have completely shown their force. The question is not whether ISIS will fall, it is
rather, when will it fall? It is reasonably foreseeable that under current circumstances the ISIS will thrive. Kurdish fighters have a lot yet to be
done but till when they will fight? Surely their forces will deplete slowly and so they will not be able to hold on for much longer unless they
receive practical assistance which seems to be unlikely in the near future.
Majority of other extremist groups have pledged their support to ISIS. Thousands of people have been displaced and under current
circumstances, one can predict that even now, thousands more are yet to be massacred or displaced. If proper initiatives are not taken
immediately, the Kurdish will face severe problems such as, depletion of force strength, ammunition, finances, etc. If the ISIS is successful in
eliminating the Yazidis, all the efforts of the Kurdish warriors would go in vain.
The Kurdish, hay a rich history as fighters, prisoners, politicians, leaders of popular uprisings and tireless protesters are unwilling to
compromise on their rights. But now they too face a threat being the fiercest rival to the world's currently most popular and efficient extremist
group. There have been calls for intervention to tackle the Islamic state, but time is running out in this social conflict and a strong action has to
be taken else the world might see the biggest genocide it could have ever imagined.
References
Asher-Schapiro, Avi (2014), Who Are the Yazidis, the Ancient, Persecuted Religious Minority Struggling to Survive in Iraq? Retrieved from
http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2014/08/140809-iraq-yazidis-minority-isil-religion-history/
Ahmed, Hevidar (2014), The Yezidi Exodus, Girls Raped by ISIS Jump to their Death on Mount Shingal. Retrieved from
http://rudaw.net/english/kurdistan/140820142
Dirik, Dilar (2014), Western fascination with 'badass' Kurdish women. Retrieved from
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/10/western-fascination-with-badas-2014102112410527736.html
NBC News (2014), Meet the Kurdish Women Fighting ISIS in Syria. Retrieved from http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/isis-terror/meetkurdish-women-fighting-isis-syria-n199821
Vick, Karl; Baker, Aryn (2014), Extremists in Iraq Continue March Toward Baghdad. Retrieved from http://time.com/2859454/iraq-tikritisis-baghdad-mosul/
Watson, Ivan (2014), 'Treated like cattle': Yazidi women sold, raped, enslaved by ISIS. Retrieved from
http://edition.cnn.com/2014/10/30/world/meast/isis-female-slaves/
Watson, I. &Tuysuz, G. (2014), Kurdish women a force to be reckoned with for ISIS. Retrieved from
http://www.pbs.org/pov/nomoretears/special_timeline.php