Visitation Memoir on Housing and Urban Development in Kigali

URBAN SPACES INNOVATION
DEATH TO LIFE: TRANSFORMATION IN THE
COUNTRY OF A THOUSAND HILLS
________________________________________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
[VISITATION MEMOIR ON HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN KIGALI, RWANDA]
LOOKMAN OSHODI
DEATH TO LIFE: TRANSFORMATION IN THE COUNTRY OF A THOUSAND HILLS
Visitation Memoir on Housing and Urban Development in Kigali, Rwanda
URBAN SPACES INNOVATION
Urban Spaces Innovation [USI] is a non-governmental, nonpartisan and independent organization founded
upon, and advances the idea that dignity, equity and fairness are indispensable to the planning,
organization and management of urban spaces. It is dedicated to expanding equitable access to land and
exploring innovative approaches to the development and improvement of housing and living conditions in
urban poor communities in Nigeria. USI was founded under the auspices of the Social and Economic
Rights Action Center [SERAC] www.serac.org to undertake the implementation of its Nigeria Social
Housing Initiative [NSHI].
Lookman Oshodi
Project Manager – Social Housing
Urban Spaces Innovation
Plot 758 Omole Phase II
Isheri – Ikeja
Lagos
Nigeria
+234 1 764 6299
+234 803 392 1710
[email protected]
[email protected]
January 2013
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Table of Contents_________________________________________________________
Content
Page
USI Foreword
Table of Contents
Background to the Memoir
2
3
5
PART 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1
Rwanda in Context of Development
1.2
Scope of Report
1.3
Methodology
1.4
Development of the Report
7
7
7
8
8
PART 2 CITIES AFTER WAR – THEORETICAL ISSUES
2.1
Introduction
2.2
War and the American Cities
2.3
South Korea after the War
2.4
Strategic Bombing and the Growth of German Cities
2.5
Summary on Assessed Cities
10
10
10
12
13
15
PART 3 KIGALI – BEAUTY ON THE HILLS
3.1
Background Information on Kigali
3.2
Urban Development in Kigali
3.3
Housing in Kigali
3.4
Infrastructure in Kigali
17
17
17
21
22
PART 4 URBAN DEVELOPMENT, LAND AND HOUSING POLICIES REVISION
4.1
Introduction
4.2
National Human Settlement Policy in Rwanda
4.3
National Land Policy
4.4
National Urban Housing Policy in Rwanda
25
25
25
29
37
PART 5 CONCLUSION
44
References
46
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4
Plate1: Ariel View of Kigali [Shot on Taking off from Kigali International Airport]
DEATH TO LIFE: TRANSFORMATION IN THE COUNTRY OF A THOUSAND HILLS
Visitation Memoir on Housing and Urban Development in Kigali, Rwanda
BACKGROUND TO THE MEMOIR
The visit to Kigali, Rwanda by Lookman Oshodi was at the instance of Collectif des Ligues et Associations
de Defense des Droits de l’Homme au Rwanda [CLADHO], an umbrella organization for civil society
organizations in Rwanda comprising ARDHO, UPRODHOR, MPEDH, KANYARWANDA, RWAMREC,
MDD, ADL and AVP. CLADHO areas of intervention are economic governance, policy analysis, human
rights and citizen participation. Lookman Oshodi was invited to facilitate a training program on budget and
governance for the civil society organizations of the East African Community [EAC]. Members of the EAC
are Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi and Kenya. The training program supported by Deutsche
Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit [GIZ] and Norwegian Peoples Aid [NPA] Rwanda took
place from October 1 to October 5, 2012.
The invitation afforded me the opportunity to compare the existing literatures on Rwanda with the realities
on ground. The first impression was the visa application, approval and delivery in less than 8 hours through
webmail interaction. Travelling at an average speed of 833 km/hr. at an altitude of about 40, 000 feet and
average external temperature of – 58.2 degree Celsius, the 3, 157 km journey from Lagos, Nigeria to Kigali,
Rwanda took approximately 4 hours 20 minutes.
On arrival at the Kigali International Airport, the security officials watched with amusement as I shuffled to
take photographs of the airport complex which exhibited grandeur under the imposing airport lightings. The
movement of a particular immigration official from his operational cubicle to assist me in resolving arrival
issues within the complex gave an indication of the nature and character of people I will be meeting in
Kigali.
The journey from the airport to the Nyarutarama area of the city, venue of the training, at about 9:00pm
revealed a city that has decided to utilize all the contemporary economic and technological models to
advance the course of Rwanda. The roads were dual carriage with functional street lights, road markings
were adequate and self explanatory, traffic lights were modern and functional. At the either side of the dual
carriage roads and within the traffic island are green low grasses interspersed with trees that are apparently
planted to improve the city’s air quality and also enhancing its aesthetic. There are no security operatives
on the roads issuing commands to the motorists while calmness and orderliness pervades the city. Viewing
the city at night shows responsive, dynamic and vibrant communities as homes and business areas
beamed with abundant electricity supply.
Staying in Kigali was safe, secure and comfortable as evidenced by free movement without any untoward
incidence in and around the city at the middle of night, unlocked gates to homes during the day and night
and lack of burglar proof [iron grills] in many homes.
Departure at the airport was, however, not without an issue. I arrived at the airport at about 9:10am for a
scheduled flight of 10:20am and the duty officer at the departure section said the check-in for the flight was
closed. She directed me to the airline officials who resolved the incongruity.
As at September 1994, the nation of Rwanda was materially, economically, technically and physically dead.
Buildings were destroyed, infrastructure were non existence, businesses were wiped off and above all it
was a ghost country with about 1 million people exterminated in the 100 days orgy of genocide while those
who will tell the stories were refugees in foreign lands. The nation of Rwanda was, indeed, dead. 18 years
after the death, the nation is emerging stronger and has vowed never to witness, again, the 1994 in its
future through deliberate and conscious provisioning of basic things of life to its citizens in an economically
equitable and non – discriminatory manner.
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The on – going transformation in the country of a thousand hills has brought to life, a dead country. It
appears that Rwandese government and the governed have resolved never and never to witness 1994 in
the life of their nation.
Plate2: Kigali International Airport at Night
Plate 3: Kigali International Airport at Night
Plate 4: Kigali International
Airport during the Day
Plate 5: Kigali International Airport
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PART ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1
RWANDA IN CONTEXT OF DEVELOPMENT
Rwanda is an east Africa country that secured its independence from Belgium in July 1962 [Rwanda
Housing Authority, 2012]. It has a total area of about 26, 345 km2 of which 2,120 Km2 representing 8%
comprised of water bodies. Its 2002 population of 8, 162, 715 has risen to an estimated 11, 689, 696
people in 2012 with annual growth rate of about 3% and current population density of 444 persons per
square kilometer [US Department of State, 2012]. 9, 585, 775 people representing 82% the population are
living in rural areas while 2, 104, 194 people representing 18% are urban based [Rwanda Housing
Authority, 2012].
The country located 2 degree south of the equator is bounded by Uganda in the North, Burundi in the South
Lake Kivu and Democratic Republic of Congo in the Western part, and Tanzania in the East. The elevation
of the country hovers between 1, 463 meters to 2, 743 meter above sea level with much of the Western
landscape dominated by hills and uplands while savanna swamps and lakes characterized the Eastern
part. The average daily temperature is 23 degree Celsius and annual average rainfall of 80 centimeters
heavier in the western mountains than in the eastern savannas [US Department of State, 2012].
Rwanda’s economy is dominated by Agriculture that engages 85% of its workforce and 33.6% of the Gross
Domestic Product [GDP]. The mainstays of agriculture are coffee, tea, pyrethrum, bananas, beans,
sorghum, potatoes and livestock. Other areas are industry and commerce, services and government that
attracted 15% of the workforce and combined GDP of 66.4% [US Department of State, 2012].
In the World Bank’s “Ease of Doing Business” report of September 2009, Rwanda improved from 143 to
number 67 while the ranking was improved to number 58 in 2010. Rwanda’s Human Development Index
[HDI] value for 2011 is 0.429, in the low human development category, positioning the country at 166 out of
187 countries and territories. Between 1980 and 2011, Rwanda’s HDI value increased from 0.275 to 0.429,
an increase of 56.0% or average annual increase of about 1.4% [United Nations Development Programme,
2012].
The rate of poverty at 58.5% in 2005 has declined to 44.9% in 2011. Using the Atlas method, Rwanda
Gross National Income [GNI] per capita has shown steady rise from $270, $430, $480, $520 to $570 in
2005, 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011 respectively. Life expectancy at birth is currently at 55 years. Access to
improved water source by the population as at 2010 was 65% while access to improved sanitation facilities
was 55% [World Bank, 2012].
1.2
SCOPE OF REPORT
The report while providing general overview on Rwanda, specifically focuses on Kigali, the capital and the
largest city in the country. Urban development sector comprising infrastructure, land and housing delivery in
Kigali are the key strengths of the report. The report was unable to provide in-depth coverage of the
governance structure in Kigali city. The city is developed around mountainous terrain, with the report
exploring the relationship of nature and urban development, but the geological implication of such
development and relationship were not examined by this report.
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1.3
8
METHODOLOGY
The methodology adopted in obtaining the findings of the report includes site visitation and open interviews.
Department of Lands and Mapping in the Rwanda Natural Resources Authority and Rwanda Housing
Authority under the Ministry of Infrastructure were visited with presentation and interviews with the key
officials of the two Agencies. The scheduled meeting with the Office of Mayor, Kigali City Council was
unable to take place.
Detailed observations in and around the city, discussions with few Kigali residents and revision of
secondary information also formed the major approaches in articulating the report.
1.4
DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPORT
The report was divided into four parts. Part One covers the introduction, scope and methodology of the
report. Part Two examined the theoretical issues surrounding cities that have gone through war. The
components of development in the city of Kigali were outlined in Part Three while urban development
policies in Rwanda were assessed in Part Four. Part Five concluded the report.
Plate 6: View of Kigali from Nyarutarama
Plate 7: View of Kigali
Plate 8: Section of Kigali
DEATH TO LIFE: TRANSFORMATION IN THE COUNTRY OF A THOUSAND HILLS
Visitation Memoir on Housing and Urban Development in Kigali, Rwanda
Plate 9: Airport Road with Low Occupancy
Vehicles Conveying Passengers and Goods]
Plate10: Airport Road
Plate11: View of Kigali
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PART TWO
CITIES AFTER WAR –THEORETICAL ISSUES
2.1
INTRODUCTION
After the war, development of cities can take various forms and approaches among which are three
fundamental principles of development; integration, reconstruction and innovation. The deliberate
combination of the three principles supported by the consciousness of successive political duty bearers can
lead to the transformation of any city that has gone through vicious war.
Integration will not only look at the refugees and combatants, it will evolve structures that will promote
social, economic, cultural and political harmonization of all the stakeholders in the city. Reconstruction will
involve new developments, rehabilitation, renewal and regeneration in an incremental manner while
innovation after the war will explore the contemporary tools and resources that will galvanize the
transformation of the city. In cities that have gone through the wars, especially in the North America, Asia
and Europe and particularly after the World War II, these three principles are some of the major concepts
relied upon to redefine the functions, purposes and orientations of cities after the war.
Relying on the existing literature on development of cities and nation after the war, the chapter reviewed
the growth dynamics of American cities before and after the wars, South Korean economy structure after
the Korean war of 1953 and impact of bombing on the growth of city with specific reference to German
cities.
2.2
WAR AND THE AMERICAN CITIES
In their 2004 publication, Urban Growth in American Cities; Glimpses of U.S. Urbanization, Auch, Taylor,
and Acevedo were elaborate in chronicling the growth of American cities before and after the wars.
American cities grew steadily throughout the first 75 years of nationhood but remained relatively small in
geographic area and population. Most were located along transportation access points; at seaports, along
navigable tidal and major inland rivers, along canals, and around the Great Lakes. The regional hinterlands
beyond the cities produced raw commodities as a part of rural - based economies. Those commodities
were then processed into durable goods in urban centers and redistributed in the area or transported to
other regions where they were refined or even exported [Borchert, 1967]. By the eve of the civil war,
however, the nature of urban development had begun to change. Cities were becoming centers of industry
as access to local and regional natural resources improved and these resources were exploited. In
addition, European social unrest led to a steady stream of immigrants arriving in the United States. These
conditions were especially marked in New England and the Middle Atlantic States. The South and Midwest,
by contrast, remained predominantly rural, although regional economies were linked to urban markets
[Goldfield and Brownell, 1990, 95-102, 104-109]. A few Western cities also appeared at this time, although
few were significant on the national scene. In general, their economies tended to be based either on
localized mineral wealth or on agriculture; handfuls were Hispanic cultural centers [Starrs, 1995, 271-285].
The pace of urbanization quickened following the civil war. Trains became the dominant transportation
mode throughout the country, especially after 1870, when an economical way to mass-produce steel was
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introduced, allowing the construction of a vast rail network. Many cities were created as a result of railroad
expansion, while others grew in size after becoming rail hubs. Industrialization also gained prominence,
and by 1890 a national economy had been created. Natural resources from all parts of the country were
used to fuel a rapidly expanding industrial Nation [Meyer, 1987, 321-345]. Immigration, mostly from Europe,
continued to bolster the burgeoning population. Drawn by factory jobs, many immigrants settled in cities. At
this time, the majority of the Nation's urban population was still located in the Northeast and the Midwest
[Goldfield and Brownell, 1990, 185-212]. Cities in the South and West continued to grow but remained
smaller in comparison. For example, in 1896, Miami had a mere 500 registered voters [Proctor, 1996, 269270].
The old "downtown" city in America reached its zenith by the end of the First World War. The inner core of
the city was the center of industrial management, production, and distribution. Such cities were
predominantly densely populated, because most workers lived in multifamily dwellings near their sites of
employment. Downtown landscapes were also being transformed as rising land prices and new
technologies fostered the construction of high-rise buildings, or "skyscrapers." Suburbanization was initially
limited to neighboring communities linked to city centers by railroads and electric streetcars. Modern
highways were just making their first appearance [Muller, 1986]. The U.S. Census of 1920 revealed that, for
the first time, more Americans lived in urban than rural settings [Platt, 1996, 215].
Between 1929 and 1945, the United States underwent both the Great Depression and the Second World
War. These events ultimately formed a watershed that separated an old form of urban dynamics from a
new one that has evolved over the past 50 years. Some of the seeds of this change had already been
sown, however, during the previous few decades. These included the rapid increase in automobile
ownership in the 1920s and the creation of the modern mortgage loan in the 1930s. Consumer spending
also was severely curtailed as a result of the Depression and World War II, first from hardship and then by
forced austerity. This led to a buildup of personal savings that helped create the Nation's booming postwar
economy into which the "baby boom" generation was born. Another factor that influenced this change in
urban growth dynamics was the involvement by the Federal Government, in both the national economy and
those of local communities, in committing massive amounts of money to fight the Depression and later, the
war.
Several metropolitan regions reflect growth stimulated by this World War II era activity. One noteworthy
aspect of this involvement was the backing of long-term home mortgage loans by several agencies, such
as the Federal Housing Administration and the Veterans Administration, following the war. Most of the
housing units financed in this manner were built on the edge of the existing cities [Jackson, 1985, 190-218].
In time, the selective funding of major public works and the creation of a military-industrial complex would
come to favor some urban areas over others [Goldfield and Brownell, 1990, 323-341; Markusen and others,
1991, 8-25, 51-81]. Examples of such urban areas are Boston, Orlando, Seattle, and Denver. A third
significant influence on urban growth in the postwar era was the exposure that millions of Americans had
gained to other parts of the country. During the 1930s, many people abandoned regions fraught with
economic and environmental problems for new places that were thought to offer better opportunities and
living conditions [Gregory, 1989, 3-25; Lewis, 1987, 433-436]. Others who had been involved in the armed
services were exposed to parts of the country that had greater appeal as future places of residence than
their former communities [Mohl and Mormino, 1996, 424-425; Lewis, 1987, 433-436; Abbott, 1981, 37-41,
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98-119]. Orlando, Tampa, Phoenix, Las Vegas, and Denver are all examples of cities that had new military
bases during World War II and offered different but attractive natural amenities to potential new residents.
A new form of urban growth gained prominence after the war, mass suburbanization around the older
cities. Several factors fostered its spread. First, the development of an improved highway system allowed
people to commute to their jobs in the cities from outside municipal boundaries. This trend began in the
1920s but accelerated greatly after the 1940s. The passage of the Federal Interstate Highway Act in the
1950s set the stage for large-scale, multilane roads that became a reality over the next 20 years. Other
driving forces behind suburbanization were subtler. The Nation's growing middle class, comprised of both
blue- and white-collar workers, now had the financial resources to buy single-family residences away from
the high-density city center and could maintain their suburban lifestyle by commuting [Jackson, 1985, 231245]. The suburbs also represented a refuge for a growing number of Americans who longed for quieter,
less hectic lives that were removed from the congestion, noise, pollution, multifamily residences, and high
land prices typically found in the heart of the city. Many of the Nation's citizens were only a generation or
two removed from farm or small-town living; the suburbs offered a means of bridging small-town and city
life [Herbers, 1986, 91-101].
The Cold War era spurred the development of technology aimed at keeping the United States ahead of its
perceived adversaries. Federal funding was channeled into research centers and the military-industrial
complex. Communities that were home to major universities, aerospace and electronics industries, or
defense installations benefited and grew as a result of these expenditures [Markusen and others, 1991, 3250]. Civic leaders sometimes pressured State officials to restructure existing universities - or to establish
new ones, as happened in Las Vegas - in attempts to attract new industries to an area [Moehring, 2000,
223-227]. Technological advancements, such as the widespread use of air conditioning, the growth of civil
aviation, and increasingly inexpensive and plentiful electricity, encouraged the growth of cities in many
parts of the country. Air conditioning, in particular, helped overcome environmental conditions in the
Southeast and Southwest that were perceived drawbacks of year-round living in these regions [Mohl and
Mormino, 1996, 433-435; Moehring, 2000, 22-23]. Examples are Orlando, Tampa - St. Petersburg, Phoenix
and Las Vegas.
2.3
SOUTH KOREA AFTER THE WAR
After the Korean War in 1953, South Korea was one of the world's poorest countries with only $64 per
capita income. Economically, in the 1960s it lagged behind the Democratic Republic of the Congo [DRC].
Since then the country's fortunes have diverged spectacularly. South Korea now belongs to the league of
rich nations, the Organization for Economic Co – operation and Development [OECD’s] development
assistance committee [DAC]. The DRC has gone backwards since independence and, out of 187 countries,
ranked bottom in the 2011 Human Development Index.
South Korea, however, benefited from big injections of foreign aid, first from the United States [US], then
Japan. US offered about $60 billion in grants and loans to South Korea between 1946 and 1978. In the
same period, the total amount of aid provided by the US to the entire African continent was $68.9 billion.
Korea, considered by the US an important ally during the cold war, indisputably used the aid well. Seoul
was not afraid to stand up to the US when they differed on development strategy as well [Tran, 2011].
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In a foretaste of the current debate on "ownership", South Korea was not prepared to play second fiddle to
the US and insisted on pursuing its own course. Aid was linked to South Korea's planning and budget
process. South Korea, focused on building up large economic champions, or chaebols [business
conglomerates], against American advice to focus on small and medium-sized companies.
That policy laid the foundation for successful South Korean brands in the world market, such as Samsung
and LG, although it came at a price in terms of political corruption in the close ties between business and
political elites. The focus on conglomerates led to the chaebols exploiting their monopoly status, fostering
increasing economic inequality
Korea took a pragmatic approach to corruption. Instead of cracking down on corrupt businessmen as urged
by the US, their bank shares were expropriated and assigned to investment in import - substitution
industries, such as fertilizers [Tran, 2011].
With 2010 unemployment rate of 3.3% and life expectancy at 78.81 years, South Korea currently ranks 29
among 182 nations with GNI of $30, 290 using the Purchasing Power Parity [PPP] [Wikipedia, 2012].
2.4
STRATEGIC BOMBING AND GROWTH OF GERMAN CITIES
The theoretical revision under this section relies on the findings of Brakman, Garresten and Schramm
[2003] who constructed a unique data set in order to analyze whether or not a large temporary shock has
an impact on city growth. Following the work by Davis and Weinstein [2002] on Japan, they used the
strategic bombing of German cities during World War II [WWII] as an example of such a shock, and
analyze its impact on post-war German city growth.
Various theories exist to explain city growth and the possible impact of shocks on the growth process. In
their attempt to discriminate between the theoretical explanations, Davis and Weinstein [2002] use the case
of Japanese agglomerations. They investigated whether or not a large temporary shock [the bombing of
Japanese cities during WWII] had a permanent or only a temporary effect on Japanese city growth in the
post - WWII period. With respect to the “bombing” shock, it turns out that there was at most a temporary
impact on relative city growth in Japan. Japanese cities completely recovered from the impact of WWII and
were back on their pre-war growth path quite soon.
During the WWII, allied forces heavily bombed Germany. From 1940 to early 1942, the targets selected by
the English RAF were mostly industrial targets, such as, oil, aluminum, and aero-engine plants, and
transportation systems. The success of this first bombing campaign by the allied forces was rather limited.
The United States of America [1945] survey finds no clear-cut indication that before 1943 the production of
the German economy was smaller than it would have been without the air raids. It was only towards the
end of the war that the effects of the air raids on the German economy really became destructive for the
German war economy.
The initially limited success of the air raids led to a change in bombing tactics. From March 1942 onwards,
RAF bomber command headed by Sir Arthur Harris, inaugurated a new bombing method. The emphasis in
this new program was on area bombing, in which the centers of towns would be the main target for
nocturnal raids. The central idea of the new strategy was that the destruction of cities would have an
enormous and destructive effect on the morale of the people living in it. Moreover, the destruction of city
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centers implied the destruction of a large part of a city’s housing stock. This led to the dislocation of
workers, which would disrupt industrial production even if the factories themselves were not hit. This
strategy also implied that targeted cities were not necessarily large industrialized cities. On the contrary,
relatively small cities with, for instance, distinguished historic [and thus highly flammable] town centers
were also preferred targets under this plan. The study by Friedrich [2002] extensively documents that
targeted cities were not only selected because they were particularly important for the war effort, but that
they were selected for their visibility from the air [depending, for example, on weather conditions or the
visibility of outstanding landmarks such as a cathedral] and whether a city center would be susceptible to
area bombing with incendiary bombs. The obvious fact was that the economic importance of cities was
often not decisive in the selection of targets after Harris took over bomber command.
Until the end of the war this new line of attack would continue, and many cities were attacked more than
once. Cologne, for instance, was bombed at least 150 times. Some cities were nearly completely
destroyed: almost 80% of Würzburg disappeared, and many other large cities were also largely destroyed
like Berlin, Dresden and Hamburg. On average 40% of the dwellings in the larger cities was destroyed. An
estimated 410, 000 people lost their lives due to air raids, and 7, 000, 000 people lost their homes. As a
result in 1946 the population of quite a few German cities was [in absolute terms] considerably lower than
the corresponding population in 1939.
Following Glaeser and Gyourko [2001], both for the East German cities and West German cities there is a
clear [and expected] positive correlation between the change in population between 1939 and 1946, and
the degree of the destruction of the housing stock. Cities, in which 20% or more of the housing stock was
destroyed, typically had a negative growth between 1939 and 1946.
But it was not only the destruction of cities that had an impact on city-sizes. The collapse of Germany in
1945 led to an enormous flow of refugees in the aftermath of WWII. The inflow of millions of German
refugees [Vertriebene] from former German territories and East European countries more than
compensated for the loss of lives in Germany itself.
In their findings on the impacts of these bombings on city growth, Brakman, Garresten and Schramm
[2003] revealed that allied bombing had a significant, but temporary, impact on city size in Western
Germany. In Western Germany [and for Germany as a whole] the WWII shock has a significant impact on
post-war city growth but this impact is temporary. In Eastern Germany the shock of WWII did, however,
change the pattern of city growth and here some evidence for the hypothesis that a large temporary shock
can have permanent effects, both in the short and in the longer-run were found.
The distinction in the estimation results between the Western Germany [Federal Republic of Germany FDR] and Eastern Germany [German Democratic Republic – GDR] policies is not only important because
the market economy of the FRG and the planned economy of the GDR were based on very different
economic principles, but also because when it comes to re - building efforts the two countries pursued very
different policies. The FRG built relatively far more new houses than the GDR [3.1 million between 1950
and 1961 compared to 0.5 million houses in the GDR which almost 3 times as much in per capita terms],
and its government [both at the federal and state level] also had the declared objective to rebuild the West
German Großstädte to their pre-war levels. In the mid - 1950s, a number of Western German cities were
back at their 1939 city-size levels, while this was not the case in any East German city. In the GDR on the
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other hand the re - building efforts were explicitly not focused on the rebuilding of the [inner] cities hit by
WWII [East Berlin was an exception] but far more on the creation of new industrial agglomerations like
Eisenhüttenstadt or Neu-Hoyerswerda to which industries and workers were “stimulated” to move. To this
date [2003], one can still see the traces of WWII destruction in many former GDR cities in Germany.
The distinction between the FRG and GDR is also important when it comes to actual government funds
allocated to the re - construction efforts. There are no data for eastern German cities, but given the
difference in policy objectives as outlined above, it seems safe to assume that the GDR only spent a very
small fraction of what the FRG government did in this respect. In his in-depth study of the reconstruction of
the West German cities after WWII, Diefendorf [1993] explains how the federal housing law of 1950 [which
made funds available for social housing and granted property-tax relief for new private housing and
repaired or rebuilt dwellings] in the FRG has been crucial in the post-war allocation of funds to the re construction of houses. This law was a main instrument for the public funding of the housing reconstruction
and in the 1950s the public funding accounted for more than 50% of total funding. At the federal and the
state level the following distribution scheme was used in the actual allocation of the funds to individual cities
[Diefendorf, 1993, pp. 134-135]: 50% was based on the post-war population size, 25% on the degree of city
destruction [rubble], and 25% on the level of actual industrialization.
The main conclusion of the results so far is that the destruction of the housing stock only had a temporary
[but significant] effect in western Germany and a lasting effect in East Germany.
2.5
SUMMARY ON ASSESSED CITIES
The foregoing assessment of cities after the war shows that American cities have evolved through various
periods of war. Their growth and transformation were enhanced by innovations in industrial development,
transportation sector, housing finance and research institutions. Technological advancements, intra regions
and international migration also play significant roles in the emergence of American cities. An economic
model with focus on large conglomerates rather than small scale entrepreneurs was one of the major
strategic directions that transformed South Korea after the war.
Also, economic principles were the major factors in the development of German cities. In the Western
Germany, cities experienced growth and were backed in their pre – war sizes as at mid 1950s because of
the market economy pursued by the Western Germany administration. The growth in Eastern Germany
cities were stunted because of the controlled economic model adopted.
It is within these variables and different transformation models that Rwanda’s development effort after the
1994 war will be situated.
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Plate12: Nyarutarama Road
Plate13: View of Kigali
Plate14: Road in Kigali
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PART THREE
KIGALI – BEAUTY ON THE HILLS
3.1
BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON KIGALI
The city of Kigali started in 1907 as a small colonial outpost with little link to the outside world. At more than
100 years old, Kigali has become the largest and capital city of Rwanda. The city is the administrative
capital, most important business centre and main point of entry into Rwanda. At the time of Independence
in 1964, Kigali had only 6, 000 people and less than 300, 000 at the end of 1994. It is presently inhabited by
estimated 1, 200, 000 inhabitants with annual growth rate of 5.7% [Rwanda Housing Authority, 2012]. By its
number of population, Kigali can be regarded as an intermediate city.
Table 3.1: Population Growth in Kigali
Year
Population
1962
6, 000
1991
236, 000
1994
300, 000
2007
800, 000
2012
1, 200, 000
Source: Author’s Tabulation, 2012
Plate 15: Development in Kanombe Sector
Kigali is 70% urban with a significant part that is rural. The population is relatively young with the youth
making up about 60% and women making slightly more than 50%. The City of Kigali with an area of 730
square kilometer and population density of 1, 644 persons per square kilometer is made up of three
districts namely Gasabo, Kicukiro and Nyarugenge comprising 35 Sectors, 161 Cells and 1061 “Imidugudu”
Villages [that is subdivision of Cells] [Kigali City, 2012].
3.2
URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN KIGALI
Naturally, the altitude of the city is high with most places measuring more than 1, 000 meters above the sea
level. The city is well dominated by hills in different directions while developments are rapidly spreading
across the hills. A deeper observation of the city will reveal linear and concentric planning patterns in
dictates to the limitations and orientations of the hills.
Overview of the city will reveal same characteristic of many African cities depicted by urban sprawl and
uneconomic use of land resources. However, the fundamental and distinctive feature of Kigali is the
diversity it offers to all segments of the population within the city. The integration of low income
neighborhoods within the city heartland where housing for the low income communities appears in a close
proximity to the business areas and high income neighborhoods is a unique phenomenon in African city
architecture.
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The settlements were arranged in a sequential conformity with the overall aesthetic appeal of the city. This
is in sharp contrast to the arrangement of many African cities, where there is deep rooted belief that low
income communities must not form part of urban fabric, hence total neglect, forced evictions, demolition of
homes and other violence means are deployed to remove urban poor. These acts of violence against the
citizens by the government have continued to recycle urban poverty, disloyalty of the citizens to constituted
institutions and endemic social instability in many African countries.
Plate 16: View of Kigali
Plate 17: View of Kigali
Plate 19: View of Kigali
Plate 18: View of Kigali
Plate 20: View of Kigali
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19
Despite the rapid expansion into the hills, there appears to be substantial level of coordination and control
of development. Permeable and interactive neighborhoods strategies were adopted in the low income
areas while closed neighborhoods were adopted in the high income areas, mostly with dead wall perimeter
fence and some with perforated perimeter fencing.
Developments around Muhima Zones in Nyarugenge District and Gasabo District with extension to Remera
and Kanombe Sectors in Kicukiro District are the convergence points for the city. The administrative and
commercial functions of the city are distributed across these two districts and two sectors. Nyarugenge
district is hosting the business and other key administrative institutions of the city among which are
Presidential palace, residence of the Prime Minister, Kigali City Tower, Bank of Kigali and several
embassies. Other landmark institutions are Kigali Institute of Science and Technology, National Bank of
Rwanda, Kigali City Council, Central Hospital and Union Trade Center.
Plate 21: Avenue du Commerce
Plate 23: National Bank of
Rwanda at Avenue du Roi
Plate 25: Rwanda Natural Resources
Authority on Avenue des Mille Collines
Plate 22: Avenue du Commerce
Plate 24: Boulevard de IOUA
Plate 26: Part of CBD, Muhima
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Avenue de la Gendarmerie is a major link between Nyarungenge and Gasabo hosting police headquarters,
Kacyiru sector office, Ministry of Infrastructure, Ministry of Education, King Faisal Hospital among others.
Boulevard de l’Umuganda from Gasabo and Boulevard de l’OUA from Muhima are two key arterial roads
that form an outer ring around the Kigali Centenary Park, Prime Minister’s Office, Ministry of Defense and
Garde Republicaine among other government institutions. Kigali International Airport Road emanating from
Kimihurura business district in Gasabo intercepted Boulevard de l’Umuganda at a roundabout, identified by
Kigali Convention Center [under construction] leading to Remera Sector.
Remera hosts the biggest stadium in Rwanda, Amahoro Stadium and other landmark institutions such as
Kigali Liaison Office of International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwanda Social Security Fund, Kigali
Institute of Education and good number of churches. The rest of Remera to the north is dominated by
mixed income residential settlements with linkage to the Kanombe Sector, the airport base, through Vers
Kibungo and Vers Hopital Militaire Kanombe. Apart from hosting the Kigali International Airport, Kanombe
is predominantly a mixed income residential sector.
Plate 27: Kigali Convention
Center [Under Construction]
Plate 29: View of Kigali City
Plate 28: Remera Area
Plate 30: Vers Kibungo
Junction at Kanombe
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3.3
21
HOUSING IN KIGALI
Housing type in Kigali is predominantly low rise. A view of the city will reveal one storey buildings
dominating the residential landscape in a single family per plot arrangement. It is more pronounced in the
low income communities while medium to higher income communities have a mix of one storey and two
storey buildings. Residential buildings beyond two levels are few within the city spread. In a city of
estimated population of 1, 200, 000, land mass of 730 square kilometer, population density of 1, 644
persons per square kilometer and growth rate of 5.7% per annum, this type of housing development may
not be sustainable except there is methodological review of policies and processes that can allow for
medium rise residential development and strategic deflation of Kigali’s population towards other emerging
cities in the country, through opportunities, infrastructure delivery and other variables.
There is substantial use of red bricks and stones in the construction of homes. Painted facades and natural
stones are the regular features in the mixed and high income neighborhoods while unpainted surfaces and
natural stones are the major wall finishes in the low income neighborhoods. The use of multi colored non –
asbestos roofing materials is fast replacing corrugated iron roofing sheets in covering homes. This
replacement is bringing to the fore the aesthetic appeal of the city when viewed from different directions on
high altitude.
As at the year 2007 when population was about 800, 000, the housing requirement in the city of Kigali was
estimated at between 8, 500 and 10, 000 units per annum. However, within the context of the current
natural population growth and migratory flow, the annual housing need of the city is about 35, 000 units.
Over the next ten years, 344,068 new housing units would be required to accommodate the rapidly growing
population [Mugisha, 2012]. Between 2002 and 2003, response from the government and organized private
sector yielded about 10% of the required housing needs and this is largely restricted to middle and high
income sectors while the low income groups continued with their own initiative of housing provision in
unplanned neighborhoods. Currently, the annual supply of housing is about 1, 000 units leaving an annual
deficit of about 34, 000 units.
Regarding the quality of housing in the city, half of the 223, 000 houses are in good shape, 32% in dire
need of upgrading while the remaining 18% are low quality structures in slums that need to be replaced.
Plate 31: View of Housing in Kigali City
Plate 32: Low Income Neighborhood at Biruyogo District
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Plate 33: Low Income Neighborhood at Biruyogo District
Plate 35: Low Income Settlements at Biruyogo District
3.4
22
Plate 34: Low Income Neighborhood at Biruyogo District
Plate 36: Kinyiya Road at Biruyogo District
INFRASTRUCTURE
Despite the obvious limitations presented by the uneven terrain, investment in infrastructure in Kigali has
produced tremendous results. From the road construction to electricity and water supply, there is good
coverage and increased potential where one of the three services is not available.
Aside the air transportation that connects Kigali to other parts of the world, road transportation is the
backbone of transportation system in Kigali. The road network is well connected and flexible. The
construction measured to ideal engineering standard with vehicular right of way complimented by green
traffic island [dual carriage way], pedestrian right of way, street lights in various styles on different roads,
traffic indicators, pruned trees and grasses on either side of the roads, and clear road markings and
paintings. Within the city heartland, all the arterial and collector roads were tarred and enjoyed regular
cleaning and maintenance. Many access roads also enjoy similar status while many were not tarred.
In the peri – urban areas, arterial roads connecting the sectors and some collector roads were in good
engineering condition. Other collector roads and access roads were covered with red sands awaiting
improvement works. Despite their unpaved conditions, they are well laid out, spacious and connected.
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The city depends on medium and low occupancy passenger vehicles [white colored] for movement of
people and goods. The services of these vehicles are being complimented by four - passenger car taxis
[without uniformed color] and motorcycle taxis. The motorcycle operators appear to fully understand and
comply with rules guiding their operations as they obeyed the traffic indicators and maintained necessary
safety measures on the roads. The traffic control officers are well positioned with courteous and corrective
approaches to the traffic rules violators.
Electricity supply to the city is regular and uninterrupted. Although, the aggregate demand for electricity is
not known, but the supply seems to be meeting the needs of the city’s residents. Hybrid system of
overhead and underground was adopted in the reticulation of electricity in the city while consumer billing
system is automated through the electronic platform.
There is little information on the process, cost and affordability on water sector, but observation revealed
that households in all income segments have physical access to adequate water supply.
Observations on the methods of waste management were limited, but the city and neighborhoods are clean
without mount of refuse in any part of the city.
Plate 37: Road Network in Kigali
Plate 39: Road Network in Kigali
Plate 38: Road Network in Kigali
Plate 40: Motorcycle Taxi as Mode of Transportation in Kigali
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Plate 41: Traffic Control Official at a Road Junction
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Plate 42: Medium Occupancy Vehicle as Mode
of Transportation in Kigali
Plate 43: View of Housing in Kigali
Plate 44: Road leading to Nyamirambo District
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PART FOUR
URBAN DEVELOPMENT, LAND AND HOUSING POLICIES
REVISION
4.1
INTRODUCTION
The policy revision is aimed at understanding the background, methodological approaches and future
directions of urban development in Kigali and Rwanda in general. The revision in this section is looking at
the National Human Settlement Policy in Rwanda [NHSPR], the National Land Policy and the National
Urban Housing Policy for Rwanda.
The contents of the revision include the goals, objectives, guiding principles, strategies and implementation
framework of the policies. In addition, the revision of each policy contains inference as formulated by the
writer, based on the provisions of the policies.
4.2
NATIONAL HUMAN SETTLEMENT POLICY IN RWANDA [NHSPR]
The National Human Settlement Policy in Rwanda [NHSPR] was formulated in July 2004 and updated as at
2011. It was organized into five chapters. Chapter one presented the background and major previous and
existing policies of Rwanda government in human settlement sector, chapter two discussed the major
constrains and challenges to the implementation of the NHSPR while chapter three outlined the principles
guiding Rwanda government intervention in the sector. The policy objectives, strategies and programs were
detailed in chapter four as chapter five provided the implementation framework for the policy.
4.2.1 Background to the Human Settlement in Rwanda
The beginning part of this section revealed the historical and cultural approaches to Rwandese settlement
before the advent of the colonial era, which marked the beginning of urbanized administration. At the end of
colonial period, three types of settlements have been clearly identified which are the pre-colonial and
colonial settlements, the modern urban settlements, and the settlements in small business centers.
Between 1962 and 1994, the establishment of new administration in Kigali and in the provinces attracted
foreign and local population to the urban centers. Urban planning continues to be in accordance with the
approaches inherited from the colonialist as inadequate of housing and infrastructure was culminating in
unplanned settlements. The 1978 attempts at regrouping of settlements in villages did not yield the desired
result due to lack of supervision and inadequate infrastructure. During this period there was considerable
shift from thatched house type to the use of corrugated iron sheets in housing.
Events of 1994 presented huge challenges to human settlement in Rwanda. Among the challenges were
large numbers of returnees both in urban and rural areas, reconstruction of destroyed houses, stabilization
of the war displaced population, scarcity of land with structural poverty of households. In resolving these
challenges, the Ministry of Public Works, in December 1996, reintroduced the regrouped settlement
[Imidugudu] in the rural areas. The strategy encourages the development of rural centers into planned
settlements and the restructuring of unplanned residential areas in urban centers.
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Since 2004, however, new measures, in addition to the existing ones, at improving settlement in Rwanda
have emerged among which were drafting of bills on human settlements, urbanization and construction,
allocation of planned and improved plots, creation of Rwanda Human Settlement Bank in February 2005,
master and development plans for Kigali and model plans for different settlement status.
4.2.2 Constrains and Challenges
The definition and adoption of human settlement policy in Rwanda are dominated by four major social and
economic challenges; distressed economic situation which affected all policy proposals, a society in
emergency situation as a result of the 1994 genocide, a major constraint to adopt the housing policy for a
large number of the people since 80% of households cannot afford to build their homes and inadequate
tools to support the implementation of the social housing policy.
In the urban areas, some of the constrains and challenges identified are housing deficit, poor urban
planning, limited public financial resources, inadequate urban infrastructure, inadequate administrative
decentralization structure, lack of effective mechanisms to recover costs invested in human settlement
operations, shortage of skilled man power, insufficient building materials, lack of regulations and standards
governing planning and construction operations, and environment problems.
Constrains and challenges in the rural areas include inadequate coverage of regrouping settlement,
“Imidugudu” for the supposed beneficiaries, lack of infrastructure in the regrouping settlements, absence of
appropriate institutional framework and tools to plan and manage land development in rural areas,
dwindling financial resources and inadequate legal framework.
4.2.3
Fundamental Principles
The NHSPR is based on eleven principles, number one of which is the recognition of fundamental right of
every citizen to housing as specified in Istanbul declaration and the Program for Human Settlement [June
1996], the Millennium Development Goal [February 2002] and the World Summit on Sustainable
Development [July – August 2002]which Rwanda had subscribed.
Other principles are commitment to establishing human settlement in both urban and rural areas with
priority to the vulnerable groups, recognition of development plans as basis for any settlement, eviction and
expropriation operation should be in line with the fundamental rights of dwellers especially the right to a rehousing of almost similar condition with previous dwelling, and development of human settlement should
enhance economic development, employment and social progress.
Additional principles are consistency of sustainable human settlements with the environmental
requirements, active participation of public and private sectors, non – governmental organizations and
households, involvement of families in the design, development and management of their housing, gender
equality in the laws and programs relating to human settlements and concern for HIV/AIDS and youth
employment issues.
4.2.4
Objective, Strategies and Programs
The development objective of the NHSPR is the organization and improvement of the current system of
human settlements for sustainable social-economic development both in urban and rural areas. The overall
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objective implies the integrated of the human settlement sector, complete control and good management of
land and rational restructuring of available resources with a view to preserving the major balance of nature.
The economic components that will support the general development policies in the medium and long term
include the poverty reduction policy, land use management policy as well program of recapitalization of the
rural areas.
In the urban sector, the main objective of the policy is to improve the settlement conditions of the urban
population with a view to boosting the implementation of poverty reduction strategy. Under the main
objective, there are six specific objectives ranging from complete control and management of the urban
planning settlement; Controlling the growth of urban population clusters; Matching the supply and the
demand of building plots in urban centers; Organizing a human settlement financing system in urban areas;
Organizing and coordinating settlement management structures; and Development of the building industry.
Each specific objective was also followed with strategies and program of actions.
For the rural areas, the main objective of the policy is the improvement of the existing system of human
settlements for sustained socio-economic development. There are five specific objectives which are;
Rationalization of national land use; creating new housing units; Improvement of the quality of houses in
rural areas; Strengthening the role of local communities in human settlement management; and
organization of a system for rural housing financing. These objectives were similarly followed by strategies
and programs.
4.2.5 Implementation of the National Human Settlement Policy
The implementation outlines recognized households and individuals, public authorities, civil society, public
or private building companies and financial institutions as major actors in driving the policy. The institutional
framework was designated at national, provincials and districts levels.
At the national level, the ministry in charge of human settlements will ensure the coordination and
supervision of the rural and urban settlements in the whole country. It will be the focal point of the policy
and will work with other line ministries in charge of land management and decentralized institutions. Within
the framework of consultation in terms of human settlements, new structure namely; the National Human
Settlement Commission, District Settlement Commissions and the Sector Settlement Commissions will be
established. Also, a National Settlement Forum that will debate on technical, judicial, social and economic
issues on human settlement will be created. The ministry in charge of economic planning and finance will
be the custodian of funds for human settlement development.
The responsibilities of different structures will be determined by the law governing human settlements in
Rwanda. Pending the publication of the law, district commissions will assume responsibility for coordination
and technical works [formulation of development plans, site demarcation, lands and settlements
management] in their respective districts. Local cooperative organizations will also be established for
supervision of development structure, servicing and transaction on plots of land.
The legal framework is envisaging multiple platforms for the implementation of the policy among which are
law governing the land tenure system, law governing urban human settlements, contracts establishing
participation framework for public and private companies involvement in development, definition of
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regulatory framework for the organization of professionals and trade associations, residential premises rent
administration law and employees housing scheme law.
4.2.6
Inference on Policy
[i]
Save for the non-inclusion of time line, the policy is an amalgamation of broad vision and strategic
plan for the human settlements sector in Rwanda. It is detailed and encompassing with focus on
both urban and rural areas.
[ii]
It recognizes several international instrument regarding rights to housing, which are key
components of the guiding principles. The policy, however omitted the position of Rwanda
constitution on the right of every Rwandese to housing. This would have brought the policy to more
effective performance if housing is under fundamental rights or expose the gap to be filled if
housing is under directive principles.
[iii]
The principle on eviction and expropriation, especially the rights of dwellers to a re-housing of
almost similar condition with previous dwelling is unique in African urban development and housing
policies. If this policy principle is strictly adhered to, the nation of Rwanda has set itself on the path
of long lasting stability.
[iv]
The institutional framework at the urban and rural areas encouraged a participatory method of
planning through involvement of settlement beneficiaries, households, local authorities, local
cooperatives and human settlements commissions. However, the linkages, relationship, roles and
responsibilities and engagement approaches of these actors are not clear cut. Who is reporting to
the ministry responsible for human settlements at the national level? Who is reporting to the
provincial governments on human settlements within their jurisdiction? To what extent is the
independence of local authorities and groupings to take the decisions on human settlements
matters that affects them? Understanding of decentralization law, relationship among various levels
of governments in Rwanda and subsequent operational policies and laws that will come after this
guiding policy will be helpful in addressing these concerns.
[v]
Financing mechanisms of human settlements are robust and tend to welfare model, which is
lacking in the development policies of many African states. In addition to these state’s supported
approaches; cost recovery mechanism needs to be fully clarified. This will also depend on the
provisions of decentralized law on raising revenue and expending the same at different levels of
authority.
[vi]
The strategies portion of the policy made considerable reference to social housing, without specific
framework for its achievements. It is ideal to first understand the underpinning principles; Rwanda
housing markets structure, rate of poverty, targets beneficiaries, population projections, land
accessibility, manpower and financing strategies before commencement. Social housing is a
distinct form of government supported housing that could enhance economic development of any
nation depending on its applicability and adaptability; hence it requires full knowledge of various
factors for its success.
[vii]
One of the major objectives of the policy is to control urban population clusters through population
distribution among the urban centers and integration of urban infrastructure. This is timely,
considering the Rwanda’s current population of 11, 689, 696 with Kigali accommodating more than
10% of this population and annual growth rate of 5.7%. More so, the current dispersion of 18%
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urban population and 82% rural population with a projection of 35% urban and 65% rural in 2020
and vision of 5 urban centers makes the distribution compelling.
In evolving the urban centers, the diverse functions they will perform with a view to serving local,
regional and global needs and relieving Kigali of excessive concentration should be among the key
considerations. The strength of envisaged urban centers could be rooted in combination of the
following sectors; education, tourism, transportation, science and technology, health, agriculture,
housing, information and technology, manufacturing, commerce and investment, mining, religious,
sports, culture among others. The adoption of functions for emerging urban areas will, to a large
extent, refine the land use pattern and management approaches.
[viii]
In the policy, there was significant emphasis on the use of regrouping settlement ‘Imidugudu’ as
strategy for accessing adequate housing in rural areas. The efficacy of this model against the norm
of large family land holding for agriculture purposes, tradition of retaining family heritage and
fragmented land tenure system in African rural areas needs to be critically examined for possible
modeling in a number of African countries.
[ix]
The restructuring of unplanned settlements in the urban areas as one of the major components of
the policy appears to be yielding the desired results. This is evidence in the diversity, arrangements
and integration of settlements in Kigali city.
4.3
NATIONAL LAND POLICY [NLP]
The National Land Policy, made up of six chapters, was institutionalized in February 2004. Chapter one
provided the general context for the policy while chapter two gave the historical background to the land
issue in Rwanda. Chapter three discussed contextual issues on land while policy framework on land was
the focus of chapter four. Land policy guidelines were extensively outlined in chapter five as chapter six
drew the conclusion on the policy.
4.3.1
General Context
The general context presented a comprehensive overview of Rwanda social, economic and physical
details. The overview includes geographic and demographic data. Physical details comprises of relief
characteristics, climate variability, soil composition, types and capacities. Economic and socio - cultural
data revealed that agricultural land is estimated at around 1,380,000 ha, which is about 52% of the
country’s surface area. Together with the reclaimed part of the Akagera National Park, that is a surface
area of 194,000 ha, and the entire Umutara Game Reserve, around 15,000 ha, for agriculture, livestock
and forestry, the total surface area of arable land comes to 1,589,000 ha, or 60% of the national territory.
Marshland area is estimated at around 165, 000 ha. Half of this area is suitable for crops, while the other
half needs to be protected in order to regulate the water cycle, the eco-climatic balance, and for the
conservation of biodiversity.
On the legal aspects, the land tenure system in Rwanda operates in a dual legal system: the customary
law, which governs almost all the rural land and promotes the excessive parceling out of plots through the
successive father – to – son inheritance system; and the written law, which mostly governs land in urban
districts and some rural lands managed by churches and other natural and legal persons. This law confers
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several land tenure rights to individuals such as land tenancy, long term lease and title deeds [particularly
in towns].
On the whole, Rwanda’s land tenure system requires comprehensive reforms, from the elaboration of a
national land policy to the establishment of a land law and land code, which will guide the judicious use and
management of the land resource for the economy to be able to take off in such a way that our country is
freed from the grips of poverty.
4.3.2
Historical Background to the Land Issue
The historical background classified land tenure system into pre colonial, colonial and post independence
era. Pre – colonial era system was characterized by collective ownership of land, free land use and on the
complementarities of the modes of production. The main aspects of land tenure were “Ubukonde” or clan
rights, “Igikingi” or right to grazing land [the most common land tenure system, especially in the central and
southern parts of the country before the advent of the colonialist], “Inkungu” or right of the ruler to own
abandoned or escheated land, and “Gukeba” or settling of families onto the grazing or fallow land.
During these periods, land rights were respected and passed on from generation to generation according to
Rwandan tradition and custom. These rights were enjoyed under the supreme protection of the King, the
guarantor of the well-being of the whole population. Land ownership was more community-based than
individual. This is the system that the colonial rulers found in place.
Colonization introduced new elements in the Rwandan society, both exogenous and dominating, that were
going to bring in changes and distortions in domestic social balances. Belgian colonization introduced also
the written law appearing in the “codes and laws of Rwanda”, particularly in order to guarantee land tenure
security for settlers and other foreigners wishing to invest in land in Rwanda. The Belgian colonial
administration established the 1885 decree concerning land use, the provision, of which introduced the
duality of systems in the country’s land tenure system.
The 1926 reform divided the country into chieftainships and abolished the system by which a chief could
own several land properties in different parts of the country, which characterized his importance in the
country’s hierarchy. And yet this form of the management of the country had been a factor of national unity
and cohesion. The abolition of these traditional structures for the purpose of exercising better control of the
country and get colonial orders accepted caused a lot of disturbances to the Rwandan society.
Owing to the high population density and the need to exploit new areas, the colonial administration
introduced the system of grouped homesteads called “paysannats”, which was similar to the traditional
system of “Gukeba”. This practice was introduced after the abolition of the “Ubuhake” system and the
distribution of cattle in grazing areas [Ibikingi]. It promoted the extension of cultivated land to the detriment
of livestock. A new aspect of national development was thus introduced, putting emphasis rather on
agriculture and disrupting ipso facto the balance that had always existed between agriculture and livestock.
This development gave rise to conflicts; both latent and real. Thus, large sections of the population among
cattle breeders migrated to Umutara, Uganda and Congo.
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Between 1952 and 1954, King Mutara III Rudahigwa abolished the system of “Ubukonde” and decreed that
all the “Abakonde” would henceforth share their land property with their tenants, known as” Abagererwa”.
From 1959 onwards, the land tenure system became a factor of real conflict among the population. It was
during this period that, with the eruption of the political crisis, the first ever wave of refugees went into exile,
leaving behind both their landed and real estate properties.
After the independence, the situation has not changed much. 90% of the country’s arable land is still
governed by customary law. The written land law still applies to a small number of persons and religious
congregations. It applies more often in urban areas and business communities. During these periods, the
government gave an important role to the “communes” in the administration of land. Through the ‘Loi
Communale’ of 23/1/63, the protection of rights relating to registered land under the customary law became
the responsibility of the commune. However, the provisions of this law were virtually nullified by Decree No.
09/76 concerning the purchase and sale of customary land rights or land use rights.
While at the beginning of the 60’s the Government banked on abolishing the system of “Ibikingi” to put them
under the authority of the “communes”. On recovering the land abandoned by the 1959 refugees to acquire
new agricultural land, the 1970-1980 decade was characterized by intensive migration from the already
densely populated regions of Gikongoro, Ruhengeri, Gisenyi and Kibuye to the semi-arid savannas of the
East [Umutara, Kibungo and Bugesera] in search for vacant land.
In 1976, decree No. 09/76 of 04/03/76 concerning the purchase and sale of land customary rights, or the
right of soil use, authorized individuals to purchase and sell customary land after application to the
competent authorities, and subject to retaining at least 2 ha of land. The buyer was also to justify that he
did not have land property equal to at least 2 ha. Ever since, the Government recognized only the right of
ownership based on land registration and became, therefore, the eminent land owner.
At the beginning of the 80s, there were no more new lands, and problems began to emerge bluntly;
reduction of soil fertility and of the size of land for cultivation, family conflicts stemming from land ownership
and food shortages. From 2 ha in 1960, the average area of a family’s cultivation plot was reduced to 1.2
ha in 1984.
Since the beginning of the 90s, the country found itself in a land-related deadlock. Problems included
insufficient agricultural production, increasing population pressure on natural resources, growing number of
landless peasants, and conflict between agriculture, livestock and natural reserves. Through agricultural
projects, particularly forestry and grazing land projects, the government strengthened its role as the owner
of vast stretches of land. Reforestation became an important factor in land accumulation by the State and
private individuals.
The sad events of April - July 1994 led to the displacement of millions of people, both inside and outside
the country, leaving behind many widows and orphans.
After the Genocide, the 1959 refugees were expected to return as stipulated in the Arusha Peace
Accords. Article 2 of the Protocol of the Arusha Peace Accords between the Government of the Republic
of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front on the Repatriation of Rwandan Refugees and the
Resettlement of Displaced Persons stated that” …every returnee is free to settle in any area of his/her
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choice in the country, as long as he/she does not infringe on somebody else’s rights”. Article 3 of the
Protocol stated that “in order to resettle the repatriated persons, the Government of Rwanda should release
all unoccupied land so identified by the Repatriation Commission”.
On the other hand, Article 4 of the Protocol stipulated that “the right to property is a fundamental right for
all Rwandans. Consequently, the refugees have the right to repossess their properties upon their return.
However, the two parties recommended that “with a view to promoting social harmony and national
reconciliation, refugees who fled the country over 10 years ago should not reclaim their properties which
have been occupied by other individuals. To compensate them, the Government will give them land and
assist them to resettle".
In the first place, the return of the 1959 refugees gave rise to a real land problem, mostly because it was
difficult to apply the Arusha Peace Accords which had been torpedoed by the 1994 Genocide. As a
provisional measure, some of the former 1959 refugees occupied land that had been abandoned. This
situation resulted in the 1996 regulations on the temporary management of abandoned land. Other former
refugees were given plots on public land and vacant land on which they could resettle and produce.
Despite these remedial measures actions, many families are still landless and land given to orphans and
widows is still mismanaged. These problems add to the already existing problems such as excessive
parceling out of plots, deforestation and the gradual soil impoverishment.
This land situation has resulted in the need for a national land policy that takes into account both the
current socio-political situation and economic considerations that require changes of mentalities with regard
to the mode of land management and land administration.
4.3.3
Land Issues
The policy recognized that land related problems in Rwanda are multiple and varied. Some originate from
the morphology and physiology of the land, while others are rooted in the socio - demographic and socioeconomic situations, combined with inadequate land policies, laws and regulations. Being a densely
populated and hilly country; Rwanda faces serious problems related to the scarcity of land, the mode of
human settlement and the protection of the environment. The evolution of agriculture, long considered as
the backbone of the national economy, has become unpredictable because the land resource is badly
managed, and yet over 90% of the Rwandan population work on land from which they earn their livelihood.
Soil erosion has worsened due to continuous cultivation of land, settlement on marginal land that is
unsuitable for agriculture, and lack of reliable soil conservation methods.
Among the land related problems analyze in the policy are; high population density and heavy pressure on
the land; excessive parceling out of family agricultural land; loss and degradation of soils due to natural and
man-made causes; lack of adequate land legislation; unfavorable land tenure system to women;
Inadequate human, material and financial resources.
4.3.4
Land Policy Framework
In this chapter, the overall objective, specific objectives and general principles of the policy were outlined.
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The overall objective of the national land policy is to establish a land tenure system that guarantees tenure
security for all Rwandans and give guidance to the necessary land reforms with a view to good
management and rational use of national land resources, in the perspective of the harmonious and
sustainable development of the country.
Some of the specific objectives include; putting in place mechanisms which guarantee land tenure security
to land users for the promotion of investments in land; promoting good allocation of land in order to
enhance rational use of land resources according to their capacity; establishing mechanisms that gives
land its productive value in order to promote the country’s socio-economic development; developing actions
that protect land resources from the various effects of land degradation; establishing institutional land
administration arrangements that enable land to have value in the market economy; promoting research
and continuous education of the public in all aspects of duties and obligations with regard to land tenure,
land management and land transactions; establishing order and discipline in the allocation of land and land
transactions in order to control and/or curb pressure on land, inappropriate development, land speculation
and land trafficking; promoting the involvement and sensitization of the public at all levels in order to infuse
land use practices that are favorable to environmental protection and good land management; and
promoting conservation and sustainable use of wetlands.
In setting out the general principles on which the National Land Policy will be guided, it was stated that the
mode of land management, land use and land development will determine the development of the national
economy and the well-being of the entire population of Rwanda. Therefore, the eleven general principles as
expatiated in the policy include; Land is a common heritage for past, present and future generations;
According to the constitutional principle of equality of all citizens, all Rwandans enjoy the same rights of
access to land without any discrimination whatsoever; Land administration should guarantee land tenure
security; The determination of the real purpose of land and information about land are a pre-requisite to
good management and rational use of land, which is the basic element of development and source of life;
Methods of land management and land use will differ according to whether they concern urban or rural
land; Existing fragile zones that are of national interest should be protected; Good land management
should develop land use planning, including organization of human settlement and consolidation of small
plots for a more economic and productive use of land; Land transactions and land taxation should be
included in land administration as elements of land development; Cadastral plans and maps are the best
method for obtaining, registering and analyzing comprehensive and accurate data regarding land; An
appropriate cadastral system is an essential basis for really understanding the land situation of a country,
and thus for planning any land reform action; A well-defined legal and institutional framework is an
indispensable tool for the establishment of a national land policy.
4.3.5
Land Policy Guidelines
The policy guidelines covered land tenure, land administration, land register in land administration, land
transaction, use and management of urban land, use and management of rural land, role of cadastral plans
and maps in land management, plans and master plans in land planning and land management, maps in
land management, and legal and institutional framework.
The guidelines started with the land tenure system in Rwanda with vivid definition of land tenure, modes of
land acquisition and land ownership, policy statements and strategic options. Acquisitions through
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customary system and through the written law are the two main approaches identified each containing
different channels. The policy statements outlined thirteen concerns including description of state’s public
and private land, and resettlement of landless and under aged orphans in Rwanda. Strategic options
distinguished between urban and rural land, and provided sequence of established procedures regarding
land administration, management, allocation and titling.
Land administration under the policy guidelines covered the definition, importance of a good land
administration, policy statements and strategic options. Among other provisions, the policy statements
indicated that land administration system will focus on three concepts that are land titles based on longterm leases of 99 years, the value of land and the use of land, within the general context of land
management. Some of the major provisions of strategic options are the promotion of the people’s active
participation in land management, establishment of a National Land Management Centre equipped with a
geographical information system to manage land information in Rwanda, establishment of national,
provincial and district land management commissions, both in rural and urban areas, within the framework
of the accountability of local authorities and their responsibilities as spelt out by the law, and the
appointment of title deeds registrars at each level of commission both in urban and rural centers.
Definition, functions of the land registry, diagnosis, policy statements and strategic options are the
components of the land register in land administration. The policy statements emphasized the
establishment of a national land registry is a prerequisite for ensuring good land administration and good
land management.
Components of land transaction are the definition, policy statements and strategic options. A major
provision of the strategic options is the recognition for the establishment of a land tax for developed and
undeveloped land for the profit of local authorities having already a decentralized administration. The land
law will have to establish the minimum and maximum tax rates and leave it to the local authorities to
determine the amount to pay. This exemplifies the level of decentralization in the land management
procedures in Rwanda.
Use and management of urban land diagnosed and provided policy statements and strategic options for
growth of towns, urban area borders, squatter areas, re – organization of space, protection of green areas
and other spaces of public interest, urban development planning, development of secondary towns, reorganization of human settlement in rural areas and demarcation of agricultural land.
Use and management of rural land diagnosed and provided policy statements and strategic options for use
and management of hill lands, use and management of marshlands, and use and management of land in
protected areas. The policy guidelines defined, diagnosed and recognized the Role of cadastral plans and
maps in land management while the importance of plans and maps in land ownership, land administration,
agricultural development and other development programmes was emphasized.
Diagnosis of Plans and master plans in land planning and land management shows insufficient planning
tools and inadequacy between planning requirements and financial resources while policy statement
recognized that urban master plans and layouts are an institutional framework for the formulation of various
special development plans. All centers considered as urban centers should have land-use master plans.
One of the strategic options under this guideline is the formulation of a master plan for land allocation and
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land use, as well as regional and national land-use plans which can serve as a precious guide for good
land management at national level, and establish regulations requiring careful monitoring of this master and
other plans.
Further in the policy guidelines, diagnosis of maps in land management revealed Rwanda’s geodesic and
leveling network. It also provided maps and cartographic history of Rwanda. The main strategic option
under this guideline is the establishment of a National Land and Geographical Information Centre. This
centre would be a permanent and multidisciplinary structure with the responsibility of providing services and
expertise in the field of cartography, land development and land use, hydrology, climatology, pedology and
management of natural resources, as well as in the field of monitoring and evaluation of environment. It
would also be the centre for the collection, storage and processing of land-related data bases and national
land registry.
The policy statements on legal and institutional framework highlighted one unified land law that will define
accurately the rights and obligations of title deed holders, the law on human settlement and the
environmental law will support the land law in managing land as a national resource while the Ministry of
Lands was identified as the prominent manager of the land at the national level.
The strategic options include elaboration and implementation of the law establishing the land regime in
Rwanda in order to support the National Land Policy, collaboration among the institutions which are
responsible for the country’s natural resources, i.e. MINITERE, MINAGRI, MININFRA, MINALOC,
MINICOM and Kigali City Council, in order to coordinate and harmonize the rights of the use of natural
resources and the regulations for the good use of these resources, and strengthening the capacity of
decentralized services.
4.3.6
Conclusion
The policy concluded that the implementation of the land policy will be guided by clear and concerted
principles that have been developed among which is the constitutional principle of equality for all citizens;
all Rwandans enjoy the same right of access to land, without any discrimination whatsoever.
As long as land remains the basis for the social economic development of the country, the formulation and
implementation of a national land policy will help in laying the foundation for land reforms that enhance the
general and sustainable development of the country.
A concerted and well-thought out land policy will play an important part in the promotion of peace, equity,
unity and reconciliation of the Rwandan people who were devastated by the Genocide and Massacres of
1994. It will definitely have a role to play in the process initiated by the Government of National Unity to
reduce poverty in the country.
In clarifying and making flexible the modes of land acquisition and land access and in empowering the
national land policy with a rigorous land law, Rwanda will have built a society that is ready to face the
challenges of the present and the future.
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4.3.7
Inference on Policy
[i]
The policy successfully unearthed the strong social, political and economic dynamics that land has
evoked in Rwanda evolution as a country. The historical background was brought to the fore and
carefully articulated as a platform to develop a new land administration and management
framework that will respond to the diversity and contemporary needs of all Rwandese.
[ii]
Decentralization appears to be one of the key strength of the policy. Establishment of land
commissions at national, provincial and district levels and promotion of the people’s active
participation in land management are significant factors that have enhanced the service delivery to
the targeted beneficiaries of land programs. For example, the table below shows success of land
regularization in different parts of the world in comparison to Rwanda’s efforts;
Table 4.1: Summary of Regularizations in Lagos, Peru, Bolivia and Rwanda
State
Total
Population
Period
Year
Agency
Accessibility
Lagos
17, 552, 942
2006 - 2008
3
Centralized
Peru
24, 258,710
1996 - 2000
5
Bolivia
7, 647, 619
1996 - 2003
8
Directorate of Land
Regularization [DLR]
Commission
for
Formalizing
Informal
Property
[COFOPRI]
National Institute of
Land Reform [INRA]
Rwanda
11, 689, 696
2008 - 2012
5
Rwanda
Natural
Resources
Authority
and Office of Registrar
of Land Titles –
Department of Lands
and Mapping [former
National Land Center]
Centralized
Combined
Decentralized
Target
N/A
1,000, 000
No. of Titles
%
Outcome
1, 700
[plot titles]
1, 400, 500
[plot titles]
N/A
140
107,500, 000
15,400,000
14.3
N/A
2, 500, 000
[plot titles]
N/A
[hectares
land]
of
Source; Author, 2012
[iii]
Under the land register in land administration guideline, the policy statements emphasized the
establishment of a national land registry without specific mentioning of provincial and district land
registries despite the provision for provincial and district land commissions under the land
administration guideline. This could trigger implementation errors except such specifics are
mentioned in the subsequent land law.
[iv]
The policy disaggregated several land use within the urban and rural areas. Some of the key land
uses identified are border areas, squatter areas, green areas and other spaces of public interest,
agricultural land, hill lands, marshlands and land in protected areas. In ensuring the realization of
National Land Policies [NLP] objectives on these uses, there is need to develop focused policies
and management strategies for these uses. This will be better achieved by the decentralized
commissions at provincial and district levels to reflect priorities and potentials of their respective
jurisdictions, however, in accordance with the principles of the NLP.
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4.4
NATIONAL URBAN HOUSING POLICY FOR RWANDA [NUHP]
The policy was developed in 2007, containing eight chapters. The content of chapter one are introduction,
definition, guiding principles and content of the policy. Chapter two provided the general orientation as
chapter three made presentation of the sector. Policy actions are the components of chapter four while
chapter five outlines the strategies. Chapter six presents the programs of the sector. On chapter seven, the
institutional framework for policy implementation was dissected while chapter eight concluded the policy.
4.4.1
Introduction
The development and adoption of the National Urban Housing Policy [NUHP] aims at guiding government
objectives and priority in line with the objectives of vision 2020, the Economic Development and Poverty
Reduction Strategy [EDPRS] and the National Investment Strategy. According to the aims of vision 2020,
about 30% of the population will live in planned cities with access to basic infrastructure necessary to
ensure sustainable development.
4.4.2
Guiding Principles of the Policy
The objectives of the NUHP is based on twelve principles, number one of which is the recognition of
number one of which is the recognition of fundamental right of every citizen to housing as specified in
Istanbul declaration and the Program for Human Settlement [June 1996], the Millennium Development Goal
[February 2002] and the World Summit on Sustainable Development [July – August 2002] which Rwanda
had subscribed. In this context, it aims to facilitate access to decent housing and basic infrastructure
facilities for its population.
The remaining principles are the recognition that the Ministry concerned with development of urban housing
should operate at the policy formulation level while the implementation and operation of the policies should
be carried out at agencies level; commitment to supporting the controlled development and the
sustainability of human settlements both in urban and rural areas with recognition of people’s rights
particularly the vulnerable and disadvantaged groups; accomplishing the process of urbanization should
contribute to the social development of the citizens reducing any negative environmental impacts and
based on rational management of land resources; recognizes the need to upgrade or formalize informal
settlement while ensuring that social norms are respected and people are not unnecessarily displaced;
investment related to urban development should not be handled by government alone, but must be
supported by the private sector, NGOs and local communities according to their capacities and capabilities;
and implementation of the law governing the organization of districts, urban management and development
comes under the prerogatives and attributes of local communities, however, within the framework of the
NUHP.
4.4.3
Context [National, Regional and International]
The national context provided details on evolution on cities in Rwanda. Populations rose from 1,595,500
people in 1994 to 9,344,399 in 2007, growth rate of 5.5% per annum as at 1991 and 9% per annum in
2007. As at 2007, the rate of urbanization was 18.7% representing 1,747,043 of the population with
approximately 800,000 residing in the city of Kigali. Essentially, 80% of Kigali has unplanned settlements
which leads to proliferation and degradation of the zones close to the city center, dispersion of sub-urban
settlements and expensive infrastructure provisions. Other national context for which the policy is emerging
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are lopsided urban structures between Kigali and other secondary urban centers, unplanned urban
developments, rising housing deficit, topographic limitation to the expansion and high cost of providing
infrastructure, and low income capacity of the urban population.
Regarding the regional and international context, the rate of urbanization in Rwanda was listed among the
lowest in the world even for an African country. The average world urbanization rate stands at 50%, 84% in
North America, 75% in Latin America and the Caribbean and 37% in Africa and Asia. However, the annual
growth rate of the urban population of 9% far exceeds the average for Africa which stands at 4%.
4.4.4
General Orientation
The general orientation of the policy is in consonance with the relevant provisions of various Rwanda social
and economic development strategies, and international plans on development. Among the national
strategies are Vision 2020, EDPRS and National Investment Strategy. International plans include
Millennium Development Goals [MDG] and New Partnership for Africa’s Development [NEPAD].
4.4.5
Presentation of the sub-sector
The presentation of the sub sector consists of major constrains, opportunities, mission and objectives of the
urban housing sector.
Major constrains include inadequacy of serviced plots to meet the demand as availability were mainly
directed at high and medium income groups while the low income grows were neglected. None of the urban
centers in Rwanda have any database available to aid decision making. Data on acquisition of public land,
land registration, states of the real estate market, land requirements for housing and economic activities,
estimated costs of expropriation / land compensation are not available. Also, specialized data relating to the
function and activities of cities, their economic potentials, and their location in national and regional context,
their relationship within urban network vis-à-vis urban and rural areas are not available. Other constrains
are lack of standardized planning and construction process, small percentage of registered land owners,
lack of financial resources for settlement of expropriated people, absence of urban development and
management plans, inadequate of financial resources for the local community and lack of human resources
in the field of urban planning and development in the local communities.
Despite the obvious constrains in the sector, tax decentralization through rates and rents receipts on the
land by the local communities, establishment of a development fund for local communities, existence of
certain number of national institution to meet the requirements for capacity building, gradual provisioning of
urban development and managements tools and the new dynamics in the development process in terms of
transfer of responsibilities coupled with a participatory approach are all burgeoning opportunities that will
enhance urban housing provision in Rwanda.
The mission of the sector is to contribute towards the realization of the objective of economic development
and poverty reduction. The main objective of the policy is to contribute towards improving the condition of
living of the urban population through controlled and harmonized development of urban areas.
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Specific objectives include; controlling the urbanization of the community; to meet the needs of urban
population in terms of land and services, and to prevent the formation of new unplanned settlements; to
facilitate access to shelter in a planned and organized process especially for the low and medium income
groups; to improve the living conditions of the population living in existing informal settlements especially by
creating employment; to encourage private sector participation in the development of housing estates; and
to reinforce the institutional and financial capacities at central and decentralized levels.
4.4.6
Policy Actions
In chapter four, the policy actions were divided into three areas; urban housing, urbanization and general
actions. Under the urban housing, the government aims to develop programs that will provide urban
housing for a cross-section of the population; establish minimum standards in the construction of housing
and provision of adequate basic facilities in the residential areas; provide legal and regulatory framework to
encourage private sector participation in the development of urban housing; establish “owner- occupier”
housing under affordable mortgage schemes; develop tax incentives to encourage people to obtain housing
loans; establish guidelines on the upgrading of informal settlements and put in place legal and regulatory
measures to ensure that expropriations if required are carried out in line with internationally acceptable
norms; and decentralize the registration of land titles to ease the acquisition of land plots.
Policy actions for urbanization are; prepare master plans and establish regulatory measures to ensure the
planned and controlled development of urban areas and promote private sector participation in the
development of industrial, commercial, residential and recreational areas under the respective master
plans.
Within the context of the general actions, the government aims to formulate legal and regulatory framework
for urban development vis-à-vis by-laws, property transfer rules, taxation among others; establish urban
development bureaus to scrutinize, approve and monitor building construction works and related
infrastructure; establish regulations on the fixation of rates and property rentals; promote the development
of urban development standards in conjunction with relevant professionals, construction companies, civil
society and other stakeholders; improve efficiency in the collection of rates and ground rent; promote the
development of the building construction sector by offering incentives to small contractors and facilitating
technology based training programs; promote the development of technical and vocational skills in skilled
and semi-skilled categories of the construction sector; promote the utilization of local building materials;
ensure that the promotion of grouped housing will allow for single buildings to accommodate 20 family units
in sub-urban areas; ensure that housing development in the urban and sub-urban context take cognizance
of the Rwandan traditions and cultural heritage; and attract funds for urban development from private
sources, both internally and externally.
4.4.7
Strategies of the Sector
To ensure harmonized and sustained urbanization of the country, the strategies adopted are; promotion of
economic and social development of secondary urban centers to receive the rural population; allocation of
affordable housing plots, which are priced within the reach of the targeted population; upgrading and
provision of services to informal settlements; systematic registration of all the properties to ensure land
security and land tenure in the informal settlements; sensitization, training and strengthening of institutional
capacities of various players involved in urban planning and management, particularly local communities.
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In line with these strategies, some actions have been initiated or completed such as completion of master
plans for 5 districts and Kigali city; on- going plot distribution plan; completion of town planning and building
codes; completion of national public works quality assurance and certification program; and ongoing works
on public water supply and sewage treatment facilities.
4.4.8
Programs of the Sector
The program of the sector as discussed in chapter six of the policy include; support city planning taking into
account the harmonious balance which must exist among Kigali city and other secondary cities; urban
basic data gathering; development of tools and adapted mechanism for urban land management’s;
promotion of grouped settlements; upgrading of informal settlement; revision of urbanization, construction
and housing standards and legal requirements; support and assist local communities in mobilization of
financial resources and strengthening of technical capabilities.
4.4.9
Institutional Framework for Implementation of the Policy
The institutional arrangements for implementation of the policy are at the national, provincial and district
levels.
The overall focal point for the policy is the Ministry concerned with urbanization. Other key institutions are
Ministry in charge of economic planning, Ministry of Local Government and the Rwandese Association of
Local Government Authorities [RALGA]. The Ministry concerned with land management will deal with the
policies and strategies of land management while the district will implement the policy through the
delimitation and management of the urban areas.
The National Commission of Urban Planning and Territory Management [CNUAT] will be responsible for
proposing the policies, the draft regulation and following up with the implementation of the policy at the
national level. Provincial commissions will be responsible for coordinating and supervising the operations in
district and cities, ensuring coherency in regional development. Private sector will participate in the
implementation of the policy through the established real estate development companies. In association
with districts, private sector will play a key role in the demarcation of plots, construction of houses and
production of building materials.
The framework in this chapter outlined the need to re - examine the existing legal and regulatory framework
because of their insufficiencies to meet the challenges of urban development. The organic law governing
land use planning and management, and law governing expropriations will play major roles in the
implementation of the policy. The policy further recognizes the development of a simple and pragmatic
code of urban planning, definition of a legal framework for organization of various professional bodies in
housing and urban development sector, and definition of the responsibilities for public and private
companies as well as for independent real estate developers.
4.4.10 Conclusion
The policy concluded, among others, that the implementation depends on the increase of the tax revenue
from the communities, the transfer of government resources and the capacity of cities to conceive and
implement development strategies.
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4.4.11 Inference on Policy
[i]
The policy is an amalgamation of current challenges of housing, actions required and proposed
programs. It lacks specifics on the roles and responsibilities of stakeholders under the institutional
framework. Although, it mentioned many ministries, urban development board at centralized and
district levels, commission of urban planning and territory management [CNUAT] at central and
provincial levels, but their relationship among each other on one part, and with the private sector
and professional associations, on the other part, remained unclear. Possibly, subsequent
operational policies and laws need to elaborate these specifics.
[ii]
The recognition under the guiding principles, that the Ministry concerned with development of
urban housing should operate at policy formulation level is unprecedented in the schedule of duties
for Ministries of housing and urban development in developing countries, particularly in Africa.
The restriction will allow the Ministry to focus on urbanization strategies and housing dynamics
within the country. In many African countries, Ministries of housing are conceptualized to engage in
direct construction of housing resulting in unhealthy rivalry between the Ministry and other actors in
the sector, unbridled corruption among the Ministry’s officials, non-productive fraternization
between the Ministry and the contractors, and defective housing products. The conceptualization is
in a way that the Ministry officials, who doubled as contractors, see their position in government
office as that of granting favor to the citizens and not service provision. Frustrated citizens who
cannot meet both the official and unofficial cost required for housing from the Ministry and decided
to pool their resources to construct their own houses, on incremental basis, will attract the wrath of
their government. Such houses are often described as illegal and subsequently demolished,
completing the cycle of poverty. Majority of African population are in this category.
[iii]
The policy is generic in nature in terms of housing concept to be pursued. In the National Human
Settlement Policy in Rwanda [NHSPR], social housing and regrouped housing concepts were
consistently promoted as models for delivering affordable housing in Rwanda, but the National
Urban Housing Policy [NUHP] was passive on any particular model.
[iv]
As population rises in the capital city, Kigali, the demand for housing is also rising. The rate of
supply to meet this demand is however, at minimal. In order to bridge the current annual deficit of
35, 000 housing units and to substantially increase the supply of housing stock, the following
measures need to be considered; Establish clear relationship among the stakeholders in the
housing sector and prepare specific guidelines for private sector intervention, with a guideline on
housing production at a large scale; encourage and empower the institutions at decentralized
levels to formulate and implement their policies, plans and programs on housing; and develop the
framework for evolution of the secondary cities in Rwanda.
[v]
Allocation of serviced plots under the owner - occupier or regrouped settlement structures should
maintain a balance and flexibility between household income and development standards. For
example, a plot size below 300m2, which is within the affordability range of the low income earners,
41
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should be accorded official title and building approval in line with the operating development plans
for the neighborhoods.
[vi]
The policy recognized the existence of certain national entities in meeting the requirements for
capacity building, but did not recommend the establishment of housing and urban development
research institution. This independent research institution will play a prominent role in policy
assessment, monitoring and evaluation. It will also provide strategic direction on matters related to
land, housing, environment, urban development, poverty and other socio-economic variables as
well as bringing the best practices to bear on the urbanization processes in Rwanda.
[vii]
The provision for upgrading of informal settlements in the programs for the sector provides a
vibrant learning platform for many African cities where informal settlements continue to rise without
any clear sustainable solution. The only solution known by such African governments is forced
evictions of the residents, demolishing and burning of these settlements without any compensation
or provision of alternative accommodations. This is prevalent in Nigeria.
In the relevant section of the urban housing policy of Rwandan, it was expressly stated that
upgrading is not synonymous with razing an entire neighborhood; instead it means rational
development in order to improve the living conditions of the population. Nevertheless, if the option
to rebuild an entire zone is taken into consideration, the people so relocated must be assisted to
obtain alternative accommodation and facilities.
42
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FACES
OF
KIGALI
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44
PART FIVE
CONCLUSION
Since the end of war in 1994, Rwanda has witnessed remarkable changes in all social and economic
indices. Poverty rate has continues to decrease, access to water and sanitation facilities by the population
has increased while Gross National Income [GNI] is on the rise among many other positive variables.
In achieving these changes, one major strategy is that the nation has concluded to treat her citizens with
dignity, honor and respect. This is evidenced in many of the policy documents reviewed and the realities on
ground in Kigali. The country had laid a good foundation for the prosperous nation through the constitution
of policies, processes and institutions. Decentralization has become one of the major operating tools for
citizen participation in governance, raising of revenue and expending the same for the benefits of citizen’s.
Revenue is being raised and well expended. If the current trend of development continues, Rwanda will
emerge as one of the leading African nations in the next 20 years.
The transformation in Rwanda on land reform, informal settlements upgrading, city management,
diversification of urban centers, built environment policies formulation, implementation and monitoring
should be a learning springboard for many African governments. Most government actors in African
countries are very quick to cover their lack of initiative and poor service delivery mechanism with
statements such as “we are too many” and “our people are stubborn”.
The country should however consider the establishment of research institution on natural and built
environment; unify the channel for disseminating development statistical information among other
suggestions noted in this memoir.
Plate 45: View of Kigali City
DEATH TO LIFE: TRANSFORMATION IN THE COUNTRY OF A THOUSAND HILLS
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FACES
OF
KIGALI
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