Carpetbagger

Carpetbagger
1
Carpetbagger
"Carpetbaggers" redirects here. For the Harold Robbins novel, see The Carpetbaggers. For the film
adaptation, see The Carpetbaggers (film).
In United States history, carpetbagger was a pejorative term
Southerners gave to Northerners (also referred to as Yankees) who
moved to the South during the Reconstruction era, between 1865 and
1877.
The term referred to the observation that these newcomers tended to
carry "carpet bags," a common form of luggage at the time (sturdy and
made from used carpet). It was used as a derogatory term, suggesting
opportunism and exploitation by the outsiders. Together with
Republicans they are said to have politically manipulated and
controlled former Confederate states for varying periods for their own
financial and power gains. In sum, carpetbaggers were seen as
insidious Northern outsiders with questionable objectives meddling in
local politics, buying up plantations at fire-sale prices and taking
advantage of Southerners.
1872 cartoon depiction of Carl Schurz as a
Carpetbagger
The term carpetbaggers was also used to describe the Republican political appointees who came South, arriving with
their travel carpet bags. Southerners considered them ready to loot and plunder the defeated South.[1]
In modern usage in the U.S., the term is sometimes used derisively to refer to a politician who runs for public office
in an area where he or she does not have deep community ties, or has lived only for a short time. In the United
Kingdom, the term was adopted to refer informally to those who join a mutual organization, such as a building
society, in order to force it to demutualize, that is, to convert into a joint stock company, solely for personal financial
gain.
Background information
Reforming impulse
Beginning in 1862 Northern abolitionists moved to areas in the South that had fallen under Union control.
Schoolteachers and religious missionaries arrived in the South, some sponsored by northern churches. Some were
abolitionists who sought to continue the struggle for racial equality; they often became agents of the federal
Freedmen's Bureau, which started operations in 1865 to assist the vast numbers of recently emancipated slaves. The
bureau established schools in rural areas of the South for the purpose of educating the mostly illiterate black
population. Other Northerners who moved to the South participated in rebuilding railroads that had been previously
destroyed during the war.[2][3]
During the time African-Americans were enslaved, they were prohibited from education and attaining literacy.
Southern states had no public school systems, and white southerners sent their children to private schools or else
employed private tutors. After the war, hundreds of northern white women moved South; many to teach newly freed
African-American children.[4] While some northerners went south with reformist impulses, many others went South
merely to exploit the chaotic situation for personal gain.[5]
Carpetbagger
Economic motives
Many carpetbaggers were businessmen who purchased or leased plantations and became wealthy landowners, hiring
freedmen to do the labor. Most were former Union soldiers eager to invest their savings in this promising new
frontier, and civilians lured south by press reports of "the fabulous sums of money to be made in the South in raising
cotton." Foner notes that "joined with the quest for profit, however, was a reforming spirit, a vision of themselves as
agents of sectional reconciliation and the South's "economic regeneration." Accustomed to viewing
Southerners—black and white—as devoid of economic initiative and self-discipline, they believed that only
"Northern capital and energy" could bring "the blessings of a free labor system to the region."[6]
Carpetbaggers tended to be well educated and middle class in origin. Some had been lawyers, businessmen,
newspaper editors, Union Army members and other pillars of Northern communities. The majority (including 52 of
the 60 who served in Congress during Reconstruction) were veterans of the Union Army.[7]
Leading "black carpetbaggers" believed the interests of capital and labor identical, and the freedmen entitled to little
more than an "honest chance in the race of life."[8]
Many Northern and Southern Republicans shared a modernizing vision of upgrading the Southern economy and
society, one that would replace the inefficient Southern plantation regime with railroads, factories and more efficient
farming. They actively promoted public schooling and created numerous colleges and universities. The Northerners
were especially successful in taking control of Southern railroads, aided by state legislatures. In 1870 Northerners
controlled 21% of the South's railroads (by mileage); 19% of the directors were from the North. By 1890 they
controlled 88% of the mileage; 47% of the directors were from the North.[9]
Examples of prominent carpetbaggers in state politics
Mississippi
Union General Adelbert Ames, a native of Massachusetts, was appointed military governor and later was elected as
Republican governor of Mississippi during the Reconstruction era. Ames tried unsuccessfully to ensure equal rights
for black Mississippians. His political battles with the Southerners and African Americans ripped apart his party.[10]
The "Black and Tan" (biracial) constitutional convention in Mississippi in 1868 included 29 white Southerners, 17
Southern freedmen and 24 nonsoutherners, nearly all of whom were veterans of the Union Army. They included four
men who had lived in the South before the war, two of whom had served in the Confederate States Army. Among the
more prominent were Gen. Beroth B. Eggleston, a native of New York; Col. A. T. Morgan, of the Second Wisconsin
Volunteers; Gen. W. S. Barry, former commander of a Colored regiment raised in Kentucky; an Illinois general and
lawyer who graduated from Knox College; Maj. W. H. Gibbs, of the Fifteenth Illinois infantry; Judge W. B.
Cunningham, of Pennsylvania; and Cap. E. J. Castello, of the Seventh Missouri infantry. They were among the
founders of the Republican party in Mississippi.
They were prominent in the politics of the state until 1875, but nearly all left Mississippi in 1875 to 1876 under
pressure from the Red Shirts and White Liners. These white paramilitary organizations, described as "the military
arm of the Democratic Party", worked openly to violently overthrow Republican rule, using intimidation and
assassination to turn Republicans out of office and suppress freedmen's voting.[11][12][13]
Albert T. Morgan, the Republican sheriff of Yazoo, Mississippi, received a brief flurry of national attention when
insurgent white Democrats took over the county government and forced him to flee. He later wrote Yazoo; Or, on the
Picket Line of Freedom in the South (1884).
On November 6, 1875, Hiram Revels, a Mississippi Republican and the first African-American U.S. Senator, wrote a
letter to U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant that was widely reprinted. Revels denounced Ames and Northerners for
manipulating the Black vote for personal benefit, and for keeping alive wartime hatreds:
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Carpetbagger
Since reconstruction, the masses of my people have been, as it were, enslaved in mind by unprincipled
adventurers, who, caring nothing for country, were willing to stoop to anything no matter how infamous, to
secure power to themselves, and perpetuate it..... My people have been told by these schemers, when men have
been placed on the ticket who were notoriously corrupt and dishonest, that they must vote for them; that the
salvation of the party depended upon it; that the man who scratched a ticket was not a Republican. This is only
one of the many means these unprincipled demagogues have devised to perpetuate the intellectual bondage of
my people.... The bitterness and hate created by the late civil strife has, in my opinion, been obliterated in this
state, except perhaps in some localities, and would have long since been entirely obliterated, were it not for
some unprincipled men who would keep alive the bitterness of the past, and inculcate a hatred between the
races, in order that they may aggrandize themselves by office, and its emoluments, to control my people, the
effect of which is to degrade them.[14]
Elza Jeffords, a lawyer from Portsmouth, Ohio, who fought with the Army of the Tennessee, remained in Mississippi
after the conclusion of the Civil War. He was the last Republican to represent that state in the U.S. House of
Representatives, having served from 1883 to 1885. He died in Vicksburg sixteen days after he left Congress. The
next Republican congressman from the state came eighty years later, Prentiss Walker of Mize in Smith County, who
served a single term from 1965 to 1967.
North Carolina
Corruption was a charge made by Democrats in North Carolina against the Republicans, notes the historian Paul
Escott, "because its truth was apparent."[15] The historians Eric Foner and W. E. B. Du Bois have noted that
Democrats as well as Republicans received bribes and participated in decisions about the railroad.[16] Gen. Milton S.
Littlefield, was dubbed the "Prince of Carpetbaggers," and bought votes in the legislature "to support grandiose and
fraudulent railroad schemes." Escott concludes that some Democrats were involved, but Republicans "bore the main
responsibility for the issue of $28 million in state bonds for railroads and the accompanying corruption. This sum,
enormous for the time, aroused great concern." Foner says Littlefield disbursed $200,000 (bribes) to win support in
the legislature for state money for his railroads, and Democrats as well as Republicans were guilty of taking the
bribes and making the decisions on the railroad.[16] North Carolina Democrats condemned the legislature's "depraved
villains, who take bribes every day;" one local Republican officeholder complained, "I deeply regret the course of
some of our friends in the Legislature as well as out of it in regard to financial matters, it is very embarrassing
indeed."[15]
Extravagance and corruption increased taxes and the costs of government in a state that had always favored low
expenditure, Escott pointed out. The context was that a planter elite kept taxes low because it benefited them. They
used their money toward private ends rather than public investment. None of the states had established public school
systems before the Reconstruction state legislatures created them, and they had systematically underinvested in
infrastructure such as roads and railroads. Planters whose properties occupied prime riverfront locations relied on
river transportation, but smaller farmers in the backcountry suffered.
Escott claimed, "Some money went to very worthy causes— the 1869 legislature, for example, passed a school law
that began the rebuilding and expansion of the state's public schools. But far too much was wrongly or unwisely
spent" to aid the Republican Party leadership. A Republican county commissioner in Alamance eloquently
denounced the situation: "Men are placed in power who instead of carrying out their duties . . . form a kind of school
for to graduate Rascals. Yes if you will give them a few Dollars they will liern you for an accomplished Rascal. This
is in reference to the taxes that are rung from the labouring class of people. Without a speedy reformation I will have
to resign my post."[15]
Albion W. Tourgée, formerly of Ohio and a friend of President James A. Garfield, moved to North Carolina, where
he practiced as a lawyer and was appointed a judge. He once opined that "Jesus Christ was a carpetbagger." Tourgée
later wrote A Fool's Errand, a largely autobiographical novel about an idealistic carpetbagger persecuted by the Ku
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Carpetbagger
Klux Klan in North Carolina.
South Carolina
A politician in South Carolina who was called a carpetbagger was Daniel Henry Chamberlain, a New Englander who
had served as an officer of a predominantly black regiment of the United States Colored Troops. He was appointed
South Carolina's attorney general from 1868 to 1872 and was elected Republican governor from 1874 to 1877. As a
result of the national Compromise of 1877, Chamberlain lost his office. He was narrowly re-elected in a campaign
marked by egregious voter fraud and violence against freedmen by Democratic Red Shirts, who succeeded in
suppressing the black vote in some majority-black counties.[17] While serving in South Carolina, Chamberlain was a
strong supporter of Negro rights.
Some historians of the early 1930s, who belonged to the Dunning School that believed that the Reconstruction era
was fatally flawed claimed that Chamberlain was later influenced by Social Darwinism to become a white
supremacist. They also wrote that he supported states' rights and laissez-faire in the economy. They portrayed
"liberty" in 1896 as the right to rise above the rising tide of equality. Chamberlain was said to justify white
supremacy by arguing that, in evolutionary terms, the Negro obviously belonged to an inferior social order.[18]
Charles Stearns, also from Massachusetts, wrote an account of his experience in South Carolina: The Black Man of
the South, and the Rebels: Or, the Characteristics of the Former and the Recent Outrages of the Latter (1873).
Francis Lewis Cardozo, a black minister from New Haven, Connecticut, served as a delegate to South Carolina's
Constitutional Convention (1868). He made eloquent speeches advocating that the plantations be broken up and
distributed among the freedmen. They wanted their own land to farm and believed they had already paid for land by
their years of uncompensated labor and the trials of slavery.[18]
Louisiana
Henry C. Warmoth was the Republican governor of Louisiana from 1868 to 1874. As governor, Warmoth was
plagued by accusations of corruption, which continued to be a matter of controversy long after his death. He was
accused of using his position as governor to trade in state bonds for his personal benefit. In addition, the newspaper
company which he owned received a contract from the state government. Warmoth supported the franchise for
freedmen.[19]
He struggled to lead the state during the years when the White League, a white Democratic paramilitary
organization, conducted an open campaign of violence and intimidation against Republicans, including freedmen,
with the goals of regaining Democratic power and white supremacy. They ran Republicans out of office, were
responsible for the Coushatta Massacre, disrupted Republican organizing, and preceded elections with such
intimidation and violence that black voting was sharply reduced. Warmoth stayed in Louisiana after Reconstruction
and following the white Democrats' regaining political power in the state. He died in 1931 at age 89.[19]
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Carpetbagger
Algernon Sidney Badger, a Boston, Massachusetts native, held
various appointed federal positions in New Orleans only under
Republican national administrations during and after
Reconstruction. He first came to New Orleans with the Union
Army in 1863 and never left the area. He is interred at Metairie
Cemetery there.[20]
Alabama
George E. Spencer was a prominent Republican U.S. Senator. His
A cartoon threatening that the Ku Klux Klan would
lynch carpetbaggers, Tuscaloosa, Alabama,
1872 reelection campaign in Alabama opened him to allegations of
Independent Monitor, 1868
"political betrayal of colleagues; manipulation of Federal
patronage; embezzlement of public funds; purchase of votes; and
intimidation of voters by the presence of Federal troops." He was a major speculator in a distressed financial
paper.[21]
Georgia
Tunis Campbell, a black New York businessman, was hired in 1863 by Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton to help
former slaves in Port Royal, South Carolina. When the Civil War ended, Campbell was assigned to the Sea Islands
of Georgia, where he engaged in an apparently successful land reform program for the benefit of the freedmen. He
eventually became vice-chair of the Georgia Republican Party, a state senator and the head of an African-American
militia which he hoped to use against the Ku Klux Klan.[19]
Arkansas
William Hines Furbush, born a slave in Kentucky in 1839, received an education in Ohio, and migrated to Helena,
Arkansas in 1862. Back in Ohio in February 1865, he joined the Forty-second Colored Infantry at Columbus. After
the war Furbush migrated to Liberia through the American Colonization Society. He returned to Ohio after 18
months and moved back to Arkansas by 1870.[Wintory 2004] Furbush was elected to two terms in the Arkansas
House of Representatives, 1873–74 (Phillips County) and 1879–80 (Lee County).
In 1873 the state passed a civil rights law. Furbush and three other black leaders, including the bill's primary sponsor
state Sen. Richard A. Dawson, sued a Little Rock barkeeper for refusing to serve the group service. The suit resulted
in the only successful Reconstruction prosecution under the state's civil rights law. In the legislature Furbush worked
to create a new county, Lee, from portions of Phillips, Crittenden, Monroe and St. Francis counties.
Following the end of his 1873 legislative term, Furbush was appointed sheriff by Republican Governor Elisha
Baxter. Furbush won reelection as sheriff twice and served from 1873 to 1878. During his term, he adopted a policy
of "fusion," a post-Reconstruction power-sharing compromise between Democrats and Republicans. Furbush was
originally elected as a Republican, but he switched to the Democratic Party at the end of his time as sheriff. In 1878,
Furbush was again elected to the Arkansas House. His election is noteworthy because he was elected as a black
Democrat in an election season notorious for white intimidation of black and Republican voters in black-majority
eastern Arkansas. Furbush is the first known black Democrat elected to the Arkansas General Assembly.
In March 1879 Furbush left Arkansas for Colorado, where he worked as an assayer and barber. In Bonanza,
Colorado he avoided a lynch mob after shooting and killing a town constable. At the trial he was acquitted of
murder. He returned to Little Rock, Arkansas, by 1888, following another stay in Ohio.
In 1889, he and E. A. Fulton, a fellow black Democrat, announced plans for the National Democrat, a party weekly
intended to attract black voters to the Democratic Party. After failing to attract black voters and following white
Democrats' passage of the Arkansas 1891 Election Law that disfranchised most black voters, Furbush left the state.
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Carpetbagger
He traveled to South Carolina and Georgia, but they soon disfranchised black voters, too.
The last stop of Furbush was in October 1901 at Marion, Indiana's National Home for Disabled Veterans. He died
there on September 3, 1902. He was interred at the Marion National Cemetery.[22]
Texas
Carpetbaggers were least visible in Texas. Republicans were in power from 1867 to January 1874. Only one state
official and one justice of the state supreme court were Northerners. About 13% to 21% of district court judges were
Northerners, along with about 10% of the delegates who wrote the Reconstruction constitution of 1869. Of the 142
men who served in the 12th Legislature, only 12 to 29 were Northerners. At the county level, they included about
10% of the commissioners, county judges and sheriffs.[23]
New Yorker George T. Ruby was sent as an agent by the Freedmen's Bureau to Galveston, Texas, where he settled.
Later elected a Texas state senator, Ruby was instrumental in various economic development schemes and in efforts
to organize African-American dockworkers into the Labor Union of Colored Men. When Reconstruction ended
Ruby became a leader of the Exoduster movement, which encouraged Southern blacks to homestead in Kansas to
escape white supremacist violence and the oppression of segregation.[23]
Historiography
The Dunning school of American historians (1900–1950) viewed carpetbaggers unfavorably, arguing that they
degraded the political and business culture. The revisionist school in the 1930s called them stooges of Northern
business interests. After 1960 the neoabolitionist school emphasized their moral courage.
Modern use
United Kingdom
Carpetbagging was used as a term in Great Britain in the late 1990s during the wave of demutualizations of building
societies. It indicated members of the public who joined mutual societies with the hope of making a quick profit
from the conversion.[24] Contemporarily speaking, the term carpetbagger refers to roving financial opportunists,
often of modest means, who spot investment opportunities and aim to benefit from a set of circumstances to which
they are not ordinarily entitled. In recent years the best opportunities for carpetbaggers have come from opening
membership accounts at building societies for as little as £1, to qualify for windfalls running into thousands of
pounds from the process of conversion and takeover. The influx of such transitory ‘token’ members as carpetbaggers,
took advantage of these nugatory deposit criteria, often to instigate or accelerate the trend towards wholesale
demutualisation.
Investors in these mutuals would receive shares in the new public companies, usually distributed at a flat rate, thus
equally benefiting small and large investors, and providing a broad incentive for members to vote for
conversion-advocating leadership candidates. The word was first used in this context in early 1997 by the chief
executive of the Woolwich Building Society, who announced the society's conversion with rules removing the most
recent new savers' entitlement to potential windfalls and stated in a media interview, "I have no qualms about
disenfranchising carpetbaggers."
Between 1997 and 2002, a group of pro-demutualization supporters “Members for Conversion” operated a website,
carpetbagger.com, which highlighted the best ways of opening share accounts with UK building societies, and
organized demutualization resolutions.[25] [26] This led many building societies to implement anti-carpetbagging
policies, such as not accepting new deposits from customers who lived outside the normal operating area of the
society.
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Carpetbagger
7
World War II
During World War II, the U.S. Office of Strategic Services surreptitiously supplied necessary tools and material to
anti-Nazi resistance groups in Europe. The OSS called this effort Operation Carpetbagger, and the modified B-24
aircraft used for the night-time missions were referred to as "carpetbaggers." (Among other special features, they
were painted a glossy black to make them less visible to searchlights.) Between January and September 1944,
Operation Carpetbagger ran 1,860 sorties between RAF Harrington, England, and various points in occupied Europe.
[27]
Australia
In Australia, the term "carpetbagger" refers to unscrupulous dealers and business managers in Indigenous Australian
art.[28][29][30][31]
The term "carpetbagger" was also used by John Fahey, a former Premier of New South Wales and federal Liberal
finance minister, in the context of shoddy "tradespeople" who travelled to Queensland to take advantage of victims
following the 2010–2011 Queensland floods.[32][33]
The United States
The awards season blog of The New York Times is entitled "The Carpetbagger."
Globes, the Oscars, and other red-carpet awards events.
[34]
The blog covers the Golden
Cuisine
A carpetbag steak or carpetbagger steak refers to an end cut of steak that is pocketed and stuffed with, but not limited
to, oysters, mushrooms, bacon, blue cheese and/or garlic. The steak is then sutured with toothpicks or thread.[35]
Although its origin is unclear, it may indicate a connection with carpetbaggers or to gluttony.
Notes
[1] Davidson, Gienapp, Heyrman, Lytle, Stoff. Nation of Nations: A Concise Narrative of the American Republic, 3rd edition, New York:
McGraw Hill, 2002
[2] Sarah Woolfolk Wiggins, The Scalawag in Alabama Politics. 1865–1881, Birmingham: University of Alabama Press. 1991.
[3] Richard Nelson Current, Those Terrible Carpetbaggers, New York: Oxford University Press. 1988.
[4] Williams, Heather Andrea, Self-Taught: African American Education in Slavery and Freedom, University of North Carolina Press,
[5] Those Terrible Carpetbaggers by Richard Nelson Current. Oxford University Press.1988
[6] Foner, 1988, pp. 137
[7] Foner 1988 pp 294–295
[8] Foner 1988 pp 289
[9] Klein 1968 p. 269
[10] Garner (1902); Harris (1979)
[11] George C. Rable, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, Athens, GA: University of Georgia
Press, 1984, p.132
[12] Nicholas Lemann, Redemption: The Last Battle of the Civil War, New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, paperback, 2007, pp.80–87
[13] Garner 187–88
[14] Full text in Garner, pp. 399–400.
[15] Escott 160
[16] Foner, 1988, pp. 387
[17] Nicholas Lemann, Redemption: The Last Battle of the Civil War, New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, paperback, 2007
[18] Simkins and Woody. (1932)
[19] Foner (1968)
[20] "Badger, Algernon Sidney" (http:/ / www. lahistory. org/ site19. php). Louisiana Historical Association, A Dictionary of Louisiana
Biography. . Retrieved February 6, 2011.
[21] Woolfolk (1966); Foner (1968) p 295
[22] Foner Freedom's Lawmakers p. 79; Wintory 2004, 2006 (http:/ / www. encyclopediaofarkansas. net/ encyclopedia/ entry-detail.
aspx?entryID=15); Daniel Phillips Upham (http:/ / www. encyclopediaofarkansas. net/ encyclopedia/ entry-detail. aspx?search=1&
Carpetbagger
entryID=1790); Gov. Powell Clayton (http:/ / www. encyclopediaofarkansas. net/ encyclopedia/ entry-detail. aspx?search=1& entryID=94)
[23] Campbell (1994)
[24] Matthews, Race (April 16, 2000). Looting the Mutuals: The Ethics and Economics of Demutualisation. Background Paper for an Address on
"Succession and Continuance of Mutuals" (http:/ / www. australia. coop/ rm_lm_2000. htm). Brisbane. . Retrieved August 4, 2008
[25] Patrick Sherwen (December 4, 1999). "New king's decree favours 'democratic' way" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ technology/ 1999/ dec/
04/ efinance. demutualisation). The Guardian (Manchester). . "Mr Yendall offered to take charge of an attack by carpetbagger.com on three
building societies before the new rules came into effect and beat the deadline by a matter of hours."
[26] The Guardian (Manchester). July 21, 2001.
[27] "Operation Carpetbagger" (http:/ / www. nationalmuseum. af. mil/ factsheets/ factsheet. asp?id=1502). Night Flights Over Occupied Europe.
. Retrieved 2011-06-28.
[28] http:/ / www. abc. net. au/ news/ stories/ 2008/ 07/ 28/ 2315816. htm
[29] Dow, Steve (April 27, 2009). "White ignorance about indigenous issues fails everyone" (http:/ / www. theage. com. au/ opinion/
white-ignorance-about-indigenous-issues-fails-everyone-20090426-ajcm. html?page=-1). The Age (Melbourne). .
[30] Title=Four Corners ABC Interview - John Ioannou http:/ / www. abc. net. au/ 4corners/ content/ 2008/ s2333833. htm
[31] title=Gary Proctor, Warburton Arts Project http:/ / www. warburtonarts. com/ china2011. html
[32] http:/ / www. heraldsun. com. au/ news/ breaking-news/ keep-out-flood-carpetbaggers-says-reconstruction-inspectorate-john-fahey/
story-e6frf7jx-1226002024136
[33] "Keep out flood carpetbaggers, says reconstruction inspectorate John Fahey" (http:/ / www. heraldsun. com. au/ news/ breaking-news/
keep-out-flood-carpetbaggers-says-reconstruction-inspectorate-john-fahey/ story-e6frf7jx-1226002024136). The Herald Sun (Melbourne).
July 28, 2011. .
[34] http:/ / carpetbagger. blogs. nytimes. com/
[35] http:/ / www. cdkitchen. com/ recipes/ recs/ 374/ Carpetbagger_Steak58120. shtml
References
• Ash, Stephen V. When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, 1861–1865 University of
North Carolina Press, 1995.
• Barnes, Kenneth C. Who Killed John Clayton. Duke University Press, 1998; violence in Arkansas.
• Brown, Canter, Jr. "Carpetbagger Intrigues, Black Leadership, and a Southern Loyalist Triumph: Florida's
Gubernatorial Election of 1872" Florida Historical Quarterly, 1994 72 (3): 275–301. ISSN 0015-4113. Shows
how African Americans joined Redeemers to defeat corrupt carpetbagger running for reelection.
• Bryant, Emma Spaulding. Emma Spaulding Bryant: Civil War Bride, Carpetbagger's Wife, Ardent Feminist;
Letters and Diaries, 1860–1900 Fordham University Press, 2004. 503 pp.
• Campbell, Randolph B. "Carpetbagger Rule in Reconstruction Texas: an Enduring Myth." Southwestern
Historical Quarterly, 1994 97 (4): 587–596. ISSN 0038-478X
• Richard Nelson Current. Those Terrible Carpetbaggers: A Reinterpretation (1988), a favorable view.
• Currie-Mcdaniel, Ruth. Carpetbagger of Conscience: A Biography of John Emory Bryant, Fordham University
Press, 1999; religious reformer in South Carolina.
• Davidson, Gienapp, Heyrman, Lytle, Stoff. Nation of Nations: A Concise Narrative of the American Republic.
3rd. New York: McGraw Hill, 2002.
• Durden, Robert Franklin; James Shepherd Pike: Republicanism and the American Negro, 1850–1882 Duke
University Press, 1957
• Paul D. Escott; Many Excellent People: Power and Privilege in North Carolina, 1850–1900, University of North
Carolina Press, 1985.
• Fleming, Walter L. Documentary History of Reconstruction: Political, Military, Social, Religious, Educational,
and Industrial 2 vol 1906. Uses broad collection of primary sources.
• Foner, Eric. Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory Of Black Officeholders During Reconstruction, Oxford
University Press, 1993, Revised, 1996, LSU Press.
• Foner, Eric. Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (1988). Harper & Row, 1988, recent
standard history.
• Fowler, Wilton B. "A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy." North Carolina Historical Review, 1966
43 (3): 286–304. ISSN 0029-2494
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Carpetbagger
• Garner, James Wilford. Reconstruction in Mississippi (1902)
• Harris, William C. The Day of the Carpetbagger: Republican Reconstruction in Mississippi Louisiana State
University Press, 1979.
• Harris, William C. "James Lynch: Black Leader in Southern Reconstruction," Historian 1971 34 (1): 40–61.
ISSN 0018-2370; Lynch was Mississippi's first African American secretary of state.
• Klein, Maury. "Southern Railroad Leaders, 1865–1893: Identities and Ideologies" Business History Review, 1968
42 (3): 288–310. ISSN 0007-6805 Fulltext in JSTOR.
• Morrow, Ralph E.; Northern Methodism and Reconstruction Michigan State University Press, 1956.
• Olsen, Otto H. Carpetbagger's Crusade: The Life of Albion Winegar Tourgee (1965)
• Post, Louis F. "A 'Carpetbagger' in South Carolina," The Journal of Negro History Vol. 10, No. 1 (Jan. 1925),
pp. 10–79 in JSTOR; autobiography.
• Simkins, Francis Butler, and Robert Hilliard Woody. South Carolina during Reconstruction (1932).
• Tunnell, Ted. Edge of the Sword: The Ordeal of Carpetbagger Marshall H. Twitchell in the Civil War and
Reconstruction. LSU Press, 2001, on Louisiana.
• Tunnell, Ted. "Creating 'the Propaganda of History': Southern Editors and the Origins of Carpetbagger and
Scalawag," Journal of Southern History, (Nov 2006) 72#4.
• Twitchell, Marshall Harvey. Carpetbagger from Vermont: The Autobiography of Marshall Harvey Twitchell. ed
by Ted Tunnell; Louisiana State University Press, 1989. 216 pp.
• Wiggins, Sarah Woolfolk; The Scalawag in Alabama Politics, 1865–1881. University of Alabama Press, 1991
• Wintory, Blake. "William Hines Furbush: African-American Carpetbagger, Republican, Fusionist, and
Democrat," Arkansas Historical Quarterly, 2004 63 (2): 107–165. ISSN 0004-1823
• Wintory, Blake. "William Hines Furbush (1839–1902)" Encyclopedia of Arkansas History & Culture (2006).
(http://www.encyclopediaofarkansas.net/encyclopedia/entry-detail.aspx?entryID=15)
• Woolfolk, Sarah Van V. "George E. Spencer: a Carpetbagger in Alabama," Alabama Review, 1966 19 (1): 41–52.
ISSN 0002-4341
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Article Sources and Contributors
Article Sources and Contributors
Carpetbagger Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=519835968 Contributors: 90 Auto, ALargeElk, Accordionman, AdRock, Adam.J.W.C., Adclarke, Addshore, AlexBoney,
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anonymous edits
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
Image:Carpetbagger.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Carpetbagger.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Cirt, Howcheng, Infrogmation, Jospe, Lilared
Image:Kkk-carpetbagger-cartoon.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kkk-carpetbagger-cartoon.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: AndreasPraefcke, Bogdan,
Cirt, Djembayz, Erri4a, HenkvD, Herr Satz, Howcheng, Infrogmation, JMCC1, Mattes, Okki, Quadell, R. Engelhardt, 1 anonymous edits
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