Modernity and the Hybridization of Nationalism and Religion: Zionism and the Jews of the
Middle East as a Heuristic Case
Author(s): Yehouda Shenhav
Source: Theory and Society, Vol. 36, No. 1 (Feb., 2007), pp. 1-30
Published by: Springer
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TheorSoc (2007)36:1-30
DOI 10.1007/s
11186-006-9015-8
ofnationalism
and thehybridization
Modernity
and religion:Zionismand theJewsoftheMiddle
case
East as a heuristic
YehoudaShenhav
Publishedonline:14 November2006
? SpringerScience+ BusinessMedia B.V. 2006
and religion,analyzingthe sociological
AbstractThis articlelooks at nationalism
is
mechanisms
producedand obscured.I
by whichtheirintersection simultaneously
follows
two
of
modem
nationalism
that
the
construction
contradictory
principles
propose
and purification.
refersto the
thatoperatesimultaneously:
Hybridization
hybridization
refers
to theseparation
between
and"secular"practices;
purification
mixingof"religious"
I
zones.
test
these
as
two
distinct
and
"nationalism"
ontological
arguments
"religion"
thatwas bominEurope
As a movement
empirically
usingthecase ofZionistnationalism.
but traveledto the MiddleEast, Zionismexhibitstraitsof bothof theseseemingly
andpushesthemto theirlimits.
ofhybridization
andpurification,
principles,
contradictory
in theliterature
to an epistemological
The articleconcludesby pointing
by
asymmetry
in studiesoftheWest
andreligion
tendstobe underplayed
whichthefusionofnationalism
in studiesoftheEast/global
South.
andoverplayed
Introduction
I
andmodemnationalism.
Thisarticleseeksto reassesstherelationship
betweenreligion
inthemodem
between
thesetwoconcepts
ofthepresumed
testtheveracity
incompatibility
a phenomenon
an empirical
ofZionistnationalism,
bominthe
examination
lexiconthrough
in
the
East.
virtue
of
its
"westem"
and
but
Middle
"eastem,"
West, applied
By
being
theZionistcase providesa lens
and "secular,"
"ancient"and "modem,"and "religious"
biasesin theliterature
whichone can also examineboththeEasternandWestern
through
nationalism
andreligion.
withregards
to thenexusbetween
Y Shenhav(E)
Tel AvivUniversity,
Tel Aviv69978, Israel
of Sociologyand Anthropology,
Department
e-mail:[email protected]
41 Springer
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2
TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
In thelasttwodecades,thedebateonnationalism
hascrystallized
around
twoostensibly
the
as
to
known
model,
(also
opposingmodels.1According
"primordial"
"perennial")
is a resultofdeepancient
nationalism
roots,a suigeneris
processofcoalescence
involving
andidentities
thathasalwayscharacterized
collective
humancommunities
loyalties
(Smith,
for
the
of
Jews
to
Palestine/Israel
the
1986,1995).Thus, example, immigration
throughout
was
in
an
twentieth
as
rooted
ancient
Zion
for
century perceived
(Smith,
religious
yearning
1995).
tothe"modemist"
is a distinctly
modemphenomenon,
a
model,nationalism
According
forpre-modem
an
functional
substitute
and
invented
mechanism
of
mobilization
categories
in thehandsof manipulating
politicalelites.2Whereasnationalism
replacedreligionand
as a modemformof collectiveidentity
ethnicity
(e.g.,Gellner,1983;Hobsbawm,1990;
of historical
Kedourie,1971),it manipulated
imagesof thepastto createan impression
to thisperspective,
Jews
1991;Hobsbawm,1983).According
continuity
(e.g.,Anderson,
as a resultoftheactivity
ofEuropeansecularZionistfunctionaries
cameto Palestine
who
of nationalism";
Jewishreligious
engagedin the "engineering
theyalso manipulated
themwithnational
sentiments
colors.History,
byimbuing
(secularanduniversal)
ethnicity,
and religion,
thisperspective
andtailoredto meettheneedsof the
holds,are organized
1991;Hobsbawm,
(Anderson,
1990).
present
thegulfbetween
andmodernists
was initially
it
theprimordialists
Although
stimulating,
becamea straw-man
exclusive
setup.It is cleartodaythatthesemodelsarenotmutually
andthattheopposition
between
themhasbeenlargely
theprimordial
Whereas
exaggerated.
model falls shortof acknowledging
the extentto whichthe past is engineered,
the
modemistmodeltrivializes
and reducesnationalism
to
history,
religion,and tradition
a politicalmanipulation
as Gorski
2002; Calhoun,1991).Furthermore,
merely
(Brubaker,
"nationalconsciousness"
was morelike "modem
(2000b,p. 1429) shows,pre-modem
thanthemodemists
haveallowed.In hisownwords,"someinstances
nationalism"
ofearly
mustbe countedas instancesof full-blown,
modemnationalconsciousness
modem
the
criteria
set
forth
the
modemists"
nationalism
(Gorski2000b,p. 1433).Also,
by
by very
bothmodelsaretooquicktoaccepttheepistemological
bythesubjects
categories
produced
the
with
of
understudy(i.e., nationalists),
mixing "subjective"
"objective"attributes
essentialization
nationalism.
of human
Thus,whiletheprimordialists
acceptnationalists'
self-identification
as
(Brubaker,
1996),themodemists
acceptthenationalists'
grouping
secularmodemizers.3
thedebate
Hence,therearetwointerrelated
asymmetries
epistemological
characterizing
liesinthetreatment
ofthe"modem"
Thefirst
on nationalism.
asymmetry
epistemological
inthesemodels.Whereas
thesocialconstruction
ofthe(pre-modem)
andthe"pre-modem"
1
on nationalism
can be classified.Gorski
Thereare, of course,alternative
ways in whichthe literature
In some ways,his
(2005), forexample,describesfourwaves of social sciencediscourseon nationalism.
withmine,as he adoptsa Bourdieuian
framework
tounderstand
thenotionofmodernity
projectcorresponds
in nationalism.
2
The debatebetweenthetwo campspertainsto two different
dimensions.
The firstdebateconcernsan
bythedebatebetweenprimordialists
question,namelythenatureofnations(and is characterized
ontological
thesecondis a debateaboutthetimingof nationalism's
vs. social constructivists);
(and can be
emergence
For the sake of simplicity
I keep the
as the debatebetweenperennialists
vs. modernists).
characterized
thesetwo--albeitdifferent-dimensions.
and modernists
as representing
distinction
betweenprimordialists
3 Beck and Sznaider(2006) further
takeit forgrantedthatsocietyshouldbe
arguethatsocial scientists
thattheylabel "methodological
nationalism."
equatedwiththe"national,
modem,society,"a phenomenon
4
Springer
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Theor
Soc(2007)36:1-30
3
1991 and Hobsbawm,1983),the
addressed(e.g., Anderson,
pasthas been extensively
hasbeenlargely
ofthe"modem"anditscognates
socialconstruction
Thus,while
ignored.4
in
of
social
the
is
often
terms
"secular"
is
takenfor
construction,
analyzed
mostly
"religion"
an
between
the
West
and
The secondis
epistemological
asymmetry
East/global
granted.
hasbeenoveremphasized
forthenon-Westem
it
theroleofreligion
nations
South.Whereas
forWestern
nations.The twoasymmetries,
takentogether,
was grossly
underemphasized
or thepre-modem
mostly"them":thenon-Westemers
suggestthatreligioncharacterizes
people.
I go beyondtheseassumptions
and proposea moresymmetrical
In the following,
to
nationalism
and
tothisepistemology
religion.
According
epistemological
approach study
tradition-isa category
I suggestthat(a) the moder-much like the pre-modem
of
that
has
been
in
the
field
and
discourse
reified
1994,1996);(b)
political (Brubaker,
practice
and"modem"arenotmutually
thetwomodelsofnationalism
exclusive
but
("primordial"
of
modem
nationalism
rather
twosimultaneous
and
(Gorski,2000b);
(c) religion
aspects
bothin Western
feedintoeachother,
andnon-Westem
societies.
andmodemnationalism
in thepostcolonial
literature
thatthedistinction
betweenthe
Indeed,it is now a truism
of modemthinking.
Butwhatarethesociological
religiousandthesecularis a product
thatproduceandobscurethedistinction
between
them?
mechanisms
on modernity
To answerthisquestionI extendLatour's(1993) framework
to the
on nationalism.
Latoursuggests
thattheterm"modem"designates
literature
twosetsof
knownas "hybridization,"
mixes"non-homological"
Thefirst,
and
contradictory
principles.
distinct
elements.
The second,knownas "purification,"
createsseparate
zones
ontological
withno continuity
between
them(Latour1993,p. 10).5It is onlywhenbothhybridization
are at workthatthe modememergesas a categoryof practiceand
and purification
discourse.
modem
UsingLatour,I arguethatZionismfollowsthesame code in constructing
Ithybridizes
thesecularwiththereligious,
whileatthesametimeitobscures
nationalism.
thuspurifying
nationalism
ofhybridization)
thesehybridization
(theveryproduct
practices,
nationalism
andreligion
as twoseparate
andtreating
spheresof action.As Latour(1993)
betweenthem:"themodemconstitution
allows the expanded
framesthe relationship
ofhybrids
whoseexistence,
whoseverypossibility,
itdenies"(p. 34). Through
proliferation
thesimultaneous
ofhybridization
andpurification,
thereligious
is relegated
tothe
processes
to
while
the
the
secular
is
to
the
modem
South),
(and
East/global
relegated
pre-modem
sphere(andto theWest).
4 Admittedly,
severalresearchers
have addressedtheriseof modemnationalism.
Anderson(1991) surely
whichhe termed
ofnationalism,
buthis analysisof
discussesthesocialconstruction
"imaginedcommunity,"
is ultimately
foundedon homogenous
timeand on a developmental
modelof history.
Brubaker
modernity
and the modemconceptof
(1994) providesalternative
explanationsforthe rise of Frenchnationalism
buthis analysisdoes notaddressthemodemas a constructed
and illusionary
Gorski
citizenship,
category.
is "inherently
(2000b, 2005) suggestsabandoningthe "modemistthesis,"whicharguesthatnationalism
modem."He showsthatin somecases themodemcriteria
ofnationalism
canbe appliedtopre-modem
forms
but in so doinghe acceptsand endorsesthe distinction
betweenthe "modem"and "preof nationalism,
on "tradition"
as a constructed
of
modem."My pointis thatwhilethereis literature
("theinvention
category
it does notaddress"modem"("theinvention
of themodem")head on--as Latourdoes.
tradition")
as twobasic mentaloperations
5 Zerubavel(1996) uses "lumping"and "splitting"
underlining
"cognitive
doesnotuse hisprincipal
atthecognitive
parallelto Latour,thelatter
sociology."Albeitsomewhat
categories
levelonly;rather
thesearepre-epistemological
thatdetermine
theconstruction
ofthemodemas a
categories
categoryof practiceand discourse.
Springer
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4
TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
Zionismis quintessentially
It is originally
in the
hybrid.
European,yetmaterializes
MiddleEast;arguably
imbued
with
on
ancient
secular,
modem,yetrelying
yet
theology;
roots.I believethatno othernationalmovement
providessuch a blendof political
of East and West. I argue thata criticalexamination
of "Zionist
representations
to
allows
us
the
focus
on
the
two
of
and
exceptionalism"
sharpen
principles hybridization
an
these
at
to
follow
mechanisms
work.
purification-providingopportunity
sociological
wherekeyconceptual
issuesare brought
into
Thus,theanalysisof Zionistnationalism,
as
a
heuristic
of
how
to
examine
serves
more
the
relations
relief,
sharp
blueprint
closely
thepublicsphere,
andreligion
in societies
thatarecustomarily
defined
amongnationalism,
as secular.
in
The analysisof itsrhetoric
andpracticeshowsthatZionismspeakssimultaneously
The primordial
two contradictory
voices: "primordial/religious"
and "modem/secular."
voicemixes(i.e.,hybridizes)
theold andthenew.It attempts
to ensurethelegitimacy
of
itshistorical
withitsreligious
Zionism,
particularly
outwardly,
continuity
by emphasizing
themembers
ofthenationandtrying
addressing
past.The"modemvoice"speaksinwardly,
"tomodernize"
thembyturning
itsbacktothepast(i.e.,purifying).
ModemZionismseeks
the"newJew"from
todistinguish
theold(unproductive
andreligious)
Jew.Thisargument
andsuggests
thatthey
between
andmodemnationalism
collapsesthedistinction
primordial
ofhybridization
andpurification.
shouldbe viewedas simultaneous
practices
The paperis dividedintothreemainsections.The first
sectiondevelopsa theoretical
thatexamines
in theconstruction
of 'modem'nationalism.
framework
theroleofreligion
intothisprocess.The
The secondexplainswhyZionismcan providetheoretical
insights
thirdsectionpresents
threeempirical
of Zionist
case studiesthatexaminetheencounter
withJewish
inYemenandinIraq.I endwith
emissaries
communities
(knownas Shadarim)
a concluding
sectionon thetheoretical
andhistorical
oftheargument,
as well
implications
as itsscopeandlimitations.
Theoreticalframework
Thenexusbetween
nationalism
andreligion
The secularization
as democratization,
paradigmAmongothersocial indicators-such
is
economicdevelopment,
or thediffusion
of cultural
values-secularization
technology
the
markers.
In theidealformulation
ofsecularization
oneofmodernity's
theory,
archetypal
and polarized.The term
terms"secular"and "religious"are perceivedas bifurcated
is
first
with
Max
of
associated
Weber's
ideas
disenchant"secularization"
rationalization,
and
that
there
were
no
incalculable
forces"
ment, intellectualization,
meaning
"mysterious
For
the
theindividual
cannotmaster
Weber,1946,p. 139). Weber, term
(Weber,1904/1930;
did
not
(disenchantment)
Entzauberung
simplymeanthatpeopleceasedto believein
that
the
was devalued(Swatos& Christiano,
but
rather
of
1999).
religion,
concept mystery
didhe define
nordidhe often
Weber'slegacyonthesubjectis vague,sinceneither
religion
a declinein
use thetermsecularization.
seenas a whole,Weber'sworksuggests
However,
thesignificance
ofreligion
in theWest(Gorski,2000a) ifnotitscomplete
disappearance
frompubliclife(Berger,1967;Gauchet,1997;Luckman,1967;Wilson,1985).Recently,
in Western
Gorski(2000a) neatlyidentified
fourdifferent
of secularization
interpretations
of religion(tracedbackto Comte),thedeclineof religion
sociology:thedisappearance
of religion(tracedbackto Luckman),
and the
(tracedback to Weber),theprivatization
SSpringer
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TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
5
transformation
ofreligion
tootherspheres
ofaction(traced
backtoDurkheim
andParsons).
all
four
the
As Gorskirightly
entertain
that
and
interpretations
suggests,
assumption religion
and
are
two
distinct
that
the
of
in
role
secularity
categories
religion modempublic
institutions
is weakening
(see also Casanova,1994;Taylor,1998).
Thecontour
linesofthesecularization
onnationalism
as
paradigm
applytotheliterature
thatnational
well.Gellner
movements
furthered
thesecularization
(1983,1994)maintained
of politicaldiscourseby placingan idealizedethnicculture,
rather
thanreligion,
at the
the
centerofthenation.Anderson,
was
about
of
"In
role
too,
explicit
declining
religion:
the
marks
not
the
dawn
of
the
of
nationalism
Europe eighteenth
century
Western
only
age
butalso theduskof religious
1991,p. 19). Severalscholarshave
(Anderson,
thought..."
theideathatnationalism
as a form
ofpolitical
mobilization
and
developed
replaced
religion
a
for
In
1992;Taylor,1998). an
groupsolidarity,
becoming surrogate religion
(Greenfeld,
entitled
"Nationalism
as
a
historian
nationalism's
essay
Religion,"
Hays(1928) attributed
zeal
to
basic
sense."
cited
the
French
Revolution
as a
missionary
people's
"religious
Hays
landmark
fortheemergence
ofnationalism
as religion
andidentified
threereligious
features
in modemnationalism:
idealism(e.g., we are a distinctive
missionary
people),civic
the
the
and
liturgies
(e.g.,
liturgies
surrounding flag),
politicaltheology(e.g., official
ofthefounders,
declaration
of independence,
andconstitution).
Smith
doctrines,
precepts
betweennationalism
and
(2003) takesa similarcourse,highlighting
analogousfeatures
as "modemreligion"and
religion.In thisvein,Greenfeld
(1996) definesnationalism
Llobera(1994) coins it "thegod of modemity."6
This theoretical
tradition
also finds
in the conceptof "civil religion,"
expression
suggestedby Bellah,Madsen,Sullivan,
& Tipton(1985),orbytheconceptof "humanist
Swidler,
religion"
suggested
by Huxley
is analogousto religionand
nationalism
(1941). By makingsuch an assertion-that
therefore
scholars
treatnationalism
andreligion
as antinomies
and
replacesreligion-these
thuspurify
fromreligion.
nationalism
Critiqueof thesecularization
paradigmDuringthelasttwo decades,thesecularization
has comeunderheavyattack,
as religion
to disappear
refused
from
paradigm
publicspace
(Bell, 1952;Casanova,1994;Chaves,1994;Hadden,1987;Swatos& Christiano,
1999).
CriticsarguethatWestern
and researchers
intellectuals
romanticized
and idealizedthe
of modemsocietyand thatreligionneverceasedto be an essentialfactorof
portrayal
to commonbelief,thatthe
shows,contrary
(Hadden,1987).Europeanhistory
modemity
Protestant
Reformation
was therealimpetus
fortheChristianization
of Europeand that
modemEuropeis moreChristian
todaythanwas medievalEurope(e.g., Le Bras and
Delumeau,citedin Gorski,2000a; Stark& lannaccone,
1994).In hisanalysisof modem
politicsand law, Schmitt(1934) has arguedthattheycannotescape theologyand
Milbank(1990) further
of"thesecular"
theological
assumptions.
arguedthattheconstruct
is neither
noris it a spacein whichhumanlifeemancipates
itselffromthe
religion-free
Fromthebeginning,
"thesecular"was partof theological
controlling
powerof religion.
discourse(see also Asad,2003, p. 192). Furthermore,
numerous
studieshave
empirical
shownthatreligious
inmostWestern
hasincreased
modemsocieties,
letalone
participation
inthenon-Westem
ones(e.g.,Finke& Innaccone,
1996;Stark,1996;Stark& Iannaccone,
6 These arguments
echo Durkheim'sprediction
aboutthe declineof traditional
religionand the rise of
alternative
formsof belief.Since societycannotfunction
withoutreligion,new religionswouldeventually
replacetheold ones:"Theold godsaregrowingold ordyingandthenewgodshavenotbeenborn"(citedin
Gorski,2000a, p. 141).
'L Springer
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6
TheorSoc (2007)36:1-30
severalscholars
havesuggested
either
the
trend,
1994).As partofthisrevisionist
dropping
term"secularization"
fromall theoretical
itsmeaning.
discussions
orrevising
A comprehensive
studyby Gorski(2000a) has shownthatthe two paradigmsvs "sacralization"-are
notnecessarily
He arguesthat
exclusive.
"secularization"
mutually
whilethebreakupof theWestern
Churchdiminished
theunityof religiouselitesand
itdidnotdiminish
theintensity
ofreligious
He further
institutions,
authority.
arguesthatit
is fairly
that
has
become
more
secular
without
probable Western
society
becomingless
This
a
that
different
hermeneutic
is needed
religious(Gorski,2000a).
argument
implies
of hybridization
and permeableboundaries,
ratherthanone of
here,a hermeneutic
bifurcation.
To gaugeit in Latourian
we can arguethatthesecularization
debate
terms,
narratives"
that
treat
the
secular
and
the
religiousas
wronglyemploys"purifying
inthetreatment
inWestern
antinomies.
thereis a grossasymmetry
ofreligion
Furthermore,
and non-Western
narratives"
describedabove (e.g., Greenfeld,
societies;the"purifying
inthestudy
in
oftheWestandunderplayed
1992;Hays,1928;Smith,
2003)areoverplayed
in reallife,
thestudyofnon-Western
nationalism.
WhileI do notdenysuchasymmetries
is thatresearchers
of Western
societieshave been too quickto employ
my argument
narratives
theextent
is a factor
too.
ofpurification,
thusdenying
to whichreligion
there,
Thehybridization
andreligion
intheWestIfinfacttheWestfacesprocesses
ofnationalism
ifwe do not
of sacralization
at leastas muchas itfacesprocessesof secularization-and
no
the
distinction
between
and
secularization-there
is
reasonto
accept sharp
religion
haveskippednationalism.
To beginwith,theemergence
ofthe
believethatsuchprocesses
Westernnationstatewas imbuedwithChristianity
(Bendix,1967; Friedland,2001;
in thatit
thatwas exceptional
Hastings,1997;Marx,2003). It is theFrenchRevolution
itselfin opposition
is controversial
constituted
to religionand eventhisargument
(see
to
withCatholicism
whentheyrefused
Marx,2003,p. 28). TheIrishcametobe identified
en masseto
The peopleof Walesconverted
followtheEnglishintotheReformation.
as partof the acquisitionof a national
Protestant
dissentin the nineteenth
century
andnineteenth
centuries
not
consciousness
witnessed
(Hobsbawm,
1990).The eighteenth
new
and
vibrant
attacks
on
authorities
but
also
religious
religious
merelyenlightenment
in Englandor pietismin Germany
movements
suchas Methodism
(Hefner,
1998). The
of Protestant
American
Revolution
was accompanied
belief,knownas the
by a diffusion
GreatAwakening
Hefner,
2001;
(Friedland,
1998).
Westernsocietiesreligion
Hefner(1998) arguesthatin numerouscontemporary
influence
on civilsocietyand on thepublicsphere.For example,
exercisesa significant
the
Churchin East Germany
has adoptedan officialpositionregarding
theProtestant
in 1991.American
nationalism
unification
ofGermany
todayis couchedinbiblicalsymbols
as Morone(2003) convincingly
and religiousterminology,
argues.He showsthatthe
of nationalism
andreligion
was,andstillis, standard
practicein American
hybridization
narratives
McAlister
(2001)similarly
helpedforge
arguesthatreligious
politicsandculture.
sense
theAmerican
US foreign
policyintheMiddleEastandhavebolstered
contemporary
Geertz(1983),that
reasonable
to assume,following
of nationalidentity.
Thus,it is fairly
life.
intoall forms
ofpoliticalandinstitutional
sacredreligious
seepfrom
religion
symbols
intheWest
innational
movements
Theseexamples
pointtothefactthattheroleofreligion
fornon-Western
societiesas well.
diminished.
Thisis true,obviously,
has notnecessarily
societiesScholarsof
and religionin non-western
The hybridization
of nationalism
secularvalues
woulddiffuse
believedthatmodernization
processes
modernization
initially
SSpringer
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Theor
Soc(2007)36:1-30
7
fromWestern
to non-Western
societies.It was believedthatitwouldonlybe a matter
of
timeuntilnon-Western
societieswouldbe modernized
and wouldtherefore
experience
secularization
andtheprivatization
ofreligion
1998;Tibi,1990).Historical
reality
(Hefner,
has takena different
course.As Gellnerhas argued,in Islam"modernization
on theone
ofa putative
oldlocalidentity
ontheother,
canbe doneinone
hand,andthere-affirmation
and thesamelanguageand setof symbols"(Gellner,1981,p. 5; Hefner,1998,p. 90).
of manynon-Western
Likewise,Friedland(2001, 2002) has shownthattheformation
andnationalmovements
aresuffused
withreligious
modemnationalidentities
narratives,
andritual.Theextreme
underthelabel"religious
symbolism,
examplescanbe categorized
nationalism":
in Iran,SriLanka,India,Pakistan,
and SaudiArabia,to mention
justa few
notableexamples.The worldtodayis witnessto fiercereligious-national
struggles
theglobeinvolving
conservative
Hindunationalists,
Latin
Islamists,
throughout
corporatist
American
andMessianicJewish
nationalists-in
theirrespective
locations.
Pentecostals,
I ask thereader,
notto confusethesubjectofthisarticlewiththeconceptof
however,
nationalism
2001; Juergenmeyer,
religious
(Friedland,
1993).Religiousnationalism-such
as Iranian
nationalism
since1979-wishestoreligionize
thepublicsphereandtodefine
the
nationalcollectiveidentity
as
whereas
explicitly religious(Friedland,
2002). However,
nationalists
their
ofpurification.
religious
hybridize
practices,
theydo notemploypractices
In Latourian
do
not
because
not
do
to
become
terms,
"modem"(or
they
purify
they
aspire
"secular").
Theexamples
andnon-Western
above-fromWestern
societies-should
neither
suggest
thatall religions
arehomologous,
northattherelationship
between
nationalism
andreligion
is identicalacrossnations.But theypointto thefactthatmodelsof modernity
failto
the
of
its
its
and
acknowledge complexity religiousintensity, hybridization,
relationship
withcontemporary
Or at least theysuggestthatsome further
modemnationalism.
oftheissueis calledfor.
sociological
conceptualization
Postcolonial
is explicit
abouttheepistemology
ofhybridization
as a wayto
perspective
thinkaboutculture,
(Asad,1993,2003; see also Bhabha,1990,1994;
power,andfluidity
inhisFormations
1993).Forexample,
Chatterjee,
oftheSecular,Asad(2003,p. 31) argued
thatthesecularis neither
a successor
toreligion
noritspredecessor.
Bothareconstructs
that
social scientific
and theological
and rendered
a
emergedin nineteenth-century
thought
social formsintomutuallyexclusiveimmutable
essences.7In
varietyof overlapping
"theprinciple
ofstructural
towhichreligion,
practice,
differentiation-according
economy,
and
science
are
located
in
autonomous
social
education,
spaces-no longerholds"(Asad,
2003, p. 182). Although
postcolonial
theoryoffersa soundcritiqueof the modemist
the
model
assumptions, sociological
suggestedby Bruno Latourprovidesa more
theoretical
framework
to
examine
therelationship
between
modemnationalism
satisfactory
andreligion
(Latour,1993;see also Bockman& Eyal,2002).
Theprinciples
ofmodernity
In the Latourianepistemology,
the secularization-sacralization
debateitselfis overly
modemand cannotbe resolvedas long as two epistemological
remain
assumptions
Formsof theReligiousLifeis a case in point.He arguedthat"all
(1915, 1965) Elementary
7 Durkheim's
knownreligiousbeliefs,whether
simpleor complex,presentone commoncharacteristic.
Theypresupposea
classification
of all things...into
two classes or opposedgroups,generallydesignedby two distinctterms
whichare translated
well enoughby thewordsprofaneand sacred"(Durkheim's1915/1965,
p. 37).
4
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8
TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
unaltered.
The first
andreligionaretwomutually
is thatsecularity
exclusive
assumption
is
in
the
where
one
defined
to
other
&
antinomies,
(Swatos Christiano,
always
opposition
thatsubscribes
is thatmodernity
is a givenentity
to
1999,p. 213).8Thesecondassumption
a
In
rules
and
to
concrete
historical
for
Latour
developmental
period. contrast,
pertains
thatdivulgethehybrid
nature
ofour
modernity
impliesa setoftwocontradictory
principles
an
a
He
starts
with
observation
about
between
the
asymmetry
reality.
grossepistemological
modemandthepre-modem.
In advanceof Latour,Douglas
Theasymmetry
between
themodernand thepre-modern
the
in
to
social
construction
betweenthe modemand the
(1975) pointed
asymmetry
in
her
Primitive
of
Durkheim.
to Durkheim,
are
premodern
critique
groups,according
and
their
of
the
is
similarities
world
(mechanicalsolidarity)
knowledge
organizedby
in thestability
oftheirsocialrelations
on the
anchored
(Douglas,1975).Modemsociety,
otherhand,is organized
individuals
unitedby specializedservices(organic
by diversified
andtheirknowledge
to material
to
oftheworldis anchored
solidarity)
objects.According
of realityappliedfullyto them,the
Douglas (1975, p. xii), "the social construction
andonlypartially
tous."Furthermore,
Durkheim's
Douglasarguesthatwhereas
primitives,
theoryof the sacredis a theoryabout"how knowledgeof the universeis socially
thisunfortunately
does not applyto the profane(Douglas,1975). That
constructed,"
in
suchdisciplinary
seemstoprevailup to thisday.Asaddescribes
asymmetry
asymmetry
A collection
forthe
ofuniversity
andcollegesyllabiprepared
contemporary
anthropology.
is extensively
studied
American
Association
showsthatwhereasreligion
Anthropological
inthecollection
as a subjectmatter,
thesecularmakesno appearance
1998).Nor
(Buckser,
is itincludedas an objectofstudyin well-known
texts(Asad,2003).
introductory
In herworkon
andpurification.
attention
to hybridization
Douglasalso givesseparate
dirtandpollution,
Douglas(1966; 1975,p. 50; 1966,p. 2) does notassignabsolute,or
a matter
outof
dirtis simplya hybrid
valuesto thesephenomena:
nominal,
phenomenon;
of
dirt
is
sanctioned
rules
Like
cultural
bycommunity
purification.
By
place.
any
pollution,
ofboundaries
between
thefragility
andtheconstruction
thesametoken,
Douglasaddresses
She arguesthat
thesacredandtheprofane.
andarealways
ideasarevolatileandfluid;theyfloatinthemind,
unattached,
religious
at theriskof losingtheiressential
or to mergeintoothercontexts
likelyto shift,
andthe
Thereis alwaysthedangerthatthesacredwillinvadetheprofane
character.
from
the
invade
the
sacred.
The
sacred
must
be
continually
protected
profane
profane
rituals
withthesacredarealwaysexpressed
Thus,relations
through
by interdictions.
withbeliefsinthedanger
ofcrossing
anddemarcation
andarereinforced
ofseparation
forbidden
boundaries
(Douglas,1975,p. 49).
Douglas's theoretical
positionis similarto thatof Latour.She observeshybridization
anddemarcation"),
andpurification
butshefallsshortofLatour
("invasion")
("separation
theprinciple
ofsimultaneity.
UnlikeLatour,
Douglasdoesnotallowforboth
byexcluding
arecreated
In herformulation,
onceboundaries
they
processesto takeplaceconcurrently.
thatis also common
to mostsociological
areexternal,
real,andfairly
rigid,an assumption
on
on boundaries
research
1984;Kemp,1997).Evenmostliterature
today(e.g.,Bourdieu,
suchboundaries
thetransgression
ofboundaries
(e.g.,Butler,1991).
presupposes
8
As Bailyironically
putit:"Secularis reallyquiteeasyto define!Itsmeaningkeepschangingyetremains
thatmeans"(quotedin Swatos&
It alwaysmeans,simply,
theoppositeof 'religious'-whatever
consistent.
1999,p. 213).
Christiano,
4
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TheorSoc (2007)36:1-30
9
and purification
as a definition
Latour criticizesthe
Hybridization
of modernity
on modernity,
whichassociatesthe modemwithtechnology,
conventional
narrative
of theologyand metaphysics
and thereplacement
science,economicdevelopment,
by
and epistemology.
thatthetermmodemdesignates
two
Instead,he emphasizes
ontology
setsof entirely
different
thatmustremaindistinct
to be modem.The firstset,
principles
knownas hybridization,
createsmixtures
betweenentirely
different
it lumps
phenomena:
nature
andculture,
humans
andnon-humans,
andreligion.9
Thesecond,
together
secularity
knownas purification,
createstwoentirely
distinct
zones:thatof culture
and
ontological
thatofnature;
thatofhumans
andthatofnon-human;
thatofreligion
andthatofsecularity.
HereinlaysLatour'sentiremodemparadox.Thereis a complete
betweenthe
separation
workof hybridization
and the workof purification.
On an everydaylevel,we are
confronted
withnetworks
and actorsrepresenting
At theepistemological
hybrid
reality.
levelof society,
these
do
not
the
absolute
between
however,
hybrids
challenge
separation
men
and
women
could
be
atheists
even
while
Thus,says Latour,"modem
categories.
or
"secular
at
and
the
time"
same
remaining
religious"
(Latour,1993,p. 33).10
pious
Latour'scontribution
liesinthefactthathe provides
a generaltheory
ofmodernity
that
thetwoprocesses-ofhybridization
treats
ofpurification-simultaneously.
The successof
as a projectstemsfrom
theability
to mixobjectsandcategories
without
modernity
ruling
out any combination
is
a
while
modem
(geneticengineering tellingexample).Yet,
narratives
give lavishcreditto purification,
theydenythe practicesof hybridization.
to
it
Latour
is
the
concurrent
effectof hybridization
and
(1993,
According
p. 50),
thatconstitutes
thecodeofmodernity;
theproliferation
ofhybrids
hassaturated
purification
ourreality
butpurification
doesnotallowus to acknowledge
it.The secularization
debate
focuseson thelocationof boundaries
and deniesthehybridand constructed
natureof
secularism
andreligion.
WhenHays,Smith,
andGreenfeld
thatsecularnationalism
suggest
is analogoustoreligion,
narratives"
thatseparate
thetwo.To
theyinfactinvoke"purifying
circumvent
theproblem
ofpurification,
Latourproposesthestudyofnetworks.
nationalism
networks
whichWhite(1992) termed
Networks,
Studying
through
"phenomofpurification.
Becausethey
realities,"
enological
usuallydo notcomplywiththeprinciple
are based on ties and alliancesthattranscend
are
existingcategories
theythemselves
sourcesof hybridpractices.As Emirbayer
and Goodwin(1994) put it, the pointof
in examining
networks
is their"anticategorical
This imperative
departure
imperative."
all
to
human
behavior
or
social
rejects attempts explain
processes
solelybywayofmutually
exclusivecategorical
attributes
&
1997;Emirbayer Goodwin,1994).
(Emirbayer,
Theideaofstudying
nationalism
intheform
ofnetworks
welltoBrubaker's
corresponds
theoretical
workon nationalism
1994,1998,2002, see also 1996).Brubaker
(Brubaker,
at leastthreeepistemological
identifies
in thesociologyofnationalism.
First,he
problems
9 Latour(1987, pp. 103-144) also uses theterm"translation,"
whichrefers
to theproliferation
ofhybrids,
since"hybridization"
I chosetheterm"hybridization"
unadulterated
elements.
mayimplypreviously
existing
forconsistency
thathybridization
is an ongoingprocessthatdeniesthe
purposes,withthe qualification
ofpreviously
possibility
existing,
purecategories.
have always been at the forefront
of sociologicalanalysesof
0oBoundarysettingand classifications
fromDurkheim
andMaussto Bourdieuandothers.Theyask questionsaboutepistemology,
modernity
group
and representation
closure,symbolism,
(see also Lamont& Molnar,2002). Whereasmost sociologists
withinthemodernization
haveacceptedmodernity
as given,othershavealertedus to
(particularly
tradition)
the constructed
natureof its own boundaries(e.g., Douglas, 1966, 1975; Gieryn,1983; Mitchell,1991;
Proctor,
1991). The positionof theselatterscholarsvarieswithrespectto thelocation,stability,
agency,and
of theboundaries.
visibility
1 Springer
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10
TheorSoc (2007)36:1-30
theessentialist
andprimordialist
embedded
inthe"retum
ofthe
arguesagainst
assumptions
and
the
reductionist
nature
of
the
elites"
repressed"
("primordialist"), against
"manipulating
models.Bothare oversimplifications
of thepoliticalrealityof nationalism.
(modemist)
nature
ofmodemtheories
aboutnationalism.
Second,he arguesagainstthedevelopmental
Thecanonicliterature-including
and
Hobsbawm-is
Smith,
Gellner,
Anderson,
developmentalin thesensethatittraceslong-term
of
changesthatleadto thegradualemergence
nations(Brubaker,
1994,p. 8). Third,he arguesthatnationalgroupsshouldnotbe conceivedas externally
boundedandinternally
blocs(Brubaker,
1998,p. 274).
homogenous
to
the
of
nations
as
real
contradicts
recent
Brubaker,
According
understanding
groups
in
such
as
network
developments sociologicaltheory
theory,
ethnomethodology,
postandfeminism.
innetwork-forms
Thesedevelopments
showgrowing
interest
structuralism,
in groupsas constructed,
rather
thanin fixedentities;
and fluctuating,
rather
contingent,
in fragmentary,
thanfixedentities;
andelusiveboundaries
rather
thanin static
ephemeral,
categories(Brubaker,1998, p. 292). These networksare bound together
by some
senseofwhattheyaretrying
to accomplish,
butonlylooselyso. In essence,
overlapping
Brubaker
nations
as eventsthatemerge
situated
networks.
(1994)suggests
studying
through
thenetwork
Givenitsanticategorical
to rejectall
imperative,
approachhas thepotential
varieties
ofessentialism
ormethodological
individualism
& Goodwin,1994).
(Emirbayer
In thefollowing,
I empirically
examine
thehybridization
andpurification
ofreligion
and
in the construction
of modemZionistnationalism.
I examinea network
of
secularity
emissaries
of Europeanoriginwho visitedArab-Jews
the firsthalfof the
throughout
twentieth
Theseemissaries
andatthesametimetransgressed,
boundaries
crossed,
century.
betweenWestand East,betweensecularity
and religion,
and betweenmodemand premodemsocieties.
national
thesenetworks.
Nationalism
is
Thus,I identify
practices
through
treated
thantheotherway
moreas theproductof thesenetworks
phenomenologically,
around;the emissaries'everydaypracticebecame what Brubakerwould defineas
nationalism.
Moreessentially,
as networks
theydo notconform
easilyto thepre-existing
or
boundaries
between
and
categories perceived
religion secularity.
WhystudyZionistnationalism
Zionismis theoffspring
ofEuropean
anditsproponents
identified
themselves
nationalism,
as promulgators
ofEuropeanutopianthought.
national
Jewish
arosein the
historiography
mid-nineteenth
as a branchof modemEuropean-andparticularly
Germancentury
1996). Zionistthinkersadoptedideas fromthe German
historiography
(Piterberg,
movement
nationalist
therelations
betweenhomeland
anddiaspora,
socializaconcerning
tionpractices
ofnationalization
education
ortheestablishment
ofnational
(suchas national
and theestablishment
of ruralsettlements
as devotedto
youthand sportsmovements),
character
As earlyZionistthinker
HansKohnwrote,
building.
youngZionists"transferred
Fichte'steaching
intothecontext
of ourown situation..."
(citedin Buruma& Margalit,
In
all
who
theprecursors
the
thinkers
and
actors
are
considered
ofthe
2004,p. 12). fact,
Jewishnationalmovement-from
and
Smolenskin
to
Graetz,Hess,
Herzl,Nordau,
andAhadHa'am-werebasedinEurope
Ussishkin,
Pinsker,
Sokolow,Borochov,
Gordon,
(Avineri,
1981)."11
" YetZionist
nationalism
resembles
moretheethnic
orEastern
modelthantheFrench
German
European
civicmodel(Joppke
& Rosenhek,
andcritique,
seeBrubaker,
2002;forextended
1992,1999).
analysis
4 Springer
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Theor
Soc(2007)36:1-30
11
as a heterodox
movement
both
theZionistnational
Furthermore,
emerged
phenomenon,
whichwas basedon an anti-religious
becauseitsprangfromtheEuropeanEnlightenment,
within
tradition
(at leastprimafacie),andbecauseit crystallized
Europeansocialismat a
ceased to be consultedin the nationalsphere
momentwhen rabbinicalinstitutions
was flagrantly
hostileto religion
(Kena'ani,1976).TheZionistmovement
(Avineri,
1981)
inpartthrough
thenegation
andthenational
ofreligious
lifeand
ideologywas constructed
thecreationof a new rationalindividual,
all thatit entailed.12Workand productivity,
economicindependence,
and progress
scienceand technology
wereparamount
through
inPalestine
valuesofsecularZionistnational
life.Eventhough
manyofthosewhoarrived
the
late
nineteenth
in
had
homes
theirmove
themselves,
during
century grownup religious
a
revolt
that
toPalestine
was
identified
with
Orthodox
signified
againsteverything
religious
life.As such,Zionistnationalism
resembles
thesecularcharacteristics
ofmodemnational
intheWest.Similarto theWestern
ofnationalism,
movements
narrative
Zionismemerged
it
contextand ostensibly
out of a theological
surpassed by transforming
religioninto
it
is
clear
that
Zionist
nationalism
modemnationalism.
retained
several
Yet,
theological
Scholarshave arguedthatbasic conceptsof the Zionistenterpriseassumptions.
of theland and theHebrewlanguage,theutopianvisionof the"retumto
redemption
Zion" and itsholyplaces-wereorganized
aroundtheological
myths(forexample,RazRaz,
1999;
Krakotzkin,
2002;
1998,1999).13
Kimmerling,
As suggested
at theoutset,
thisentanglement
betweennationalism
is not
and religion
In
Zionism.
the
to
Zionist
the
of
and
case,
however,
unique
principles hybridization
arepushedto thelimit.It is bom in modemEuropeandmaterialized
in the
purification
MiddleEast. It perceivesitselfas secularand stillfighting
theremainsof traditional
on itsreligious
roots.Thus,Zionistnationalism
is
religion,
yetatthesametimecapitalizes
and Eastern,ancientand modem,religiousand secular.It is
simultaneously
Western
becauseZionismtranscends
theseantinomies
thatitprovides
a moresymmetrical
precisely
howhybridization
andpurification
canbe
(anda moregeneral
approach
case)toexamining
at worksimultaneously.
Thethreeempirical
casesbelowfocuson European-bom
emissaries
theJewsof
visiting
Yemenand Iraq.In theZionistlexicon,theseemissaries
werecalledShadarimandtheir
network
Shadarut.Theywere partof a hybridbody of looselycoupledindividuals
andnon-religious
communities.
amongreligious
(butethnically
operating
Jewish)
Manyof
theZionistemissaries
inthethird
case study)genuinely
thattheywere
(particularly
thought
involvedin a secularmovement.
As noted,manywerevirulently
Thus,
anti-religious.
Zionistemissarieswere not expected,primafacie,to "religionize"
the Arab Jews.
ofShadarutrefuses
to
Nevertheless,
theydid.The following
analysisshowsthatnetwork
thatarisefrom
andthenormal
divisions
thebifurcation
imperatives
yieldtothecategorical
ofreligiousness/secularity.
Thehistorical
forthisstudywerecollectedfromfour
materials
different
archives:CentralZionistArchive(CZA), theIsraeliLaborMovement
Archive
12
inEurope
Indeed,
theleading
rabbis
a frontal
launched
attack
wasthe
them
Zionism;
against
among
Admorof Lubavitch(ShalomDov Baer),who emphasizedthedangerlatentin theZionistmovement.
13 A recent
oftheIsraeliPrimeMinister
EhudBarak,notoriously
with
secularist,
exampleis thenegotiation
at theCampDavid summit
thePalestinian
delegation
meetingin theyear2000. To thedisbeliefof severalof
his colleaguesin theIsraelidelegation,
Baraksuddenlybegunto arguethat"theholyof theholies"should
remainin Israel'spossession.Barakwantedto be remembered
in Jewishhistory
as themanwho gave Israel
ifonlypartial,overTempleMount(knownalso as, Haramal-Sharif).
AfterCampDavid he also
sovereignty,
startedto claimthatwhenthePalestinians
to TempleMount,it is if theyare
denytheJewishconnection
to all of theLand of Israel,including
Haifaand Tel-Aviv.
denyingtheJewishconnection
L) Springer
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12
TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
KMA), and theIsraeliState
(LMA), theIsraeliKibutzArchive(Ha'kibutzHameuhad,
and autobiographies
of individual
emissaries
have
Archive(ISA). In addition,
memoirs
andanalyzed(forexample:Brawer,1944;Yavne'eli,1932).
beenexamined
ofZionistemissaries
Shadarim:A hybridnetwork
ofthetwentieth
withthedawnofZionistnationalism,
Itis onlysincethebeginning
century,
theseemissaries
thattheShadarim
started
to
serve
Zionist
(emissaries)
Originally,
purposes.
who
went
on
wereobservant
eminent
Jews,including
rabbis,
religiousmissions.
many
thatdeveloped
Land
were
of
a
structure
of
the
and
part
support
Theyrepresented Holy
in
The
visited
Jewish
communities
to
the
Jewish
Palestine.
emissaries
leadership
among
in Palestine
whichwas considered
the"LandofIsrael."
centers
raisefundsfortheJewish
incomplexlegalaffairs
and
from
theirauthority
to deliver
Theirimpactderived
judgments
to arbitrate
religiousrulings.Theyenhancedthepowerof thecommunities'
conflicting
authorized
leadersin the eyes of the people,introduced
religiousworks,
regulations,
and delivered
new biblical
disseminated
books,ordainedrabbisand ritualslaughterers,
arrival
as a special
notedanemissary's
(Yaari,1951).14Thelocalchroniclers
interpretations
In mostcases, the emissary
eventin the community.
appearedin the synagogueand
inthecommunity,
whichservedas a prologue
tofundraising.
The
thefirst
sermon
delivered
theemissary's
actionstookplace in thesynagogue
factthattheemissaries'
emphasized
status(see Shenhav2003a)
at theendofthenineteenth
TheroleoftheShadarim
century
beganto changestarting
The Zionist
thedawnof modemZionismin Palestine).
(after1871,whichis considered
thenational
started
to dependon theShadarimfordisseminating
messageand
leadership
were
to Palestine.
To be sure,theemissaries
Jewish
communities
to immigrate
mobilizing
Zionistestablishand coalitions
connecting
looselycoupled,networks
partof dispersed,
in thesensethattheydidnot
andDiasporaJews.Thesewerenetworks
mentsin Palestine
For example,
alone
to
formal
to
formal
let
institutions,
organizations.
single
correspond
were
of
a
intheBritish
others
weresoldiers
someoftheemissaries
part largeJewish
army,
Jewish
on
missions
others
were
sent
construction
by
prominent
religious
yet
company,
howtheiractions,multiple
belowexemplify
rabbis.The case studiesdescribed
locations,
andsecularity.
theexisting
transcend
andaffiliations
defining
religion
categories
in the history
of the Shadarimand their
I now presentthreewatershed
moments
withtheJewsof Arabcountries.I use thecase studiesto showtheways in which
encounter
basis for
as organizational
or hybridizes
thenation,as legitimation,
religionconstitutes
Thefirst
is themissionof
andas content
ofidentity.
as a sourceofdiscourse,
mobilization,
workers
fromYemento Palestine.
Jewish
ShmuelYavne'eliin 1910to import
Yavne'eli
fromRabbiKookwhich
a letter
wentto Yemenas a declaredreligious
emissary
carrying
14
The emissaries'missionsmightlastformonths,
possiblyevena yearor two,andtheyreceiveda thirdof
a
was providedwitha sheafof documents,
The emissary
theentirenetrevenuesforthemselves.
including
in orotundlanguageand signedby as manyTorahsages as possible,which
on parchment
letterwritten
to themembers
introduction
describedthecityandthereasonsforthemission,and servedas theemissary's
witha powerof attorney,
In additionto theletters,
theemissary
was also furnished
ofthetargetcommunity.
to act as the
theemissary
was entitled
whichgave his demandslegalvalidity.
By meansof thisdocument,
thatsenthim,collectin itsnamecharitable
funds,bequests,or debts,and
legal envoyof thecommunity
and individuals
appearin court.The emissaryhad a special ledger,in whichthe heads of communities
whenhe returned
recordedthesumstheygavehim.The ledgerservedas testimony
home,a kindofreceiptbook.
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TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
13
thecoverstory
forhisnational
mission.
Thiscasepointstoa tension,
oratleastto
provided
an apparent
betweenreligionand nationalism.
The secondmomentis the
distinction,
of theZionistleadership,
in 1929,to integrate
thereligious
network
ofShadarut
attempt
intotheforefront
of thesecularZionistendeavor.
The assimilation
of nationalism
and
andpurification
howhybridization
worksimultaneously.
Thethird
case
religion
exemplifies
toJewish
communities
in Iraqinthe1940sinwhichreligion
is
studyis theZionistmission
intertwined
withnationalism
andtheseparation
betweenthemis no longerpossible.The
cases represent
different
historicalperiodsand different
formsof purification
and
ofreligion
andnationalism.
hybridization
Case study1: 1910.Zionistemissaries
meettheJewsofYemen
ShmuelYavne'eliwas an ardentZionist,notoriously
socialistand secular,whowas sent
in 1910by Dr. Arthur
leaderof theJewishsettlement
Ruppin,a German-born
projectin
of Jewishworkersforthe new coloniesin
Palestine,to encouragethe immigration
he was disguised
Palestine.'5
Yavne'eliwas sentto YemenforZionistpurposes,
Although
as a religiousemissary
that
(Shadar).He was explicitabouttheelementof deception
characterized
hismission:
character
andthatI should
[I]twas decidedthatthistripshouldbe castin a religious
on a missionfrom
RabbiAvraham
YitzhakKookinJaffa
in order
go,on thesurface,
in Yemena seriesof questions
to pose to therabbisof thecommunities
concerning
and receivefromthemwritten
divorce,familylife,prayer,
marriage,
synagogues,
andwitha notebook
ofquestions
from
RabbiKook....I
replies.Equippedwitha letter
sailedfromJaffa
to PortSaid...(Yavne'eli,1932,p. 73).
thathis missionwas an extension
of a wide network
Yavne'elireported
Furthermore,
of
composed heterogeneous
representatives:
The missionto Yemenwas a jointoperation
of therepresentatives
of Zionismin
PalestineandtheLabormovement,
withmembers
of HapoelHatza'ir[the
together
headedbyYosefAharonovich,
withcertain
circles
YoungWorker
movement]
together
of farmers
fromthecolonies,and functionaries,
suchas EliahuSapirand Aharon
anda representative
oftherabbinical
and
world,theChiefRabbiofJaffa
Eisenberg,
thecolonies,Avraham
YitzhakKook(Yavne'eli,1932.p. 8).
Thisamalgamofrepresentatives
attests
tothehybrid
nature
ofthenetwork
as hismission.
of the mission
Yavne'eli'svisitwas perceivedas the naturalcontinuation
Evidently,
undertaken
byRabbiYaakovSapir,whosetoutfortheEastonJune25, 1855toraisefunds
forbuildinga synagogue.In the letterthatRabbi AvrahamYitzhakKook supplied
thelatter
totheeldersandheadsofcommunities
inYemeninthis
Yavne'eli,he introduced
way:
The bearerof thisletter
whois visiting
is theimportant
and
yourcountry
dignitary
sageMr.EliezerBenYosef....ThisdearmanwasintheHolyLandformanyyearsand
he has information
aboutthecustomsof all ourbrethren,
maytheylive....We have
himwithmatters
entrusted
to investigate
and to inquireaboutfromthehighand
15 Yavne'elipublished
his conclusionsfromhis eighteen-month
he sentto Dr.
journey,
alongwiththeletters
Arthur
to Yemen.
Ruppinand to Dr. YaakovTahoun,twenty-one
yearslaterin a book,Journey
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14
Theor
Soc(2007)36:1-30
honorable
ofYemenites
who
sages...inorderthatwe mayalso allowthecommunities
are gathering
us
their
own
that
sons
shall
do
like
their
to
follow
customs,
among
fathers
(Yavne'eli,1932,pp. 185-186).
RabbiKook addedin hisletter:
fromtheDiasporahave
You surelyknowthatin recent
yearsmanyofthedispersed
in
the
Land
of
the
a good manyof your
the
Land,
Heart,including
ingathered
in thecoloniesto be
Yemenite
and
a
of
them
have
settled
compatriots, goodmany
ofthelandon thesacredsoil andthereby
workers
to
honorably earntheirbreadfor
themselves
and theirhome,by theirowntoiland labor,happyis theirlot....[T]he
Yemenites
whocometous herewishto followyourcustoms,
butuntilnowwe were
a
distance
and
we
did
not
know
certain
some
details
ofthepermanent
for
separated
by
customsyoupractice;
we areunableto lay downa rulingon thebasisof
therefore
whatwe aretoldby thesepeople...in somethingswhichdiffer
fromourcustoms...
(Yavne'eli,1932,p. 85).
Thus,Rabi Kook, despitehis earlierobjectionsto theZionistcause,takespartin the
theYemenite
Jewsand theattempts
to bringthemto Palestine
processof nationalizing
the
("The Holy Land"). Yavne'elidescribeshow the YemeniteJewstookforgranted
Shadarutphenomenon:
I saidI hadbeensentbytheRabbifrom
Jaffa
thevariouscustoms
andalso
toexamine
in generalto getto knowthelifeoftheJewsin Yemen....Fromthisvisitandfrom
whatI heardhereinthecity,I gottheimpression
thatthesageswhocomefromthe
Land of Israelare an everyday,
thattheydo notspeakto them
matter
and
regular
much,butreceivethemwhentheyarriveandescortthemwhentheyleaveandgive
tothevalueandareridofthem.AndnowI too
themthecharitable
donation
according
am injustsucha situation....
16
thoseoftheold-style
a
from
Yavne'eliinfactsetnewgoals,whichweredifferent
emissary:
for
a
who
felt
workers
material
with
searchfordiligent
("human
us")
"healthy,
sturdy
body"
forthelandorformanuallabor,"were"readytoworkinthecolonies,"andwere
"affinity
"abletounderwrite
thecostoftheirimmigration
totheLand"(Yavne'eli,1932,p. 83; also
in his
of a different
element
Shafir,
1989/1996,
pp. 92-96). He singledouttheexistence
mission:
Emissariesfromthe Land of Israel come here everyfew years.Sephardim
or
all
to
all
but
resemble
another:
come
receive....
are
one
Ashkenazim, they
[They]
they
arebeggars.Butdespitethat,theyarevaluedguests.Theyarewantedandbeloved,
thesesonsofZion.However,
wasthereoneofthemwhocalledonthepeopletogo up
to theLandofIsrael?Did anyofthembeara message?No.17
theold andthe
whichon theonehandhybridizes
Yavne'elidwellson his liminalstatus,
fromthecontinuous,
new and drawsits strength
unbroken
existenceof theold-world
his practiceby breaking
thatcontinuity
and
cosmology;but at the sametimepurifies
andWestern.
"Theconclusion...
a new,national
thatis secular,
modem,
creating
cosmology
I reachedis thatinthecountry
forZionistworkinall the
ofYementhereis broadpotential
16
Yavne'eliin a letterto Dr. Y. Toun,Jan.2, 1911.
17 Yavne'eli,froma
4
reportto Dr. A. Ruppin,p. 150.
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Theor
Soc(2007)36:1-30
15
the
To disseminate
to in other[European]
sameaspectswe areaccustomed
countries."'8
the
he
considered
that
of
Zionist
of
the
Yavne'eliproposed literature, type
revival,
message
andsecularalike,be sentto himat the
to possessa canonicalnationalcharacter,
religious
townof San'a.19
a narrative
thatspeaksintwodifferent
demonstrate
In somecases,Yavne'eli'swritings
and modernist.
He praisestheold Jewishways of doing,and uses
voices:primordial
whorejectstheold
butatthesametimeappearsas a secularmissionary
religious
language,
his missionin hybrid
manner,
religiousandnational/
wayof life.He describes
religious
secular:
ofthe
I urgedthemtoeatfrom
theLord'stable:from
thefield,toabsorbtheinfluence
thego-between.
Workthe
andnotfrom
oftheFirstHand,thedirect
channel,
Creator,
anddo notbargainand
inGod,sowandprayto Himto sendHis blessing,
land,trust
inthe
ofthenations
oftheworld.Purify
yoursoulsbysettling
hopeforthegenerosity
andfleefrom
with
thesoil,whichis undefiled,
LandofIsraelandworking
commerce,
fraudandsin.20
itsusurious
moneylending,
involving
and
The factthata nationalemissary
voices-hybridizing
speaksin two contradictory
voice"
ensures
the
of
The
legitimacy the
purifying-ishardlysurprising. "primordial
on
its
historical
The
to
national
continuity. "modemvoice"intends
projectbycapitalizing
within
the
national
Zionism
and
relations
itself.
community Thus,
reorganize realign
power
Itbecomesa sitewherehybrid
ofthenationostensibly
is nota fixedentity.
representations
of modem
witheach other,
butin factallow fortheconstruction
contestand negotiate
nationalism
(Duara,1995,p. 8).
networktimeand again. For
Yavne'elimade recourseto the "secular-religious"
that
ofRabbiKookbe invoked
to
in
a
letter
to
Palestine
he
the
proposed
authority
example,
in
to
and
to
a
which
the
Yemenite
Jews
would
be
the
brought
justifyproject
prepare ground
his
national
mission
entailed
workers
however,
(which
recruiting
Palestine.21
Inevitably,
themessageoftheJewish
national
anddisseminating
revival)andthefactthattherewere
who werepartof the same network
abouttensionwiththe
otheremissaries
brought
in
which
the
was
made.
In
a
letter
ofJanuary
visit
1911,he
ostensibly
"religious"
capacity
withtheHakham-Bashi
a dramatic,
describes
unintended,
Rabbi)of
(a Sephardic
meeting
whowas visiting
Adenat thetimeon a "purely
mission.The meeting
Hebron,
religious"
providesa condensedtestcase fortheanomalousstatusof Yavne'eli'smission.Being
himand his motives.
unawareof Yavne'eli'smission,Hakham-Bashi
started
questioning
andpurification
clashed:
Thisbecamea pointat whichhybridization
ostensibly
Hakham-Bashi
addressed
meinHebrewoftheLandofIsraelandhe didspeaktome
and did expresshis desireto replyhimself
to RabbiKook's questions
here,on the
however,we got into a lengthyand somewhatfrank
spot. In the meantime,
I toldhimfirst
thatRabbiKookhad sentme,in addition
to thegoal
conversation....
theircustoms,also to investigate
and ascertain
how it mightbe
of investigating
theYemenites'
situation.
Fromhere,ofcourse,we movedin the
possibleto improve
to [thesubjectof] emigration
fromYemento theLand of
restof theconversation
18Yavne'eli,letter
to Dr. A. Ruppinand Dr. Y. Toun,Sadah,28 Adar5671 (March28, 1911).
19
Yavne'eli,letterto Dr. A. Ruppinand to Dr. Y. Toun,San'a, 5 lyar5671 (May 3, 1911).
Yavne'eli,reportto Dr. A. Ruppin,1932,p. 151.
21
Yavne'eli,letterto Dr. A. Ruppinand Dr. Y. Toun,Aden,7 Av 5671 [Aug. 1, 1911],p. 111.
20
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16
TheorSoc (2007)36:1-30
Israeland to the factthatthe reasonforthe meagemessof such emigration
is
poverty.22
inthenameoftheirsharedmissionas emissaries
from
to theHakham-Bashi
Appealing
theLandof Israel,Yavne'eliaskedhimto explainto theJewsin Yementhathe hadnot
thathe was notthere"toreceive"or as an
comeon a "regular
mission"(i.e.,religious),
"At the end he [Hakham-Bashi]
asked me who
"emissary"(meaninga mendicant).
themoneyfortheexpensesandI toldhimthatI didnotknowwhoactually
provided
gives
whois from
theZionists,
andwherehe getsitfrom-Idid
it,thatI knewonlyDr.Ruppin,
notknow"(Yavne'eli,ibid.).DespiteHakham-Bashi's
Yavne'eli's
suspicions
concerning
he agreedto Yavne'eli'srequestto delivera letterto theJewish
"secular"intentions,
withtheaimofinducing
community
"healthy
peoplewhoarefittoworktheland,wholove
theLandofIsraelandwhocancovertheexpensesofthejourney"
toimmigrate
totheHoly
Land.23
In Yavne'eli'smission,
andthe"secular"followLatour'smodemcode.
the"religious"
at thesametime.He himself
and purified
is neither
Theyhavebeenhybridized
solely
norexclusively
secular.He is both.His missionwas theoutcomeofa jointeffort
religious
ofreligious
andsecularauthorities,
werehybridized.
Atthesametime,
andhisobjectives
he enactedthedistinction
betweenthesecularandthereligious
andformulated
however,
therelationship
between
theminterms
ofa rift,
a declareddisparity,
whichis evenfraught
withtension,as Yavne'eliwas consciously
as a religious
actingunderfalsepretenses
Shadar.The saint'scloak(touse a Weberian
was
metaphor) ostensibly
onlya guiseused
formanipulative
it
itaside.He
but
knew
that
was
not
so
to
throw
reasons, Yavne'eli
easy
in
in
which
foundthathe was becoming
the
cloak
he had
religious
increasingly
entangled
mission
and
the
in
which
network
himself.24
Yavne'eli's
wrapped
Sociologically
speaking,
he was embedded
andmodem
alsorevealthatthetwoversions
ofnationalism-primordial
one can ask to
as described
in theoutset-arenotmutually
exclusivein thiscase. Truly,
ofhisaction,theextent
whatextent
to whichhe
Yavne'eliwas consciousofthehybridity
as threatening,
reflected
saw hybridity
or the extentto whichhybridity
unconscious
of his ownunderstanding
of whatis religiousand whatis secular.These
inconsistency
areimportant,
buttheyarebeyondthescopeofthisarticle.
evenif
Furthermore,
questions
to actas an impostor
inthishistorical
Zionist
Yavne'eliwas compelled
drama,subsequent
activistsendeavoredto moderatethe "conflict"and place the networkof Shadarut
andstructurally
at theepicenter
oftheZionistactitself.Thiswas done,again,
"naturally"
and
through
hybridization purification.
andpurifies
Case study2: 1929.Zionistleadership
thenetwork
of Shadarut
hybridizes
In the1920s,Zionistleadersandhistoriographers
ofShadarutin
spokeaboutthenetwork
twocontradictory
voices.On theone hand,theytreated
theemissaries
as partoftheprenationalcosmology:as religious,parasitic,and infusedwiththe "ghettomentality"
totheidealsofthenewnational
person(the
(Herzog,1984).Theystoodinsharpopposition
the"religion"
whosanctified
of workand nationalism.
"newJew")whowas productive,
22
toDr.Y Toun,January
Yavne'eli,
letter
2, 1911.
Yavne'eli
toDr.Y Toun,Dali,25 Teveth
5671(Jan.25, 1911).
24
Thisis whyitwouldbe difficult
toexplain
behavior
interms
ofideology
andmanipulation.
Yavne'eli's
inwhichnationalism
heremained
inthehybrid
Evenifheusedreligion
identity
instrumentally,
entangled
becauseitdoesnotgo away.
is notaninstrument
andreligion
areintertwined.
Religion
23
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TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
17
intothe epicenter
of thenational
Yet, at the same time,the Shadarutwas integrated
in
national
and
as
a
network
as
an
essential
element
awakening
linking
perceived
enterprise,
Whereasin thepreviouscase thetwo
theZionistcenterto theDiasporacommunities.
as distinct,
thesecondcase
or at leastwereexperienced
voicesclashedwitheach other,
andpurification.
howthetwoweresynthesized
demonstrates
byprocessesofhybridization
a prominent
Zionistfigure,25
In 1929,Avraham
Menahem
askedthe(secular)
Ussishkin,
"Theinstitution
oftheemissaries
is
ofShadarut:
to support
thenetwork
Zionistleadership
inconceivable....
You must...support
this
it ourworkwouldbe totally
without
necessary,
andexpandthisinstitutionintheexecutives
ofbothfunds,
so thatwe canenlarge
matter
criticism
The background
to thisplea was contemptuous
of emissaries."26
ourinstitution
all their
whowereaccusedof spending
NationalFund)emissaries,
aimedat JNF(Jewish
timefundraising
insteadof engagingin the ideologicalworkof the Zionistrevival.
revivalengendered
too
onthenational
placinga strong
emphasis
Collecting
moneywithout
between
theactivity
oftheJNFandtheschnoring
of
resemblance
muchofan undesirable
theold religious
ghetto.
itbyplacingit
outofitshistory,
nationalized
thenetwork
ofShadarut
Ussishkin
yanked
and purgedit (ostensibly)
of itsreligiousand
of theZionistenterprise,
at theforefront
oftheJewish
NationalFund,Ussishkin
totheemissaries
Referring
"parasitic"
implications.
I
this
is
an
honorable
I
And
consider
too
call
Shadarim.
title,notone of
said,"They
withthe
the
old
of
Ussishkin
and
condemnation"
(ibid.).
hybridizes
type emissary
contempt
and distinguishes
betweenthenational
new one,butat thesametimehe also purifies
inthefollowing
Bothactsareevident
andtheoldreligious
endeavor.
paragraph:
enterprise
thedeedsofthesegenerations,
hewillbe
historian
comestoconsider
Whenthefuture
alike.Boththoseof 100yearsago andthoseofour
struck
bybothtypesofemissaries
withgreatrespectby future
whowill
time.Theywillbe treated
generations-those
ofthegreatedificethatwas builtbothbyus andbythegenerations
enjoythefruits
thatpreceded
us,thepeopleoftheold settlements
[inPalestine].27
between
thesacredandprofane
anddoesaway
In thisveinUssishkin
blurstheboundary
those
of
100
and
those
of
our
withhistorical
differences
("both
time").In orderto
yearsago
and
innovative
of
the
network
of
the
"our Shadarim,"
aspect
strengthen productive
whichis too
Ussishkin
fundraising,
playsup theideological(Zionist)workoverparasitic
thepracticeof
muchliketheold practiceof Shadarut.At thesametime,he describes
as one thatadaptsitselfto a diverserangeof audienceswherehe drawsa
sermonizing
the"religious
old emissary"
fromthe"secularnewemissary":
distinction
between
In thepast,whentheemissary
cameto a Jewish
town,he wentin factfromhouseto
inthesynagogue
buthe alsopreached
andexpounded
on
houseandcollected
money,
theTorahon theSabbathduringtheThirdMeal....And ourmodememissary
too,
buthe
ata place,goesfrom
housetohouseinordertocollectmoney,
whenhe arrives
and...helpsdisseminate
our idea amongthepeople.Our
also takestheplatform
modememissary
speakshispiecetothosewhovisittheZionistclubas wellas inthe
25
Ussishkinwas one oftheleadersofthe"HoveveiZion" (theso called"LoversofZion" movement
in the
servedas director
oftheJewish
NationalFund(JNF)from1923to 1941,andoverall
latenineteenth
century),
secularZionism."
was a representative
of whatis knownas "pragmatic
26
The lecture,
deliveredat a conference
ofKerenHayesodin Jerusalem,
was publishedin thedailyHa 'aretz
(Ha'aretz,23 Shvat5689 [Feb. 23, 1929]).
27 Ha 'aretz,23 Shvat5689 (Feb. 23, 1929).
L Springer
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18
TheorSoc (2007)36:1-30
ifhe findshimself
synagogue...
amongelderly
people,he talksabouttheholyplaces;
ifhe findshimself
in a milieuoflandlords,
he talksaboutthecoloniesandaboutthe
ofcommerce
andindustry
intheLand;andifhe is amongyoungpeople,
perspectives
thenhe talksaboutpioneering,
aboutthenational
thenationalization
ofthe
problems,
land....Ifhe doesnotdo this,thenhe is an emissary
whois notworthy
ofhistask.28
ofboththepurification
Ussishkin's
comments
constitute
a first
formulation
ofthecateand"ourmodememissary"),
whilealso offering
tomendtherift
gories("pastemissaries"
betweenreligionand secularity
"whovisittheZionistclubas wellas the
(hybridization:
Thisflexible
andpragmatic
ofShadarut
network
distinction
keepsthehybrid
synagogue").
intactandat thesametimekeepstheimageofZionistnationalism
of emissaries
separate
In the13yearsseparating
from
theoldreligious
Ussishkin
andthefollowing
case
practices.
Zionistemissaries
mixedsecularand religiouspractices
without
study,
experiencing
any
thetwo.Paradoxically,
conflict
between
thisperiod,Zionismcameto be identified
during
secularandfreeofreligion
(Luz, 1988).
increasingly
Case study3: 1942-1945.Zionistemissaries
meettheJewsofIraq
In the1940s,following
Ussishkin's
effort
above(Case Study2), theShadarut
described
as a central
theZionistleadership
in Palestine
withthe
emerged
network-body
connecting
variousJewishcommunities
outsideof Palestine.Between1942 and 1945,some 450
residedintheIran-Iraq
emissaries
basis.Thefirst
Zionistemissaries
regionona permanent
arrived
thereas British
soldiersor as members
of a "laborbattalion"
oftheSolel Boneh
Jewishconstruction
Some40 emissaries
residedin Baghdadalone,andpaid
company.29
briefvisitsto outlying
towns(Meir,1996). Manyof theirencounters
withtheJewish
in
were
documented
in
and
that
sent
back
letters
totheJewish
communityIraq
reports they
the
in
Palestine.
Unlike
case
of
these
emissaries
no
Yavne'eli(Case study1),
leadership
to
undercover
in
a
The
and
nationalist
had
cloak
the
go
longer
religious
disguise. religious
thrustwere now organizedinto one "organic"hybridpackage.As emissarieswho
networked
Jewishcommunities,
themwiththeZionist
amongthedifferent
connecting
distinct
centerin Palestine,
Westand East,pretheytranscended
categories:
seemingly
modemand modem,nationalism
The thirdcase studyanalyzedbelowwill
and religion.
makethispointclearer.
The encounter
betweenthe emissaries
and the local Iraqi Jewsis counterintuitive.
as secular(andsocialist),
theemissaries
arrived
at a worldtheyknew
Viewingthemselves
aboutinthecapacity
ofreligious
emissaries
tomeetIraqiJewsandto
(Shadarim),
nothing
backto theJewishleadership,
these
bondthemwiththeZionistproject.In theirreports
emissaries
lamented
thelackof"authentic"
these
Jews.
In
some
cases,they
religion
among
as a signifier
eventriedto infusethelocalJewswithincreased
ofnational
fervor,
religious
fervor.
Thismayseemcounterintuitive,
their
own
and
ofbiblical
secularity ignorance
given
It
that
andreligious
and
the
of
the
local
Jews.
is
evident
law, given religiousness
historically
a processof exposureto colonialculture,
and even
eventhoughIraqiJewry
underwent
28
Ha'aretz,23 Shvat5689 (Feb. 23, 1929).
The circumstances
by whichtheJewishleadership
in PalestinediscoveredtheJewsof Iraq are complex.
theneedto transfer
by landJewishrefugeeswho had
Theyinvolveda seriesof eventsand developments:
borderduringthewar; a plan to bringa millionJewsto Palestinebecause of
reachedthe Soviet-Iranian
situation
in Palestine;anda pogromperpetrated
anxietyaboutthedemographic
againsttheJewsofBaghdad
in June1941 (see Shenhav2006).
29
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Theor
Soc(2007)36:1-30
19
wasdeeplyrootedinbroadpublicstrata
ideologies,
religion
espousedmodemanti-religious
(Meir,1993).
theemissaries
had been sentby therabbinical
Indeedthelocal Jews-whothought
in theHolyLand (as was thecase in Yavne'eli'smissionto Yemen)and
establishment
greetedthemwithan almostmessianicwelcome-wereastonishedat the visitors'
ofbiblicalandreligiouslaw (Meir,1996,p. 55). Yerachmiel
Assa,one of the
ignorance
ina Baghdadsynagogue
forexample,
causeda sensation
becauseofhissecular
emissaries,
He was "shaved,bareheaded
and ignorant
evenof themodeof prayerin a
appearance.
at thisanomalousevent,officials
in
Embarrassed
of theZionistleadership
synagogue."
was duetotheconditions
ofhisworkinthe
Baghdadmadetheexcusethathisappearance
whichforcedhimto shavehisbeard.30
underground,
inthesituation.
Thisencounter
theparadoxes
inherent
Europeanemissaries
exemplifies
to Arabcountries
to identify
whotraveled
sentiments
attempted
religious
amongthelocal
Jewsas an indication
of theirZionistfeelings,
butto theirchagrin
theyfailedto identify
I argue,shouldbe understood
theirreligiousness.
This failure,
in the contextof their
an Orientalist
Thus,oneemissary
European
perspective,
employing
gazeattheIraqi-Jews.
backthat:
reports
This materialis not Europeanmaterial,
it is materialthatis quick to become
is assimilation
butalso quickto despair...it
froma Levantine
enthusiastic,
typeintoa
culturethatdoes notyetexistor is at a nadir....Theycan be turnedinto"human
butwe willnotbe abletoaccomplish
thattaskwithout
thehelpofthepeople
beings,"
in theLand....31
ThefactthattheArab-Jews
for
appearedto be moreArabthanJewcreateda problem
the emissaries,
to the recruitment
becausetheywereviewedas ill-suited
processof
into"human
butwe willnotbe abletoaccomplish
Zionism,
("Theycanbe turned
beings,"
thattaskwithout
thehelpofthepeoplein theLand").Another
a particularly
offers
report
colorful
Orientalist
ofIraqiJews:
description
Theirwholelifeis in cafes.Thereis no family
culture.
Themanis notto be found
withhiswifeandchildren,
butsitsin thecaf6andplaysat taula[backgammon]
or
cardsforhourson end....In everycomerarebrothels
andarak....Thisculture
is total
in theOrient.32
assimilation
Whereasevidenceof such orientalizing
statements
are readilyavailable in the
we
a
literature
here
face
kindof Orientalism,
which
(Said, 1978),
postcolonial
particular
canbe coined"Jewish
Orientalism"
also
1988;
Shohat,
1998,
2002;
Raz-Krakotzkin,
(see
thisJewish
orientalist
Khazzoom,
2003;andShenhav,
2006).Importantly,
gazealsocolored
theemissaries'
of thedegreeof religiosity
of theJewsthattheyencountered.
perception
One emissary
citestheabsenceofanynational/ethnic/religious
fervor
amongtheseJews:
I setmyself
thegoalofrestoring
ofallpartofdispersed
first
andsorrowful
who
Jewry,
in theDiaspora.Theymustbe madeto
also sharein thecalamity
ofthedispersion
in theghettos
knowthefateofourbrethren
ofPolandandtheoccupiedcountries....
oftheAliyahCommittees,
Conference
ofmembers
tapes641-2,inMeir,1993,p. 272.
Remarks
bySereni
totheCommittee
forAliyah
BetAffairs,
File8,
2, 1942,LMA,IsraelGaliliArchive,
July
inMeir,1996,62.
p. 9; quoted
32
"Passages
aboutJewry
inIraq,"Feb.4, 1943,KMA,Section
2 Overseas,
Folder17,File87.Quotedby
Meir,1996,61.
30
31
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20
TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
ofourdispersion
inall itsmanifestations
andin all
Theymustbe shownthecalamity
in
and
that
are
there
those
who
seek to
generations, especially
everygeneration
us
as
as
are
in
the
we
You
will
see
tears
from
destroy long
Diaspora....
streaming their
and
after
the
conversation
will
admit
to
it, saying:"Onlynow are we
eyes
they
to
be
Jews...."33
beginning
conviction
Whyaresecularemissaries
seekingevidenceofreligious
amongtheArabJews?Theemissaries'
both
about
the
Arabculture
of
reports
clearlyreflect
disappointment
theArabJewsandabouttheabsenceof"authentic"
In
Jewish
them.
the
face
religion
among
in theWest,theZionistemissaries
of thepreaching
forsecularization
soughtto discover
and create,of all things,
Jewish
theArabJews
religiousness
amongArabJews.Infusing
withwhattheZionistemissaries
called"religion"
was a waytomakethembetter
fittothe
recruitment
processto Zionism.
This pointis further
illustrated
of Enzo Sereni-a selfacclaimed
by thereflections
secularJew,a quintessential
of Europeanenlightenment
whowas laterkilledin
product
wasthefirst
inBaghdadintheearly1940s.His
Auschwitz-who
tobe positioned
emissary
inPalestine
totheJewish
withIraqiJewsexpressed
abouttheencounter
leadership
reports
deepdisappointment:
to say thatthereis a religiousexistence.Thereis a traditional
... It is difficult
existence.
The Sabbathis observedandkosherfoodis eatensolelyoutof "inertia,"
or enthusiasm.
without
intention
The religiousculture
is also meager.Thereareno
there
are
no
who
have
evenwithinthe
rabbis,
important
sages
gaineda reputation
and
the
traditional
of
life
is
without
a
battle,without
country,
way
disintegrating
in
resistance.
Jewish
the
officials
work
on
the
Sabbath.I did
organized
government
nothearofa caseinwhichsomeonegaveup hispostinordertoobservetheSabbath.
I did nothearof cases in whichelderlypeopleobjectedto thedesecration
of the
Sabbathby theirsonsif theywere"obliged"to do so forreasonsof "livelihood."
Thereis no religious
interest
ordeepreligious
feeling.34
in Sabbathobservance
Sereniis uninterested
as a precept.His viewpoint
is neither
norexclusively
itis a viewpoint
thathybridizes
thereligious
national;
exclusively
religious
himis theabsenceof
andthesecularto imaginethenationalcommunity.
Whatinterests
collectivesolidarity
which
he
attributes
to
their
of personal,
amongJews,
pursuit
pettythe
interests
above
Jewish
collective
and
to
the
fact
that
interest,
bourgeois
theyareforall
Arabs.As heclaimedtimeandagaininhisreports:
"Theexistence
ofthe
purposes
practical
the
conflation
the
Jewsin Iraqis an Arabexistence"
Note
of
national
and
(ibid.).
religious
BecausetheJewsin Iraqwerenotactingas partof a pan-national
categories.
community
In other
their
Jewishness
was indiscernible.
words,itdidnotexistintheeyesoftheZionist
emissaries.
In a lecture
in thesummer
he delivered
a visitto Palestine
of 1942,Sereniwas
during
to thenationalquestionthatwas entailedin the
categorical,
givingexplicitexpression
stateof religiousness:
"In Iraq,at firstglance,I cannottellthedifference
degenerating
a Jew,an Arab,andChristian...."35
between
ofidentifying
the
Again,Sereniwas incapable
ithadno othersignifiers.
ZionistJew,whichwas supposedly
nationalist,
beingrenewed;
33 Letterfromemissary
in Tehran,July6, 1943,ibid.
34 KibbutzHameuhadArchives(KHA) 25 Ayin/Container
1/File12, Summer1942.
35 KMA 25 Ayin/Container
1/File12, Summer1942.
4L Springer
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TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
21
Ben Zion Yisraeli,whohad also visitedBaghdadandattended
Sereni'stalkin Palestine,
thesis:
Sereni's
categorical
questioned
thelackof religiousness
ofthisJewish
weren'tyourashin
community,
Concerning
I
that
in
is
a
of
that?...
am
told
there
ofstudents
Baghdad
seminary kabbalists,
saying
I
met
a
from
ofKabbalah.Couldyoulookintothat,
kabbalist
there
some
please.
years
He madea verywarm[naive?]impression....36
ago in Jerusalem.
Yisraeliwenton to reinforce
someof Sereni'sinsights
abouttheJewish
Nevertheless,
anditsrelationship
to nationalism,
a linkbetween
observance
religion
discerning
religious
andthehopeofnational
redemption:
in thesynagogue
oftheworshippers
Thegreatmajority
couldnotreadthebookand
did notunderstand
themeaningof thewordstheyrepeatedafterthecantor....
The
dominantspiritin the Baghdad community
is signifiedby alienationtoward
and love of thenationand itshopesinwardly,
nationalism
and Zionismexternally,
in theheart....
a
as resultofthehabitof external
thehopeof
Sometimes,
alienation,
is
of
redemption emptied all practicalcontentand reachesa situationof total
betrayal....37
Zionistsentiments
areequatedin this
Knowinghowto readtheBibleand expressing
Howarewe tointerpret
thereaction
totheirexperience
oftheemissaries
report.
amongthe
is intertwined
Arab-Jews?Theirreportsindicatehow theirsecularity
witha deep
Theirsecularity
theiragendawas dictated
theological
conception.
notwithstanding,
bythe
of theLand of Israeland thepassionforit; a
nationalprogram
founded
on thesanctity
anda needto deliverthemto Palestine.
communities,
amongJewish
primordial
solidarity
Arab
Theirtarget
the
Jews
from
was expectedto be purely"Jewish"
audience,
countries,
and
also
national
thus
Theemissaries
hadhowever
a
(religious)
potentially
(proto-Zionist).
hardtimeidentifying
theJewishness
of theArab-Jews
becauseof theirorientalist
views
andbecausetheirJewishness
withnationalsentiments.
was notinfused
the
Furthermore,
more "secular"the Arab-Jewswere,in the emissaries'perception,
the moretheir
blurredthe distinction
betweenthemand the Arab space in whichthey
"secularity"
tothepointofassimilation.
thattheemissaries
existed,
Hence,thepotent
religious
feelings
werean extension
of theirown national-religious
hopedto findamongtheArab-Jews
oftheir
fervor
as wellas an extension
ownviewofZionismas a Western,
European
project.
at theoutset.Emissaries
Hence theparadoxpresented
who declaredthattheywere
secular(socialists),
butwho wereimbuedwitha strongethnic(of a national-religious
arrivedon a missionto theArabworldvia a hybridnetwork
thatwas
stripe)thrust,
thatobserved
foundtherecommunities
religiousin origin(Shadarut),
religious
practices,
backwithdisappointment
abouttheirsecularity.
Ratherthanaccepting
this
yetreported
fervor.
"reality,"
theyaspiredto infusethemwithreligious
attests
andpurification
Thisactof"religionization"
bothtotheir
hybridization
practices.
In thecase oftheemissaries,
to "religionize"
meantnotonlyto imbuetheArabJewswith
36KMA Yad Tabenkin,Section25 Ayin/Container
1/File12,Aug. 30, 1942.
37 KMA Yad Tabenkin,
Section25 Ayin/Container
I/File12,Aug. 30, 1942.
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TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
22
connected
tothenational
Zionistproject.
At
butalso onethatwas moreexplicitly
religion,
an
considered
itself
secular
Zionist
the same time,however,
increasingly
ideology
Theemissaries
considered
themselves
secular,
justas otherZionistintellectuals
enterprise.
did(see Luz, 1988).
(suchas AhadHa'am andBerdizevski)
thatthephenomenon
ofnational
Shadarut
waschallenged,
and
Yet,itwasinthiscontext
the
emissaries
modem
as
the
Orthodox
which
none
other
than
establishment, stigmatized
by
whoweretraitors
to thereligion
ofIsrael.In December1944,the"HighCourtof
heretics
of all the
in Jerusalem"
withthe"Courtof Justice
theSephardicCommunity
together
a
that
rabbinical
institutions-drew
AshkenaziAssemblies"-both
up jointproclamation
in Persiaand Iraq.The emissaries
was addressed
to theheadsof theJewishcommunity
thelocalJewsandofteaching
andleadingastray"
wereaccusedbytherabbisof"inciting
andanyonewhohearsthemandwholearns
andblasphemous,
thatwas "heretical
doctrine
Thenational
as
willhaveno partin theworldto come."38
fromtheirbehavior
emissaries,
mixed
the
old
invoked
the
practices
religiousmechanisms,
(pre-national)
trulymodem,
thisinterpretation.
leaderscontested
them.The rabbinical
and thenpurified
Theywere
"non-modem."
Summaryand conclusions
showthattherelationships
The threecase studies,whichwerediachronically
ordered,
in thethreehistorical
and religionweredifferent
betweennationalism
periodsdescribed
an immigration
of
toorchestrate
theearliest
case study
above.Thefirst
attempt
represented
thenonly10-15yearsoldAs a youngmovement-by
Jewsto Palestine.
non-European
nordidithavemuchexperience
formobilization,
hadready-made
Zionismneither
practices
the"secular"Zionistleadership
between
itsvariousbodies.Theencounter
in coordinating
was based mainlyon trial-and-error.
and thereligiousestablishment
Yavne'elireceived
to
his
his
the
authorities
from
enormous
yethe perceived
complete mission,
help
religious
tension
natureof themissiongenerated
missionas a secularone in disguise.The hybrid
with the "secular"identityof his assignment.
Next, followingUssishkin'smajor
of
some
tensionwas resolved.By the 1940s,
network
of
the
emissaries,
reorganization
carriedalreadyan institutionalized
the Zionistmovement
hybridmodelof a Zionist
and its
no conflictbetweentheir"secular"identity
Emissariesexperienced
emissary.
It was germaneto thenationalpracticeand its
justifications.
religiousand theological
andatthesametimedenyitsreligious
itspractices
ThusZionismcouldhybridize
rhetoric.
in threedifferent
of thefindings
to discusstheramifications
I tumbriefly
underpinning.
andthescopeof
incontemporary
Israelisociety,
theoretical
areas:secularism
implications,
theargument.
in contemporary
Israelisociety
forsecularism
Implications
above demonstrate
The case studiespresented
that,fromthe outset,modemZionist
initsideal
andsecularity
tothedistinction
between
couldnotsubscribe
nationalism
religion
ofthe
on
the
assimilation
that
is
based
It was,andstillis, a hybrid
modemform.
package
in a mannerthatrulesout
cloak and the ironcage (to use the Weberianmetaphor)
38 Lavon Institute,
section320 IV/file6, December1944.
4 Springer
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TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
23
Gershom
Scholemanticipated
thisassimilation
secularization.39
Jewish
philosopher
process
in 1926whenhe wroteto FranzRosenzweig:
theimplications
The peoplehere[in Palestine]do notunderstand
of theiractions...
a
Hebrew
into
secular
that
think
have
turned
they
language, theyhaveremoved
They
But
this
is
not
the
case....
its apocalyptic
Everywordthatis not created
sting.
from
is
taken
the
old"
with
but
anew,
lexicon,is filledtooverflowing
"good
randomly
in
in
not
remain
mute
the
he
been
God
will
which
has
entreated
explosives....
language
to ourlives...(quotedin Shapira,1989,p. 59).
thousands
oftimestoreturn
In other
toattempt
tobringintobeinga secularconceptual
worldbymeansofthe
words,
therearestrong
forpurification
holytongueis to walkintoa trap.Nevertheless,
pressures
Forexample,
theIsraelisecular-liberal
ontheIsraelinational
sphere.
publicissuesfrequent
ofa secularpact,as itfeelsdistress
callstodayfortheformulation
andfearin thefaceof
as thespreadofOrthodoxy
within
theIsraelisociety.
In 1997,theIsrael
whatis portrayed
setup a commission
to defineIsraelisecularidentity.
Institute
forDemocracy
Someofthe
toeducation
ata conference
onthesubjectreferred
forsecularity,
ortheself-image
speakers
in Israel.However,
thediscussions
brokedownprecisely
at thepointwhere
of secularity
ofthosepresent,
whosupposedly
wantedto further
thesecularization
themajority
project,
of itsJewishidentity
and to forgea secularnationalism
failedto stripnationalism
(i.e.,
rather
thanJewishnationalism),
whichwouldsevernationalism
Israelinationalism
from
religion.40
to findorto construct
within
Jewish
nationalism
Thisattempt
(a democraticsecularity
effort.
Theprocessofthe"Zionization"
ofreligion
in
Jewish
state)appearsto be a barren
of Zionismare notenigmatic
and capricious
Israeland the"religionizing"
phenomena.
thatZionismbuiltitselffromits
Theytakeofffromthenational-religious-secular
runway
is highly
The theological
basisofIsraelinationalism
within
Israeli
inception.
pronounced
itselffrom
thetrapofsecularity
whichfindsitdifficult
to extricate
thatis linked
liberalism,
towhatis calleda democratic-Jewish
to Judaism.
state,Zionist
fundamentally
By clinging
withitsownhandscontinues
to constrain
thepossibility
thatan Israeli
secularliberalism
can exist.
secularism
aboutideology,
Theoretical
power,andnationalism
implications
Note thatI did notdrawon theoriesof powerto interpret
thefindings.
The factthat
underthe false pretenseof a religiousemissarycould be
Yavne'eliwas operating
as an act of politicalmanipulation.
Such interpretation
couldbe based on
interpreted
intheneo-Marxist
ofideology
tradition
writlarge.Forexample,
theories
usinga Gramscian
thattheemissaries
the
(Gramsci,1971),I couldhave suggested
perspective
represented
Zionistcultural
and as suchtheyactedto extenditslegitimacy
and
structure
hegemony
achieveideologicaldomination
overtheYemenite
Jews.In thesamevein,I couldhave
of
Althusser's
used
(1969/1971)
concept interpellation
(or hailing)to showhowideology
recruits
ortransforms
individuals
to becomesubjectsofa particular
(Zionist)order.In our
39 As noted,even thoughZionismformulates
its politicallogic on thebasis of a constantdialoguewith
itshouldnotbe identified
ina certain
Jewishtheology,
withOrthodox
senseitcanbe
Judaism;
unequivocally
called "heterodox
Judaism."In otherwords,whatwe need to do hereis formulate
a conceptualsystem
vs. "secularity"
but"Orthodox
Judaism"
vs "heterodox
Judaism"
havingas itstwopolesnot"religiousness"
(Fischer,1988).
40
IsraelInstitute
forDemocracy,
protocolof secularity
forum,
2, 1997.
January
Springer
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24
TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
of theindividual
case, theinterpellation
(or thegroup)to becominga "Zionistsubject"
wouldbe basedon theinterrelationships
between
nationalism
andreligion.
Lastly,I could
invokeFoucualt's
notion
to
that
the
of
emissaries
werepart
(1991)
governmentality
suggest
thatemployedpoliticaltechnologies
of a broadersystemn
to managethe population,
2006 forsuchanalysis).Suchtechnologies
immigration
beingone ofthem(see Shenhav,
were based on practicesof classification
and demarcation
and are subjectto certain
discursiverules.Yes, therewere struggles
forcontrolamongdifferent
Jewishgroups
as
Khazzoom
Zionism
Indeed,
(Shafir,1989/1996).
(2003) argues,
soughtto westernize
the
the
and
and
Middle
became
connected
the
Eastern
Jews,
discursively
religious
during
to
known
as
Haskalah
Zionism
the
Arab
period
Truly,
thought religionize
(enlightenment).
themthrough
Jewsandto orientalize
2006).
(Shenhav,
religion
aretheoretically
Whereastheseinterpretations
plausible,
theyimplyat thesametimea
thatviewstheemissaries
as partof the"manipulating
elites"
clearideologicalstructure
Such
the
are
for
historical
situation
at
1996).
interpretationsoverlysimplistic
(Brubaker,
to one
setof historical
circumstances
hand,notonlybecausetheyreducea complicated
thehistory
ofpower,butalso becausetheymisrepresent
ofnationalism.
dimension
More
the
Zionist
was
movement
these
too
to
be
considered
earlyyears
young
specifically,
during
a hegemonic
forcethatrepresents
a coherent
or a consolidated
ideologicalframework
To thecontrary:
itwas an amalgamoffragmented
discourse.
centers
andephemeral
efforts
It
in
that
thatdidnotamount
toa singleunified
was
the
1940s
Zionism
only
political
body.
was solidified
as a clearideologicalbody.The realityof earlyZionismcan be better
andas basedon dispersed
oftrial
as decentralized
networks
described
following
practices
anderror
andexpressing
diverseinterests.
is inaccordance
withtheuse ofnetworks
unitofanalysis.
Thisconclusion
as theproper
nordo theyconform
to specific
Networks
do nothavea prioriideologicalcommitments
Brubaker's
to
orcentralized
suggestion
categories
power.I believethatthisstudyembraces
thanfixedentities.
He saw nationalgroupsas
networks
rather
studynationalism
through
and withelusiveboundaries
ratherthanas static
constructed,
contingent,
fluctuating,
of national
(Brubaker,
1998). Thus,one can concludethattheconsolidation
categories
ofthesenetworks,
is a product
notonlytheotherwayaround.As Calhounputit,
identity
is nomorethana
cannotbe "adequately
identity
captured
bythenotionofinterest.
Identity
of
stable
construction
the
of
social
(Calhoun,1991,
activity"
relatively
ongoingprocess
canbe appliedto varioussituations
thatinvolvegroup
conclusion
p. 52). Thistheoretical
andtheiremerging
identification
sociological
practices.
anditsapplicability
Scopeoftheargument
aretheyapplicable
Arethefindings
to a
peculiarto theZionistcase only?To whatextent
ofnations?
On theonehand,I havestressed
theidiosyncratic
of
broader
features
spectrum
is an ambiguous
andJudaism
construct
with
Zionism.Zionismis overwhelmingly
Jewish41
in nature,
a
andphenomenological
Furthermore,
multiple
meanings.
mystudyis historical
thatrunscounter
to theprinciple
of generalization.
Yet,theZionistcase
methodology
of religionand
device,to look at theintersection
providesa usefulprism,andheuristic
41 1
use theword"overwhelmingly"
intoitsranksnew groupsofnonbecauseZionismtodayincorporates
30% of thosewho
Jewssuch as a big portionof theRussianimmigrants.
Manyof them(approximately
to Israelsincetheearly1990s,and 50% on averageeveryyearsince2000) had neverbeen
immigrated
as a meansto immigrate
from
butmayhave married
Jewishspouses,or wereusingJewishidentity
Jewish,
exit.
theformer
SovietUnionat a timewhenhardlyanyoneexceptJewswerebeingpermitted
4
Springer
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Theor
Soc(2007)36:1-30
25
and
nationalism
because it pushes the two principlesof modernity
(hybridization
it
limit
and
because
transcends
the
Western/non-Westem
their
divide.
to
purification)
nationalism
It is important
andreligion
tendsto
tokeepinmindthatthenexusbetween
societies
anddeemphasized
instudiesoftheWest.
instudiesofnon-Westem
be emphasized
I believethata morebalancedepistemological
approachis needed,one thatadmitsthat
is notcompletely
secularand thatnon-Western
nationalism
is not
nationalism
Western
let us brieflycomparetwo,
completely
religious.At the risk of oversimplification
models:IranandtheUSA.
different,
admittedly
itwillbe simplistic
to denounce
itsimply
As faras theIranianregimeis concerned,
as
havearguedthatthe1979revolution
Scholarsof theIranianRevolution
was
"religious."
it was first
a "nationalist"
and foremost
revolution
thatwas
notmerely"Islamic,"rather
fromIslamicsymbolsand imagescast in a new mold(Dabashi,1993; Ram,
nurtured
Iranianstate
2000a, 2000b,2006). Ram showshow "Islam"in thepost-revolutionary
Iraniannationalism.
He claimsthatthe
becamean indispensable
partof contemporary
areno less stemnationalists
thanIslamicists,
andthat
oftheIslamicRevolution
guardians
emblem
their"Islam"servedas a nationalistic,
encroachments.
againstforeign
unifying
in theideologyof theIslamic
elements
Likewise,Dabashi(1993) traces"crypto-secular"
in
the
between
thus
Revolution, showing symbiotic
religionand secularism
relationship
that
because
Gelvin
shows
area
Iranian
modem
Also,
(1999)
identity.
many
experts
and religionare
studyingthe Arab Middle East commonlyhold thatnationalism
in the regionhas declinedor has
sentiment
antagonistic
theyassertthatnationalist
Islamicist
as
to
ideologies.However, Gelvin shows,popularformsof
capitulated
rootsintheregion,
reinforced
nationalism
notonlyhavestrong
theyhavebeencontinually
in
the
Arab
world
thecurrent
for
Islamicism
cannot
be taken
overtime.As a result,
support
in lightof thefactthatIslamic
is on thedecline,particularly
as a signthatnationalism
in theArabworldsharewithnationalism
a number
of significant
attributes.
movements
Fromthe perspective
of the current
we
can
assume
that
Iranian
article,
convincingly
that
does
to
be
nationalism
is a hybrid
not
purified.
package
aspire
In theUSA, ontheotherhand,religion
roleintheAmerican
playsa morecentral
public
than
It hasbeenshownalready
in
nationalism
one
is
to
admit.
and
American
ready
sphere
thatUS foreign
withbiblicaljustifications
and religious
policysince 1945 is suffused
inUS internal
factor
is a strong
2001).Also,religion
politicsandthe
symbols
(McAlister,
MichaelBaronehas noted,"Americans
publicsphereat large.As politicalcommentator
voteas theypray,or don'tpray"(quotedin Sullivan,2003,p. 2). In fact,
increasingly
candidatesin the USA feel strongobligationto address
Republicanand Democratic
thatJimmy
theprimary
forexample,
audiences
seasons.Itis telling,
Carter
during
religious
andBill Clinton,
theonlyDemocratic
nominees
tohavewontheWhiteHousesince1964,
wentoutof theirwayto discussissuesof faithand to speakbeforecongregations
early
Whenpoliticians
addresstheAmerican
duringtheirrespective
campaigns.
peopleas a
thereis often
a thinlayerof(inclusive)
reference
thatserves
constitutive
religious
category,
as a substitute
forthenotionofthepublicgood.Thephrase"underGod"in thePledgeof
of thislayerwhichis also analogousto "In God We
Allegianceis an acknowledgment
itsuccinctly:
Trust"
Eisenhower
summarized
"Ourgovernment
oncoinsandbills.President
ina deeplyfeltreligious
makesno senseunlessitis founded
belief'(Morone,
2003; Sifton,
widerwhenAmericans
face external
2004). This religiouslayerbecomesincreasingly
of theirnationalidentity
threats
thatrequirereaffirmation
(theredscareduringtheCold
11
or
be
useful
War,
(cultural)
September might
examples).In suchcriticalmoments,
nationalidentity,
and questionsof who we are,solidify
and emergemostclearly.It is
thattheconflation
betweenAmerican
nationalism
andreligion
exactlyin theseinstances
SSpringer
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
26
TheorSoc (2007) 36:1-30
In the weeks followingSeptember
becomesmorevisibleand discernable.
11, 2001,
A pollreleasedon September
Americans
floodedintochurches
andcongregations.
19 by
thePew ResearchCenterfoundthat69% of Americans
that
were
reported they
praying
morein the wake of the attacks(Pew ResearchCenter,2002). Further,
78% of the
American
ofreligion
on American
lifewas increasing.
Many
publicsaidthattheinfluence
that
the
in
leaders
issued
statements
war
basedonreligious
religious
supported
Afghanistan
andthenotionof "justwars"(Pew ResearchCenter,
are
2002). Thesemoments
theology
to "nationalsecurity"
notrestricted
Public
debates
about
for
only.
immigration, example,
arean arenainwhichonecanfindnational
soulsearching
of"whowe are"or"whoarewe
thatwas coinedas "American
new nationalism"
goingto be," a phenomenon
(Dittgen,
of
the
in
The
role
establishments
lawsandpoliciesas
1997).
religious
setting
immigration
In theyear2000,for
well as forming
publicopinionaboutit cannotbe underestimated.
the
National
Conference
of
Catholic
issued
a
resolution
example,
Bishops
callingupon
federal
toreexamine
2003for
(see Morone,
policymakers
immigration
policiesandreforms
It
is
that
of
is
from
additional
true
the
domain
the
statein
examples).
religion distinguished
the modemsecularAmericanconstitution.
But formalconstitutions-as
do all formal
institutions-never
to
story.
Mypointis thatitwillbe simplistic
givethewholesociological
describe
American
nationalism
as
"secular."
The
is
much
more
merely
picture
complicated,
and I believethata Latouriananalysismay shed some sociologicalinsightson the
Forexample,
howdo practices
ofpurification
workintheUS schoolsystem?
phenomenon.
How aretheyusedin thepoliticalsystem
bothinpractice
andrhetoric?
andpurification
ofnationalism
and
Theseexamplesdo notimplythatthehybridization
acrossthesenations.To thecontrary:
At the
theyareverydifferent.
religionis identical
withIsraelis,claimto
individual
level,forexample,manymoreAmericans,
compared
believeinGodortoattend
(see Guttman,
religious
2002).In fact,intheUSA
congregations
to Britain(76%), France
contrast
mostpeoplesaytheybelievein God (95%)-in distinct
(62%), or Sweden(52%), andIsrael(30%). MorethanthreeoutoffourAmericans
belong
and40% attended
to a church
services
2003,p. 22). Atthepubliclevel,however,
(Morone,
intheUSA thanIsrael,letaloneIran.Specific
andstatearemoreseparated
analysis
religion
andconstitutional
can also showthatreligion
becomespublicunderdifferent
philosophies
traditions
andcanflowinmanyunexpected
directions
(Casanova,1994).BothinIsraeland
in theUSA, religious
debates
aroundliberalissuesandthereby
public
challenges
promote
togeneralize
theresults
enhance
values.Thus,rather
thansuggesting
ofmystudy,
"secular"
devicetoexamine
thattheyshouldbe viewedas a heuristic
more
whichI do not,I suggest
in
the
and
societies
that
are
the
relations
nationalism,
publicsphere, religion
closely
among
definedas secular.Thisarticlestandsas an exampleof how suchnuanced
traditionally
analysiscanproceed.
AcknowledgementI thankthe editorsof Theoryand Societyand the reviewersfor theirexcellent
I also thankDaniel Breslau,Gil Eyal,JoshuaGuetzkow,
HannaHerzog,Eva Illouz,Alexandra
comments.
andJennifer
AzzizaKhazzoom,
Nissim
Gershon
Shoham
Shafir,
Melamed,
Mizrachi,
Ram,
Kalev,
Haggay
on earlierdrafts.
and suggestions
Vorbachforcomments
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Yehouda Shenhav(Ph.D. Stanford
of Sociologyat Tel-AvivUniversity.
He is
1985) is professor
University,
the editorof Theory& Criticism
Studies.Amonghis recent
(Hebrew)and senioreditorforOrganization
booksare TheArabJews(Stanford
Press,2006),Manufacturing
(OxfordUniversity
University
Rationality
Press,1999),and Whatis Multiculturalism
(Bavel Press,Hebrew,2005, withYossi Yonah).He is currently
colonialbureaucracy,
and "stateof exception."
workingon topicsin politicaltheology,
L Springer
This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Wed, 3 Jul 2013 08:58:06 AM
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