The Apocalyptic Interlude: Revealing Death in Kinshasa Author(s): Filip De Boeck Source: African Studies Review, Vol. 48, No. 2 (Sep., 2005), pp. 11-32 Published by: African Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20065093 Accessed: 27/08/2010 06:55 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=afsta. 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African Studies Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to African Studies Review. http://www.jstor.org ASR FOCUS in of Political Time and the Imagination Mourning Central Africa Contemporary Interlude: The Apocalyptic Revealing Death in Kinshasa FilipDe Boeck Abstract: kind takes which collective against brought about the As by God. the Apocalypse on the focuses is Le eschatologique dans le dans la vie un ach?vement livre qui sera Filip Africa 1987 is a professor Center Research Boeck he ronments has conducted of and the Catholic extensive field in the Democratic in Kinshasa's completion is not only about En origine un point de Kinshasa. tant que de tel, in Okwui burg, Kinshasa, Enwezor, est Lagos (Hatje Under Cantz d'une la Bible, plus r?f?rence de Le v?cu temps l'ach?vement ultime, le livre des R?v?lations 2 (September 2005), pp. 11-32 cultural anthropology of Leuven, University in both research urban and head Siege: Four Publishers, African Cities: of Belgium. and rural Republic ed., daily apocalyptic of Congo His Zaire). (formerly state of theoretical interests include local processes subjectivities collapse, of culture and youth and the politics sis, postcolonial memory processes, tral Africa. his recent of the is "Kinshasa: Tales Among publications City'," article in which devenu canevas of This as dans au and understanding presence habitants doom of evil. d'aujourd'hui est is projected will be which son compar? social reference in Kinshasa le Kinshasa des 48, Number of eschatological in the Book experience, terms prophetic trouve qui par Dieu. accompli specific particularly the popular Yet and et collective African Studies Review, Volume De everything, dans est a of Revelation particuli?re des R?v?lations, ? Kinshasa quotidienne everyday into mythical l'imagination life the omnipotent on the Congolese temporalit? bien pr?cis?ment de de of point of hope. on centers translated concept omnipr?sent a book of millennialism impact constantly R?sum?: the Book also very much of of completion such, and more omnipresent time lived-in it is essentially destruction, an become The imagination. canvas of the esp?ce has is of a very Kinshasa in the Bible, of departure its point of Revelation, reality interlude. in contemporary Temporality and Freetown, the Since envi current of cri in Cen 'Invisible Johannes 2003). 11 12 ne African se concentre lypse sur tourne livre se traduit et la fatalit? autour sur constamment de la destruction la conception Et pourtant, d'esp?rance. du mill?narisme quotidienne sur seulement principalement l'impact interlude pas un tiellement Review Studies la notion du mal. congolaise, l'exp?rience en termes mythiques mais de l'apoca se concentre populaire Cet article dans et essen c'est laquelle proph?tiques la r?alit? comme proph?tique. Les morts qui aussi malheureux n'ont les vivants n'ont qui pas vivants de sont malheureux, que pas de morts. are the living the dead (Without as as unhappy the dead.) the living without unhappy, (Sony Labou Tansi, 1979) Introduction: Apocalyptic This and article time The Place of Death Interlude intends in one to explore of Africa's in the Realm the changing largest cities, place Kinshasa, of the and meaning of capital the of death Democra Kinshasa of Congo.1 As in other cities around the continent, tic Republic as propagated ismarked by the rise of Christian fundamentalism by a great churches and other "miracle" churches of spiritual number of Pentecostal the these new churches have become Since the early nineties, awakening.2 to of their norm rather than the exception. hundreds thousands Drawing come to supplant other, often more prayer meetings, they have gradually that sprang up and independent churches syncretic, prayer movements suc the long life of the Mobutist reign. They have also been very during identified in attracting a great number of Christians who previously "mother" churches. themselves with the traditional Catholic and Protestant the city of Kin faith that has overtaken This new strong wave of flourishing cessful shasa and Congo as a whole is set against the backdrop of a socioeconomic conditions of and political context marked by deep crisis, war, and material the harsh and Without doubt, lack, any living poverty. hunger, hardship, the country have contributed dramati that prevail throughout conditions new church movements. cally to the rapid spread of these is what happens this article addresses One of the central questions so incredibly hard that of life become conditions when people's material I will try to of what constitutes their very conceptions reality are affected. Interlude: The Apocalyptic 13 in Kinshasa Death Revealing provide some answers to that question by looking at the changed place of time scale that the apocalyptic death in this urban world and by analyzing and that profoundly the churches have introduced pervades daily life in to make sense of its own crisis. In a city that feverishly attempts Kinshasa, an of daily urban reality, the religious such urban context, transfiguration its juxtapositions and of the passage of experience more precisely in the Book from the switch astonishing with as an described the site where or overproduction to a disturbing expression in the "telescoped" contradictions generated time and of events as laid out in the Bible, and a constant and often of Revelation, produces social to the semiotic, leading to what could be that an unmooring unmooring becomes of "overheating" of the social most that meaning imagination. tangible. Death has gives Death is become so omnipresent in Kinshasa, and in Congo as a whole, that the labor of loss and mourning has ceased to be meaningful. Invaded by an ever increasing amount of dead that cannot be put to rest, the society of the living has them. stopped mourning By focusing upon the newly emerging place of death in the urban Con I will analyze how the changed value of death, and the golese context, I of call the affects on the city's what interlude," experience "apocalyptic to life its and and and above all, daily capacity symbolize produce meaning sense. I will in changed argue the that common structures of themselves meaning have process. "Siting" the Imaginary the supremacy of the symbolic in relation L?vi-Strauss and Lacan postulate to the imaginary. In this respect the signified is, to some extent, subordi nated to the signifier; symbols are imbued with a larger reality value than that is, the levels of the imaginary and of what that which they symbolize, Lacan calls "the real" (that which is neither imaginary nor symbolic). More a has offered Godelier (1996) recently critique of these classic interpreta tions in which he turns around their primacy. For Godelier, the levels of the are and the real materializations of the (re)cre symbolic imaginary, which ates and institutionalizes Here struc the society. symbolic is not a mental ture but an internalized social structure, deriving from a social logic that is unconscious but that constantly externalizes itself as social essence in the domains of sexuality, power, and politics. It is the concentration of the three orders of the imaginary, the symbolic, and the r?el that makes social life the of it social but is of the the reality, people, register imaginary that offers the fixed points from which a society invents itself. But what happens if the very nature of the imaginary field of social organized practices has become disorganized least to some ity, to produce extent, its localizing sociality? The force imaginary and its capacity is the dimension as flexible but and has lost, at to create continu of the invisible, 14 African Studies Review but what if the invisible becomes more alive than the living? What visible, and the dead replace and become if the imaginary is no longer the socially crosses the boundaries but and productive phantasmagoric constantly invades the real in an unmediated, if What the way? nonsymbolic imaginary is no longer the irr?el but the indiscernibleness between r?el and irr?el (see Deleuze the 1990, quoted by Bayart 1996:138)? What if, in other words, dual and therefore nonalienated with the until which double, relationship most notably in local Congolese in recently certainly existed experience, as an relation to the ancestor also the institutionalized of witch, (but figure and leads to alienation instead? If death, as the dou crisis), is problematic to the realm of the imaginary, and if the imagi ble of the living, belongs as thus the life and death, what then between nary operates disjunction ceases to for a societal constellation that distinction does it mean when exist? In an insightful cartoons, and things which the "despite nary world notion scale remarks upon indicated of transformations the a complex a meaning," general is related tree with to the its ruptures an "autochthonous urban imagi a and Sartre, to capture constant that the "imaginary," Lacan, catchword speech assumes discontinuities, includes and of experience generally, that the social scientist's subconscious, the More (2001:146). in Cameroonian but he nevertheless and genealogical has become Castoriadis, above, new the exactly I have has remained" with in which on the "thing" and its double chapter Mbembe the ways of networks alterations a of also (and increasingly rural) landscape. hybridized postcolonial has developed the concept of the imagi (1996), for example, Appadurai as an organized field of social practices nary, or more broadly, imagination, In the same vein Bayart (1996:143), while in new global cultural processes. of political action, describes the imagi the cultural dimensions discussing as nary between the dimension tradition and out of innovation. which a emerges Understood as continuous such, the dialogue imaginary, he between the past, the present, interaction?interaction adds, is primarily a future. But it is also interaction between social of and the projection are or of between which actors, societies, the relations selectively shaped by The mediating their respective consciousnesses." qualities of "imagining the imaginary turn it into an institutionalizing social force through which a society confronts and thereby and mutations, and absorbs changes of the dissolution defines and authors itself anew (De Boeck 2000). With more locations for research traditional anthropological (see Gupta 8c Fer 1997), the imaginary as alternative guson 1997a, 1997b; Olwig 8c Hastrup ana for more detailed "field site" therefore presents novel opportunities cur that African is transformations of the society multiple lytic scrutiny cease the In like urban Kinshasa, imaginary settings rently undergoing. itswitchcraft, lessly creates its own level of autonomy, with all of its excesses, of social life. This new "siting" of the city's imaginary forms its diabolization the undercurrent that runs throughout this article. Interlude: The Apocalyptic in Kinshasa Death Revealing 15 A City of Death For some quite time now, death, as as and metaphor reality, seems to have in Congo. Death has acquired new meanings in the omnipresent not but there. death flooded the has realm, Real, religious only tangible become to country such left to mourn an extent that say people that "there aren't tears enough all the dead' (see also De Boeck 1998:50). The long and spec tacular breakup of the Zairean state, combined with the spillover from con its borders, most notably flicts along in Rwanda, Uganda, and Angola, even of to death and contributed the banaliza further, opened up spaces tion of the material and symbolic usages of violence and death invented in state. This is obviously earlier periods of the (post)colonial the case in a as of violence the machete and the produced growing economy through rebels 1998, Rwandan- and Ugandan-backed bayonet. And when, in August was invaded Kinshasa's to death violent the heart of the streets, brought communes In the of Masina and citizens, capital. Ndjili particularly, nationalist discourse against the intruding spurred on by the governmental started to track down and kill the rebels. The technology of "cockroaches," a had earlier when child Kabila's year necklacing?which already emerged soldiers walked into the city and the Kinois vented their anger and frustra tion at Mobutu's some of his ruinous and burning reign by molesting an agents?became inextricable of part Kinshasa's reality and collective imaginary. of course, had diffused itself through the city's veins long Violence, before. In 1991 and 1993 two waves of massive and frenzied looting swept across Kinshasa and parts large of the country, devastating much of the in the span of a couple of days. Around infrastructure the city's economic same period the masked death squads commonly known as paramilitary hibous ("owls," because became active they usually operated after nightfall) in Kinshasa. More generally, the militarization of daily life in the postcolo nial "space of death" (Taussig 1992) that Congo has become is illustrated in the church context, by the increasing use of the military vocabulary where sades garrisons preachers and refer of God, such to as armies Kafuta Sony as themselves of "generals" "Rockman" of church cru launch evangelical communities that are salvation. The alternative itself on stage, the space in which Kinshasa performs popular music scene, has given rise to another kind of violence, grounded in the competition between different orchestras. Inevitably, the chronicle of Congo's music has always been also a social history of this turbulent city. linked to and rooted in the realities of the lives of the urban Intimately young, this music emerged together with the city in the 1940s and 1950s. It canvas of social and formed the acoustic the political developments, of the times in and which dance disorder became rhythm increasingly intertwined. Against this social, political, and economic bands backdrop, an and orchestras and in endless musical battle for emerged split up pub 16 African lie recognition. ments of Review Studies The history Kinshasa's of the many meanderings and camps competing and musical orchestras of almost realign reads a like or of schism and continuity, anthropology shifting patterns political fusion and fission. The history ranges from the earliest generation of stars to Congo's like Wendo, fourth musical Bowane, and Kabasele, generation, the orchestra around which emerged with a group of young musicians in the late 1980s. In between is situated the rise and fall of Wenge M?sica Congo music. popular In Kinshasa, the second half of the 1990s was marked by the splinter of the M?sica into several rival orchestras. The most original Wenge ing are of these M?sica Maison M?re and prominent Wenge Wenge M?sica two of the band's BCBG, headed extremely popu respectively by original lar lead singers, Werrason and Forest") Their eign." B. J. music (nicknamed also Mpiana, translates banyama, the "King of the mokonziya as known a whole "Souverain imaginary "First the 1er," of war, Sover and power, political In into an embedded youth vocabulary and choreography. and through dance, the juvenile body thus appears as a subversive site, as a the violence and death locus that reflects, and reflects upon, corporeal ethnic violence by official generated have been cultural postcolonial characterized by some as and political as necropolitical, which grammars, the of work death (Mbembe 2002:640). for social and political action. Indeed, death itself has become a model For example, on March 9, 2000, in eastern Congo, where rebels had buried an number unknown of women the alive, women of the Kivu occupied province declared a four-day "mourning" period to protest the daily realities of violence and poverty in which they had to live. On the first day the women at home, stayed weeping, and lamenting, to eat. refusing For the next three a sign of sorrow. On the days they dressed in black and covered their heads, to in Kinshasa, Etienne thousands of kilometers the west, 6, 2000, April, et le Pour la D?mocratie Tshisekedi's UDPS (L'Union Progr?s Social) oppo for the nth time, a "dead city day" (journ?e ville morte) sition party announced, to the protest warfare continuing in In Congo. this where, country for many years now, political action has been translated into the creation of a "dead ceremonies (malanga) have become city," and where funerals and mourning criticism Villers 8c Omasombo the motor of social and political 2004; (de in been described the local press as a Kinshasa has sometimes Vangu 1997), a cit? cimeti?re, the term the playwright Nzey Van Musala (n.d.) has necropolis, for the capital coined become?a teries country are overcrowded of this "thanatocracy" citizens whose and where are more corpses (Yamb 1997) dead are than simply alive, that Congo whose abandoned has ceme anony (Grootaers 1998). mously at the entrance of mortuaries a metaphor to speak about certain Not only has death thus become areas of daily life in Kinshasa but the country in its totality has (Biaya 1998), a a become (De Boeck 1998), place in which one constantly "postmortem" inhabits two worlds: "that of the dead and that of the "not-so-alive" (pas The Apocalyptic Interlude: 17 in Kinshasa Death Revealing (Labou Tansi 1979:17), or "a place and a time of half tout-?~fait-vivants) death, or, if one prefers, half-lif?' (Mbembe 2001:197). The broader sociopo litical crisis has created a general atmosphere of collusion, familiarity, and a between the the in movement and dead of interchangeableness living a literal and as that zombification permeates generalized quite society That is why RDC whole. du has (R?publique D?mocratique Congo) in popular of become, speech, Rd?c?s, the "deceased" or "dead" Republic the "country Congo, m?me r?pare les that has died" cadavres" (mboka ekufi) and where, ("even are corpses say, "on people In repaired"). a one sense, could that has argue that death is the only tangible kind of "democracy" so far. Papa Nova, a been installed one in Congo in of Kin shopkeeper onto the wall of his small shasa's suburbs, has painted pharmacy-shop: "Rich and Poor Equality in Death?Cemetery" ("Riche et pauvre ?galit? ? la mort?cimeti?re"). It is, however, of symptomatic the eco social, deep crisis which Congo is undergoing that death in itself nomic, and political can no longer be an and posited given place. unproblematic Invaded by an ever increasing number of dead that cannot be put to or even remembering rest, the society of the living has stopped mourning them. Death itself has been banalized, often through laughter. Okolia mpau, the Kinois jokingly address their dead: 'You will eat the spade," you will end in the hole we dig for you. In the process, death itself has become dese crated and commodified: aWoman to in a Used Attempt Bury Cemeteries. Kinshasa, 10, January 2001, in One of Kinshasa's Dug Up In the night of December, 31, of the commune of neighborhood street in Bwanga Kimbanseke, Coffin 2002. Kinshasa, 21, Mikondo a identi 27 and not otherwise man, young aged a used which had apparently been unearthed coffin, to in order of his wife, who the body at the died bury home brought in a local cemetery, childbirth age of 17, after fied, in Kinshasa's next General The Hospital_ to our the members of the bereaved fam informant, morning, according were to go to the morgue to prepare the corpse for bur ily getting ready to their ial. Much that the coffin they noticed surprise brought along by their in-law was old, broken in several and covered with red earth. places, Inside, the provide an attempt explanation to escape in the Mikondo According which youngsters woman deceased Siforco, release, as January state the wrath awaiting coffin of him is in 10, 2002) the in on the torn coffin, the youth for having presently An unearthing was coffin of neighborhood. to some, this event specializes was buried located the to the from the penalty indicate that the sources of to embellish used and borhood, Jumbo started. cloth an kept official is linked and January Sunday, commune of Masina, of and dirty. the widower a at the reselling used 6, 2002, Kinshasa. neigh grave. Our station of police investigation to a criminal in fled, the Mikondo desecrated to Asked has network coffins. in the been of The cemetery Press (ACP 18 African Studies Review This "pillaging of death" illustrates the fact that the intrinsic quality of rest has changed. The desecrated dead have become increasingly death no and less, remain longer with resonate cities stories silent in their rumors and The graves. of streets dead, returning of Congo's "nocturnal of spouses" (?poux/?pouses de nuit) who return at night to have sex with the wid owed partner they left behind, or of dead people who were spotted digging in Angola. Everywhere, it seems, the dead revive and multi for diamonds concerts to to the popular tunes of Kin's At attend dance ply. night, they orchestras. Places such as Rond Point Victoire, the heart of the Matonge are said to be as crowded as in the commune of Kalamu, neighborhood numerous are are attracted by Matonge's of because dead the who they vibrant nightlife. At night, also, the many roadblocks that are erected on to be manned the city's main traffic arteries are believed by soldiers from return to protect the deceased sometimes the "second world." Although more left and assist the family members their inter behind, they frequently At best they are just annoying. ventions are less benevolent. case of "pillaging of death" has been the emergence of a new Another streets: Ekobo in ritual called Kinshasa's funerary was as a of certain conceived the beliefs tribes, Ekobo originally Following to the attacks means return to preserve of and protect persons exposed as a means as well to finance the burial from evil, payments ing dead within who the family. stop innocent be say will they funeral wake_In at one, or "Halte ? ["Stop the de Villers, Ekobo has become, people used for however, street in the to extort coffee, sugar buying one refuses to pay up, one. harm (Elima newspaper, case physically la pratique ill?gale and illegal et d?gradante mortuary degrading du of delinquents the practice from them, which money and firewood these youngsters September rite mortuaire ritual 'Ekobo'"], during throw 21-22, the dirt 1991, 'Ekobo,'" quoted in 1992:192-94) similar practices illustrate is the fact that the man become monopolized of death has increasingly agement by the young. Whereas before, until the late 1970s and early 1980s, children, standing at a were of life, called inside the house whenever funeral pro the beginning What Ekobo and in the street for fear that they would be contaminated cession passed by the owners and the caretakers of death. They death, they have now become are the ones who have taken control of death as the object of an important social traffic. They are also the ones who control the commercialization of some of the cemeteries of the city, children forcefully kid death. Around rela them out of the hands of the deceased's nap the coffins, snatching tives, and return the body only after the bereft family has paid them a fee. one of the largest in Kinshasa, of Kintambo, is the cemetery Officially, to be buried continue there in a closed for lack of space, and yet people tombstones clandestine and bury a way. Youngsters get paid to demolish Interlude: The Apocalyptic new on corpse on and live of top an old one. These take drink, dance, young 19 in Kinshasa Death Revealing drugs, tombstones. the nature of public and private space in the Due also to the changed ceremonies around the dead body take place in urban context (mourning of the street for lack of space in the compounds, for example), the middle as well as to the fact that death no longer primarily knocks at the elders' have become less mutually exclusive. AIDS has doors, death and childhood a great deal to this profound contributed shift. Urban social life emerges a new of and that often illness remains invis through cartography suffering ible and only surfaces through the death of the sufferers, who are increas a contami ingly children and youngsters. With AIDS, death has become even illness those who have started their lives. only just nating touching The changed character of funeral rituals is also partly due to the fact death occurs outside of a kin that, for an increasing number of people, embedded in altered structures of soli network. Death has become and of of relations This is illustrated by the gerontocracy. darity, kinship of the the maternal whose noko, uncle, changing position authority has in most urban matters diminished in the related to context, greatly notably death. Said one informant during a mourning in ceremony Camp Luka, a based popular in the white man's Today, we come the village where lem Today, useless and arose in the the considered to Kintambo [the urban village cit?], the maternal from, family, people has lost that uncle thing, for whom next of Kinshasa neighborhood on called status. by many traditional uncle him "owner have sance. People He become the the third uncle mourning he was the first person," are now three. The They flee him for fear he will multiplied. funeral. the ended no uncle uncle received addresses longer who is speaks Cataphar funerary [from gifts from to the preacher for the uncle and family, who "lifted The period]. responsible. actual uncle ask the and changed. a chief. If a prob advice and guidance. for a Instead the funerals notes, The for fear September "multiplication the changed place of being accused of the deceased we when the was uncle palm the the uncles Today, a nui is considered to contribution the family. preacher directs the mourning ceremony. funeral Before, catafalque, chapel]. the attendants the funeral. during to and go gifts mainly Cataphar, location of the draped The and chapel. preacher have become the new uncles, whereas the real uncle these In the things it was the uncle who addressed body, was it returned from the burial the place, [formally of the dead have things was a has become city, the uncle as a sorcerer, all who pray by especially are satanic. we buried a when Before, In dead branch" cemetery: for the And the Now the payment of funeral chapel now person's the has hides during death. (Field 2000) of the uncles" in this mortuary to death itself. accorded context also points to 20 African and Time Death Review Studies in Popular and Prayer Culture one A Saturday night in Kinshasa, May 2000: In the Mbuji-Mayi-Kananga, a out of of the bars of the moment, that the bounds puts beyond sign place for armed soldiers, a concrete leads stairway to a terrace. rooftop The of Bana OK, the heirs to one of the oldest Kinshasa-based orches a are concert. for late in OK Bathed Franco's tras, Jazz, getting ready night a glow of yellow, red, and blue lights, the Mbuji-Mayi-Kananga the occupies one of in Masina, three levels of a building along the avenue Lumumba as the "Peo also known Kinshasa's most densely populated neighborhoods, after the band has played a of China." Around midnight, ple's Republic members of couple tunes to warm up the audience, starts everyone to dancing its soon back at first, the glistening bodies rolling rumba rhythms. Holding more more in between and fervor tables and white plastic gar dance with to the delight of the street chil den chairs. From the terrace, and much sounds of the music drift out into the night, a dren below, the electrifying tidal wave of sound rolling out over the endless sea of this vast cit?1s corru gated iron roofs. As on other nights, Bana OK's playlist consists of the songs The that have come to form part of Kin's rich collective musical memory.3 crowd back into the sixties and seventies, band's songs propel the dancing as a time when the future a period that is now looked upon with nostalgia still looked bright, modernity's were promises still within Belle was still Kin kiesse, the city of joy, or Kin makambo, Boeck &Plissart 2004). Iwas listening to the music on that warm, While attention my night, was caught the by orchestra's and reach, the turbulent effervescent atalaku, the Kin-la city (De Kinshasa who person the rumba crowd with his slogans and shouts during the dancing soukous' fast dancing part (sehen) (see White 2004). In his shouts I could incites discern a repeated to reference the number 666. In the context of con has always gen temporary Kinois urbanity, the city's typical rumba-soukous an oneiric In and enjoyment. erated and represented space of pleasure and ludic these arenas of popular culture, dancing, sexuality drinking, in a never-ending and rooted the city's inhabitants defined "now," a et chairs du de des "ivre space sang" l'espoir euphoric postindependence see also and blood") (Yoka 1999:164; ("drunk with the hope of bodies Nlandu 2002), from which death was firmly excluded. As Sam Mangwana, music another scene, sings in a famous legendary figure of the Congolese Let Me Work," released on "Zela Ngai Nasala" 1960s song entitled ("Wait, "When will be the day I the album "Festival des Maquisards" by Sonodisc), die? I don't know. I want to live a crazy life, a life without worry, together with my friends, I ignore when my death will come, mother." Today, however, this very same site of pleasure, in which time was redefined and in which crushed and obliterated one of the main an Eternal Now, has become locales, death as a moment along with was of the Interlude: The Apocalyptic "enchanting" spaces and are mortality of Christian such, of spaces these between appearance, two spaces, there and for Kinshasa These part of itself in the bar and the church. lic in which fundamentalism, As reintroduced. temporality the city's two main form churches many 21 a fundamental reveals a exists also in Kinshasa Death Revealing considerable have own their pub overlap orchestras into a frenzied dance the sites of the religious gathering that transform tunes but replacing the secular lyrics hall, using the rhythms of popular ones. It is the with more increasing religious through theatricality of the in and the both these that also, spaces, f?te city folie, pleasure and psychosis, ludic and the lethal become interlocked and open up into the dimension of death, now unde that underlies all of Kinshasa's reality: the dimension the city: in the visible niable. Death has become omnipresent throughout form of funeral wakes that transform houses and streets into (matanga) or more in of and its invisible sites form, that of mercy, mourning public the "second city" (deuxi?me cit?), a shadow city that is constantly present as a parallel world of nocturnal its presence and evil forces and makes felt in in the form of "witch-chil the minds and lives of most Kinois, for example dren" street and to be considered children, of representatives a "dead soci ety" (soci?t? morte). of temporality, and thus of death, in contemporary The reintroduction nature and takes its point of is of a very specific eschatological Kinshasa more in in the Book of Revelation, the and Bible, departure particularly an omnipresent in Kinshasa's reference which has become of collec point was over tive imagination. The number which shouted the 666, being rooftops of Masina by the atalaku of Bana OK, referred, of to course, the Beast mentioned in the Book of Revelation (Rev. 13:18: "This calls for wis dom: let him who has understanding reckon the number of the beast, for it is a human number, its number is six hundred Christian traditions of the damentalist in the African urban locale and up of millennarianism growth throughout taken to be the vicarius filii commonly and sixty-six"). In the fun countless churches that have sprung to the luxuriant that bear witness is Africa, the Beast (the Antichrist) Dei or the rex sacerdotulus, the Pope and the Church of Rome. More generally, the Beast refers to Satan and his It is especially in Chapters 8-19 of the Book of Revelation that Satan occupies an important place. The opening of the seventh seal ushers in angels and trumpet blasts that, together with vivid descriptions of of judgment directed plagues, torment, and great woes, represent messages demons. the seventh and last trumpet calls against Satan's system of things. Before the thousand-year forth great voices that proclaim of God and Kingdom there is a whole interlude describing the war between diabolic Christ, swarms and the hosts of heaven. are executed In this interval judgments against political beasts, false (Babylon religion systems and doomed prototypes of the Antichrist. and its great whore) and against ungodly unbelievers, symbolized by dreadful wild Satan, bound to rise again after a thou 22 African Studies Review to a final test, will be finally dis sand years in order to submit mankind a of in of and lake fire, posed along with death, hell, his demons, destroyed and any rebels on earth who follow him. to the number of Bana OK, from 666, the musicians By referring within the hedonistic the linkage also evident dance, in one of Kinshasa's death, Morts, small Lemba-based orchestra, up by the city's biggest movements of zombies. thus producing This linkage is doom, recent of Death." the "Chamber picked were and enjoyment, and judgment. site of dance between crazes dance as La known Salle In this dance, which was launched Laviniora but has since Esth?tique, bands, Popular music the dancers imitate culture opens thus des by a been the robotlike up a space of as well as an eschatological the audience into the space, plunging in the of of time and the the end abyss linking apocalyptic description to the realities of everyday life as experienced Book of Revelation by the of the Kinois, in inhabitants of Kinshasa today. In this collective experience which stress is predominantly (a common put on the "death of the world" was na to die in is "mokili ekokufa "the l'an world 2000," going saying death the current 2000"), starvation, violence, (war, of life in the Congolese and very real hardships social looting, are breakdown) capital interpreted in light of this end. In it the lived-in time of everyday life in the city is pro a completion of everything, jected against the canvas of the completion is already that will be brought about by God and that, although hidden, not Him. the Book of Revelation is about doom As such, present with only but it is also essentially a book of hope, a symbol of possi and destruction, ble recommencement. wash your heart one As and to Kinois start a new put phase it: "the of vision apocalyptic life." is a way to in the Glorious Millennial This message of resurrection and entrance a is stressed is that also message Reign strongly by many of the churches. A Bible Tower and Tract Watchtower pamphlet (Watch Society [Jehovah's Wit was in Kinshasa under circulated which 1, 1999), nesses] ,December widely thus stated: "True, Revelation the Apocalypse?" does contain judgment messages against the wicked. But in their public wit on the wonderful hope set out in the nessing, God's servants focus mainly or Revelation. Thus they do not that in the Apocalypse, Bible, including words found therein? add to or take anything away from the prophetic the title "Should You Fear Revelation 22: 18, 19." con of most in the Congolese yet, the lived experience postcolony are in the churches' that contradicts these glad tidings expressed stantly the judg of hope. In the Book of Revelation, creation of such geographies a cloud in to come is announced the ment the of of Son Man, coming by And is preceded with great power and glory. His coming, though, by terrors, and his final victory over interlude between his preliminary and by a magic in which Satan Satan. Life for most in Congo situates itself in this interlude reigns. For some others, the world has arrived at the end of the thousand Interlude: The Apocalyptic 23 in Kinshasa Death Revealing in which Satan is briefly and thus at the moment year day of judgment centers of the Apocalypse released again. Thus the popular understanding to the on doom and the omnipotent of evil, presence thereby contributing life in of demonization rapid everyday Congo. is one in which the realities of the As such, the Congolese experience "in between" celebrated and the interstitial, which are so much by post are translated into mythical and colonial theorists constantly today, rience and and In time. moment this and occur condemnation, the specific the space-time, of salvation or the Antichrist, The interlude to expe in which space presence complex seem Congolese simultaneously. of the apocalyptic the dynamics which Most as lived in an intermediate revivalist the interlude. apocalyptic their existence doom, ing as an terms prophetic is not that of real the between chronology in scope temporal unfolds sav var in the Book of Revelation ious phases announced (the first and second of the and second release of Christ, Satan) has collapsed presence Coming come moments into a confusing in all of these which somehow present in what is often a swirling conceptual and existential imbroglio, out of the of the narrative linear, though arising explosion complex, in is outlined the Book of which Revelation. chronology of the Eglise "When we enter the year 2000," said Vero, a member in Libre the fall of 1999, (EELDA), speaking Evang?lique d'Afrique together the heavens down and their will open seat Himself on come God will descend. He will Then, gates. to the royal throne. will sit down His Jesus right Moses left and Eliah with the (for example to His the prophets The judgment After the judgment the good will commence. peo angels). on earth. to heaven. without sins will rise The sinners will Behind stay ple on earth Hell close heaven will will be established. itself, and here Jesus, and There Fire will burn will throw suffering. everything. People are in heaven the fire. They will wage war. Those who will No more of food delicious and experience joys. suffering, plenty singing, in the the first judgment Satan will establish himself joy upon joy. After start his The world transform and and will will into a Hell, world, reign. will be much into themselves the Bible come longer respect the of the end end of their the world. the world That wars The start, is what we tells us Bible the end that when children enters, live that we is why we no see parents. today, we will have of breakdown when Then, afterwards, authority. on earth, a a Hell here Satan will introduce system with stamp. will have the number 666. It is Satan's number. The is stamp stamp a like on about wars, looting, entered The talks towards laissez-passer, arm. Without our a Satan will put a stamp with the number permit. the number 666 you won't receive food. Without 666 666 you won't be able to buy things. Everybody with the 666 mark will be able to circulate Satan ber where, with 666 and freely the number accumulate 666 will goods receive food in your continue you will body to eat will have things disappeared. at will. Those for free. to are who suffer. Famine Suffering will will be saved by the num But without be every tremendous. 24 African of Because no this suffering as before. be longer of those fering are who to suffer accept down will come will Review Studies to wear and refuse into this world the with proceed to kill death will However, you will want yourself. be the end of the world. The suf It will no longer not on Satan's side will be eternal. But those who the the for 666 sign will second time, be saved when for at that moment Jesus he were a 'I was 'You, who you?' judgment: I to my neighbors.' 'And I was a musician, I I was rich, At the that moment, poor.' helped for the number 666, will be condemned mark, final the word preaching preacher, made dance."And people everyone ever. And Satan's wearing then the world the water, under the world and the things: the church the year of will earth. the create of spiritual and the Africans 2000, with (Conversation will God author, destroyed be like one. another churches of be It will come And that above. meaning suffer refused within Kinshasa those who we witness Satan's refuse in drowned will destroy these new all churches, Kimbanguist a Mpungu. the world destroy 1999, September be God At at the start midnight. Kinshasa) and contradictions stamp, oscillations that I pointed and hell of hope will suffering be eternal, this account thus gives they will be saved in the end. Although to the current crisis in which most Kinois find themselves (those and yet who For time: is why and down will Satan the awakening, their God Nzambi account the Vero's fully illustrates and chronologies the geographies between out and in Noah's a contract to sign the Devil's reign. with As such, it also situates squarely social collective imag Satan), Kinshasa's churches. This Christian of the fundamentalist the message inary echoes a entitled "Who Really in Watchtower is theme 1992 pamphlet developed a was in French translation circulated the which Dominates World?", widely a hand shows the title the 1990s. Above in late the in Kinshasa pamphlet on answer to is the the three the and page question globe, holding revealed: "The whole is in world the of power the evil that one,.. ancient serpent, who is called the Devil and Satan, the deceiver of the whole world" of evil of the globalization 12: 9)." This message (1 John 5:19; Revelation fundamentalism is Christian (and jointly of God) which by propagated in which the Con (and which, ironically, is the only form of globalization a a can claim popular leading role) has become golese really take part and and almost obsessive theme in the city's social imaginary. With meticulous and tries to expel the Forces detail, Kinshasa imagines, describes, life world is continuously the contemporary For many in Kinshasa, as an God which a Armaggeddon, (see Book is called place of Revelation in Hebrew (mondepandemonium), Ar-m?-ged'don"). of the multiple "second or demons in gather 16:16: "And they assembled referred is constantly Armaggedon, (deuxi?me monde), the where city" "fourth "invisible" worlds Kinshasa, their war of Evil. viewed against them at the place as self-proclaimed to by its inhabitants as a "second world" world" (deuxi?me cit?), "pandemonium dimension" of what (quatri?me is referred dimension, i.e., to as kindokinisme). one Interlude: The Apocalyptic The in Kinshasa Death "New World" between of Death Place Revealing and 25 "Second World" on one's interpretation of the apocalyptic is either about to happen (e.g., on January to some) or lies already in the past, meaning Depending of Judgment according lives in the grip of Satan. out sins. a Bibiche, Says In the first case, twenty-year-old is near salvation student, time scale, the Day 1, 2000, or in 2050, that the world now for those with a conversation during we had: There citate. a flood. be will all die. There Those Water an be will will sins will with be plentiful, everywhere. a clean Those with night. in the water down forever. eternal go then Heaven we'll resus will will fall This will be any more. upon recognize the century of our death. Sinners will die, those who committed adultery, to those with AIDS, those who those who dance music drink, ('the worldy men tunes of the banzembo ya mokili). More than 500.000 will die, country,' women. All and 3 million those who won't the Word will die. Before obey down and us, Christ's Second and hunger witches will Congo today. we won't And heart Coming, the famine, encroach each wars will churches us. All upon be of we everywhere, will prophets multiply fought false of other these things can already be live will and the seen in In the second case, one already lives in this drowned world, in the grip of the forces of Evil (and indeed, Bibiche's description of war, famine, reli gious text). and fanaticism, Here, however, witchcraft true sound is not hope entirely enough absent in either, the Congolese because con one can still be saved in a distant future, when Christ will descend for the second time and rescue those without Satan's stamp: the 666 sign. For many a vision of a (nearby or distant) Eanois, who seem to be caught between a constant mokili and New World the intrusion of a second world of ( y sika) demons and devils, of both the diffuse time scales time seem scale of to coexist. the apocalyptic is the interlude Typical that in death the lived world of many Congolese. changed place occupies As Vero expressed in the interview I quoted from above, not only is death, in the apocalyptic interlude, no longer as before, it is no longer the end of the world either. The theme of the "living dead," for example, is very much alive in the minds and experience of most Kinois. near Lemba Terminus, In April 2001 I visited a friend in his homestead a crowded and market where cambistes, illicit money square young seething one await their On of the clients. changers, garden walls in my friend's a black had that served as a black square somebody compound painted board for the children. One of the little nieces of the household, fourteen a to had written of the draft she had Mimi, essay prepare for year-old just school. The topic she had chosen for her essay was the following: 26 "The Topic: In the Man Review Studies African are not dead ever of this world, history ends with death. Man to the Bible According next few lines we will to their above, connecting this according in a way. This also while somewhere upon that have a for waiting see "second of judgment forgotten. the dead will not their In the dead as we immortal, death. are dead upon world." Judgment. are not dead be that their the comment the the Last never will before that will in The we will posed illustrates we topic active thought. made them which the life of today, dead when he no until but lives, until this person's to the Bible, that he today's are acts logic to the acts its creation when they not dead are they elaborate actions preceding a illustrated since is alive in analyzing not dead, lives. However, longer are the dead this fact: due dead." These acts really dead. have And by be judged never die, are They acts. previous of the Bible passages that Mimi was referring to is no doubt John 5: not marvel at this; for the hour is coming when all who are in 28-29: "Do the tombs will hear his voice and come forth, those who have done good, One to resurrection the of tion of judgment." 11: John themselves Similar on 11-14, to a deep death the stantly of be of movements have of messages resurrec the include quoted, where a resurrection prayer to evil, Lazarus, compares Jesus in God which both the just these a contributed the and great of the living and the dead by con interchangeableness these done 24: 15: "having a hope will and churches on focusing passages there have that are frequently resurrection that to the growing deal who those sleep, and Acts accept, new The unjust." and life, as resurrection framed with the spe cific religious time frame that pervades Congo today. can be witnessed in all the r?veil or revival This religious zombification ist churches, ing are excerpts member Congo), accounts where from returnees of an interview with from death Mama de of the church CADC (Communaut? who recounts how she died and returned abound. The follow a schoolteacher Nsasa, and de Dieu l'Assembl?e to the living: are many tenants. I live there in which One day, every compound were a was I to Children home alone. had off gone prayer campaign. body near I put my the chair Towards the evening outside. outside, playing rooms were closed. tenants' of the other The doors and windows door. In the Nobody times: house, Then was 'Don't but there be lock the door, I heard God's to put you sleep Afterwards your Tell them before me. kneel voice to make for again: God, pray.' 'Don't who I did be you see things. remain. The will called who me three inside the is calling you. Go a so and for time. long prayed to I want It is me, God. afraid. I will take your breath [your life]. for you. sing and pray living will not to return to life. will you, bury you, you them not to search school. Tell of your the director body not to mourn landlord and your if you go missing you this about who told me Tell and a voice I heard Then It is me, afraid. for two coming ir three event, days.' my When spirit was I heard no His longer voice of this au The Apocalyptic world. My the people God.... Interlude: was spirit what gone, had voice my muted. to me. happened next The I went and told day this was the work of said Everybody 27 in Kinshasa Death Revealing for the event to I gave my later, I was anxiously Days waiting happen. to a woman and my shoes who leads the prayer for these group, no me to me. to the I saw a light. Then It guided belonged things longer saw them was It was I church. and with people packed everybody praying. am I? their voices In which world pray but I could very vaguely. only hear are on my In which I fell asleep contem world chair while they living? watch I heard and at that very moment halted prayer light. Then I I fell three times. three times: Jesus, Jesus, Jesus. replied was dead, moment I At that but breath my ground immediately. this plating some call me onto the was still deacons rushed because my breath From heaven 'Amen', since had they me put me touched taken only return coffin. Then arrived on start I had praying been me a preacher the and I was Satan. still arms, my I couldn't rigid. asked whether they me. beneath the head. answer should a final they uttered days had passed as if cold, body somebody The around my people body standing to cry and and the women started cold, beg had lived They in Ngaba Two become were to close ready the lid of my of Kinshasa] [a neighborhood to ordered guided by the Spirit. He people to life so that I could back of what bear witness to me bring shown in heaven. put me of dead with people were dressed They ated and preacher my was He spot. world in the world. who The feet, they and when prayed, and I was dead_ and my me, refrigerator. felt the and to let me God a in had When They interrupted I saw the whole to leave. my massaged it had become They but head. my was a visa have yet me. my body voice had left me. my I nodded for me pray if I didn't towards to move tried They them as there, back chains In the evening in the world. On around their of my arms, as in black, in mourning, voice was freed, dead the second back way their neck while to descended they I could but my the and voyage I finished I was liber day, God I crossed groups and their ankles. speak. I started to wrote I down what preacher everything to dead and the started again, preacher to the world. on the third for good And finally, about my speak told him. When to God to return me pray a miracle me. an arm first and Imoved and resuscitated day, God worked then a leg. The preacher said: 'let us pray, for she is returning.' When they a were ears ended with 'Amen!' And with the sec my prayer unplugged. ond 'Amen!' On the third I stood 'Amen!' my eyes opened. up. A dis came out of my me odor fled away and watched gusting body. Everybody a distance, from to lead me but the preacher ordered the women into a some water house and wash and clothe me. They to drink gave me nearby and blessed great difficulty. n't circulated, and started some While food which I was intestines my to give witness dead had they gave the blood become of God's me which also, and hard, miracle. the water but slowly I swallowed with in my body had I returned to life (Fieldnotes, notebooks 78 /78bis) In contemporary borderline into Kinshasa, the "second children, world" too, are of evil with considered as much to ease cross the as Mama 28 African Studies Review Nsasa's between passage life and on death, her way to heaven up and back (see De Boeck dren between 8c De Boeck 2005). Increasingly, 2004, Honwana also, chil are four accused of and ages eighteen causing, through as well as the illness or death of other and mishaps, witchcraft, misfortunes In other cases little children and adults in their family and neighborhood. are of themselves into beautiful suspected transforming girls stunningly women to lure their own fathers and uncles into their bed, to snatch away or even death. Chil their testicles or penis, and to cause their impotence are also believed dren attacks their among in four-year-olds to be at the origin and relatives the "first world," into themselves to be appear second nocturnal, or heart or threeworld they to many in turn children. These streets trans Kin. of the Others through or crocodiles, serpents, "mystic" the cancer, birth have themselves already given become witch-children roaming form parents; in but of madness, others wata mami sirens. these hidden and open accusations erupt into vio Frequently suspicions the accused child's family. Often the child in question lent conflict within is in some beaten, severely extreme cases even killed, by or members family such forms of extreme (De Boeck & Plissart 2004:170) Although neighbors no means are most of such the rule, violence by alleged witch-children and (called sheta, tsor, or tshor, from the French sorcier, witch) are disowned and end up in the street, where they often team up with other repudiated abandoned children. The of the Imaginary The Changing Nature Conclusion: character of the forms in which violence nightmarish as of the qualities in well the transformations appear daily life, oneiric, death realities of constitutes what life and death, are characteristic as a whole that Congolese society deeper alterations roots of these changes, out going into the historical evolution sis of on may, sense, or of one level, important be There representation. is not what is "really" there, or more as a is a continuous of the links between signifier and multiplication of the factual 1996:92), an interchangeableness of the signs in stant reminder of the arbitrariness that in short, the widespread what you see feeling is there Iwould summarized of is undergoing. argue and and some With that this cri generalized rupturing and/or (see De Boeck signified a con and the fictional, the lived world. There is, is not what you see, what important, is not what matters in other words, the "crisis" situates itself in the In urban Congo, and disjunction of function and (such as the junction qualities changing in role of the hence the life and and between death), changing disjunction a in Put different that which way, the soci operates disjunction. imaginary, as most is also it and etal crisis in postcolonial Congo, poignantly expressed most. the increasingly revolves around in the space of prayer, essentially prob lematic positing or "siting" of the double (for example, death as the dou The Apocalyptic Interlude: Revealing Death 29 in Kinshasa ble of the living, or the double as the living and familiar figure of death). seems to have changed in the slippage between visible and Something its elili, as it is called in Lingala, invisible, between reality and its double, that is, its shadow, specter, or reflection, image. one hand, something has altered the significance of that elili, the seems to in of the it often have become unmediated that symbol, quality a a way, has of The in rather than reality representation reality. symbol, ceased to symbolize, but has become instead, ontological through a sever On the mechanisms of doubling, of junction and ing of the ties that operate is On the other its double. annihilated hand, reality disjunction. by Reality into each other, have lost their capacity to and its mirror image collapse exist simultaneously. What may be observed here is, in a way, the liquida as elsewhere in Africa, In Congo, tion of the double. there has always in a rather lurked, way, unproblematic another reality the underneath sur and stagnation, the visible world. Movement social or physical and the diurnal and the have death, nocturnal, reproduction always existed in and through each other, and the crossing from one world into the other even though it sometimes proved to be has always been easy to effectuate, face of dangerous. Today, however, within the specific space-time of the apocalyp seems to push aside and tic interlude, this other, second world increasingly take over the first world of daily reality. The invasion of the space of the liv of this more general change as is, for exam ing by the dead is symptomatic the invasion of the first world ple, by the second in the form of witch-chil dren and zombies. A term that is currently used in Lingala to describe this this quality of mounting Unheimlichkeit and elusiveness of the change, In seems is the to that Kinshasa world, mystique. postcolonial Afrique fant?me common to designate have become, it is increasingly and people, objects, to place, interpret, and attribute meaning situations as mystique, difficult to. In summary, what this contribution has intended to illustrate, through a focus on the Apocalypse, we call it cri is the changing nature?should sis??of the local imaginary, or better: of the qualities of junction and dis the and the between of and the junction imaginary symbolic, epistemolog ical breach that accompanies these alterations in Congo today. This breach is basically appearing in what is a growing indiscernibleness between the first and the second world, or between and its In the Con double. reality the first world of social reality is formed only in relation to golese context, a second world, a mirror image that is rooted in a collective imaginary. And are no the of in yet qualities reality Congo longer those of Lacan 's r?el of "appearance" in a city like Kinshasa, I would (hence the importance to the the first, comparable add). Instead, the second world has become the first economic way in which the informal second economy has become of doubling and mirroring, and the reality. It is clear that the processes of symbolization itself, have changed dramat qualities of the structuration of their previously unproblematic ically and, as a result, have lost much 30 Studies African Review context. in the current Congolese The the character linkages among of imaginary, symbolic, and real have lost their simultaneity; they or weakened and can no longer be trusted or taken for have disappeared ceased to be one of granted. The relation with the double has somehow to mystique and has from and turned familiar exchange negotiation, instead. What needs to be understood much better in order to grasp the orders of realities nature of such and changing, collective power, stability, transformations, postcolonial the thus historical, to its relation is the precise however, character of its "realism," symbolization?its its capac form, imagic ity to fix ontology. 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For a field I have years, article was The Biennial Tonda Trinh and field regular in a book with the urban in Kin trips (De Boeck architect and com Imaginary City," won at the Golden Lion The for Architecture, Institute rural research doing during culminated "Kinshasa: exhibition, Architecture in Venice, September Research-Flanders (2001), (2002); and from (2000), Robbins 2004. Recent (FWO). Grootaers (2001), a comparative and Palmer per (1997), (2000). introduction to is derived from music, Congolese term the Lingala is significant reality been mainly collected for Scientific by the Fund sponsored and Marshall-Fratani Gifford (2001), neologism of formations in both research in Kinshasa My work an exhibition that I co-curated (2000), and Weber good Kindokinisme the 2004. this (2003), (1998), Meyer see Hall, and Schuyler, spective 3. for International was extensive In recent and 2004) Van Synghel. by the Flemish Koen missioned 2. and 1997 conducted constantly in that seem it illustrates to require see Stewart kindoki, how new 2000. "witchcraft." the The use unpredictable frameworks. conceptual of trans
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