GLASNOST AND THE KNOWLEDCE PROBLEM: RETHINKING EcoNoMIc DEMOCRACY finn Tsnn~o the way decentralized and tacit knowledge gets used in society, and now represents a more positive account of the way economic knowledge Is created, discovered, and conveyed In market Institutions. The argument contains valuable lessons, not only about why the tradItional Soviet-type economyand many attempts to reform It have fidkd, but also why many more conventional Western-style racy would Involve.5 Socialism would go beyond Western-style representative democracy by extending the application ofdemocratic principles beyond questions of electing supposedly representative government officials and Into the whole economy. In the aftennath ofthe utter collapse oftheseideals, the notion of economic democracy needs to be rethought Marx’s version did raise relevantnot only to purely economic matters, but also to the issue of democracy. The argument suggests an alternative way to extend democratic values to theeconomy. The upshot ofthis way oflooking at things might be a different perspective on the possibilities for reférmlng the Soviet-type economy. Democracy means more than voting. Voting Is neither necessary nor sufficientforthe emergence ofagenuine democratic spirit Dicta• tonal regimes can go through the motions of elections but they arc not fooling anybody. Mid it is often possible for the participants tc come to a consensus so that voting can be dispensed with. Indeed, voting is a last resort atthe end ofa largerconsensus-Ibrmlngprocess asktwo other (probably equally difficult) questions: What is thecore meaning ofdemocracy? And what would it mean to achieve it Inthe economy? Marx was right at least to this extent: Democracy should apply to all ofour lives and should not be narrowly conceived as a form ofgovernment. The spirit ofdemocracy that animates glasnost anpiles to much more than nolitlcal elections and touches on the ulu,, nULL i3uuiivuv~. TVlUll. UIUSV~~ ULaVuU1a~auvIUwsacw fl 1KW degree to which participants are truly open to one another. To embrace the spirit of democracy Is to learn what it means to be “open,” to genuinely listen to what other participants are tryIng to say. To listen requires that one attempt to hear thetruth-claim ofthe other person’s words, to take those words In their most powerEd J—s~—-——s—s1—— n—--—————s2— -~ —— ~ .-—-s j—~1-. £1.~&—~ — .w awspiay OMfl~llS jS~•¶j1~•_èI.lV~O maot PJ~ yoSrnStwt~ W ~ V tIt V~ m whatever direction thedialogue Itselfdraws the particIpants; it must never become dominated by any one ofthem. The truly satisfying discussionsare those that are completely out ofanyone’s control and yet seem headed in a direction In which all ofthe participants are finding themselves driven.1 It Ic nnccthls. fgn~+1.1., lyIng nfnnan..pnelagl glInlgwrInaI nwlnaec hi been largely protectea many things long hulclen nave been maci.e public. The jesuits, achieved only by letting different voices be heard, have been truly astonishing. Glasnosthas given birth to anew phenomenon In Soviet society: public opinion, It has generated an open-ended public dialogue, a serious public questioning of the ba~icorientation ofSoviet society, openness that was Impossible a “fl’s at,nay fl, ‘~mss. Democratic discourse thus serves a knowledge-generating flinclion: ItaUows forpeacethlresolution ofdisputes and foranevolutionary learning process. Public political dialogue creates and communicates knowledge in a way that the politics of secret Intrigue and power cannot. The unhampered give and take during the free avnkanna ni 4elaoe Ic n.l.oI kidnne nwlar La n,.kIIa ,lIen..eclan ..nL eLa weed out less-efficient methods of productionInmuch the sameway that open verbal criticism weeds out weaker arguments In science or politics. The very open-ended tugging and pulling of alternative voices, which make a discourse productive ofnew knowledge, also onerats in the “discourse” ofmnrleetInteraction. As with commimica- other possible communicative methods, forexample, theiractions as consumers? To widen the notion of democracy to cover more than explicit discourse, wemust Include a broader range ofways ofInfluencing one another. Democracymust subsumenot onlythesituations of literal dialogues, but also the many ways In modern society In which we are able to communicate at a distance with one another. a fl~ M.JSQSW YMW W~S~flt ,w my ‘iv P. aawswmw a av tam 6 %•i aaa ~! Qa$ naled the collapse of Marxian aspirations for direct and genuine control over the economy. Instead, Marxlans settled for attempts to Influence the Soviet economy indirectly by controlling certain monetary and fiscalpolicy variables, and by securingthe “commandIng heights.” Although the economyrecovered dramatically under the NEt’ nnllev. Lenin and his Ibliowers cannot he said to have between democracy and the economy is conceived as an external relation, with government servIng as a way to steer markets and with democracy serving as a way to steer government This retreat thm destroying to controlling markets may appear to constitute an answer to the knowledge problem. It recognizes that marketsserve certain cognitive functions, among which are the flinc- a eu.~uy uusLflvvu Wit. WVWUVIUICU ayctvm ‘a pwpvity Ilgilta Was contract law, and a stable money and banking system.~ Theproperfunction ofgovernmentin afreeand democratic society should be seen as maintaining and Improving the rules by which we live peacefully among one another, not as deliberately carrying out any one person’s plan. Policymaking should pay attention to setting ~a1%I~SZLa44a..~.l~ I..,. .~...t. l.a ,val. ........1.~al. La wwn..rn .rn...ww S.- ...a.wm..aw same reason that Marxian central plannIng Is: Policymakers simply do not know what they are doing. Markets are not simply convenient things to “have” In the economy, which can be “put to use” in accordance with government’s goals. Markets are themselves the source ofknowledge ofhowthings can4get done Mall. The attempt to manlnin iota n.orl,ah, (ran. 41.. tan 4n1a. arac will. tho enmm..ninHva tIouis deliberate control to become democratic is itselfa throwback to pre-democraticthinking, If we return tothemodel ofconversation, we see that what makes a discourse democratic is precisely the flict thatIfls not underanyperticipant’s control. Justas a good discussion takes on a life ofits own and participantsare carried along by its flow, so markets constitute an open-ended process with its own systematic but U theargument I have been summarizing is valid, this analogy Is all wrong. The only task the central planners should need to achieveis the last one—getting out oftheway. Ifthe economyis not now under the planners’ effective control and could not be under anyone’s control, then reform should not be seen as Involving a complicated transfer ofconS from the center totheperiphery. The Routledge, 1935. Furubotn, ElrIk C., and Pejovich, Svetozar, eds. The Economics of Property Rights. Cambridge, Mass.: Balllnger, 191t Gadamer, ffans-Ce~ Philosophical Hermeneutlos. ‘fl~nslatedand edited by David K Unge. Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 191t Cadamer, Hans-Ce~Reason In the Age of Science. Translated by F. C. Lawrence, Cambridge, Mass,: Mif Press, 1982. tern: The Exarnple of Hungary. New York: Norton, 1990. Lavoie, Don. Rivalry and Central Planning: The Socialist Calculation Debate Reconsidered. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985a. Lavoie, Don. NOAIOIWJ EconomicPlanning: What I. Left? Cambridge,Mass,: Ballinger, lgSSb. L.avoie, Don. “The Market as a Procedure for Discovery and Conveyance of Inarticulate Knowledge.” Comparative Economic Studies 28 (Spring Department of Economics, George Mason University, Falrthx~~irgI~iIa, 1990. Sullivan, fichert B. Political Henneneuslcs: The Easly Thinking of HansCeorg Cadamer. UniversIty Park: Pennsylvania University Press, 1989. Vaughn, Karen I. “Economic Calculation Under Socialism: The Austrian Contribution.” Economic Inquiry 18 (October 1980): 535-54. Warnke. Ceorals. Gn,Lnnsr, ffsnnanautlts. Tnzdltlan. and Reaana Csn.-
© Copyright 2026 Paperzz