One Hundred Years of Soiitude. Indigenous Myth, and Meaning Jav University of Cape Town, South Africa Much of the initial critical reception of One Hundred Years of Solitude suggests parallels between the novel and the Old Testament (specifically the Pentateuch, the first five books thereof). It is an obvious source because the myths are widely known to Western readers. However, steadfast adherence to Biblical versions of creation, flight, and destruction in certain later critical interpretations of One Hundred Years of Solitude may have resulted in circuitous or needlessly cryptic interpretations. We may best consider this initial phase of analysis as a reasonable start, but not definitive or conclusive, and then propose other meaningful sources which may yield clearer, more precise parallels, which could be then be relied upon for a more expansive interpretation. We view One Hundred Years of Solitude as a distinct work, specific to the Americas; therefore, it may be considered in the light of the known history of the American continents, including pre-Hispanic history, myth and ritual. We may be remiss in examining such a novel only within a zone of canonical security. We may also consider that we, who are peoples of the American continents, are largely responsible for a lingering colonial mentality which rejects our mixed origins in favour of a false mimetic Europeanized identity, and that as a result we may have missed that precise criticism in the novel in our quest for understanding, by overlooking the novel's apparently non-Western symbolism. The first well-known critical review of One Hundred Years was penned by Reinaldo Arenas in 1968. It sets the tone for other scholarship on the novel by addressing its mythological qualities as follows: "En gran medida. Cien años de soledad está enmarcada dentro de una concepción bíblica, comenzando, como es lógico, por el surgimiento del mundo (Macondo, el pueblo imaginario, escenario donde se han desarrollado todas las novelas y relatos de Gabriel García Márquez), pasando luego por el diluvio, los vientos proféticos, las plagas, las guerras y las variadas calamidades que azotan (y azotarán) al hombre, culminando, desde luego, con el Apocalipsis."' The statement is logical, drawing apparent parallels between an ancient text and a modern one. We may contend that in terms of a book review this essay is brilliant and meditative, and it is an invitation ab initio 61 to critics to investigate Arenas' terms of reference more thoroughly, perhaps exhaustively. We may contend that Arenas' review is canonical, and that his prima facie conclusions were investigated thoroughly. Further criticism, while delving into the question of mythological origins, suggests that the Biblical parallels drawn by Arenas are more tenuous than they initially appeared to be. The closer one looks at the two texts, the less similar they appear to be. In Claves simbólicas de Gabriel García Márquez, Graciela Maturo states that "Tres son los principales temas bíblicos de García Márquez: la Greación, la historia de los Patriarcas y el Apocalipsis de San Juan" (151). Maturo's point about creation is examined in depth by Germán Garrillo, perhaps more emphatically as he states that "Lo que más parece llamar la atención de un lector asiduo de Cien años de soledad...es el no poco número de alusiones y comparaciones... en tre los Buendía de Macondo y Adán en el Paraíso. La primera está justamente en el tercer renglón de la primera página... .Es el universo adánico, abundante en riquezas... .lugar en donde los Buendía, como Adán, participan del prodigio de la Greación con la prerrogativa de dar nombre a las cosas que les rodean" (Garrillo 22). We are confronted by similes, prefaced by the fact that to a great degree our main source of comparative myth is Biblical. There is an insistence that the source is precise, yet at the same moment it is a tacit admission that closer scrutiny yields very little, and we are left slightly adrift. The tenuousness of Arenas' initial classification of the mythical framework of One Hundred Years becomes more apparent in Ricardo Gullón's examination of the character of Melquíades: "Las figuras del mito, míticas han de ser: Melquíades ante todo. Inútil asignarle una contrafigura simbóhca precisa..." (Gullón 145). At this juncture it could have been useful for criticism to have ventured beyond the pale, because as Gullón clearly indicates, at a certain point Biblical parallels proffer no further clues or answers but rather leave us to consider other sources. Whereas alternative sources of myth in the novel could have been explored after Gullón, this has not been not the case. According to Lois Parkinson Zamora, "Like Revelation, Cien años de soledad sums up the Bible, projecting its patterns of creation, empaire, decadence, renovation, catastrophe onto history," (Bloom 51). In the short span of a decade, between Arenas and Parkinson Zamora, the original supposition that myth in One Hundred Years is Biblical has become canonical. Emir Rodriguez Monegal later writes that: "[I]t is not necessary to resort to the Kabbalah...nor to the better known example of Nostradamus's prophecies...nor even to Mallarmé's famous dictum that everything culminates in a book, to discover that this concept which connects the book and the world is at the core of the basic religions of the West, as Borges has shown... it is obvious that Garcia Márquez arrives at this concept in his novel not only through the reading of the Bible... but also through Borges and his total reading of literature as text" (McMurray, 1987). The claim has now grown to include, if not demand, that One Hundred Years is founded on Occidental sources. Further insistence from the early 1990s underscores that the Biblical (and consequently Western) mythology is not the main source of inspiration for One Hundred Years but that it is the only one: "It would be surprising if the text did not make an implicit, ironic comment on the relevance and value of Western culture in those allusions 62 CONFLUENCIA, SPRING 2011 to Nostradamus and the Venerable Bede, but through them the text lays claim to the whole of the West. Moreover, it does not attempt to revive or to celebrate a lost indigenous culture" (Janes, 121). The same critic forces this view further: "If the reader feels this world is primitive and childlike, it is still the reader's own culture whose childhood Garcia Márquez is evoking. There is no pre-Golumbian local history, no Tupac Amaru or Macahueles, not even El Dorado. No spirit of Anahuac or the Ghibcha rises to grumble at the passing events" (Janes, 121). There is no evidence to support the contention that there is no pre-Golumbian local history. Furthermore, it demonstrates the extent to which critics have been willing to demand that the mythological content of One Hundred Years is of Western origins. Despite the brazen dismissal of historical and prehistoric American sources, it is amusingly the Ghibcha mythology which may prove to bear the strongest resemblances thus far suggested to character and thematic sketches in the first sections of the novel. The first character described on the first page of One Hundred Years is Melquíades. He is bearded, a foreigner, and he bears elements of culture known to the outside world but unknown to the people of Macondo. This is parallel to Nemquerequeteba or Bochica, emissary of the gods or the sun god, depending on the source, a bearded man who is racially distinct to the Ghibcha people; he arrives from time to time in their recorded mythology to bring elements of culture to the Ghibcha unknown to them but part of the cultures of the world beyond their reach. He is called a Buddha of the Muisca by Humboldt, and compared to Quetzalcoatl and Manco Gapac.^ Roberto González Echevarría notes that Gullón cites five Old Testament myths, including Exodus, referring to the departure of José Arcadio Buendia and Úrsula Iguarán from Riohacha.^ While retaining certain scepticism about the validity of these comparisons: "No single myth or mythology prevails." González Echevarría classifies José Arcadio Buendia as a sort of Moses (Myth and Archive 19). There is doubtlessly a playful reference to Exodus in the novel's second section regarding "la tierra que nadie les había prometido." If allowed to make a supposition, one might contend that the inference in the "the land that no one promised them" (33) is anti-Biblical, and that it may be polar rather than parallel. Likewise the word "éxodo" is used in the novel in reference to the group departure,^ which seems to beg for analogies or comparison, but to what degree is questionable. José Arcadio Buendia and Ursula Iguarán are not fleeing an angry Pharaoh to a promised land with the help of the Hebrew god of the Tetragrammaton; in fact, there is no authority divine or otherwise involved in their decision to leave, only sorrow and guilt manifest in the ghost of Prudencio Aguilar and no one prevents them from departing. Yet their flight is not serious for some reason: "Fue un viaje absurdo" (35). There is a closer correspondence to the creation of Macondo in the Ghibcha myth of Hunzahua. Hunzahua was the first Zaque of the city of Tunja according to oral tradition. He committed incest with his sister and they went on a long journey to escape scrutiny and condemnation. Hunzahua's sister bore a child on their long flight and they left it in the town of Susa. At the end of their journey Hunzahua and his sister jumped into the Bogotá River and turned to large stones below the Tequendama Falls. From this legendary union it was said that the Zaque of Tunja customarily married his sister. In another version Hunzahua and his sister were turned into snakes for having committed incest. VOLUME 26, NUMBER 2 63 The myth of Hunzahua is may further considered given that the first character described in Cien años de soledad bears remarkable similarities to Bochica, the Chibcha emissary of the gods. The myth begins with incest, the coupleflees,have a child along the way, and end their journey at a river. There is no struggle in comparing this Chibcha myth to Garcia Márquez's fictional characters and their deeds. It is more than likely that Garcia Márquez was familiar with the sketches of the Chibcha mythology given that they are well known element of Colombian history. Old World myths do bear some similarity to these, but in consideration of the beginnings with a character who resembles Bochica in form and content, and a couple whose flight is initiated by hostility over incest who end their journey at a river, the initial perceptions of Old World mythological dominance begin to wane. Regina Janes begins an essay by stating that One Hundred Years is, according to the author, deeply based in Colombian history. 5 We may take the author at his word, and preface this by stating that Fray Pedro Simon's Noticias historiales (1627) and Rodríguez Freyle's El Carnero (1636), both of which contain substantial information about the Chibcha, their myths and rituals, are standard foundational works of Colombian history. If we do take Garcia Márquez at his word, in which he clearly states that meaning in One Hundred Years of Solitude is heavily reliant on Colombian history, we may equally suppose that his knowledge of it includes the Chibcha mythology as recorded in the afore mentioned chronicles. Genesis in the Bible includes the creation, the tree of knowledge, Adam and Eve, the flood, Noah, etc. Apart from the idea of the novelty of divine creation and the punishing flood, there is only a side story of incest and flight, i.e.. Lot and his daughters. But the incest occurs between them after flight has occurred from Sodom, and because the daughters believe that they will have no husbands. That leaves only one other event in common with One Hundred Years, which is the flood. But unlike Genesis there is no boat, no special character warned previously of the arrival of divine punishment in Garcia Márquez's novel. It is therefore more unlike Genesis than similar to it. The Chibcha versions of creation or rather of procreation are limited to two parallel stories, one about Chía (or Furachoque) and the other about Bachué. Chía is the good goddess who emerges from the Iguaque lagoon with a three year old child, her own, and when he is of age they procreate very quickly, populating the world of the Chibcha. Once the lands are full of people Chía returns to the lagoon, or becomes the moon, depending on the sources of the myth. In the other variant, Bachué, known as a goddess of drunken debauchery, emerges from the same lagoon with her three year old son in tow, and at his coming of age procreates and populates the land with him. Bachué either becomes the moon or is turned into an owl as punishment for her incest. These two versions of tribal origin correspond well with the two mother progenitors of the Buendía family in One Hundred Years: Úrsula Iguarán and Pilar Ternera. Úrsula Iguarán is the legitimate wife of José Arcadio Buendía and would represent the image of Chía; Pilar Ternera, who bears two grandsons of José Arcadio and Úrsula, arranges trysts and ends in a wicker chair in a brothel, surrounded by weeping prostitutes, is much in keeping with the image of Bachué. Similarly the Chibcha myths of procreation relate only to the Chibcha people and their origin, as Úrsula Iguarán and Pilar Ternera are matriarchs only of the Buendía family. A very short summary of One Hundred Years to this point might follow thus: A bearded wise 64 CONFLUENCIA, SPRING 2011 foreigner arrives in the town of Macondo, bringing with him elements of culture known abroad but not by the people of the town. The principal inhabitants of the town are a man and his wife, who fled to settle this place on the banks of a river, arriving after a very long journey and having had a child along the way, the result of (the idea of) incest. The man and his wife have two sons, both of whom father children with a woman who revels in arranging trysts and reads the future, adding generations to their family, which is born of a myth of incest. Both the bearded man and the former have supernatural qualities (his ubiquity, her fortune telling). The basic elements of the foundation of Macondo and its initial generations are fundamentally indistinct to the Chibcha myths of origin. The story of thefloodin One Hundred Years bears little similarity to the Biblical myth except for the occurrence of a great flood. However, there is scarcely a world mythology that does not recount the event. Western familiarity with the Bible would explain why it has been the focal point of research into the novel's mythological sources, even though One Hundred Years is bereft of a Noah-like figure and the construction of a boat, and no figure of Mount Ararat in the background where such a boat might land. Conversely the Chibcha myth of the flood is simplistic: it is attributed to Chibchacum, a very unpleasant deity, who afterwards is punished by Bochica and forced to bear the weight of the earth on his shoulders. There is no manner of ascription of the Chibcha flood myth as the source of Garcia Márquez's work, but less still for Genesis. Part of the reason for that may be that flooding occurs during the family's fourth generation when José Arcadio Buendia and Melquíades are both long dead and the tone of the novel has shifted from the mythical to the mundane. The Chibcha myths most relevant to One Hundred Years relate mainly to the beginning of the novel: the emissary of the gods, incest, flight, and the disappearance of these characters or their transformation. A closer parallel to the flood sequence may be found in the Popol Vuh, in which there is no divine emissary to forewarn of a coming flood, sent to destroy the second incarnation of man which no longer venerates its forgotten gods. The most widely dispersed legend about the Chibcha to have spread beyond Latin America is that oí Fl Dorado. Rather than afictionalexplanation of how the constellations took their forms or how the earth was populated. El Dorado was the legend of a man dusted in gold, based on events that occurred at the Guatavita lagoon in the Chibcha region of Central Colombia. The ablutions that occurred there attested the wealth of the Chibcha. The ritual bathing which inspired the western myth of El Dorado are present in the novel in two characters: Remedios, the beauty, and the last José Arcadio Buendia. It is the latter whose baths relate specially to the discovery of the gold that Úrsula Iguarán had long before buried. The boys who wash him repeat the ritual of the priests of the Cacique of Chía, and the immersions that took place in the Guatavita lagoon. The last José Arcadio Buendia is not covered in gold but rather in possession of it and the boys he invites for debauchery murder him, taking the gold he has discovered. Like the first José Arcadio Buendia, he is unable to escape his own history and origins, even though he may be unaware of them. That this has been overlooked in interpretations may be related to the hammering critical insistence that One Hundred Years is Western. One might begin at the end of the commentary to note that the Chibcha need not rise to grumble at the passing events because their myths are present from the first page, that El Dorado is carefially, VOLUME 26, NUMBER 2 65 cleverly interwoven into the text in the character of the last José Arcadio Buendia and his entourage. Another of the novel's motifs apparently unrelated to Biblical or Western mythology is the manufacture of small gold fish. Gold is of course the major element in the novel and references to it abound. At the start of the novel, José Arcadio Buendia buys magnetized ingots from Melquiades because he is convinced he will find gold; his son Aureliano later manufactures small fish made of gold. Once again there is no direct or indirect allusion in this to the Bible. It may be too far a stretch to speak of King Solomon and his mines but that has not prevented anyone from making the comparison on occasion. The historical precedent for the golden fish is likely to be pre-Hispanic and Colombian. The discovery of small golden fish, dated to the Second Century AD in Quimbaya burial mounds in the province of Quindio in Colombia, was noted by Luis Duque Gomez in his history of Colombia (Duque Gomez, 309).^ The golden fish in One Hundred Years are also linked with death, as every character who is offered or receives one ofAureliano Buendia's creations dies prematurely and violently, including Remedios Moscote, the seventeen illegitimate Aurelanios, and Gregorio Stevenson. The connection between gold and death in the novel has been made in the literature but perhaps never in this particular vein, nor has it been linked previously to any pre-Columbian artefacts; that there are such objects related to death in the form of funeral offerings lends credibility to the idea that the motif originates in Colombia and specifically in its indigenous past. While pre-Hispanic rituals involving gold and bathing recount the myth of El Dorado, there are other indigenous Colombian rituals incorporated into the text. Rebecca's arrival in Macondo with a canvas bag bearing the bones of her parents is a clear allusion to Guajiro ritual cleansing of the bones of the deceased by a female descendant, as a preparation for the second burial and the transportation of the deceased to the spirit world. This is described aptly in The Way of the Dead Indians, Michel Perrin's 1976 anthropological study of the Guajiro people (Perrin, 109—111). It may have been taken as coincidental that the unburied bones were brought in a canvas bag, just as Perrin's description of the ritual suggests, but for the fact that Rebeca is from Manaure and speaks Guajiro with Amaranta, Arcadio, Visitación, and Cataure. As he stands before the firing squad Arcadio recalls never having been understood as well by anyone as by Visitación and Cataure in the Guajiro language (133). In short there is purpose to these references to the Guajiro people, language, and culture. On her arrival in Macondo, with the bag containing her parents' bones, Rebeca is in the midst of a process related uniquely to the Guajiro. It is described by Perrin in the following passage: "A close kinswoman of the dead person, usually belonging to that person's lineage...sorts and cleans the bones. She places them in a terra cotta urn... in a close-meshed net bag, or, nowadays, in a cloth bag, held by another woman. Very often several corpses belonging to the same matrilineage are removed at the same time from the various places where they were buried" (Perrin, 111). This process is called anajawat jipa, which means "the ordering of the bones," and according to Perrin is performed in preparation for afinalburial of the deceased. Perrin also states that in the strictest tradition women performing this ritual should not touch food but must receive it from the hands of others because of a disease which shamans calls "contagion through bones." The apparent 66 CONFLUENCIA, SPRING 2011 inclusion of currently performed indigenous Golombian rituals may suggest that the vision of Golombia presented by the novel is inclusive of its original inhabitants, and lends further support to the notion that Golombia's earlier mythologies may have played a much greater role than previously envisaged in attempts to unravel the novel's mythological base. Others questions arise from this episode in the novel. The issue of kinship with Rebeca is never clear, though a note which arrives with her states that her parents are both cousins of Ursula Iguarán and more distantly related to José Arcadio Buendía. That lends the reader to suppose that José Arcadio Buendía and Úrsula Iguarán both have some Guajiro ancestry. That would not be unusual in people from Rio Hacha or Manaure. They are never described physically except in a single phrase of the novel, in comparison to the men and women who arrive with Úrsula on her return to Macondo after leaving to search for her son: "No eran gitanos. Eran hombres y mujeres como ellos, de cabellos lacios y piel parda, que hablaban su misma lengua y se lamentaban de los mismos dolores." (García Márquez, 48). Although Rebeca is not described physically there is no great shock expressed when she is found to understand and speak Guajiro. Furthermore it is only when Rebeca begins to eat with the family that the insomnia plague begins. Visitación and Gataure do not mention the bag of bones, but very little dialogue emerges from them. The theme is not gratuitous; at this a line should be drawn between normal local culture and the magical realism with which it might be confused in the mind of a reader or critic who finds the bag of bones other-worldly. The insomnia plague is unreal; on the other hand it might easily have been inspired by apulainwa jipii, contagion via human remains, i.e. bones. It would be difficult if to imagine that, having knowledge enough to describe a girl in the midst of a Guajiro ceremony, the author could be ignorant of other aspects of the same culture, especially those surrounding the very ceremonies he alludes to, and then invent a plague that is unrelated to the cultural traditions he has just described. The traditional approach in the novel's criticism is to list the insomnia plague along with others in attempts to connect them with the Biblical Exodus, even though their only commonality is the word "plague." What Rebeca brings to Macondo is the presence of La Guajira and its customs, traditions, and also its myths, much more so than Visitación and Gataure, who serve mainly to amplify those themes with their mythical presence. The majorfiguresof Guajiro mythology are Juya and Pulowi, present at least partially in the figures of Visitación and Gataure. They are considered husband and wife, but also bitter enemies. Juya is the god associated with rain, and Pulowi is associated with the dry season. Each is greatly exaggerated on the level of sexuality: Juya is the most virile of men, Pulowi has the powers of attraction of a siren. This is not evident in either Visitación or Gataure, who are not described physically in the novel. These mythological figures are more apparent in two of the major characters of the novel, José Arcadio and then later on in Remedios, la bella. After the death of Remedios Moscote an enormous man enters the Buendía house and seduces a woman in seclusion whom he has never known but who is considered his sister, even if not by blood. That is José Arcadio who disappears before the arrival of Rebeca. Physically he is described as tattooed from head to toe and as having superhuman strength and very large sex organ. Mythical to be sure, this is the embodiment of Juya, the Guajiro god of the rains. One of the attributes of Juya is his seduction of virginal young VOLUME 26, NUMBER 2 67 women in seclusion. Michel Perrin records a myth from Guajiro oral tradition which recounts the arrival of a virile man with the rain, who comes to a young woman's house, asking to see his younger sister. The young woman does not know of a brother was lost and calls her parents. Her parents recall that a son went missing. While the maid tells the parents that the man wants to take his sister they go back to stop him, but it is too late, and they realize she has been taken away by Juya (Perrin, 57—59). This is basically the plot line of the episode of the return of José Arcadio and his seduction of Rebeca in One Hundred Years. The parallel is strong enough to suggest that parts of this novel are deeply rooted in Guajiro mythology and folklore. There is no thematic precedent in the Bible or Glassical mythology for the overt virility of José Arcadio or his seduction of a young woman who is identified as a younger sister, even though Rebeca is of a more distant kinship. There is no need to look beyond or overlook the mythology of La Guajira to find deeper meaning in this episode of the novel. It is precisely because the native mythologies of Golombia have been overlooked in the interpretations of this novel that we cannot understand it. This has occurred because we have been remiss in not recognizing that we cannot divorce art from history, and because we have allowed ourselves to be colonized again and again, dismissing our own past, and denying who we in the Americas really are. Garcia Márquez should be credited with weaving the mythologies of his country into a multilayered novel that enchants and befuddles, and even if the techniques he uses are of European origin he nativizes them in his text in the creation of a work of art that sparkles in the wealth of the American continents. If the novel were about the West, or at least constructed on ideas that emerged solely from the West and were later transplanted to the Americas, why would its meaning still seem cryptic after forty years of critical analysis employing Western materials? If its mythology is Biblical and Glassical, contorted to suit the framework of an interesting novel, why is the meaning of the novel misunderstood? What is apparent is that attempts to decipher the novel, such as the very characters' attempts to decipher Melquíades' manuscripts, have not brought about a clearer understanding of the work or its title. This may begin to emerge once we consider that Genesis, Exodus, and the Apocalypse are not the stories of the Americas, much less Golombia. The Americas were not included in the creation in Genesis, written by the hands of a person who was unaware of these continents or of the people who would build the pyramids at Teotihuacán, create the empire of Tahuantinsuyu, or the Anasazi cities. On a more localized level. One Hundred Years appears to gather the remnants of the pre-Hispanic Ghibcha mythology and present them as the beginning of history in his work. Further along the Ghibcha rituals mythologized as El Dorado are repeated as ablutions associated with gold. Theft of the gold at the end of the novel is a parable of Golombian history, plundered of its wealth by armies of foreign invaders. Because Melquíades' parchments cannot be deciphered before one hundred years have elapsed, the author may have been defying critics to figure out the meaning of his novel within such a period of time, if one accepts as reasonable the critical conclusions that the parchments are the novel. One tends to think of parchment in relation to the Torah, the Holy Scriptures of the West, but only because of one is saturated with information about all things Western, including in the Americas. But parchment was used before paper was affordable and plentiful, and it played a key role in recording of history of 68 CONFLUENCIA, SPRING 2011 Colombia. Alexander Von Humboldt bemoans the sad state of libraries and archives in the Equinoccial regions of the new continents: "I have shown that winged insects which live in society and whose suckers contain a linquid that irritates skin make vast territories virtually uninhabitable. Other insects, just as small, called termites create insuperable obstacles to the progress of civilization in several hot countries. They rapidly devour paper, cardboard and parchment, and thus destroy archives and libraries. WTiole provinces of Spanish America do not have any document that dates back more than a hundred years" (Humboldt, 210). That Humboldt mentions insects devouring parchment and that entire regions were left without a single document that survived one hundred years could be reduced to coincidence but for the fact that it is alluded to directly in the novel. As he is busily editing his manuscripts just previous to his death, Melquíades is overheard by Aureliano: "In reality, the only thing he could make out in his rocky paragraphs, was the insistent hammering of the word equinox, equinox, equinox, and the name of Alexander Von Humboldt" (García Márquez, 89). The meaning of the novel's finale alters slightly in view of Humboldt's assessment. All focus is on Colombia and its history. If in Colombian history archives written on parchment were devoured, lost to the elements, forever irretrievable, and invaluable information forever lost, including birth certificates, death certificates, records of marriages and baptisms, tax collections, deeds to properties, and the histories of new settlements, then those historical blanks, tantamount to the quotidian affairs of people in different regions would also be lost and the memory of them as well. Thus, One Hundred Years is a lament of the loss of history. There is no opportunity for the characters to be recuperated because, like the historical papers and parchments on which much of the history of Colombia was written, their history and future are devoured by insects. The time frames described at the novel's end are parallel to those at its start and in the parchments: manifold and all occurring simultaneously, with beginning and end in the same phrase. Macondo is wiped off the face of the earth by the biblical hurricane. The biblical hurricane is a clear, direct reference to a Mayan deity, Hurakán and the book he emerges from: The Popul Vuh. This is a conclusion one may draw when considering that the word "biblical" or "bíblico" refers to any book, not particularly the Bible, and the name "huracán." Hurakán was venerated all over the Caribbean as the god of thunder and lightning, and in the Popol Vuh this god works with Gucumatz, the plumed serpent deity, in the creation and destruction of the three incarnations of mankind. The Popol Vuh is often referred to as the Bible of the Americas. This has probably escaped our attention because we have clung to the notion that the only sources of reference in the novel are Western. Perhaps referring to our unique origins is still taboo and we have yet to dispense with the ball and chain of colonial era denial of our past and indigenous ancestry and all its trappings, outside of Anthropological studies and museums. Noting that the beginning and ending of One Hundred Years both draw heavily on indigenous American mythologies, what emerges is not a claim to the whole of the West, as Regina Janes once stated. Rather there is a harmonious connection of the people to the land and essentially to the current cultures of the Americas which are built on an autochthonous base. The novel's ending is not as pessimistic as it might seem to an untrained eye. It recalls the sign placed on the main street of Macondo that reads "God VOLUME 26, NUMBER 2 69 exists." Once that sign is placed over a street in Macondo, during the worst of the insomnia plague, Melquíades returns from the dead to reinstate the people's memory. That might answer which god is evoked, to magically offer his people another opportunity to recall the past and their origins. Once he is truly dead and forgotten and only his spectre remains, there can be further chances to remember. Thus One Hundred Years is a call to us to remember that we are distinct, that we have another history. In One Hundred Years it is not the God of the Old Testament but Hurakán who returns to destroy a creation his is unsatisfied with, just as in the Popol Vuh. The last generations of the Buendia family do not know or remember their gods, just as the second incarnation of man in the Popol Vuh. In One Hundred Years, the gods of the first word in Latin America are given thefinalword. Far from pessimistic, the end of One Hundred Years ofSolitude is an allegory of the mindset of much of the Americas which continues striving to be Western. Reigning interpretations of this novel, addressing the temporal realities of the novel while rejecting the pre-conquest languages and cultures, reflect the forces of oblivion and rejection endemic in the characters in One Hundred Years ofSolitude. It may be better to reassess initial investigations into the novel, to consider them a good starting point while recognizing as well that they have not provided the deeper understanding of the novel they once promised, and that, perhaps, because we have examined those documents without consideration of Colombia itself And we may begin to reassess based on what we already understand, which is that One Hundred Years of Solitude relies heavily on Colombian history and apparently Colombian pre-history for deeper meaning of its allegories. Notas ' Reinaldo Arenas. Casa de las Americas, num. 48 (mayo-junio, 1968), pp. 134—138. 2 Quetzalcoatl, Botchica y Manco Capac son last resfiguresmíticas a las que se remontan los principios de la culturas de los aztecas, muiscas (propiamente chibchas) y peruanos...Botchica o, mejor dicho, el emisario divino Nemterequeteba, barbudo también y vestido con luengo ropaje (un Buda de los muiscas), llega a la altiplanicie de Bogotá procedente de las estepas herbáceas del este de la cadena andina" ( Humboldt 358) . 3 "Polemic: With Borges in Macondo," p. 57. ^ CAS 40. "Se llamaba Pilar Ternera. Había formado parte del éxodo que culminó con la fiindación de Macondo..." 5 Regina Janes, "Liberals, Conservatives, and Bananas: Colombian Politics in the Fictions of Gabriel Garcia Márquez," in Bloom, pp. 125-146. The noted sentence reads: "Garcia Márquez once remarked that the reader of Cien años de soledad who was not familiar with the history of his country, Colombia, might appreciate the novel as a good novel, but much of what happens in it would make no sense to him. " '' "En la región del Quindio se han hallado piezas de orfebrería en forma de peces, en tumbas de planta rectangular revestidas con lajas de piedra, especialmente en Albania y en Callelarga. En este último sitio se excavó una sepultura de la forma referida, que consistía en 60 piezas de oro en forma de sardinas. La estructura de las demás tumbas halladas aquí, lo mismo que la ofrenda funeraria, eran idénticas." Bibliography Arenas, Reinaldo. "En la ciudad de los espejismos." Casa de las Americas num. 48 (mayo-junio, 1968), pp. 134-138.Print. Brotherston, Gordon. Book ofthe Fourth World. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1992. Print. Carrillo, Germán Darío. La narrativa de Cabriel García Márquez. Madrid: Ediciones de Arte y Bibliofilia, 1975. Print. Chaves Mendoza, Alvaro, et al. Los indios de Colombia. Madrid: Mapfre, 1992. Corwin, Jay. La transposición de fuentes indígenas en Cien años de soledad. Mississippi:-Romance Monographs, 1997. Print. 70 CONFLUENCIA, SPRING 2011 Duque Gómez, Luís. Etno-historiay arqueología. Bogotá: Lerner, 1965. Volume I of Historia extensa de Golombia. 23 volumes. Print. García Márquez, Gabriel. Cien años de soledad. Madrid: Real Academia Española, 2007. Print. González Echevarría, Roberto. Myth and Archive. Gambridge: GUP, 1990. Print. González Echevarría, Roberto. "Polemic: With Borges in Macondo." Diacritics, vol. 2, no. 1. 1972. Print. Gullón, Ricardo. García Márquez o el olvidado arte de contar. Madrid: Taurus, 1973. Print. Humboldt, Alexander von. Del Orinoco al Amazonas: Viaje a las regiones equinocciales del nuevo continente. Trans. Francisco Payarols. Ed. Augusto Panyella. Barcelona: Editorial Labor, 1962. Print. Janes, Regina. One Hundred Years ofSolitude: Modes ofReading. Boston: Twayne, 1991. Print. Maturo, Graciela. Claves simbólicas de Gabriel García Márquez. Buenos Aires: Gambeiro, 1972. Print. McMurray, George R.,ed. Critical Essays on Gabriel Garda Marquez. Boston: G.K. Hall, 1987. Print. Ortega Ricaurte, Garmen. Los estudios sobre lenguas indígenas de Golombia. Bogota: Garó y Guervo, 1978. Print. Perrin, Michel. The Way ofthe Dead Indians: Guajiro Myths and Symbols. Austin: U of Texas P, 1987. Print. Popol Vuh: Sacred Book of the Quiche Maya. Trans. Delia Goetz and Sylanvus Morley. Oklahoma: U of Oklahoma P, 1950. Print. Rodriguez Monegal, Emir. "One Hundred Years of Solitude: The Last Three Pages," in McMurray (1987): 147-52. Print. Triana, Miguel. La civilización chibcha. Bogotá: Biblioteca Banco Popular, 1970. Print. 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