2016-2017 Atlanta Urban Debate League
Capitalism Kritik (Neg & Aff Answers)
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Table of Contents
Whatisthepurposeofthiskritik?..........................................................................................................................3
BasicStructureofaKritik........................................................................................................................................3
KeyTerms................................................................................................................................................................4
NegativeIntroduction.............................................................................................................................................5
AffirmativeResponsestotheKritik.........................................................................................................................5
NotetoCoaches&Debaters...................................................................................................................................6
Capitalism-KNEG.....................................................................................................................................................7
***1NC1/3***........................................................................................................................................................8
***1NC2/3***........................................................................................................................................................9
***1NC3/3***......................................................................................................................................................10
***2NCOverview***............................................................................................................................................11
***Theysay—Framework***...............................................................................................................................12
***Link—Extension***.........................................................................................................................................13
***Impact—Extension***....................................................................................................................................14
***Alternative—Extension***..............................................................................................................................15
Capitalism-KAffAnswers.......................................................................................................................................16
***2ACFrameworkArgument***........................................................................................................................17
***2AC—Permutation***.....................................................................................................................................18
***2AC—Capitalismisgood***............................................................................................................................19
***2AC—Thealternativedoesnotsolve***........................................................................................................20
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What is the purpose of this kritik?
The purpose of a kritik is to test the assumption of the 1AC… the choices that go into creating the 1AC, the
assumptions of the unsaid values that are promoted by the worldview of the 1AC is questioned.
A disad is plan-focused. What does this mean? A normal plan versus a disad debate doesn’t ask ethical questions about
who or what the 1AC represents or supports. Those debates operate within what is called a utilitarian calculus or what
is good for the greatest number of people. In this case it would be who prevents the most lives from dying. The
affirmative assumes that the plan AND ONLY THE PLAN can solve the problem identified by the 1AC. The affirmative
operates in a problem-solution mindset. Meaning, we’ve identified a problem here is the solution. The 1AC generally isn’t
trying to challenge the structure of the problem-solution model.
A kritik says that there is a prior question that must be asked. A kritik poses an ethical question such as “should we
endorse the affirmative if the affirmative supports a system that is morally wrong?” There are multiple reasons why
something is morally wrong, the system that the affirmative supports exploits people, oppresses people, or even commits
acts of violence against different groups of people because they are different.
A kritik brings historical considerations into debate. Kritiks analyzes the systems, representations (how the 1AC
describes the world), or the education it teaches. Kritiks change how we evaluate impacts in the debate. A kritik says
that a there is more than one way to evaluate impacts.
It does it this is a couple of ways. The negative can says that the impacts of the affirmative are inevitable as long as we
support this current system and way of thinking. The second more simplistic way is to read impact defense against the
affirmative impacts is to simply deny or negate the affirmative claims (If the aff says nuclear war will happen the neg says
nuclear war will not happen).
Basic Structure of a Kritik
Akritikisanoff-caseargumentthathasabasicstructuresimilartootheroff-casearguments(disads,counter-plans,
etc.).Therearethreepartstothestructureofabasickritik:1)Link,2)Impact,and3)Alternative.
Link–Thisisanexplanationwhythekritikappliestotheaffirmativecase.
Impact–Thisisthebadthingsthathappenbecauseofthewaytheaffirmativeoperatesintheworld.
Alternative–Thisisthegoodthingsthathappenifthejudgerejectsthewaytheaffirmativethinksabouttheworldand
acceptstheworldviewthenegativehasintroducedintotheround.
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Key Terms
Bourgeois-oforcharacteristicofthemiddleclass,typicallywithreferencetoitsperceivedmaterialisticvaluesor
conventionalattitudes.
Capitalism-Aneconomicsystemthatfeaturesprivateownershipofthemeansofproduction(suchasfactories,offices,
andshippingenterprises)andinwhichmarketforcesdeterminethewayinwhichgoodsareproducedandthemeansby
whichincomeandprofitaredistributediscalledcapitalism.
Ethics-moralprinciplesthatgovernaperson'sorgroup'sbehavior.
Framework-Abasicstructureunderlyingasystem,concept,ortext.
Imperialism-thepracticeofalargercountryorgovernmentgrowingstrongerbytakingoverpoorerorweaker
countriesthathaveimportantresources.
Militarism-thebeliefordesireofagovernmentorpeoplethatacountryshouldmaintainastrongmilitarycapability
andbepreparedtouseitaggressivelytodefendorpromotenationalinterests.
Rootcause-isaninitiatingcauseofeitheraconditionoracausalchainthatleadstoanoutcomeoreffectofinterest.
Socialism-apoliticalandeconomictheoryofsocialorganizationthatadvocatesthatthemeansofproduction,
distribution,andexchangeshouldbeownedorregulatedbythecommunityasawhole.
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Negative Introduction
Thestoryforthecapitalismkritikisusingeconomicengagementforatransformationinanothergovernmentwhoisthe
targetoftheengagementstrategy.Thelinkevidencesaysthateconomicengagementbecomesanaddictiontotheother
governmentandthentheypressureothernationstojoininandbecomeapartofbuildadditionalcapitaliststructures.
ThistypeofengagementallowstheUnitedStatestomanipulateothercountriesintodoingthingsthattheU.Swants
theseothercountriestodo.Thismanipulationcrossesoverintobothdomesticpoliciesandforeignpolicy.
Thismanipulationistherootcauseofviolenceandcauseswars.Thisisexplainedbythelinkcardinthe1NCwith“the
politicsofdescription.”RegardlessofwhotheUSpresidentis,theUSintendstoimposedemocracyglobally.TheU.S.
thinksthatanythingopposedtocapitalismisathreattodemocracyandalsoathreattoglobalorder.Theseconstructions
ofthreatsmakesviolenceandwarinevitablebecauseaslongastheU.S.continuestoseeoppositiontocapitalismasa
threattodemocracyandglobalstabilitythenwhatfollowswillbeattacks,wars,andviolence.Theimpactcardsaysthe
affirmativeignorestheoppressionthatiscreatedandsustainedbycapitalismwhichmeansthatviolencecreatedby
capitalismwillalsocontinuewiththepassageofthe1AC.
Thealternativecallsforaradicalchangetohowcapitalismfunctions.Thealternativecardsaysthatcapitalismcontrols
everythingincludingthelegislativeprocess.Thatmeansseekingsolutionsthroughlegalchangeswillnotproducethe
endofcapitalism’scontroloversociety.InsteadMeszaroscallsforaradicalrethinkingofhowcapitalismproducespower.
Thisrethinkingproducesadifferentwayofthinkingabouttheworldaroundusandhowweshouldengagewithit.The
alternativesaysthatreeducatinghowcapitalismisdestroyingtheworldisnecessarytoreducethepowerofthestate.
Affirmative Responses to the Kritik
1st—Framework—Frameworkisanargumentthathelpsthejudgeestablishwhichimpactsmatterandwhy.It’sasking
thejudgetoconsiderhowhe/shethinksabouttheworldtomakeadecision.Theaffirmativewillsaythejudgeshouldbe
apolicymakerandonlyconsiderpolicyoptionswhendeterminingwhatisthebestcourseofaction.Thenegativewill
counterwiththeirownframeworkargumentthatsaysthejudgeshouldbeanethicalevaluator,andthatethical/moral
concernsoutweighsthepotentialbenefitsofthepolicyintroducedinthe1AC.
2nd—Permutation—Apermutation(perm)isanaffirmativestrategythatexplainstheplanandthealternativecanbe
doneincombinationwithoneanother.Forexample,theaffirmativeteamwouldsaywecandotheplanandre-think
howcapitalismleadstothreat-constructionandviolence.Thenegativewouldarguethatthepermeitherstilllinkstothe
kritikbecauseitincludestheU.S.governmentandendorsescapitalism.Orinordertodoboth(dotheplan&acceptthe
kritik)itmustseveroutofpartsofthe1AC.Severanceisadebatetheoryargumentthatsaysiftheaffirmativeisallowed
toremoveargumentsitmakesduringthe1AC,thecaseisunpredictable(amovingtarget)thatnonegativeteamcould
winbecausethetheycouldnevergetlinkstoanyargumentsiftheaffirmativecaseisconstantlychangingthroughoutthe
debate.
3rd–Defendyourcase—Affirmativescansaycapitalismisgood.Theaffirmativeteamcansaysthatcapitalismiskeyto
solvingavarietyofimpacts,includingtheenvironment,conflicts,andwars.
4th–AffteamsshouldmaketheargumentthattheKritik’salternativedoesnotsolvetheaffirmative.Becausethe
alternativerejectsthenotionoflegislativeactionthatmeanstheplanshouldnotbepassed.Iftheplanisnotpassed
thentheadvantagesareneversolved.IfthathappensthenthoseadvantagesbecomesdisadvantagestotheKritiksince
theKritikwouldpreventtheplanfromhappening.
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Note to Coaches & Debaters
Somecoachesmaybeawareofvarioustheoryargumentsthatcanberunagainstthekritik.Atthis
timewearenotpreparedtowidelydistributethosetheoryargumentstotheentireleague.Please
limitargumentsandstrategiestotheoneslistedinthepacket.Movingforwardwemayaddthese
strategiestokritiksreleasedinfutureseasons.
Thustheonlytheoryargumentsthatcanberunbytheaffirmativeteamsare:
Framework
Severance
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Capitalism-K NEG
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***1NC 1/3***
A.Link—Economicengagementcreatesaformofcontroloverdevelopinggovernments
Mansfield&Browne09’EconomicInterdependenceandInternationalConflict:NewPerspectivesonanEnduringDebate,EdwardD.MansfieldisHum
RosenProfessorofPoliticalScienceandCo-DirectoroftheChristopherH.BrowneCenterforInternationalPoliticsattheUniversityofPennsylvania.BrianM.Pollinsis
AssociateProfessorofPoliticalScienceatOhioStateUniversityandaResearchFellowattheMershonCenter.PG180
Alongthoselines,therecentliteraturehasservedasecondimportantpurpose—toclarifytheunderlyinglogicof
economic-engagementstrategyandtopointtosomeofthelikelydeterminantsofsuccessorfailure.Inastriking
convergence,virtuallyalloftherecentstudieshighlightthelinkagesbetweendomesticpoliticsandforeignpolicy
strategyasthekeyfactorsdrivingthepotentialeffectivenessofeconomicengagement.
Thebasiccausallogicofeconomicengagement,andtheemphasisondomesticpolitics,canbetracedtoHirschman.He
viewedeconomicengagementasalong-term,transformativestrategy.Asonestategraduallyexpandseconomic
interactionwithitstarget,theresulting(asymmetrical)interdependencecreatesvestedinterestswithinthetarget
societyandgovernment.Thebeneficiariesofinterdependencebecomeaddictedtoit,andtheyprotecttheir
interestsbypressuringthegovernmenttoaccommodatethesourceofinterdependence.Economic
engagementisaformofstructurallinkage;itisameanstogetotherstatestowantwhatyouwant,ratherthanto
dowhatyouwant.Thecausalchainrunsfromeconomicinterdependencethroughdomesticpoliticalchangeto
foreignpolicyaccommodation.
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B.Impact—Capitalismistherootcauseofviolenceandcauseswars
VattimoandZabala11GianniVattimo,emeritusprofessorofphilosophyattheUniversityofTurinandamemberoftheEuropean
Parliament,andSantiagoZabala,ICREAResearchProfessorofPhilosophyatthePompueFabraUniversity,HermeneuticCommunism,Columbia:
NewYork,NY(2011),pg47-54
Althoughreportsfrommanyotherstatesalsowarnofafuturerifewithwars(overwater,immigration,andinfectious
diseases),19thefactthat"absolutepoverty"and"comparativedisadvantage"arenowalsoconsideredthreatsforthe
securityofframeddemocraciesinevitablyposes"other"alarmsthantheonesindicatedbyFukuyamaandKagan.Aswecan
see,thecomingthreatsarenotlimitedtoRussia,China,andIndia,which,asKaganexplains,havebecome"responsible
shareholders,"butrathercomefromeveryonewhoisnotpartofframeddemocracy'sneoliberalcapitalism.Thisiswhy
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wedonotbelievethenextwarswillprimarilybeagainstotherstates butratheragainstthose"uselessshareholders,"who,
forthemostpart,aretheweak,poor,andoppressedcitizens,ashighlightedinthedefensereports.Asweargue,theweak
donotpossessadifferenthistorybutratherexistathistory'smargins;thatis,theyrepresentthedischargeofcapitalism
andarepresentnotonlyintheThirdWorldbutalsointheslumsofWesternmetropolises.Theseslumsarenotonly
becominglargeraswewritebutalsoarewherethemajorityofthepopulationisforcedtolivebecauseoftheconcentrationof
capital.WhileintheWesttheslumsarebecomingbattlegrounds,insomeSouthAmericanstates,aswewillseeinchapter
4,theyhavebecometerritoriesforsocialimprovementthroughcommunistinitiatives.Insum,theconflictsofthetwentyfirstcenturywillnotbecausedbythereturnofhistory,asFukuyamaandKaganpredict,butratherbyitsownends:liberal
states.
Thefactthatframeddemocracyisalreadypreparingtofightandwinsuchurbanwarsindicateshowwithinour
democraticsystemchangeisalmostimpossibleandalsohowtheoppressiveeffectsofcapitalismarepredictedto
increase.AsMeiksinsWoodexplained,whether"nationalorglobal,[capitalism]isdrivenbyacertainsystemicimperatives,
theimperativesofcompetition,profit-maximizationandaccumulation,whichinevitablyrequireputting'exchange-value'
before'use-value'andprofitbeforepeople."21Thesearesystemicimperativesofdominion,supremacy,andcontrolover
others,andtheyresultinsuchmetaphysicalsystemsasliberalism,wherethepoweroftheindividualbecomestheonly
substance.Ourgoalinthischapteristodemonstratehowframeddemocracy'sliberal,financial,andsecuritymeasuresregulateone
anotherinorderbothtoconserveourcurrent"lackofemergencies"andtoimposenecessaryemergencies.
Ifthedemocracies'chiefpriorityistoconservewhatHeideggercalledthe"lackofemergencies,"thatis,theneutralityachieved
throughscience'sliberalessence,modernstatesstillhaveanessentialfunction,contrarytotheopinionofmanycontemporary
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thinkers. Thisfunctionisnotlimitedtothehistorical,racial,orlinguisticidentificationofastate'scitizensbutextendstoother
states:"liberalstates"arealso"liberatingstates";thatis,theyliberateotherstatesfromundemocraticregimes.Therecent
imposedliberalizationofIraqandAfghanistan(alsocalled"statebuilding")occurredundertheordersofotherliberalstates
andasaconsequenceoftheessenceofliberalism.Itisalsointhenameofthisessencethatdemocracyisimposedtoday
asthebestsystemofgovernmentevenwhenitbecomescorrupt.Aswementionedinthepreviouschapter,the"liberal
essence"ofscienceconsistsinitsidealofobjectivity,thatis,establishing"truth"or"freedom"asonlywhatlegallyenterswithinthe
established,recognized,andframeddemocraticorder.
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ItmustbeforthesereasonsthatCarlSchmittviewed"liberalismasacoherent,all-embracing,metaphysicalsystem" andthat
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Heideggervieweditasanotherproduct,withfascism,capitalism,andcommunism,ofsubjectivistmetaphysics. Thisiswhywithin
metaphysicallyframeddemocraciesliberalismavoidschange:whiledemocraticelectionsareproceduresforpossiblechange,
liberalismistherealmwithinwhichsuchchangepresentsitselfthroughelections,finance,andinstitutions.Liberalelectoralresults
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representhumanity'sunconditionalself-legislation,inotherwords,thefocuson"theI" fromwhichstemsliberalism.Butthisvision
fromapure"I,"accordingtoHeidegger,isimpossibletoachieve,becausetherearenoexperiencesthateversetmanbeyondhimself
intoanunentereddomainfromwithinwhichmanasheisuptonowcouldbecomequestionable.Thatis—namely,thatselfsecurity—thatinnermostessenceof"liberalism,"whichpreciselyforthisrea-sonhastheappearanceofbeingabletofreelyunfold
andtosub-scribetoprogressforalleternity....Thus,itnowtookonlyafewyearsfor"science"torealizethatits"liberal"essence
andits"idealofobjectivity"arenotonlycompatiblewiththepolitical-national"orientation"butalsoindispensabletoit.Andhence
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"science"aswellas"worldview"mustnowunanimouslyagreethatthetalkofa"crisis"ofsciencewasactuallyonlyaprattle. 9
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C.Thealternativeistovotenegtoengageinradicalcritiqueofstatecapitalismwhichresultsinits
ultimatedestruction
Meszaros‘08[Istvan,ChairofPhilosophyattheUniversityofSussex,TheChallengeandBurdenofHistoricalTime,p323-328]
unrealityofpostulatingthesustainablesolutionofthegraveproblemsofoursocialorderwithintheformalandlegalframeworkandcorrespondingconstraintsofparliamentary
politicsarisesfromthefundamentalmisconceptionofthestructuraldeterminationsofcapital’srule,asrepresentedinallvarietiesthatassertthedualismofcivilsocietyandthe
The
politicalstate.Thedifficulty,insurmountablewithintheparliamentaryframeworkisthisthatsincecapitalisactuallyincontrolofallvitalaspectsofthesocialmetabolism,itcanaffordtodefinetheseparatelyconstitutedsphereofpoliticallegitimationasastrictly
Directlyorindirectly,capitalcontrolseverything,
includingtheparliamentarylegislativeprocess,evenifthelatterissupposedtobefullyindependentfromcapitalinmanytheoriesthatfictitiouslyhypostatizethe
formalandlegalmatter,therebynecessarilyexcludingthepossibilityofbeinglegitimatelychallengedinitssubstantivesphereofsocioeconomicreproductiveoperation.
“democraticequality”ofallpoliticalforcesparticipatinginthelegislativeprocess.Toenvisageaverydifferentrelationshiptothepowersofdecisionmakinginoursocieties,nowcompletelydominatedbytheforcesofcapitalineverydomain,itisnecessarytoradically
challengecapitalitselfastheoverallcontrollerofsocialmetabolicreproduction.¶Whatmakesthisproblemworseforallthosewhoarelookingforsignificantchangeonthemarginsoftheestablishedpoliticalsystemisthatthelattercanclaimforitselfgenuine
constitutionallegitimacyinitspresentmodeoffunctioning,basedonthehistoricallyconstitutedinversionoftheactualstateofthematerialreproductiveaffairs.Forinasmuchasthecapitalisnotonlythe“personificationofcapital”butsimultaneouslyfunctionsalso
“asthepersonificationofthesocialcharacteroflabor,ofthetotalworkshopassuch,”thesystemcanclaimtorepresentthevitallynecessaryproductivepowerofsocietyvis-à-vistheindividualsasthebasisoftheircontinuedexistence,incorporatingtheinterestofall.
Inthisway
capitalassertsitselfnotonlyasthedefactobutalsothedejurepowerofsociety,initscapacityastheobjectivelygivennecessaryconditionofsocietalreproduction,andtherebyas
theconstitutionallegitimacyofcapitalishistoricallyfoundedontheruthlessexpropriationofthe
theconstitutionalfoundationtoitsownpoliticalorder.Thefactthat
conditionsofsocialmetabolicreproduction-themeansandmaterialoflabor-fromtheproducers,andthereforecapital’sclaimed“constitutionality”(liketheoriginofallconstitutions)isunconstitutional,isanunpalatabletruthwhichfadesawayinthemistofa
remotepast.The“socialproductivepowersoflabor,orproductivepowerorsociallabor,firstdevelophistoricallywiththespecificallycapitalistmodeofproduction,henceappearassomethingimmanentinthecapital-relationandinseparablefromit.¶Thisishow
capital’smodeofsocialmetabolicreproductionbecomeseternalizedandlegitimatedasalawfullyunchallengeablesystem.Legitimatecontestisadmissibleonlyinrelationtosomeminoraspectsoftheunalterableoverallstructure.Therealstateofaffairsonthee
planeofsocioeconomicreproduction-i.e.,theactuallyexercisedproductivepoweroflaboranditsabsolutenecessityforsecuringcapital’sownreproduction-disappearsfromsight.Partlybecauseoftheignoranceoftheveryfarfromlegitimatehistoricaloriginof
capital’s“primitiveaccumulation”andtheconcomitant,frequentlyviolent,expropriationofpropertyasthepreconditionofthesystem’spresentmodeoffunctioning;andpartlybecauseofthemystifyingnatureoftheestablishedproductiveanddistributiverelations.
AsMarxnotes:Theobjectiveconditionsoflabordonotappearassubsumedundertheworker;rather,heappearsassubsumedunderthem.CapitalemploysLabor.Eventhisrelationisinitssimplicityisapersonificationofthingsandareificationofpersons.¶
Noneofthiscanbechallengedandremediedwithintheframeworkofparliamentarypoliticalreform.Itwouldbequiteabsurdtoexpecttheabolitionofthe“personificationof
thingsandthereificationofpersons”bypoliticaldecree,andjustasabsurdtoexpecttheproclamationofsuchanintendedreformwithintheframeworkofcapital’spoliticalinstitutions.Forthecapitalsystemcannotfunctionwithouttheperverseoverturningofthe
relationshipbetweenpersonsandthings:capital’salienatedandreifiedpowersdominatethemassesofthepeople.Similarlyitwouldbeamiracleiftheworkerswhoconfrontcapitalinthelaborprocessas“isolatedworkers”couldreacquiremasteryoverthesocial
productivepowersoftheirlaborbysomepoliticaldecree,orevenbyawholeseriesofparliamentaryreformsenactedundercapital’sorderofsocialmetaboliccontrol.Forinthesematterstherecanbenowayofavoidingtheirreconcilableconflictoverthematerial
stakesof“either/or”¶Capitalcanneitherabdicateits-usurped-socialproductivepowersinfavoroflabor,norcanIsharethemwithlabor,thankstosomewishfulbututterlyfictitious“politicalcompromise.”Fortheyconstitutetheoverallcontrollingpowerofsocietal
reproductionintheformof“theruleofwealthoversociety.”Thusitisimpossibletoescape,inthedomainofthefundamentalsocialmetabolism,theseverelogicofeither/or.Foreitherwealth,intheshapeofcapital,continuestoruleoverhumansociety,takingitto
Capitalisthe
extra-parliamentaryforceparexcellence.Itcannotpossiblybepoliticallyconstrainedbyparliamentinitspowerofsocialmetaboliccontrol.This
thebrinkofself-destruction,orthesocietyofassociatedproducerslearnstoruleoveralienatedandreifiedwealth,withproductivepowersarisingfromtheself-determinatedsociallaborofitsindividual-butnotlongerisolated-members.
iswhytheonlymodeofpoliticalrepresentationcompatiblewithcapital’smodeoffunctioningisonethateffectivelydeniesthepossibilityofcontestingitsmaterialpower.Andpreciselybecausecapitalistheextra-parliamentaryforceparexcellence,ithasnothingto
fearfromthereformsthatcanbeenactedwithinitsparliamentarypoliticalframework.¶Sincethevitalissueonwhicheverythingelsehingesisthat“theobjectiveconditionsoflabordonotappearassubsumedundertheworker”buy,onthecontrary,“heappearsas
subsumedunderthem,”nomeaningfulchangeisfeasiblewithoutaddressingtheissuebothinaformofpoliticscapableofmatchingcapital’sextra-parliamentarypowersandmodesofaction,andinthedomainofmaterialreproduction.Thustheonlychallengethat
couldaffectthepowerofcapital,inasustainablemanner,isonewhichwouldsimultaneouslyaimatassumingthesystem’skeyproductivefunctions,andatacquiringcontroloverthecorrespondingpoliticaldecisionmakingprocessesinallspheres,insteadofbeing
hopelesslyconstrainedbythecircularconfinementofinstitutionallylegitimatedpoliticalactiontoparliamentarylegislation.¶Thereisagreatdealofcritiqueofformerlyleftwingpoliticalfiguresandoftheirnowfullyaccommodatingpartiesinthepoliticaldebatesof
thelastdecades.However,whatisproblematicaboutsuchdebatesisthatbyoveremphasizingtheroleofpersonalambitionandfailure,theyoftencontinuetoenvisageremedyingthesituationwithinthesamepoliticalinstitutionalframeworkthat,infact,greatly
favorsthecriticized“personalbetrayals”andthepainful“partyderailments.”Unfortunately,thoughtheadvocatedandhopedforpersonalandgovernmentchangestendtoreproducethesamedeplorableresults. ¶Allthiscouldnotbeverysurprising.Thereasonwhy
thenowestablishedpoliticalinstitutionssuccessfullyresistsignificantchangeforthebetterisbecausetheyarethemselvespartoftheproblemandnotofthesolution.Forintheirimmanentnaturetheyaretheembodimentoftheunderlyingstructural
determinationsandcontradictionsthroughwhichthemoderncapitaliststate-withitsubiquitousnetworkofbureaucraticconstituents-hasbeenarticulatedandstabilizedinthecourseofthelastfourhundredyears.Naturally,thestatewasformednotasaone-sided
mechanicalresultbutthroughitsnecessaryreciprocalinterrelationshiptothematerialgroundofcapital’shistoricalunfolding,asnotonlybeingshapedbythelatterbutalsoactivelyshapingitasmuchashistoricallyfeasibleundertheprevailing-andpreciselythrough
theinterrelationshipalsochanging-circumstances.¶Giventheinsuperablycentrifugaldeterminationofcapital’sproductivemicrocosms,evenatthelevelofthegiantquasi-monopolistictransnationalcorporations,onlythemodernstatecouldassumeandfulfillthe
requiredfunctionofbeingtheoverallcommandstructureofthecapitalsystem.¶Inevitably,thatmeantthecompletealienationofthepowerofoveralldecisionmakingfromtheproducers.Eventhe“particularpersonificationsofcapital”werestrictlymandatedto
actinaccordwiththestructuralimperativesoftheirsystem.Indeedthemodernstate,asconstitutedonthematerialgroundofthecapitalsystem,istheparadigmofalienationasregardsthepowerofcomprehensivedecisionmaking.Itwouldbethereforeextremely
inordertoenvisagea
meaningfulandhistoricallysustainablesocietalchange,itisnecessarytosubmittoaradicalcritiqueboththematerialreproductive
andthepoliticalinter-determinationsoftheentiresystem,andnotsimplysomeofthecontingentandlimitedpoliticalpractices.Thecombinedtotalityofthematerial
naïvetoimaginethatthecapitaliststatecouldwillinglyhandoverthealienatedpowerofsystemicdecisionmakingtoanyrivalactorwhooperateswithinthelegislativeframeworkofparliament.¶Thus,
reproductivedeterminationsandtheall-embracingpoliticalcommandstructureofthestatetogetherconstitutestheoverpoweringrealityofthecapitalsystem.Inthissense,inviewoftheunavoidablequestionarisingfromthechallengeofsystemicdeterminations,
theneedforacomprehensivepoliticaltransformation-incloseconjunctiontothemeaningfulexerciseofsociety’svitalproductivefunctionswithout
becomesinseparablefromtheproblemcharacterizedasthewitheringawayofthestate.Accordingly,inthe
withregardtobothsocioeconomicreproductionandthestate,
whichfar-reachingandlastingpoliticalchangeisinconceivable-
historictaskofaccomplishing“thewitheringawayofthestate,”self-managementthroughfullparticipation,andthepermanentlysustainableovercomingofparliamentarismbyapositiveformofsubstantivedecision-makingareinseparable.¶Thisisavitalconcern
the“witheringawayofthestate”referstonothingmysteriousorremotebuttoa
perfectlytangibleprocessthatmustbeinitiatedrightinourownhistoricaltime.Itmeans,inplainlanguage,theprogressivereacquisitionofthealienatedpowerofpolitical
decisionmakingbytheindividualsintheirenterpriseofmovingtowardagenuinesocialistsociety.Withoutthereacquisitionofthispower-towhichnotonlythecapitaliststatebutalsotheparalyzinginertiaofthestructurallywellandnot“romanticfaithfulnesstoMarx’sunrealizabledream,”assomepeopletrytodiscreditanddismissit.Intruth,
entrenchedmaterialreproductivepracticesarefundamentallyopposed-neitherthenewmodeofpoliticalcontrolofsocietyasawholebyitsindividualsisconceivable,norindeedthenonadversarialandtherebycohesiveandplannableeverydayoperationofthe
particularproductiveanddistributiveunitsbytheself-managingfreelyassociatedproducers.Radicallysupersedingadversariality,andtherebysecuringthematerialandpoliticalgroundofgloballyviableplanning-anabsolutemustfortheverysurvivalofhumanity,
nottomentionthepotentiallyenrichedselfrealization-ofitsindividualmembers-issynonymouswiththewitheringawayofthestateasanongoinghistoricalenterprise.
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***2NC Overview***
<Insertoverview—explainwhatKritikargumentsshouldcomebeforeevaluatingtheimpactsofthe1AC>
Stepsforwritinganoverviewforakritik—answerthese3questions:
1.WhatisthestoryoroverallpointoftheKritik?
2.Explainwhyifwedonotchangeourwayofthinkingwewillultimatelyreproducethesametypeof
violenceexplainbythe1AC?
a)Whatdoestheimpactcardday?
b)Explainhowthe1ACisanexampleofthatwayofthinking(Hint:It’sinthelinkcard)
3.Whydoesthealternativesolvetheproblemsofcapitalism?<usethealternativecardtoexplain>
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***They say—Framework***
1.TheFrameworkforthisdebateisthatthejudge,anacademictruthspeaker,speakingtruth
topowerabouttheflawednatureofcapitalism.
2.Onlythenegativeframeworksolves–onlydebatingrootcauseclaimsandthejustifications
behindthelawcanalleviatethecausesofviolence.Wearelink-turningtheirclaims–The
Mansfield&Browneevidenceisolatestheirideaofcapitalism’sutilitydeterminesthatit
producesaflawedwayofmakingpolicydecisions.Youshouldvotenegativetofixtheroot
causeoftheirimpactclaims.
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***Link—Extension***
()EngagementwithChinaishijackedbyneoliberalforcestoexpandglobalcapitalism
Roden3(Mark,Sept,“US–ChinaRelationsintheContemporaryEra:AnInternationalPoliticalEconomyPerspective”,PoliticsSeptember,vol.23
no.3192-199,Url:http://pol.sagepub.com.libproxy.scu.edu/content/23/3/192.short)
BasedontheaboveBillClintonshouldberegardedasanenormouslysuccessfulpresident.By1996thenationaldeficithadbeenbroughttoitslowestebbinoveradecadeandUSeconomicpowerwasintheascensionfuelledbyexport-ledgrowth(Walker,1996,p.350).MichaelCoxhasforcefullyarguedthatClintondetractors
USideologicalpowerwaxedratherthanwanedduringtheClintonyears.
GovernmentsacrosstheglobefollowedtheUSleadinloweringtradebarriersandadaptingthemselvestothe
competitiveexigenciesofglobalisationinitsneoliberalform–namelyderegulationandenhancingtherightsofglobal
capital
largelyignoredtheadministration'sswitchofemphasis‘fromgeo-politicstogeo-economics’(M.Cox,1995).Moreover,
vis-à-visnationallybasedlabour.Thistrendwascompoundedbytheformationofkeyinstitutionsintegraltoanoverallpolicyofpromotingfreemarketpoliciesthroughouttheworld.Mostsignificantly,theClintonadministrationsecuredthepassageoftheNorthAmericanFreeTradeAgreement(NAFTA)in1994;
the1995agreementoftheAsiaPacificEconomicCo-operation(APEC)todevelopafreetradezone;and,alsoin1995,theformationoftheWorldTradeOrganisation(WTO).TheimportantpointherewasthattheinstitutionalisationofUSpowerattheregionalandgloballevelsharnessedwhatwereostensiblycompetitoreconomies
(suchasthoseofJapan,Germany,andtosomeextentChina)toeconomicideasemanatingfromWashington.Itwouldbewrongtoseethepromotionofliberalfreetradepoliciesinsolelynegativeterms.Therewerepositiveaspects.Firstly,theUSwasengagedintheworldandstressingtheroleoftradeandinvestmentin
overcominghistoricalconflicts.AsMichaelCoxhascogentlyarguedClinton'sinvolvementintheNorthernIrelandpeaceprocesswasacrucialelementinpersuadingtheformerlyMarxistIrishRepublicanArmy(IRA)toendthatconflict(M.Cox,1998).PartandparcelofClinton'sfreetradepolicieshasbeenthatoffosteringsocioeconomicstabilityandconditionsconducivetothefreeflowofcapital,goodsandservices.ThishashadaprogressiveimpactbeyondfurtheringUSinterestsalone.TheClintonyears,thoughdrivenbyeconomicliberalismandalargedoseof‘enlightened’self-interest,werealsoinformedbyarenewedbeliefinmultilateralinstitutions
andinternationalism(Ruggie,1996).AcrucialquestionincreatinganewglobaleconomicorderandlegitimatingUSleadershipintheClintonera,however,washowtobringChinawithintheinstitutionalframeworkofthepost-ColdWarworldorderwhilealsomaximisingtheopportunitiesforUSfirmsinahugeemergingmarket.
PreviousSectionNextSectionTheIPEofUS–ChinarelationsintheClintoneraTheClintonadministration'soverallapproachwastobringChinawithinthefamilyofnationsassentingtoliberalnorms.Moreover,despitecomingtopowercastigatingGeorgeBushSenior'sRepublicanadministrationfor‘coddling’dictators,theIPEofUS–
Chinarelationswereplayedoutincorrelationwithkeystructuralgoalsthatplacedliberaleconomicsabovethepromotionofliberalpolitics(Hughes,1995).GerardSegalhasdubbedtheUSapproach‘positiveconditionality’–ausefulturnofphrasethatconnotesChina'sgainingaccesstotradebenefitsinreturnforsystemmaintainingbehaviour(Segal,1995,p.71).ItwasinthelightofthisstrategythattheClintonadministrationjettisoneditsinitialChinapolicyoftyingChina'sMostFavouredNation(MFN)statustoprogressonhumanrights.Linkage,asthispolicywasknown,cametobeseenasaharmfulimpedimenttoUSfirmsandwasfurther
viewedasundercuttingtheoverridinglogicofpoliciespursuedbykeyeconomicagenciessuchastheDepartmentoftheTreasury,theOfficeoftheUnitedStatesTradeRepresentative(USTR),andtheCommerceDepartment.Indeed,intensebureaucraticrivalriessurfacedduringClinton'sfirsttermastheadministrationmovedto
replace‘linkage’withapolicyof‘comprehensiveengagement’inMay1994.Thenewprioritygiventogeoeconomicswaspolarisedbytheadministration'sdecisiontogiveunequivocalsupporttotheannualrenewalofChina'sMFNtradestatuswhenvoteduponbytheUScongress.Moreover,theroleoftheStateDepartmentwas
noticeablydowngradedaswereprotectionistarguments(frombothleftandright)fuelledbytheseeminglyintractabletradedeficitthatexistedbetweenthetwocountries(Lampton,1994).TheintellectualargumentforengagingChinawasperhapsbestarticulatedbyLauraD'AndreaTysonwhoclaimedthatcongressionalrevocation
ThecasefortheengagementofChinawasalsothe
result,however,ofestablishedeconomicforceswithintheUSstate.Extensiveandhighlyorganisedlobbyingbybusiness
groupstookfulladvantageofthefactthattheiropponentsontheleftandrightwerefragmented
Thesegroupswere
particularlyvisibleduringthe1994deliberationsoverdelinkingMFNfromhumanrights
ofMFNwould‘slowtheflowofinformationaboutWesternculture,ideas,businesspractices,andperspectivesthataccompanyforeigninvestment’(WallStreetJournal,28May1997).
andofferingunattractivealternatives.In1991around75
prominentUStradegroupsformedtheBusinessCoalitionforUS–ChinaTrade,whosemembersincludedlobbyinggiantssuchastheUSChamberofCommerce,theUS–ChinaBusinessCouncilandthe500-memberstrongNationalForeignTradeCouncil(Sutter,1998,p.57).
.ForexampletheEmergencyCommitteeforAmericanTrade(ECAT)(representing55large
UScorporationswithworldwidesalesof$55trillionin1992)wasinstrumentalinthesendingofanopenlettertotheClintonadministrationfrom300captainsofindustryandbusiness(Sutter,1998,p.58).From1994to2000anagglomerationofUSbusinessgroups,pro-engagementmembersofCongressandadministrationofficials
successfullyensuredthatMFNwasrenewedannually.Thisoccurreddespitetheoftenanimatedprotestationsofhumanrightslobbyistsandprotectionists.TheIPEofUS–ChinarelationsduringtheClintonadministrationsrevolvedprimarilyaroundtwofundamentalissues.Thefirstwasthebilateraltradedeficit.Thesecondwas
Itisthereforehighly
significantthatkeyneoliberalscholarshaveactuallyapplaudedChina'sgradualistapproachtoreform,
China'saccessiontotheWorldTradeOrganisation(WTO).PreviousSectionNextSectionThetradedeficitTheUS–Chinatradedeficit,thoughreal,hasbeenpoliticisedinawaythatfalselyportraysChinaasprotectionistandbelligerentinherapproachtofreetrade.
havingwitnessedeventsintheformerSovietUnion
(Overholt,1993;Lardy,1994).AsNicholasLardypointsout,thedeficit(whichstoodat$80billionin2001)doesnotrepresentaChineseploytotakeadvantageoftheworldtradesystembutsomethingaltogethermorebenign.ThedeficitisstructuralandreflectschangesinthepositionsoftheNewlyIndustrialisingCountries(NICs)in
Asiatakenasawhole.ThusalthoughChina'sshareofworldexportsinclothing,toys,sportinggoodsandfootwearrosefrom14percentin1984to39percentin1994,theshareinthesesectorssimultaneouslyfellinthefourAsianTigereconomies(Malaysia,Singapore,TaiwanandSouthKorea)from55percentto24percent.In
shortChinahasmerelyfilledthevacuumleftbyotherAsiannationsthathavemovedintohigh-technologysectors(Lardy,1998,p.188).AccordingtoRobertRoss,‘thecumulativeUStradedeficitwithChina,HongKong,Taiwan,SouthKorea,andJapanhasnotappreciablygrownsince1998;onlythedistributionamongthemarkets
haschanged’(Ross,1997,p.48).Moreover,China'stradedeficitwiththeUShasalsoreflectedtherealitiesofconsumerdemandintheUSwherelow-value-addedgoods,manufacturedlargelyinChina,havebeennecessaryimportssincethe1980s.TheUSeconomyhadlongsincemovedawayfromthemassproductionoftoys,
plasticsandfootwear(Lardy,1994).ThusitwasarguedthatthedeficitshouldnotprecludeChina'sentrytotheWTO.PreviousSectionNextSectionTheWorldTradeOrganisationAsanumberofobserversofUS–Chinarelationshavenoted,ChinahaslargelyacquiescedintheroleofglobalinstitutionssincetheendoftheCultural
Despiteprotractednegotiations(beginningin1986)overChina'sentrytoGeneralAgreementonTariffs
andTrade(GATT)andthentheWTO,Chinahasbeenadmittedtothelatterontermslargelycongruentwithneoliberal
policygoals.
Revolution(Foot,1995;Cheung,1998).
ConditionsforChina'sentrytotheWTOwereagreeduponon15November1999.DespiteUSapprovaltheseconditionswereinitiallysubjecttobilateralagreementsbetweenChinaandCanadaandChinaandtheEuropeanUnion.Asixyearphase-inperiodwasapprovedbytheUSandinvolvesthe
following:‘China'sagreementtocutdutiesonawiderangeofproducts;togiveforeigncompaniestherighttodistributeproductswithinChina;andtoallowforeigncarmakerstoprovidecarfinancing.Mostsignificantly,intermsofUS–Chinarelations,generaltariffswillbecutbetween14.5percentand15percentwhilenew
sectorsoftheChineseeconomy,suchasbanking,insurance,theInternet,telecoms,andelectronicswillbeopenedtotheforcesofglobalcompetition’(FarEasternEconomicReview,25November1999).Significantly,since1999pro-businessandpro-ChineseforceswithinthelobbyingworldandwithintheUSCongresshavebeen
Thisfurther‘normalisation’ofUS–China
relations,incorrelationwithChina'sentrytotheWTO,suggeststhatbothnationsaremovingevercloserintheirmutualrecognition
oftheneoliberalideasunderpinningglobalisation.
pushingforanendtotheyearlydebateoverMFN,urgingtheapprovalofaPermanentNormalTradeRelationsAct(PNTA).InJune2001thisActwaspassedwiththeapprovalofGeorgeW.Bush'sRepublicanadministration.
Indeed,theclaimthatthetwocountriesrepresentdiametricallyopposedcivilisationsheadingforimminentcollisionappearsratherprematureifnotentirelyspurious.1Thispointhasbeenunderscoredin
recenttimesbythereactionsofChinesepresidentJiangZeminandGeorgeW.BushtotheterroristattacksofSeptember11andtheirjointresolvetoensureastableglobalorder.
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***Impact—Extension***
Resistingthesystemicviolenceofcapitalismistheultimateethicalresponsibility–(rewording)
Zizek&Daly4
(Slavoj,seniorresearcherattheInstituteforSociologyandPhilosophyattheUniversityofLjubljana,GlobalDistinguishedProfessorofGermanatNewYorkUniversity,
andinternationaldirectoroftheBirkbeckInstitutefortheHumanitiesoftheUniversityofLondon,andGlyn,ConversationswithZizekpage14-16)
ForZizekitisimperativethatwecutthroughthisGordianknotofpostmodernprotocolandrecognizethatourethico-politicalresponsibility
istoconfronttheconstitutiveviolenceoftoday’sglobalcapitalismanditsobscenenaturalization/anonymizationofthe
millionswhoaresubjugatedbyitthroughouttheworld.Againstthestandardizedpositionsofpostmodernculture–withallitspietiesconcerning
‘multiculturalist’etiquette–Zizekisarguingforapoliticsthatmightbecalled‘radicallyincorrect’inthesensethatitbreakwiththesetypesofpositions7andfocuses
insteadontheveryorganizingprinciplesoftoday’ssocialreality:theprinciplesofgloballiberalcapitalism.Thisrequiressomecareandsubtlety.Forfartoolong,
Marxismhasbeenbedeviledbyanalmostfetishisticeconomismthathastendedtowardspoliticalmorbidity.WiththelikesofHilferdingandGramsci,andmore
recentlyLaclauandMouffee,crucialtheoreticaladvanceshavebeenmadethatenablethetranscendenceofallformsofeconomism.Inthisnewcontext,however,
Zizekarguesthattheproblemthatnowpresentsitselfisalmostthatoftheoppositefetish.Thatistosay,theprohibitiveanxietiessurroundingthetabooof
economismcanfunctionasawayofnotengagingwitheconomicrealityandasawayofimplicitlyacceptingthelatterasabasichorizonofexistence.Inanironic
Freudian-Lacaniantwist,thefearofeconomismcanendupreinforcingadefactoeconomicnecessityinrespectofcontemporarycapitalism(i.e.theinitialprohibition
conjuresuptheverythingitfears).Thisisnottoendorseanykindofretrogradereturntoeconomism.Zizek’spointisratherthatinrejectingeconomismweshould
notlosesightofthesystemicpowerofcapitalinshapingthelivesanddestiniesofhumanityandourverysenseofthepossible.Inparticularweshouldnotoverlook
Marx’scentralinsightthatinordertocreateauniversalglobalsystemtheforcesofcapitalismseektoconcealthepolitico-discursive
violenceofitsconstructionthroughakindofgentrificationofthatsystem.Whatispersistentlydeniedbyneo-liberalssuchasRorty
(1989)andFukuyama(1992)isthatthegentrificationofgloballiberalcapitalismisonewhose‘universalism’fundamentallyreproduces
anddependsuponadisavowedviolencethatexcludesvastsectorsoftheworld’spopulations.Inthisway,neo-liberalideology
attemptstonaturalizecapitalismbypresentingitsoutcomesofwinningandlosingasiftheyweresimplyamatterofchanceandsoundjudgmentinaneutralmarket
place.Capitalismdoesindeedcreateaspaceforacertaindiversity,atleastforthecentralcapitalistregions,butitisneitherneutralnoridealanditspriceintermsof
socialexclusionisexorbitant.Thatistosay,thehumancostintermsofinherentglobalpovertyanddegraded‘life-chances’cannot
becalculatedwithintheexistingeconomicrationaleand,inconsequence,socialexclusionremainsmystifiedandnameless
(viz.thepatronizingreferencetothe‘developingworld’).AndZizek’spointisthatthismystificationismagnifiedthroughcapitalism’s
profoundcapacitytoingestitsownexcessesandnegativity:toredirect(ormisdirect)socialantagonismsandtoabsorb
themwithinacultureofdifferentialaffirmation.InsteadofBolshevism,thetendencytodayistowardsakindofpoliticalboutiquismthat
isreadilysustainedbypostmodernformsofconsumerismandlifestyle.AgainstthisZizekarguesforanewuniversalismwhoseprimary
ethicaldirectiveistoconfrontthefactthatourformsofsocialexistencearefoundedonexclusiononaglobalscale.Whileitis
perfectlytruethatuniversalismcanneverbecomeUniversal(itwillalwaysrequireahegemonic-particularembodimentinordertohaveanymeaning),whatisnovel
aboutZizek’suniversalismisthatitwouldnotattempttoconcealthisfactorreducethestatusoftheabjectOthertothatofa‘glitch’inanotherwisesoundmatrix.
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***Alternative—Extension***
Ouralternativeistovotenegativetorefusetoparticipateinactivitieswhichsupportcapitalism.
Wemusthollowoutcapitaliststructuresbyrefusingtoinvestourenergyinreformsandrescue
operations
Herod‘04
(James,ColumbiaUniversityGraduateandPoliticalActivist,GettingFree,http://site.www.umb.edu/faculty/salzman_g/Strate/GetFre/06.htm)
destroyingcapitalism.Thisstrategy,atitsmostbasic,callsforpullingtime,energy,andresources
outofcapitalistcivilizationandputtingthemintobuildinganewcivilization.Theimagethenisoneofemptyingoutcapitaliststructures,hollowingthemout,bydrainingwealth,
power,andmeaningoutofthemuntilthereisnothingleftbutshells.¶Thisisdefinitelyanaggressivestrategy.Itrequiresgreatmilitancy,andconstitutesanattackontheexistingorder.Thestrategy
Itistimetotrytodescribe,atfirstabstractlyandlaterconcretely,astrategyfor
clearlyrecognizesthatcapitalismistheenemyandmustbedestroyed,butitisnotafrontalattackaimedatoverthrowingthesystem,butaninsideattackaimedatguttingit,whilesimultaneouslyreplacingitwith
capitaliststructures(corporations,governments,banks,schools,etc.)arenotseizedsomuchassimplyabandoned.Capitalist
relationsarenotfoughtsomuchastheyaresimplyrejected.Westopparticipatinginactivitiesthatsupport(finance,condone)thecapitalist
worldandstartparticipatinginactivitiesthatbuildanewworldwhilesimultaneouslyunderminingtheold.Wecreateanewpatternofsocialrelationsalongsidecapitalistrelationsandthenwecontinuallybuildand
strengthenournewpatternwhiledoingeverythingwecantoweakencapitalistrelations.Inthiswayournewdemocratic,non-hierarchical,non-commodifiedrelationscaneventuallyoverwhelm
thecapitalistrelationsandforcethemoutofexistence.¶Thisishowithastobedone.Thisisaplausible,realisticstrategy.Tothinkthatwecouldcreateawholenewworldofdecent
socialarrangementsovernight,inthemidstofacrisis,duringaso-calledrevolution,orduringthecollapseofcapitalism,isfoolhardy.Ournewsocialworldmustgrowwithintheold,andin
oppositiontoit,untilitisstrongenoughtodismantleandabolishcapitalistrelations.Sucharevolutionwillneverhappenautomatically,blindly,determinably,becauseof
somethingbetter,somethingwewant.¶Thus
theinexorable,materialistlawsofhistory.Itwillhappen,andonlyhappen,becausewewantitto,andbecauseweknowwhatwe’redoingandknowhowwewanttolive,andknowwhatobstacleshavetobeovercome
beforewecanlivethatway,andknowhowtodistinguishbetweenoursocialpatternsandtheirs.¶Butwemustnotthinkthatthecapitalistworldcansimplybeignored,inaliveandletliveattitude,whilewetrytobuild
Capitalismmustbe
explicitlyrefusedandreplacedbysomethingelse.ThisconstitutesWar,butitisnotawarinthetraditionalsenseofarmiesandtanks,butawarfoughtonadailybasis,onthelevelofeverydaylife,bymillionsof
newliveselsewhere.(Thereisnoelsewhere.)Thereisatleastonething,wage-slavery,thatwecan’tsimplystopparticipatingin(butevenheretherearewayswecanchipawayatit).
people.Itisawarneverthelessbecausetheaccumulatorsofcapitalwillusecoercion,brutality,andmurder,astheyhavealwaysdoneinthepast,totrytoblockanyrejectionofthesystem.Theyhavealwayshadtoforce
compliance;theywillnothesitatetocontinuedoingso.Nevertheless,therearemanyconcretewaysthatindividuals,groups,andneighborhoodscangutcapitalism,whichIwillenumerateshortly.¶Wemustalwayskeepin
mindhowwebecameslaves;thenwecanseemoreclearlyhowwecanceasebeingslaves.Wewereforcedintowage-slaverybecausetherulingclassslowly,systematically,andbrutallydestroyedourabilitytolive
autonomously.Bydrivingusofftheland,changingthepropertylaws,destroyingcommunityrights,destroyingourtools,imposingtaxes,destroyingourlocalmarkets,andsoforth,wewereforcedontothelabormarketin
ordertosurvive,ouronlyremainingoptionbeingtosell,forawage,ourabilitytowork.¶It’squiteclearthenhowwecanoverthrowslavery.Wemustreversethisprocess.Wemustbegintoreacquiretheabilitytolive
withoutworkingforawageorbuyingtheproductsmadebywage-slaves(thatis,wemustgetfreefromthelabormarketandthewayoflivingbasedonit),andembedourselvesinsteadincooperativelaborand
Thisstrategydoesnotcallforreformingcapitalism,forchangingcapitalismintosomething
else.Itcallsforreplacingcapitalism,totally,withanewcivilization.Thisisanimportantdistinction,becausecapitalismhasprovedimpervioustoreforms,asa
system.Wecansometimesinsomeplaceswincertainconcessionsfromit(usuallyonlytemporaryones)andwinsome(usuallyshort-lived)improvementsinourlivesasitsvictims,butwecannotreformitpiecemeal,
cooperativelyproducedgoods.¶Anotherclarificationisneeded.
asasystem.¶Thusourstrategyofguttingandeventuallydestroyingcapitalismrequiresataminimumatotalizingimage,anawarenessthatweareattackinganentirewayoflifeandreplacingitwithanother,andnot
merelyreformingonewayoflifeintosomethingelse.¶Manypeoplemaynotbeaccustomedtothinkingaboutentiresystemsandsocialorders,buteveryoneknowswhatalifestyleis,orawayoflife,andthatisthewaywe
shouldapproachit.¶Thethingisthis:inorderforcapitalismtobedestroyedmillionsandmillionsofpeoplemustbedissatisfiedwiththeirwayoflife.Theymustwantsomethingelseandseecertainexistingthingsas
obstaclestogettingwhattheywant.Itisnotusefultothinkofthisasanewideology.Itisnotmerelyabelief-systemthatisneeded,likeareligion,orlikeMarxism,orAnarchism.Ratheritisanewprevailingvision,a
dominantdesire,anoverridingneed.Whatmustexistisapressingdesiretoliveacertainway,andnottoliveanotherway.Ifthispressingdesirewereadesiretolivefree,tobeautonomous,toliveindemocratically
capitalismcouldbedestroyed.Otherwisewearedoomedtoperpetualslaveryand
controlledcommunities,toparticipateintheself-regulatingactivitiesofamaturepeople,then
extinction.
possiblyevento
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***2AC Framework Argument***
1stisframework—Thejudgeshouldonlyevaluatetheplanversusthestatusquooracompetitive
policyoption.Anythingbeyondthatwishawaythe1AC,andisunfairtotheaffirmative.Wealso
losetopic-specificeducationwhichisthepurposeoftheresolution.That’sanindependentvoterfor
fairness.
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***2AC—Permutation***
Permutation–Doboth–Macroandmicropoliticsarenecessarytocreatealliances
Marsh95
[JamesL.,ProfessorofPhilosophy,FordhamUniversity,“Critique,Action,andLiberation”,p.282-283]
Whatseemstobecalledforandtobemorelikelywiththegreaterpossibilityandactuality'ofeconomicandrationality'crisisisaunionofworkersandcitizensgroups,economicandcultural
movements,purposiverational-actionandsymbolicinteraction,macro-andmicropolitics.Linkswithworkerscanremindcitizengroupsoftherelationshipoftheirowngoalsand
movementstoeconomicclassdominationandhelpsupplyaunity'tothesevariousgroups.Ontheotherhand,movementscenteredaroundquality'ofliferemindworkersthatmereeconomicreformsandrevolutionare
movementscenteredontheproblemsofracism,sexism,andthedevastationoftheenvironment
remindusofalegitimatespecificity,plurality',andirreducibilitywithinsocialmovements.Eventhoughracism,sexism,heterosexism.andenvironmentalpollutionare
ultimatelyrelatedtocapitalism,theyarenotreducibletocapitalistclassdomination.Alegitimatedifferanceexistsamongsocialmovementsthatmustberespected.Incontrastto
notenougheither,transformationofquality'oflifeisessential.Moreover,
postmodernists.Iwouldinsistonalegitimateunity'oridentity'thatshouldbearticulated,anidentity-in-difference.Suchapoliticsdisavowseitheraone-sidedunity'presentinsometraditionalMarxismoraone-sided
Suchapoliticswouldbe
microaswellasmacro
pluralismpresentinliberalorpostmoderntheories.
aestheticaswellaspolitical,culturalaswellaseconomic,
,butincontrasttomany
postmoderntheoriestheaestheticandculturalarelinkedtothecriticalandreflective.Rationality'isnotsimplyorprimarilyinstrumentalorscientificassometraditionalMarxismwouldhaveitorsimplylibidinaland
aestheticassomepost-modemtheorywouldhaveit.butaunity'ofpolitical,aesthetic,andscientific.ThustheaestheticpoliticsofAct-Up.anorganizationofAIDSactivists,breakingintoDanRather'snewscastonCBS
duringtheGulfWarhasitslegitimateplaceasdomarchesprotestingthewarorworkerresistanceontheshopfloor.ThesymbolicprotestofaDanBerriganattheKingofPrussianuclearfacilityinPennsylvaniahasitsplace
legitimatestruggles,kindsofstruggle,andsitesofstruggleexist,noneofwhichisreducibletotheother,but
canbelinkedtooneanotherindifferentalliancesagainstacommonenemy,aracist,sexist,heterosexistcapitalism.Linkingandalliancearenotthe
sameassubsumptionandreduction,acommonmistake.Suchstruggleshaveacommonenemy,aresubjecttocommonnormsofright,morality',andjustice,andhaveacommongoalofliberation
takingtheformoffulleconomic,cultural,andpoliticaldemocracy.Incontrasttoapoliticsofassimilationthatdeniesdifferencesorapoliticsofrigididentity'thatbecomesseparatist,myrecommended
politicsisoneofinclusionandalliance.Suchapoliticsflowsfromtheargumentofthewholebook.Onaphenomenologicallevel,cognitional-transcendentalstructureandthevalidity'claimsofthe
aswellaspoliticalorganizingintheBronxaroundtheissuesofhealthcare,housing,andfood.Many
whichareor
idealspeechsituationaresharedbyeveryoneequally,whiteorAfrican-American,capitalistorlaborer,womanorman.heterosexualorhomosexual.Nopersonorgroupofpersonsisprivilegedintheidealspeechsituation,
andeachhasanequalrighttoexpressherneedsanddesiresandclaims.Ethicallytheprinciplesofright,morality,andjusticeforbidclassism.racism,sexism,andheterosexism.Hermeneutically.theseformsofdomination
aredistinctbutrelatedandarenotreducibletooneanother.Critically,thetaskofsocialtheoryistocriticizetheseformsofdominationwiththeaimofovercomingthem.Finally,onthelevelofpraxisitself,eachkindof
groupsubjecttoitsowndistinctkindofexploitationcangiverisetoitsownlegitimatekindofsocialmovement.Itistruethatonahermeneutic-explanatorylevelclassdominationismorefundamentalanddefinitiveofour
socialsituationthanotherkinds,butevenhereoneformisnotreducibletotheother.Also,itismistakentoinferfromsuchprivilegingtoaprivilegingonotherlevels.Ethically,forexample,itisnotclearthatexploitationof
laborbycapitalisworsethanthatexertedbywhiteoverLatinoorIndian,heterosexualoverhomosexual,ormanoverwoman.Here,wenoteagaintheadvantageofmethodologicallydistinguishingdifferentstages,aspects,
andlevelsincriticaltheory.EvenifIprivilegeclassdominationoverotherformsonahermeneutic-explanatorylevel,itmaybethatsocialmovementsarisingfromracism,sexism,andheterosexismhavetobeprivilegedat
timesinthelatecapitalistcontext.Whichofthesesocialmovementstakestheleaddependsverymuchondifferentlocal,regional,andnationalsituations.Inadditiontootherkindsofindeterminacyandambiguity,social
theoryhastoownuptoacertainindeterminacyonthelevelofpraxis.
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***2AC—Capitalism is good***
()Totalrejectionofcapitalismfragmentsresistance–Thepermsolvesbest
Gibson-Graham96
(Katharine,humangeography@AustralianNationalUniversity,Julie,geography@UofMassachusetts,TheEndof
Capitalism(AsWeKnewIt),p.245)
OneofourgoalsasMarxistshasbeentoproduceaknowledgeofcapitalism.Yetas“thatwhichisknown,”Capitalismhasbecome
theintimateenemy.Wehaveuncloakedtheideologically-clothed,obscuremonster,butwehaveinstalledanakedandvisible
monsterinitsplace.Inreturnforourlaborsofcreation,themonsterhasrobbedusofallforce.Wehear–andfinditeasytobelieve
–thattheleftisindisarray.Partofwhatproducesthedisarrayoftheleftisthevisionofwhattheleftisarrayedagainst.When
capitalismisrepresentedasaunifiedsystemcoextensivewiththenationoreventheworld,whenitisportrayedascrowdingoutall
othereconomicforms,whenitisallowedtodefineentiresocieties,itbecomessomethingthatcanonlybedefeatedandreplacedby
amasscollectivemovement(orbyaprocessofsystemicdissolutionthatsuchamovementmightassist).Therevolutionarytaskof
replacingcapitalismnowseemsoutmodedandunrealistic,yetwedonotseemtohaveanalternativeconceptionofclass
transformationtotakeitsplace.Theoldpoliticaleconomic“systems”and“structures”thatcallforthavisionofrevolutionas
systemicreplacementstillseemtobedominantintheMarxistpoliticalimagination.TheNewWorldOrderisoftenrepresentedas
politicalfragmentationfoundeduponeconomicunification.Inthisvisiontheeconomyappearsasthelaststrongholdofunityand
singularityinaworldofdiversityandplurality.Butwhycan’ttheeconomybefragmentedtoo?Ifwetheorizeditasfragmentedin
theUnitedStates,wecouldbeingtoseeahugestatesector(incorporatingavarietyofformsofappropriationofsurpluslabor),a
verylargesectorofself-employedandfamily-basedproducers(mostnoncapitalist),ahugehouseholdsector(again,quitevariousin
termsofformsofexploitation,withsomehouseholdsmovingtowardscommunalorcollectiveappropriationandothersoperatingin
atraditionalmodeinwhichoneadultappropriatessurpluslaborfromanother).Noneofthesethingsiseasytosee.Ifcapitalism
takesuptheavailablesocialspace,there’snoroomforanythingelse.Ifcapitalismcannotcoexist,there’snopossibilityofanything
else.Ifcapitalismfunctionsasaunity,itcannotbepartiallyorlocallyreplaced.Myintentistohelpcreatethediscursiveconception
underwhichsocialistorothernoncapitalistconstructionbecomes“realistic”presentactivityratherthanaludicrousorutopiangoal.
ToachievethisImustsmashCapitalismandseeitinathousandpieces.Imustmakeitsunityafantasy,visibleasadenialofdiversity
andchange.
()Thealternativetocapitalismriskviolence,povertyandwar
Aligica3
(Paul,4/21,fellowattheMercatusCenter,HudsonInsitute,“TheGreatTransitionandtheSocialLimitstoGrowth:HermanKahnonSocialChangeandGlobalEconomicDevelopment”,April
21,http://www.hudson.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=publication_details&id=2827)
Stoppingthingswouldmeanifnottoengageinanexperimenttochangethehumannature,atleastinanequallydifficultexperimentinalteringpowerfulculturalforces:"Wefirmlybelieve
thatdespitetheargumentsputforwardbypeoplewhowouldliketo'stoptheearthandgetoff,'itissimplyimpracticaltodoso.Propensitytochangemaynotbeinherentinhuman
nature,butitisfirmlyembeddedinmostcontemporarycultures.Peoplehavealmosteverywherebecomecurious,futureoriented,anddissatisfiedwiththeirconditions.Theywant
morematerialgoodsandcovethigherstatusandgreatercontrolofnature.Despitemuchpropagandatothecontrary,theybelieveinprogressandfuture"(Kahn,1976,164).Asregardingthe
criticsofgrowththatstressedtheissueofthegapbetweenrichandpoorcountriesandtheissueofredistribution,Kahnnotedthatwhatmostpeopleeverywherewantwasvisible,
rapidimprovementintheireconomicstatusandlivingstandards,andnotaclosingofthegap(Kahn,1976,165).Thepeoplefrompoorcountrieshaveasabasicgoalthetransitionfrom
poortomiddleclass.Theotherimplicationsofsocialchangearesecondaryforthem.Thusacrucialfactortobetakenintoaccountisthatwhilethezero-growthadvocatesandtheirfollowers
maybesatisfiedtostopatthepresentpoint,mostothersarenot.Anyseriousattempttofrustratetheseexpectationsordesiresofthatmajorityislikelytofail
and/orcreatedisastrouscounterreactions.Kahnwasconvincedthat"anyconcertedattempttostoporevenslow'progress'appreciably(thatis,tobesatisfied
withthemoment)iscatastrophe-prone".Attheminimum,"itwouldprobablyrequirethecreationofextraordinarilyrepressivegovernmentsormovements-and
probablyarepressiveinternationalsystem"(Kahn,1976,165;1979,140-153).Thepressuresofoverpopulation,nationalsecuritychallengesandpovertyaswellastherevolutionofrising
expectationscouldbesolvedonlyinacontinuinggrowthenvironment.Kahnrejectedtheideathatcontinuousgrowthwouldgeneratepoliticalrepressionandabsolutepoverty.Onthe
contrary,itisthelimits-to-growthposition"whichcreateslowmorale,destroysassurance,underminesthelegitimacyofgovernmentseverywhere,erodespersonalandgroup
commitmenttoconstructiveactivitiesandencouragesobstructivenesstoreasonablepoliciesandhopes".Hencethisposition"increasesenormouslythecostsofcreatingthe
resourcesneededforexpansion,makesmorelikelymisleadingdebateandmisformulationoftheissues,andmakelesslikelyconstructiveandcreativelives".
Ultimately"itispreciselythispositiontheonethatincreasesthepotentialforthekindsofdisasterswhichmostatitsadvocatesaretryingtoavoid"(Kahn,1976,210;1984).
19
2016-2017 Atlanta Urban Debate League
Capitalism Kritik (Neg & Aff Answers)
Page 20 of 20
***2AC—The alternative does not solve***
(NotetoDebaters:Thisisthesamecardasthe2ndcardinthe2ACCapitalismGoodfrontline.Ifyou
readthiscardinyourspeechtoprovideevidencethatcapitalismisgood,thencross-applythiscard
toyourargumentationthatthekritik’salternativedoesn’tsolve.)
()Thealternativetocapitalismrisksviolence,poverty,andwar
Aligica‘03
(Paul,4/21,fellowattheMercatusCenter,HudsonInsitute,“TheGreatTransitionandtheSocialLimitstoGrowth:HermanKahnonSocialChangeandGlobalEconomicDevelopment”,April
21,http://www.hudson.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=publication_details&id=2827)
Stoppingthingswouldmeanifnottoengageinanexperimenttochangethehumannature,atleastinanequallydifficultexperimentinalteringpowerfulculturalforces:"Wefirmlybelieve
thatdespitetheargumentsputforwardbypeoplewhowouldliketo'stoptheearthandgetoff,'itissimplyimpracticaltodoso.Propensitytochangemaynotbeinherentinhuman
nature,butitisfirmlyembeddedinmostcontemporarycultures.Peoplehavealmosteverywherebecomecurious,futureoriented,anddissatisfiedwiththeirconditions.Theywant
morematerialgoodsandcovethigherstatusandgreatercontrolofnature.Despitemuchpropagandatothecontrary,theybelieveinprogressandfuture"(Kahn,1976,164).Asregardingthe
criticsofgrowththatstressedtheissueofthegapbetweenrichandpoorcountriesandtheissueofredistribution,Kahnnotedthatwhatmostpeopleeverywherewantwasvisible,
rapidimprovementintheireconomicstatusandlivingstandards,andnotaclosingofthegap(Kahn,1976,165).Thepeoplefrompoorcountrieshaveasabasicgoalthetransitionfrom
poortomiddleclass.Theotherimplicationsofsocialchangearesecondaryforthem.Thusacrucialfactortobetakenintoaccountisthatwhilethezero-growthadvocatesandtheirfollowers
maybesatisfiedtostopatthepresentpoint,mostothersarenot.Anyseriousattempttofrustratetheseexpectationsordesiresofthatmajorityislikelytofail
and/orcreatedisastrouscounterreactions.Kahnwasconvincedthat"anyconcertedattempttostoporevenslow'progress'appreciably(thatis,tobesatisfied
withthemoment)iscatastrophe-prone".Attheminimum,"itwouldprobablyrequirethecreationofextraordinarilyrepressivegovernmentsormovements-and
probablyarepressiveinternationalsystem"(Kahn,1976,165;1979,140-153).Thepressuresofoverpopulation,nationalsecuritychallengesandpovertyaswellastherevolutionofrising
expectationscouldbesolvedonlyinacontinuinggrowthenvironment.Kahnrejectedtheideathatcontinuousgrowthwouldgeneratepoliticalrepressionandabsolutepoverty.Onthe
contrary,itisthelimits-to-growthposition"whichcreateslowmorale,destroysassurance,underminesthelegitimacyofgovernmentseverywhere,erodespersonalandgroup
commitmenttoconstructiveactivitiesandencouragesobstructivenesstoreasonablepoliciesandhopes".Hencethisposition"increasesenormouslythecostsofcreatingthe
resourcesneededforexpansion,makesmorelikelymisleadingdebateandmisformulationoftheissues,andmakelesslikelyconstructiveandcreativelives".
Ultimately"itispreciselythispositiontheonethatincreasesthepotentialforthekindsofdisasterswhichmostatitsadvocatesaretryingtoavoid"(Kahn,1976,210;1984).
20