The Making of a Missionary King: The Medieval Accounts of Olaf Tryggvason and the
Conversion of Norway
Author(s): Sverre Bagge
Source: The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, Vol. 105, No. 4 (Oct., 2006), pp. 473513
Published by: University of Illinois Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27712621 .
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http://www.jstor.org
of a Missionary
The Making
The
Accounts
and
the Conversion
Sverre
The
following
of
Norway,
Snorri
Sturluson's
article
sion
were
changes
the period
actually
idea of
the
same
story,
tianization
was
brought
This
attempt
around
happened
how
the
was made
accounts
late
the
of
twelfth
conversion
of
of
developed,
conversion
the
and finally what
until
to
gain
Norway,1
what
it
about
conver
the
century
is not
Its aim
1230.
during
tradition
understanding
during
characterized
as a whole.
tradition
considerable
runs
which
the
by the extant works,
covered
Norwegian-Icelandic
texts
The
show
extant
of
from
in the
introduced
of Bergen
oldest
works
Heimskringla
some
to obtain
but
Latin
the
on what
information
the
examines
from
Tryggvason
of Norway
University
Bagge,
King:
of Olaf
Medieval
in details
variation
as follows:
approximately
by King H?kon
but
The
Haraldsson
court
and
had
up at the English
was
a failure.
Most
of H?kon's
tell
the
essentially
at
Chris
attempt
first
who
g??H (ca. 935-60),
a Christian
become
were
successors
there.
Christian
but did little to promote
the new religion. The main credit for Christian
is given to the kings Olaf Tryggvason
and St.
izing Norway
(995-1000)
Olaf Haraldsson
The former is said to have Christianized
the
(1015-30).
coastal
organized
and
Iceland,
regions
the Church,
and
the people
death.
when
toriography
because
of
dealing
subject
had
turned
Olaf
Although
these works
the
the
latter
converted
re-Christianized
additionally
away from Christianity
was
Haraldsson
were
is his
whereas
problems
with him, Olaf's
great
the main
composed,
predecessor
the
Olaf
concerning
interior
the
areas
after Olaf
national
figure
For
Tryggvason.
the
relationship
Tryggvason's
saint
in
the
at
the
conversion
reason
this
and
where
between
time
his
as well
the
as
texts
activity will also be the main
life and missionary
here.
i. For a discussion
of this, see Sverre Bagge,
"Christianisation
Scandinavian
Norway,"
Journal ofHistory, 30(2005),
Early Medieval
Journal
? 2006
the
of English
and Germanic
by the Board of Trustees
Philology?October
of the University
of
Illinois
and
State
107?34.
Formation
in
474
Ba??e
THE EMERGENCEOF THE MISSIONARYKINGS
The
in the extant
first stage
texts
three
Norwegian
Monachus's
Historia
anonymous
and
Latin,
tive,
these
to above.
introduce
was
The
ally
not
do
Theodoricus
go)
who
From
more
much
even
not
and
1180)
(ca.
the
than
mention
of view
point
the minimum
H?kon
the
however,
respects.
Historia
kingdom
themselves
distinguish
story
Olaf
also
as a child, probably modeled
of
the
the
possibly
Norivegie,
of the conversion
the importance
the
earthly
Tryggvason
contains
that he
a
heavenly
in other
and
long
story
on the Biblical
of
the
about
one.3
mutu
two,
em
the missionary
almost
of Norway
vocation
God's
receives
to
attempts
to the
by developing
conversion
in
narra
of
referred
go?i's
older
the
both
whereas Historia Nortoegie briefty concludes
preferred
work
Norse.2
by
Theodoricus
i.e.,
century,
half of the twelfth century),
(second
contain
works,
The
twelfth
regum Norwagiensium
in Old
is represented
of the mission
late
antiquitate
does
Christianity,
biography,
making
in which
with
the way
missionary.4
11
(ca.
Agrip
works
apostate
two Latin
phasizes
de
the
Historia Norwegie
an
different
accounts
from
Olaf's
stories of Moses
identical
to act
as a
persecution
and Christ.
see Theodore
Anders
to as "the Norwegian
2. They are sometimes
referred
synoptics";
and
in Old Norse-Icelandic
Literature. A Critical Guide, ed. Carol Clover
"Kings' Sagas,"
to Gabriel
Univ. Press,
Isl?ndica, 45 (Ithaca: Cornell
1985), p. 201, referring
John Lindow,
between
work must have been composed
As for the dates, Theodoricus's
Turville-Petre.
of Nidaros
in it, the conquest
the last event mentioned
1188, i.e., between
by
1176 and
a
and the death of the dedicatee,
the Birchlegs,
Eysteinn. Most scholars prefer
Archbishop
see Sverre Bagge
exile in England
date early in this period,
i.e., before Eysteinn's
1180-83;
in Twelfth-Century
"Theodoricus
Monachus?Clerical
Norway," Scandinavian
Historiography
in Theodoricus
Monachus,
"Introduction,"
114; Peter Foote,
14 (1989),
Journal
of History,
transi, and annotated
The Ancient History of theNorwegian Kings (=Theod.),
by David and Ian
of
intr. by Peter Foote, Viking Society for Northern
Research,
University
College
McDougall,
London
"Introduction,"
Andersson,
(London: Viking Society,
1998), p. xiii; and Theodore
The Saga of Olaf Tryggvason, Oddr Snorrason (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 2003), p. 4. No similar
around
evidence
exists regarding Historia Norxuegie, which has been dated between
1150 and
well
into the thirteenth
has, however,
century. Recent
given good arguments
scholarship
Historia Norxuegie (=HN), ed. Inger Ekrem and Lars
for an early date. Lars Boje Mortensen,
Tusculanum
Museum
transi, by Peter Fisher
Press, 2003),
(Copenhagen:
Boje Mortensen,
ca. 1 150-75
on the basis of sources
while
and literary background,
pp. 11-24,
suggests
en l0sning i debatten om dens alder? (Bergen:
Inger Ekrem, Nytt lys over Historia Norxuegie. Mot
inHistoria Norxuegie, pp. 162
Universiteteti
1998) and "Essay on Date and Purpose,"
Bergen,
of the archdiocese.
with the establishment
ff., prefers a date around
1150, in connection
The fact that Historia Norxuegie and Theodoricus's
work represent
the same ecclesiastical
no
that they
attitude while
each other, forms a strong argument
showing
sign of knowing
were written
at about
the same time in different
1180; cf.
i.e., for a date around
places,
to ca. 1190 because
its author
Historia Norxuegie, pp. 23 f. Agrip is usually dated
Mortensen,
use of Theodoricus's
to have made
work and because
itmust have been known
is believed
see Agrip af N?regskonungasogum
to several early thirteenth-century
authors;
(=Agr.), ed. and
son,
transi, by M. J. Driscoll
ch. 4; HN,
3. Theod.,
4. HN, ch. 17.
(London:
ch. 13.
Viking
Society,
1995),
p. xii.
Accounts
Medieval
Historia
no
contains
Norwegie
must
the work
version
have
contained
off with
breaks
a lot about
in
back
St. Olafs
him.
childhood,
as well
as force.
persuasion
to St. Olafs
reference
missionary
used
the mis
Concerning
extant
The
activity,
of
part
the work
the
although
plays
Tryggvason
to some
refers
of
a
similar
the
same
in Theodoricus's
part
events
as Historia
no
contains
statement
earls succeeding Olaf Tryggvason almost completely destroyed
that "the blessed Olaf had planted so painstakingly,"6
clearly
this must have been included in the part that is now lost.
Olaf
extant
the
of Historia Norwegie confines himself to concluding
in
converted
the whole coastal region of Norway,
the Orkneys,
the Faroes, and Iceland,5 and that he
sion itself, the author
that Olaf Tryggvason
to Shetland,
addition
briefly
that
indicates
However,
Norway.
475
Tryggvason
in England
of his battles
quite
arrival
Olafs
of
story
corresponding
account
but the relatively detailed
of Olaf
that
the
the Church
implies that
account
which
the
Norwegie,
persecu
in England, although
tion of him as a child and his conversion
its version
of these events differs significantly. Although
it contains a considerable
number
of
of
importance
but
narrative,
out
the
Theodoricus's
facts,
the
the
of
insertion
between
parallel
narrative
is brief
the
expressed
a number
of
of
history
terse.
and
The
in a detailed
is not
conversion
"digressions"
and
the
Norway
or
crucial
dramatic
serves
to
bring
universal
great,
history of the Christian Church and to show how this distant country to
into the history of Christendom.7
the north is integrated
The third work, the Old Norse Agrip, mostly adds little to the accounts
in the
two Latin
works,
In contrast
as a
and
to Historia
Christian
good
who
dies
for
except
the
earliest
as
a
Norwegie,
is forced
who
to make
sinner.9
repentant
where
process,
to Christianity.8
as an
but
apostate,
in a pagan
country
tells much
the same
depicted
compromises
Further,
the
attitude
go?i's
is not
H?kon
of
phase
in some detail with H?kon
the author deals
Agrip
childhood
and early life as Historia Norwegie.
story of Olaf Tryggvason's
As for the mission
that Olaf converted
five
itself, Agrip briefly mentions
same
countries?the
his
own
There
customs,
estates
and
is thus
some
compared
as
that
in Historia
he
change
to the
replaced
of emphasis,
two
Latin
he
Norwegie?that
the pagan
works.
feasts
from
Agrip's
faith
built
with
to
account
on
churches
Christian
ones.
institutions
of
St. Olaf
and
is
5- HN, ch. 17, pp. 94 f.
6. "quam beatus Olauus
HN, ch. 17, p. 100.
egregie
plantaverat,"
"Theodoricus,"
pp. 117-23.
7. Bagge,
8. ?gn, ch. 5-7, pp. 8-17.
see most
to introduce
of H?kon
and his attempts
9. On the various accounts
Christianity,
kristendommen v rt iNorge (Oslo: Verbum,
1995),
recently Fridtjov Birkeli, Tolv vintrerhadde
"A Hero between
the
and Christianity?H?kon
and Sverre Bagge,
pp. 65-101,
Paganism
a.M.:
in Memory
and History," Poetik und Ged?chtnis. Festschrift Heiko Uecker (Frankfurt
Good
Peter Lang, 2004).
476
Bagge
the
brief;
very
attempt
Whereas
states
author
that
he
restored
it but gives no further
to destroy
stands
Theodoricus
in his
alone
after
Christianity
the
earls'
details.10
"universalist"
perspective,
in two works from the end of
is continued
the biographical
perspective
the twelfth century, Oddr Snorrason Monk's
Saga of Olaf Tryggvason (ca.
1190)
latter
and
of
rather
This
Both
and
of
Saga
storytelling
protagonists,
stories
are,
their
good
deeds
the story of Olafs
?o. Agr., ch. 22.
11. Oddr
Snorrason
aim
was
as many
in order
combining
rarely
chronology
readers,
These
1200).11
ones.
They
and
narrative
earlier
organized
is often
vague
particularly
in
not
to create
as
his
two
are
pious
longer
or lack
to
compared
of lack of skill on the authors'
examples
to show
childhood
(ca.
the
vivid
however,
is hardly because
to collect
St. Olaf
than
a
and
their
plot,
to modern
chaotic
because
but
Legendary
real
to form
seem
they
Heimskringla.
virtues
many
so as
ing. Thus,
two
the
Their
sequences
structure
more
contain
"biographies"
comments.
but
so-called
the
works
part,
a
story with
plot
logical
of the
protagonist's
and
greatness
piety.12
possible
and that of his conversion
are greatly
ed. Finnur J?nsson
(Co
Munk,
(=Oddr),
Saga Ol?fs Tryggvasonar
1932 ) ; [Legendary Saga] Ol?fs saga hins helga, Die "Legendarische Saga ?ber Olaf den
penhagen,
et al. (Heidelberg:
Winter,
1982).
Heiligen"
(=Leg. Saga), ed. and transi. Anne Heinrichs
an Old Norse
in Latin but is preserved
Oddr's
translation,
saga was originally written
only in
ante
a
The
terminus
differences.
show considerable
and
in two manuscripts
fragment which
the first
who
looked
in 1206 of Gissur Hallsson
is the death
through
quern for this work
to the throne
his accession
to King Sverrir makes
the reference
draft of the work, whereas
in 1177 the terminus post quern
"Introduction,"
(Andersson,
pp. 1-5). The context of this
a comment
a slightly later date more
reference
makes
by Sverrir about
likely. Oddr quotes
the only king to have stood on the poop deck, visible to all, during a sea battle.
Olaf being
would be during or after one of Sverrir's own
for such a comment
The most
likely context
sea battles,
the first of which
took place in 1181. Or, to venture a further guess, an even more
in 1184, where he
occasion would be after Sverrir's second sea battle, at Fimreiti
appropriate
in a small boat and eventually
to Olaf, being rowed around
in a way exactly opposite
behaved
see G.
on this occasion;
accuses Sverrir of cowardice
commentator
going ashore. A modern
Sverrir
A Royal Impostor (Oslo: Aschehoug,
H. Gathorne-Hardy,
1956), p. 204 ff. Although
as
out by K?re Lunden,
had good
tactical reasons for his behavior,
Norge
pointed
probably
under Sverre tten, Norges historie, vol. 3 (Oslo: Cappelen,
1976), p. 113 f.; Sverre Bagge, From
in Sverris saga and H?konar
saga H?konarsonar
Gang Leader to the Lord's Anointed. Kingship
Univ. Press, 1996), and "'S?rt biter sulten lus'. Sverre som militaer fornyer,"
(Odense: Odense
ca. 1100?1400,
ed. Knut Arstad,
in Krig[0ringi
middelalderen.
Strategi, ideologi og organisasjon
no. 35 (Oslo: Forsvarsmuseet,
Forsvarsmuseets
2003), p. 14 ff., he may have been
sm?skrifter,
to Olaf as an exception.
met with ironical comments
which made
him point
Further, Oddr
Sverrir as long as he was only a guerrilla
would
leader, i.e., until
1179.
hardly have quoted
that he used Theodoricus's
The date ca. 1190 for Oddr's work is based on the assumption
in
is placed
work. As for the Legendary Saga, the date depends
entirely on how this work
of the saga of St.
about the development
discussion
the "stemma" of the very complicated
to shortly after 1200 (Andersson,
the saga is usually dated
Olaf. On these grounds,
"Kings'
Sagas," p. 212 ff.).
12. Bagge,
helt og statsbygger?Olav
"Theodoricus,"
p. 115 ff. and "Helgen,
Tryggvason
i norsk historieskrivning
700 ?r," Kongsmenn
ogkrossmenn. Festskrift til GretheAuth?n
gjennom
Blom (Trondheim:
Tapir,
1992), p. 22 ff.
Medieval
in Oddr
extended
Most
work
Snorrason's
importantly,
but as a series of experiences,
his
from
religion,
dieval
conversion
take
the
his
predecessors.
to the true
in Russia
sacrifices
to
of other me
the majority
no
event,
single
him closer
contains
477
Tryggvason
as a
pagan
Like
Oddr's
however,
stories,
of
represented
bringing
in
part
in the Scillies.
by the abbot
his baptism
gradually
to
refusal
of Olaf
to that
compared
is not
conversion
Olafs
Accounts
real
psychology.
to Olafs
inner life through a story of gradual
We are not introduced
as the
dissatisfaction
with his former life and recognition
of Christianity
true
in the
religion
conversion.
and
to
the way
God's
but
salvation,
are
there
comes
intervention
at
some
least
some
after
stages
the
preparation;
situation in Denmark makes Olaf appeal to the Christian God,
desperate
from contempt
thus forming a stage in the development
for the pagan
to the Christian religion, which follows as the result
gods to full adherence
of God's
intervention
is also some emphasis
through the dream. There
on the intellectual aspect of the conversion; Olaf spends time in
learning
about the Christian doctrine, which makes him qualified
for preaching
first in Russia and then in Norway.
the message,
Oddr
chronicles
the
ing
first
events
the
to
attempt
of Olafs
trace
the
thus
year by year,
reign
in his conversion
stages
of
represent
the country.
this forms the main content of the middle
of the saga, between
Actually,
as
events
to
Olafs
and
the
his death in the bat
acceptance
king
leading
tle of
The
Svol?r.13
reign, his efforts
to a sermon
refers
should
be
is probably
by Olaf.14
as an
In
sermon
the
the people.
Although
act
performed
as a
general
Olaf
on
of Olafs
Further, Oddr
it is unclear
whether
a
occasion?i.e.,
specific
preached
the
to
their
up
give
episode
his missionary
during
people
briefly
sermon
the
characterization,
the
urges
characterization
general
to show how Olaf
intended
campaign.
a
with
opens
interpreted
at
Eyraf)ing?or
election
his
story
and toil in converting
former
for the soul, as it is false to believe that they can
is dangerous
get help by sacrificing to sticks or stones. They should instead turn towards
faith, which
true
the
in heaven,
God
the wisest men
the
up
given
difference
spoke
This
the
and
pain
sermon
13. Oddr,
14. Oddr,
gives
men
giving
and
horror
argument
any further
pp. 83-179.
pp. 83-88.
as an
them
and
serving God
power
great
is not
remarkable;
sophisticated
Without
take
and
with
neither
bl?t,
between
and
men,
who
to look to the English
in hell
God's
all
example.
for
evil
who
he
Finally,
men.
the
recently
describes
and
about
Oddr
adds
chieftains
direct
the
appeal,
content
preaching,
to
appeals
had
the joy for good
but
of Olafs
Olaf
good.
the Danes,
the Devil,
help,
it is a
simple
nor details
examples
is
that
and
the
and just
that
turned
Olaf
away.
containing
of the faith.
Oddr
stresses
478
Bagge
the importance
of eloquence
by stating that St. Martin helped Olaf in
the
and
preaching
gospel
converting people.
In the following account of the Christianization
of the country, Olaf
travels
the
through
pattern,
complicated
to another
country
Snorri
various
systematically
a
strategic
involving
and
Sturluson's
later
back
account,
Norway
from
a
journeys
pattern
Olaf,
south
to an
according
frequent
again,
where
the coast
along
behind
Olafs
plan
of
parts
extremely
from one
end of the
that
in
is
greatly
simplified
a few
moves
exceptions,
to north.
Nor
to find
is it easy
with
movements.15
There
another
is, however,
kind of logic in the account,
i.e., the steady rise in the difficulty of the
task and an increasing challenge of the forces of evil. In the Orkneys and
Southern
where
Norway,
Olaf
wins people for Christianity
or by concluding marriage
He
also
receives
starts,
the
task
is
St. Martin
support.
supernatural
makes
in return for his toast being substituted
ies speechless
and ?>?rr, and the discovery of the relics of the people
a
aid
great
in
points
The
battle
ers,
hardens
victory
and
the
northern
Tr0ndelag2()
Thus,
Olaf
Norway.
these
the Devil
at
him
the
saints
Olafs
are mobilized
at
people
himself
but
the
challenges
In a series
he
by
sorcerers
burning
mobilizes
is defeated.18
encounters,
or
various
against
particu
Olaf
tortures.17
Olaf,
This
trying
for
to
the
the
the forces of good
gods. The idea of a battle between
in
further
the
middle
part of the saga, which
partly developed
organized,
strategic
are
who
of dramatic
pagan
loosely
adversar
for those of O?inn
of Selja also proves
opens
up
sorcer
last remaining
of the
suppression
of H?rekr
?r
seals
the conversion
which
fy?ttu,
of the
in
The
destruction
of the statue
Freyr
god
utter
the final
the
of
the
climax,
showing
impotence
Qgvaldznes,
of Christianity,
conversion
Norway.19
as
serves
Olaf
story.
when
this phase,
During
of
conversion
to exterminate
manages
seduce
mission.16
in northern
strong
larly
final
in Olafs
the
easy.
comparatively
by force and threats,
through his eloquence,
alliances with the leading men in the region.
comprising
a characterization
of Olaf,
a
and evil is
is the most
comparison
to Snorri's
between
the two versions,
in these
15- For a comparison
pointing
superiority
see Theodore
"The Conversion
of Norway According
to Oddr Snorr
Andersson,
respects,
ason and Snorri Sturluson,"
10 (1977),
a
Medieval
who also presents
Scandinavia,
83-95,
movements
in the two versions.
See also Bagge,
helt," pp.
map
illustrating Olafs
"Helgen,
2 1-38, and Bjarne Fidjest0l,
"Ol?fr Tryggvason
the Missionary.
A Literary Portrait from the
Middle
in his Selected Papers (Odense: Odense
Univ. Press,
The
Ages,"
1997), pp. 201-27.
en mesta, the latest saga of Olaf from ca.
latter deals particularly
with Ol?fs saga Tryggvasonar
1300.
16. Oddr,
17. Oddr,
18. Oddr,
19. Oddr,
20. Oddr,
pp. 94-103.
pp. 114-20.
pp. 131-34.
pp. 134-43.
p. 147 ff.
Medieval
between
him
and
onstrate
his greatness,
to Wendland.21
St. Olaf,
This
comments
various
of Olaf
of
the
to dem
serving
for his fatal expedition
some
contains
saga
479
Tryggvason
stories
and
the first preparations
and
part
Accounts
can
that
episodes
be
as evidence of the final success of Olafs mission. He disap
understood
men in such a way that they believe that he is an
from
his
pears
angel; he
a
at
is surrounded
miraculous
while
alone
by
light
praying
night; he is
run
to
the
t?orr
who
has
from
him.
away
by
god
approached
Finally, two
of
his
come
retainers
all
about
stories
the
harm
across
Olaf
ones
earlier
repeating
a
meeting
to
done
has
about
of
demons
who
( troll)
In between
them.22
the mission,
complain
are
some
there
the
namely
confrontation
with the people of Tr0ndelag,
when Olaf kills J?rnskeggi
and threatens
to sacrifice the leading men of the region to the gods, and Olafs
killing
of the sorcerer Hr?aldr
of Go?ey and another enemy of Christianity
in
the
ing
has
Oddr
More.23
to
threat
about
the
leading
men,
told
already
sacrifice
the
conversion
of
although
the death of Hr?aldr.24
J?rnskeggi
The Legendary Saga is also very much a portrait
includ
Tr0ndelag,
without
the
of
story
and about
Christianization
of
the
of
saga
a more
Norway
plays
the earlier
accepts
clearly
accounts
credits St. Olaf with restor
the latter's death and with
ing Christianity
some
converting
with
of
the
leader
Dala-Gu?brandr
has destroyed
Olafs
who
his
of
parts
to
has
idol. The
as well
cleverness
inner
the
story
as his
zeal
accept
defeat
in great
not
a conversion
contain
account
of Olafs
rather
Saga
that
a
than
conforms
of
a
Oddr,
Oddr,
as
the
pp.
pp.
Leg. Saga,
Leg. Saga,
27. Leg. Saga,
author
youth
missionary.
more
emphasizes
As a whole,
to
the
his
conventional
"Introduction,"
151-57,
173-79
161-67
105 ff., 117-19.
ch. 31-36.
ch. 37.
ch. 8.
pp.
14, 16 ff.
the
after
and
at
while
the
accepts
as a child by Olaf Tryggvason.27
missionary.
2 1.Andersson,
22. Oddr, pp.
23.
24.
25.
26.
story,
detail
the
Olaf
illustrates
same
time
over a religion trusting in
other examples
of Olafs
his re-Christianization
of
The Legendary Saga does
showing the spectacular
triumph of Christianity
The
story is followed by some
impotent gods.25
in the interior,26 whereas
work for Christianity
the coastal regions
is only mentioned
briefly.
Olaf was baptized
convert
and
Christianity,
deals
story
by the eponymous
governed
is told
for
main
The
country.
of the Gu?brandzdalar,
the conversion
The
author
part.
"division
of
labor"
the
of
him and Olaf Tryggvason
and mainly
after the lax period following
between
of a holy king, but the
subordinate
The
portrait
portrait
relatively
for
preparation
of Olaf
of
tradition
a
becoming
in the
rex
that
detailed
a
king
Legendary
iustus
than
to
480
Bagge
OLAF TRYGGVASON
THE MISSIONARY?
A TWELFTH-CENTURY
INVENTION?
we
As
Olaf
have
seen,
is more
or
the
less
division
the two oldest written
(ca.
and
1160/70),
by Adam
to
and
invention,
an
and
as
partly
in
Tr0ndelag,
his
Bible,
to
of
expression
an
invention
i.e.,
cuted
the
various
several
of
of
stories
saints'
the
as a child
of
as
of Olaf
and
of
several
in
in
way
as Moses
or
countries
earlier
of
the
(r.
or
fac
and
1177-1202)
heroes.
in
Iceland,
Church"
context.
Christ
Icelandic
of
out
point
derived
are
present
and
as an
"National
scholars
kings
few
the role of Olaf
partly
conversion
sources
the
introduced
are
Tryggvason
his
Christianity.28
Sverrir
King
stories
relevant
episodes
in a similar
about
Norway
in the
importance
the anti-clerical
told
However,
Scandinavian
Olaf
St.
legend of St. Olaf
has questioned
conversion
as well
legends,
on
expresses
his
the
doubts
by
adherents
the
the official
of
and
Tryggvason
here.
St. Olaf as the one who
Lars L?nnroth
regarded
discussed
comments
even
his
Olaf
sources
depict
Adam's
he
predecessors.29
L?nnroth
Further,
number
between
the
account
older
(1073-75),
Norway.
these works,
Tryggvason
tion
even
the
negative;
on
Based
labor
in all
sources, Passio Olavi,
of Bremen
Christianity
and mostly
of
same
the
This
Olaf
the
a
that
from
the
applies
is perse
Bible.30
He
is
captured by pirates and sold as a slave like Joseph in the Bible (ibid.). He
is convinced
of the trustworthiness
of the hermit or abbot in the Scillies
when the latter sees through the trick of dressing up a servant like himself
in the same way as is told in Pope Gregory
I's story about the Gothic King
Totila's meeting
with St. Benedict.31 The legend of St. Martin who, like
Olaf,
started
as a warrior
important,
particularly
in Oddr's work. Olafs
conversion
corresponds
and
later
became
a
to St. Martin's
seems
missionary,
as is indicated by the direct
appeal to the cross during
behavior
to have
been
to St. Martin
reference
the ambush before his
in a
similar
situation,32
2 8. Adam
Gesta Hammaburgensis
ecclesiae pontificum, Monumenta
Germaniae
Bremensis,
Hist?rica.
and
Schmeidler
(Hannover
Scriptores in usum scholarum (=Gesta), II, ed. Bernhard
that Olaf was baptized
in England
and brought
Chris
Leipzig: Hahn,
1917). Adam writes
to some people's
but mentions
later that according
he turned
tianity to Norway,
opinion
that he was generally
of magic
known as a practitioner
away from the faith, and further,
and was therefore
nicknamed
Craccaben,
i.e., crow's leg (Gesta, II, 36; II, 40). These hints
should probably
be understood
of Adam's
that
statement,
against the background
previous
the Danish-Swedish
coalition
in order to protect Christianity.
against Olaf was formed
"Studier iOlaf Tryggvasons
cf. also
29. Lars L?nnroth,
54-94;
saga," Samlaren, 84 (1963),
his "The Baptist and the Saint: Odd Snorrason's
view of the two king Olafs,"
International
Scandinavian
and Medieval Studies inMemory of Gerd Wolfgang Weber, ed. M. Dallapiazza
(Trieste:
Parnaso,
2000),
30. L?nnroth,
31. L?nnroth,
32. L?nnroth,
pp. 257-64.
"Studier," p. 68.
"Studier," p. 60 f.
"Studier," p. 70.
Accounts
Medieval
of Olaf
481
Tryggvason
but the source here could also be the stories of the Emperor Constantine
and the Frankish King Clovis. Further, St. Martin destroys idols, is visited
by the Devil, and appears to his followers in a miraculous
light.33 In addi
tion
to these
repertoire
legends
cases makes
in many
which
to the common
L?nnroth
examples,
correctly
points
over
current
at the time,
and
all
stereotypes
Europe
specific
of
are
there
background,
the missionary
Tryggvason
Against
of Olaf
St. Olaf
of
in
good
the
reasons
extant
Adam may have had good
hardly be pure fiction.
the merits
to find exact models.34
it difficult
this
rather
than
those
of
his
to
the
question
sources.
However,
reasons
picture
it can
for celebrating
as he
predecessor,
tells
that
to the rule of the archbishops
this Olaf submitted
of Hamburg-Bremen,33
whereas Olaf Tryggvason brought his clerics with him from England and
no
had
words
connection
about
is
Adam
with
missionaries
biased
strongly
some
Hamburg-Bremen.36
Despite
servants
God's
wherever
being
in favor
of
Hamburg-Bremen
conciliatory
come
from,37
they
and
its com
against
and his account of Olafs
conflict with the king of Denmark
petitors,
on Danish
which
led to his death clearly depends
tradition. Moreover,
is not
Adam
is therefore
apostasy.
on
more
and
can
Further,
temporary
from
informed
reason
any
hardly
Olavi
is a
Passio
portrait
about
commonplaces
therefore
at
Norway
well
particularly
the
hardly
it was
time
there
skaldic
is evidence
poem
the late eleventh
about
to pay
of a
such
be
of Olaf
and/or
early
king
than
persons
representative
written.38
by Hallfre?r
saintly
matters.
Norwegian
to his
attention
of
the
Tryggvason
and
on
hint
the
twelfth century
Olafs
a
based
missionary,
factual
information
information
vandrae?askald,39
There
about
existing
missionary
as well
in a con
as evidence
in the works
"Studier," pp. 69-72.
33- L?nnroth,
"Studier," p. 72.
34. L?nnroth,
35. Gesta, II, 57.
och Olaf Haraldsson
"Olaf Tryggvason
in den
Rafnsson,
36. Cf. Sveinbj?rn
in Kongem0te p? Stiklestad. Rapport fra seminar om konged0mmet
torieskrivningen,"
kultursenter,
og tidlig middelalder, ed. Olaf Skevik
(Verdal: Stiklestad
nasjonale
to Adam,
but
"Studier," p. 58, is also aware of this objection
105-17. L?nnroth,
their missionaries
from England.
He has thus missed
that both Olafs brought
to Hamburg-Bremen.
the remark about St. Olafs
point,
relationship
37. Gesta, II, 37.
beati Olavi, ed. F. Metcalf
(Oxford:
1881).
38. Passio Olavi et miracula
iNidaros?arnestad
Lars Boje Mortensen
and Else Mundal,
"Erkebispesetet
Ecclesia Nidrosiensis
Olafslitteraturen,"
1153?153
7- S0kelyspa Nidaroskirhens
NTNU.
Skrifter,
historie, ed. Steinar Imsen, Senter for middelalderstudier,
in
of the
?ldsta his
i vikingtid
1999), pp.
points out
the crucial
See most
recently
og verkstad for
ogNidarosprovinsens
no. 5 (Trondheim:
pp. 365-68.
Tapir, 2003),
to save his soul in heaven;
refers to Olaf as his godfather
and asks Christ
39. Hallfre?r
see Den norsk-islandske
Ai?B2
(1908-14;
rpt.
Skjaldedigtning
(=Skj.), ed. Finnur J?nsson,
rev. of Lars
Rosenkilde
& Bagger,
1973), B I, p. 156 ff. Cf. Peter Hallberg,
Copenhagen:
and
i
Olaf
86
"Studier
L?nnroth,
p. 159,
(1965),
Fidjest0l,
Tryggvasons
saga," Samlaren,
"Ol?fr Tryggvason,"
p. 138.
482
Bagge
Icelanders
than
Saemundr
Adam
and
as a source,
Olafs
and
whereas
initiative.
Ari
Ari,
than
earlier
Ari
i.e.,
Passio
the
depicts
have
may
had
Oddr
of
not
for
later
Saemundr
as
Iceland
reasons
much
mentions
twice
conversion
similar
or
with
contemporary
Olavi.
result
the
of
Olaf
exaggerating
that of St. Olaf. Ari wrote
role as Adam had for exaggerating
Tryggvason's
in
some decades
of the Nordic archdiocese
later than the establishment
Lund,
at a
time
Consequently,
when
to reassert
wanted
Hamburg-Bremen
the "thoroughly
he may have preferred
its authority.
English" missionary
was
to
Hamburg-Bremen.
loyal
in his work.40
Ari's
Whatever
bias,
to St. Olaf
Tryggvason
mentions
St. Olaf
he barely
an
to have
is
unlikely
equally
as Adam.
Further,
provinces
his oral
about
informants
who
Olaf
in the
strong
engagement
to have
he seems
in a
given
back
going
the conversion
question
detailed
about
persons
in the
involved
of
he
church
information
to Olaf
series
account
of
lifetime.
His
pragmatic
information
and
chronology
precise
was
if Olaf
And
ring of authenticity.41
Actually,
however,
of
Tryggvason's
exact
with
Iceland,
and
also
names,
of
conversion
has
a
Iceland,
as well.
in the conversion
of Norway
involved
have
been
certainly
to
of
number
the
L?nnroth
for
the
As
sources,
large
points
Norwegian
as evidence
of the tradition
names
for the local
in
origin
Tr0ndelag
place
of authenticity.
also be an
indication
This
fact may
about
Olaf.42
reasons
to
Olaf
are thus
for the Icelanders
There
exaggerate
Trygg
good
to make
that
this
it unlikely
is also
evidence
but
there
vason's
importance,
his
Given
in the sources.
of him
for the accounts
is the whole
explanation
finds
it necessary
even
in
L?nnroth
sources,
strong
Norwegian
position
as well.
is
Here
a
the evidence
to find
ideological
explanation
Norwegian
reasons.
are
so also
It would
the
but
in Iceland,
weaker
than
ideological
to have
St. Olaf,
seem
saint
and martyr,
the national
far more
for
likely
he must
been
than
ment
credited
for
his
is unable
authors,
with more
predecessor
to counter
Theodoricus
Tryggvason's
He dedicates
missionary
his work
than his due
to be
this
Monachus,
work,
so.43
in the Christianization
"National
L?nnroth's
Of
the
objection.
who
attributes
represents
to Archbishop
the
three
great
very
Eysteinn,
opposite
of Norway
Church"
early
argu
Norwegian
to Olaf
importance
of this
ideology.
and he clearly belongs
to
"Olaf Tryggvason,"
Rafnsson,
pp. 112-14.
40. Sveinbj?rn
ed. Finnur J?nsson
fr??i, ?slendingab?k,
41. Ari I>orgilsson
1887), ch. 7
(Copenhagen,
(=Ari).
Schreiner,
"Studier," p. 64, referring
42. L?nnroth,
Tr0ndelag og rikssamlingen
tojohan
(Oslo: Det norske videnskapsakademi,
1928).
"The Baptist," argued for the priority of Oddr over the Legend
43. Later, Lars L?nnroth,
at least to
seem to imply that the tradition
about Olaf Tryggvason
ary Saga, which would
some extent must have influenced
further by Theodore
that of St. Olaf. This is developed
or
Snorrason's
"The First Icelandic King's Saga: Oddr
Andersson,
Olafs saga Tryggvasonar
The Oldest Saga of Saint Olaf?' JEGP, 103 (2004),
139-55.
Medieval
the
educated
internationally
movement
resent
trust"
"brain
Accounts
that
of Olaf
led
the
Tryggvason
483
ecclesiastical
reform
in the twelfth century. Historia Norwegie and Agrip probably
same
the
a
that
L?nnroth
Further,
church
national
possible
the
exaggerates
at the time.45 Finally,
in Norway
divisions
ideological
evidence
attitude.44
faction
rep
long-term
no
there is absolutely
would
Olaf
prefer
Tryg
to St. Olaf. On the contrary, St. Olaf played a crucial role in the
of the very incarnation of the national church ideology, King
propaganda
"the law of St. Olaf" to the
Sverrir,46 to the extent that he explicitly opposed
gvason
the
of
program
a common
their
ecclesiastical
own
hero
to both
purpose.
We
movement.
reform
St. Olaf was sufficiently
century,
who
factions,
must
By
therefore
the
end
of
as the national
well established
in various
that Olaf
twelfth
saint to be
to use
tried
ways
conclude
the
him
for
most
Tryggvason
of Norway. At least it
probably did play some role in the Christianization
is quite clear that this role was not invented during the second half of the
twelfth century for some ideological purpose. There must be some older
The
tradition.
character
of
this
tradition,
THE RELATIONSHIP
is not
however,
BETWEEN
to detect.
easy
THE TEXTS:
THEODORICUS AND ODDR SNORRASON
The
works
cannot
to above
referred
be
completely
independent
discussion.
nection
Agrip
dent
between
on
of
the
each
seems
There
Historia
to be
whereas
other.
However,
the most
question
works
difficult
to
but
another,
general
Theodoricus
Norwegieand
the two Latin
other,
in common
enough
of one
is a very difficult
of this interdependence
to much
have
question
that
exact
that has been
agreement
on
are
show
the
about
the
one
apparently
in the
they
nature
subject
the
con
hand
and
indepen
discussion
44- Torfinn Tobiassen,
konunga
sogum," Kulturhistorisk
leksikonfor nordisk
"?grip af N?regs
I (Copenhagen:
8c Bagger,
Rosenkilde
middelalder,
1956), col. 60 ff.; Ellefi0j, Den celdste nor
r0ne historieskrivning
"Introduction,"
(Copenhagen:
Munksgaard,
1965), p. 198; Mortensen,
HN, p. 9 ff.
to such a division
to the papal
in the 1160s, corresponding
45. L?nnroth
points
already
schism at the time (L?nnroth,
for this; see Knut
"Studier," p. 91), but there is no evidence
iNorges historie, III (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget,
Helle, Norge Mir en stat, Handbok
1974), p.
"The Structure
of the Political
Factions
in the Internal Struggles
of
47, and Sverre Bagge,
the Scandinavian
Countries
the High Middle Ages," Scandinavian
During
Journal ofHistory,
24
(1999)>310"12
is also brought
forward by Hallberg,
Samlaren, p. 163 f., and Julia Zer
46. This objection
und Olaf der Heilige
Olaf Tryggvason
im Geschichtsdenken
nack, "Vorl?ufer und Vollender.
to the
des Oddr Snorrason
munkr," Arkivf?r nordisk filologi,
113 (1998),
90. Zernack
points
and St. Olaf, notably
in the analogy between
the
close connection
between Olaf Tryggvason
two kings and St. John
the Baptist and Christ
cf. Oddr
"Vorl?ufer,"
(Zernack,
pp. 83-89;
she accepts a connection
between Oddr's
and Sverrir's national
Nevertheless,
pp. 156-57).
church
ideology.
484
Bagge
concerns
the lost works known to have existed
(i.e., the two histories by
the Icelanders Saemundr
Ari
and
from
[1056-1133]
[1067/68-1148])
the
late
wegian
or
eleventh
twelfth
early
mentioned
regum,
Catalogus
as well
century,
as
an
apparently
Saemundr
by Theodoricus.
Nor
probably
wrote
in Latin, whereas Ari is explicitly mentioned
as the first historian
in
Old
Norse.
that the three
maintained
writing
Bjarni A?albjarnarson
writers
Norwegian
the
Icelandic
one.47
the
knew
only
an independent
existed
Norwegian
Svend
to the
that
consequently
tradition
historiographie
came
Ellehoj
and
Catalogus
conclusion
there
to
parallel
that
the
authors
of Historia Norwegie and Agrip, but not Theodoricus,
knew Ari's work and
that the author of Agrip also knew Saemundr,48 but this conclusion
has
been
questioned.
much
hard
Despite
from a solution
the
Quite
tween
the
even
has
hand
to
less
been
ness
and
trace
the
the whole
The
a
similar
that
Ages
of
between
the
an author
today,
authorial
out,
the
which
on
texts
the
in
textual
and a scribe was
is a more
with here
and
other,
a
passage
particular
that a
weak
however,
general
on
in
focus
similarities
strong
stemma
perspective
the kind of studies we are dealing
lost
from
the texts has largely been
establishing
between
from
a
as far
between
or a hundred
years
fifty
ago.49
to
It is not
be
easy
distinguish
texts on
two known
between
text
pointed
has been
be
may
the relationship
as
dependence
borrowing
lost
we
ingenuity,
about
history
solution.
from
particular
It may
be
relationship
to
considerable
questions
Norwegian
be no
may
discussion
if the difference
than
and
resulting
common
borrowed.
in
detail.
way
there
possibly,
similarities
one
on
narratives
early
work
to the difficult
discussed
criticism.
in
Even
less in the Middle
important
than in pure
factor
in
textual criticism.
more
to examine
should
be done
the aims,
Consequently,
composition,
in order
to arrive
and
at an
of
the
various
works
style
understanding
of
on
their
authors'
selection
of material,
which
also
throw
may
light
were
to borrow
what
not. Moreover,
and
what
the
of
they
likely
question
oral
tradition
has
been
of
with
the
mostly
neglected,
exception
Siegfried
Beyschlag
exclusively
who
as
clearly goes
the
result
of
too far in explaining
the writers'
use
of
similar
the similarities
oral
almost
sources.50
Om de norske kongers sagaer, Skrifter utgitt av Det norske viten
47- Bjarni A?albjarnarson,
iOslo,
II. Historisk-filosofisk
klasse, no. 4, 1936 (Oslo: Dybwad,
skapsakademi
1937).
and passim.
48. Svend Elleh0j, Den celdste norr0ne historieskrivning,
pp. 173 ff., 266-85,
Andersson's
conclusion
49. Thus Theodore
(Andersson,
pessimistic
"Kings' Sagas," p.
the fact that no consensus
has been reached, we have a better basis
211). However,
despite
for choosing
between
various opinions,
careful
examination
of
notably
through Ellehoj's
the sources.
with Gu?run
(Die
By contrast,
despite my agreement
Lange on some points
Studia Isl?ndica, 47 [Reykyav?k: Menn
Anf?nge der isl?ndisch-norwegischen
Geschichtsschreibung,
I find her analysis as a whole
to Ellehoj's.
inferior
ingarsj??,
1989]),
50. Beyschlag,
Konungas?gur.
Accounts
Medieval
of Olaf
485
Tryggvason
to address the general ques
is not intended
The following discussion
tion of the relationship
between
the texts, which would hardly be possible
on the basis of such a limited material,
but confines
itself to the aspects
to
relevant
the
The
two
first
of
understanding
in
particular
of which
the missionary,
different
versions
the
his
the
early
in table
strong
striking
Theodoricus's
between
but
two
the
to
sufficient
is the
work
other
the
between
Historia
either by the latter being
from Ari. The
borrowed
and
Most
is based
This
Tryggvason
conversion,
1.
Theodoricus
works,
a connection.
suggest
older.51
and
similarity
Norxuegie and Agrip, which has been explained
on the former or by both having
dependent
similarities
Olaf
about
life
summarized
show
columns
of
story
are
tradition
the
partly
on
are
Oddr,
scholars
less
believe
the
that
assumption
that Theodoricus
had only oral sources for his account of Norwegian
tory and partly on the belief that tradition ismore
likely to expand
to diminish.
Most
only
ments
to
refers
believed
that
Theodoricus
had
this has recently been questioned.52
skaldic
even
seem
comments
what
have
scholars
although
he
to
poetry
to
not
and
deny
seen
been
having
have been possible
second-hand
("non
an
that he has written
visa
sed
eyewitness
to distinguish
knowledge,55
narrative
the
and
of written
knowledge
in the prologue
has
written
audita
to
the
written
sources,
some
of
his
"Visa"
although
such
a distinction
state
when
notably
lecta and audita
of
sources,
refers explicitly
what he has heard
conscripsimus").53
and
events,54
between
absence
no
Theodoricus
his
than
he
and not
clearly
it would
in referring
cannot
to
be
An exception
is Lange, Die
"Introduction,"
51. Andersson,
pp. 4, 6 ff., with references.
in favor of Theodoricus's
i.e., his
Anf?nge, pp. 125-33, wno rejects earlier arguments
priority,
denial of having used written
the earlier date of his work, and his limited
informa
sources,
to Oddr. However,
tion about Olaf Tryggvason
she gives no positive
compared
arguments
in favor of Oddr's
priority.
of the majority of scholars, see, e.g., Ellehoj, Den
ldste norr0ne
52. This has been the opinion
in Gu?run
and
Lange, Die Anf?nge, p. 98, n. 276-77,
historieskrivning, p. 177 ff-, the references
most
Historia
de antiquitate
Monachus,
[rev. of] Theodoricus
recently Lars Boje Mortensen,
intr. by P. Foote, Maal
transi. D. and Ian McDougall,
og minne (2000),
is represented
"Theodoricus
og islenskir
opinion
by Bjarni Gu?nason,
19y7 (Reykjavik: Stofnun Arna
loj?l?
Sjot?u ritgerdir helgadarjakobi Benediktssyni
"Ari's konunga
viznd the Earliest
Andersson,
1977), I, 107-20, and Theodore
H?kon jarl's death," Opuscula, 6, Bibliotheca
33 (Copenhagen:
Arnamagnaeana,
1979), and "Kings' Sagas," p. 209 ff.; Lange, Die Anf?nge, p. 98 ff. For a summary
see Andersson,
until 1985 with references,
discussion
"Kings' Sagas."
regum norxuagiensium,
103. The alternative
sagnaritarar,"
Magn?ssonar,
of
Accounts
Munksgaard,
of the whole
53. Theod.,
p. 4.
desMittelal
54. Marie Schulz, Die Lehre von der historischen Methode bei den Geschichtsschreibern
ters (VI.-XIII. Jahrhundert)
(Berlin and Leipzig: Rothschild,
1909), pp. 15-66, with numerous
from the sources; Bernard Guen?e,
and quotations
Histoire et culture historique dans
examples
l'Occident m?di?val (Paris: Aubier,
"Theodoricus,"
p. 124, n. 32,
ig8o), pp. 77 f.; cf. Bagge,
"Introduction,"
p. xvi ff. and n. 11.
Lange, Die Anf?nge, p. 98 ff.; Foote,
Maal og minne, p. 103.
Histoire, p. 132; Mortensen,
55. Schulz, Die Lehre, p. 15 f.; Guen?e,
his
newborn
and
O.
Astri?r,
mother,
who
holds high
awith
King
Valdemar
Queen
Allogia,
is
and
has
Oprusto?um,
to
flee
from
there,
foster
his
killed
the
who
father
man
Queen
Gunnhildr
theandjarl
persecutes
H?kon
forcing
for
look
him.
toends
and
O.
are
their
to
attached
eventually
service.
where
upby
sheH?kon position
various
from
places
the
in
country
Astri?r
Eir?kr
?with
the
spends
winter
finally
bought
liberated
and
by Sigur?r.
O.'s
kills
uncle
Later,
O.
three
sold
and
separated
times,
jarl
H?kon
Old
Later,
the
visits
is
King
earlier,
six
brought
to
years
in
hold
he
but
get
to
order
of
O.,
Gu?r0?r
Eiriksson.
Afterwards
received
sentto
brother Sigur?r,
is
H?kon
by
his
chased
and
men Sweden,
After
and
O. are
well two
Astri?r's
in
They
pirates,
captured
by
are
Astri?r
O.'s
father
Tryggvi
killed,
isby
Valdemar
Russia.
of
years,
2-47
Oddr,
pp.
O.'sfather
the
Old.
killed,
byHaraldr
is
the
persecutes
newborn
forcing
O.,
Tryggvi
fails.
Russia,
O. escapes
jarl
look
for
him.
H?kon
to
Afterwards,
Queen
Gunnhildr
4,
ch.
up
and
ends
grows
he
eventually
where
court.
Valdemar's
gr?feldr. 7
Theodoricus,
Eiriksson
O.
isand
brought
ransomed
to
Russia,
regions
until
he
arrives
in
England,
attacked
by
whoin
?^?r?lfr king
to the
who
is
then kill
where
conversion
takes
his place.
brought
is
He
the
of
notice
to
O.
sell
and
Estonia.
slave
a
as
O.
Afterwards,
flees
Astri?r
O.'s
mother
As
Viking,
becomes
he
grown-up,
a
him
entrusts
to
afoster-father,
O.'sfather
killed,
either
by
is Gunnhildr
Vikingsshe the
her
son,
Later,
their
Russia,
to
they
way
are
on
Learning
that
and
Baltic
raiding
the
and
North
Sea
Eirikssynir
the
result
or
as
the
of
a
with jarl
where,
twelve,
at
of
he
age
to Queen
Tryggvi
kill
l?sarskegg
?>?r?lfr
him
brings
whothrough
OrkneysH?kon
Norway
Sweden.
to
avenges
his
foster
father.
try
by
him.
and
adopted
three
old.
years
?grip,
16-19
ch.
Table
L
Four
Olaf
of
the
life
versions
Tryggvason's
story
early
and
conversion.
rebellion.
local
her
she
son,
entrusts
him
to
afoster
O.
is
brought
and
ransomed
to
Russia,
he
in
England,
until
region,
arrives
attacked
by
kill in
Orkneys
Olaf
the
to
is
born.
where
is
He
brought
king
the
of
to
noticeI>?r?lfr
his
where
conversion
takes
place.
and
O.
sell
Estonia.
slave
as
a
Afterwards,
flees
Astri?r
O.'s
mother
Learning O.'s
that
tries
to
kill
As
he
Viking,
becomes
grown-up,
a
father
killed,
is
Tryggvi
by
either
him
Tr0ndelag
to
jarl
Later,
their
they
Russia,
to
on
waywho
are
Eirikssynir
the
the
of
result
or
aas brings
raiding
Baltic
the
North
Sea
and
the
where,
twelve,
of
at
he
age
father,
who
H?kon l?sarskegg,
his
foster
father.
avenges
Vikings
?>?r?lfr
through
and
adopted
by
him.
Historia
Nonuegie,
ch.
17
local
rebellion.
Sweden.
atup King
in
and ships
from
goesand
war
obeys,
He
there,
learns
goes
about
conducts
raiding
expeditions
in
theto
for
the
cross
protection
and
is
saved.
Christianity,
prima
signatio,England,
inO.,in
the
of
meeting
with
wins
glory againstking,his
He
and greatraid
later
Russia,
receives
he
God's
enemies,
of
aconsequence
as
his abbot
usesgotoReturning
a
during
ato
Greece
knowledge.
tosign receives
situation
gain
He
dream.
in
aistold
to
booty.
marriesofreceives
her
death
sacrifices
his
stay
in Russia.
At the age
men desperate
andvocation
returns
whereO.'s
place
takes
conversion
in
own pious he
after Baltic
O. the
Russia
North
and
Sea
regions during
a
and
Denmark,
king
the
queen.
converts
and
much
to
Geira
O.
refuses
part
take
to in
pagan
twelve,
2-47
Oddr,
pp.
in
the
Scillies.
raid
in
Denmark,
God
to
and
prays Scillies
He
the
then
he
to
where
goes
is
in
O.
desperate
during
situation
a
promises
to
become
aChristian.
isbaptized
by
pious
abbot.
a
4,
ch.
7
Theodoricus,
by
dressing
his
of
subordinates
one
himself
but
he
be
he
that
prophecy
will
ambushed
hermit
deceived
The
is
tells
and
nothis
then
and
convert
and
take
of
Olaf
future,
including
the
baptism.recover
happens as the
visits
O.
hermit
pious
he
tests
whom
a
Everything
Olaf
his
All
killed
will
and
menwounded,
upon
his
to be
ships.
heavily
returning
like
himself.
up
will
has
hermit
told.
16-19
ch.
Agrip,
by
Historia
ch.
Table 1.
Norxuegie,
Continued.
dressing
his
subordinates
heavily
himself
wounded,
but
he
will
his
expedition
raiding
two
next
on
be
will
he
prophecy
that
ambushed
deceived
is
hermit
The
tells
and
not Olaf
then
take
and
convert
recover
of
future,
his
including
the
baptism.
happens
visits
O.
hermit
pious
he
tests
whom
a of
one
Olaf
his
killed
be
All
will
and
men
Everything
has
hermit
told.
17
himself.
like
up
days
later.
as
the
488
Bagge
taken as a denial
this
his
of his having
out
that
He
he
then
that
"Et
were
these
sources
detail
(i.e.,
must
with
He
to the
end
from
for
oral.
Moreover,
his
cases.
has
relatio
rerum
be
to his
refers
explicitly
an otherwise
and
translation,
as
a
to mean
taken
use
unknown
on
information
mainly
alium
to himself
cannot
used
bases
pointing
others.57
of
relatorem
refers
he
He
he
his work,
the
istarum
sources
term
on whom
of
Theodoricus
miracles,
subject.60
to the
refers
lack
the
kings'
from going
because
canonization
throne,
but
The
most
he
sources
of written
on
as the date of Haraldr
the year 858
suggests
cannot
be
sure
the
of
because
some
spe
h?rfagri's
lack of
"scrip
is that no
passage
likely
interpretation
was
to him
this
available
evidence
question
regarding
particular
and
which
is extant
Ari's
Haraldr's
the dates
of
Islendingab?k,
reign).61
account
of
of the conversion
for Theodoricus's
the source
have
been
auctoritas."
does
Iceland,
contain
its chronological
explicitly
give
the possibility
form
the
before
Immediately
those
this
Theodoricus
cific points.
written
me
certo
containing
St. Olafs
dealt
Further,
torum
at
of
learned
When
apparently
about
have
accession
same
term
has
pro
relatio
and the length of their reigns,59 and he abstains
genealogies
others
sciat
exclusively
in some
regum,
Catalogus
he
me."58
the
of
to the
same
the
what
quam
use
written
into
written
continues:
his
relator,
of
has
voluisse
potius
uses
He
information.56
sources.
used written
refers
Theodoricus
statement,
an
the
of
information
relationship
dates.
Thus,
the
about
to
the
of Haraldr's
length
settlement
this
of
Iceland,
statement
Theodoricus's
does
but
not
that he knew Ari's work on the kings of Norway.
for
Theodoricus
argument
is confronted
whether
oral
or written,
emphasizing
various
with
none
of which
in
auctoritas
more
gives
or
the
sense
less plausible
firm
evidence.62
of
reign
does
and
not
exclude
This may
certainty:
calculations,
referenda
ad illos omnimodo
in hac nostra narratione
est,
56. "Veritatis vero sinceritas
haec annotavimus"
relatione
(Theod.,
p. 4).
quorum
ch. 34, p. 68).
didici quod scripsi" (Theod.,
57. "Quia aliena relatione
ch. 34, p. 68.
58. Theod.,
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
59. Ellehoj, Den
pp. 194?96.
tradita sunt, nos notis immorari
memoriae
60. "quia haec omnia a nonnullis
superfluum
to a written
source
Maal
duximus"
ch. 20). This is clearly a reference
(Mortensen,
(Theod.,
to Passio Olavi, which
shows some similarity to Theodoricus.
ogminne, p. 103), most probably
are listed in
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
The parallels
Den
p. 179 f. The usual
Ellehoj,
bei
Olafustradition
is that Passio
is the earlier work; see Eiliv Skard, "Kirchliche
opinion
Om
Theodricus
Monachus,"
14 (1935),
120-25; Arne Odd Johnsen,
Symbolae Osloenses,
de antiquitate
Theodoricus
(Oslo: Dybwad,
regum Norxuagiensium
og hans Historia
1939), pp.
in favor of the opposite
18-2 1. Ellehoj
(see n. 68).
sequence
argues
61. Thus Ellehoj, Den celaste norr0ne historieskrivning,
p. 183, who argues that Theodoricus's
same
source, Catalogus
regum, did give the length of Haraldr's
reign but not the dates. The
12
ff.
in
"Ari's
Andersson,
aevi,"
p.
interpretation
konunga
auctoritates as
62. See also Bjarni Gu?nason,
"Theodoricus,"
p. 108 ff., who understands
"Ari's konunga
authoritative
and Andersson,
aevi," pp. 11-13, wno
particularly
writings,
Accounts
Medieval
of Olaf
Tryggvason
489
in the case of St. Olafs
Theodoricus
deals with a similar problem
bap
tism. He tells that Olaf Tryggvason met St. Olaf, who was then three years
old,
his mother,
with
and
England.
norum
ing
preference
as an adult
baptized
remains
open,
fuit,
and
idem
Theodoricus
possible
much
only
three
near
By
years
about
contrast,
after
two
has
latter
as a child),63
in the Historia
Constan
lack
opinions
concludes
he
tine's
of written
Hieronimus
200
de
after
years
baptism
evidence:
the
Olafs
fact
baptism
baptism
knew
of
that
already during
the
facts,
that
(i.e.,
that
how
the
in
Norman
in Rouen.
Indicat
was
Olaf
question
as a
In
parallel.
"Nee mirum
umquam
widely
. . ,"64
of
his
not
in
born
very
340,
divergent
his lifetime.
much
de
scriptor
magno.
and most
Jumi?ges?are
was
Jerome
were
there
death,
authors
Constantino
of William
exception
despite
Constantine's
the emperor's
contemporary
he
that Olaf was baptized
the
beatus
nearly
the
sources?with
opinions
even
scribat
writes
older.
read
that
in ilia terra, ubi nullus antiquitatum
hoc contigisse
cum
states
of
not
bap
quosdam")
that St. Olaf was baptized
thereby
suggesting
he mentions
the
connection,
Olafo
one
for
("secundum
others maintain
of Jumi?ges]
[byWilliam
his
this
then
Theodoricus
to some
according
tized both of them, whereas
less
If not
would
that Theodoricus
refers to a lack of written
information
going back to the time of
himself.
aetatis, quando martyrio coronatus est, [quam illi
63. "tune constat eum fuisse provectioris
in hujus modi
credendum
est" (Theod.,
ch. 13, p. 22 ff.).
In his
dicant,]
quibus maxime
to the passage,
Storm regards
the passage
in italics as an interpolation,
which
commentary
seems the only way to make
sense of the text: Whereas
those in whom Theodoricus
normally
as a child, both William
has the greatest
believe
that Olaf was baptized
confidence
and those
in England maintain
that he was older at the time. Olafs
age at
stating that he was baptized
seem to be completely
his death would
in this context.
irrelevant
Lange
severely criticizes
as well as his
Storm for his emendation
but fails to make
clear her
general
interpretation,
to get the passage
to fit perfectly
how she manages
into
about Olafs
death
own, including
the context
("die so gut in den Kontext
passende Wendung"
[Lange, Die Anf?nge, p. 100]).
occurs
to Olafs
She adds that a reference
( ibid., p. 101): "ibique
martyrdom
shortly before
tune puerulum
Olafum
trium annorum,
factus est." This
qui postea devotus Christi martyr
in question,
of the passage
rather seem to be an argument
the authenticity
would
against
its inclusion
by a scribe who looked at the wrong place in the manuscript
serving to explain
he was copying. The English
renders
the pas
translation,
accepting
Lange's
interpretation,
in age when he was crowned with martyrdom,"
sage: "it is clear that he was rather advanced
seem to mean
This would
that Olaf was an elderly man at
i.e., as "absolute"
comparative.
never comments
on
tell that he was thirty-five. Theodoricus
his death, whereas most sources
the matter,
and it remains a mystery what this piece of information
has to do in connection
of the comparative,
that Olaf was older
with Olafs
understanding
baptism. The alternative
true
contains
information
that is undoubtedly
when he died than when he was baptized,
to have been mentioned.
The only possible way to save
but so self-evident
that it is unlikely
to a discussion
be to assume
that Theodoricus
is alluding
in question
would
the passage
case itwould
of
and his death,
in which
in time between Olafs
about the distance
baptism
at the age of three or as an adult.
course make a great difference
whether
he was baptized
no such allusion,
seem
would
text contains
Storm's emendation
As Theodoricus's
however,
a simpler
solution.
ch. 13.
64. Theod.,
suggests
Haraldr
49?
Bagge
authors
150-200
writing
itmight
about
temporary
near
the
linguistically
only
contemporary
is the more
former
of
who
to be
chapter. Nor
as
to know,
the
in
originated
to
of
Norway
to refer
or
own
also
might
matters"67
in such
in
are men
Icelanders
about
of
Iceland.66
to his
as
Iceland,
nor
the
1000.
can Norwegians
tradition
Norway.
ca.
before
trusted
Iceland
neither
However,
ought
have
well
may
argument
are most
in the whole
explicitly
those
in favor
that
is the absence
this passage
Theodoricus
expect
might
an
who
sentence.
previous
a child
be
hac, might
to "those
reference
from
one
con
being
the fact
despite
Even
so, however,
period,
refers
terra"
i.e.,
antiquity,
reading.
earliest
"ilia
is whether
difficulty
ilia, when
with
tioned
dealing
the
background,
a
scriptor" not as writer
events,65
from
this
Against
to
the
likely
with
country
the
belonging
with
narrative
use
the
a writer
event?
"antiquitatum
that can be derived
further
The
the
information
written
A
as
but
antiquity
or
after
years
to understand
be tempting
be excluded
Olafs
as
baptism
Theodoricus's
seems
point
to be that local people are most likely to know, but that in this case he is
more inclined to trustWilliam of Jumi?ges, which may also be understood
as
an
oral
of
example
sources.
As
it would
seem
regarding
ilia terra"
most
hac may
definite
this
possibly
article:
statement
earliest
only
him
the
Olaf
for written
preference
never
set foot
and
of Norway
king
to what
to understand
the reference
usual
was
strange
"in ilia
medieval
refers
probably
be understood
"in
as
the
country
that
meaning
period was available
oral
as
terra"
information
from
in
than
Iceland,
happened
"in
to Iceland.
Consequently,
referring
ilia rather
than
to
and
the use of
Norway,
as the
as
in a similar
way
anticipatory,
. . . ."We must
therefore
where
interpret
no
account
the
written
about
Norwegian
to Theodoricus.
the
rather
Icelanders,
ifTheodoricus
Further,
would
he
not
have
had
rejected
65. Thus Lange, Die Anf?nge, p. 102.
Om de norske kongers, p. 6; Johnsen,
differ on this point. Bjarni A?albjarnarson,
66. Opinions
"Ari's konunga
Om Theodoricus, p. 15; and Andersson,
aevi," p. 11, prefer Norway, whereas
zur K?nigssaga
bis Snorri. Die ?lteren Uber
Untersuchungen
Konungas?gur.
Beyschlag,
Siegfried
Bibliotheca
sichtsxuerke samt Ynglingasaga,
8 (Copenhagen:
Munksgaard,
Arnamagnaeana,
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
p. 178; Jan de Vries, Altnordische
1950), p. 126; Ellehoj, Den
Um
vol. 2 (Berlin: de Gruyter,
1967), p. 249; and Jonas Kristj?nsson,
Literaturgeschichte,
Iceland. By
Stofnun Arna Magnussonar,
1972), p. 146, prefer
(Reykjavik:
Fostbrcedras?gu
"in illa terra" as "in this
in favor of understanding
contrast,
Lange
rejects both alternatives
as an example
in question
of
the passage
world"
(Lange, Die Anf?nge, p. 102) and regards
to me what exactly she makes of this passage, but her transla
rhetorical
hyperbole. It is unclear
tion of "in ilia terra" clearly runs into conflict with what seems the obvious
interpretation:
there
in a country where
about such a question
No wonder
that there are many opinions
to
no
the circum
unable
decide
the great Jerome
is
is
writer about ancient matters,
when
as Theodoricus
lived on this earth as well
stances around Constantine's
baptism. Moreover,
as in Norway,
the use of ilia instead of hac receives no better explanation
through Lange's
interpretation.
67. "quam
illi dicant,
quibus
maxime
in huius modi
credendum
est."
Accounts
Medieval
of Olaf
491
Tryggvason
as well as, most
of Jumi?ges
easily when he knew William
state
of
which
works
also
that Olaf was
Passio
both
the
Olavi,
probably,
in
Rouen?68
baptized
in Theodoricus's
work suggest that he lacked written
Some passages
more
itmuch
information
amount
about
earliest
the
he
that
directly
cannot
tion
only
therefore
used
be
to
seem
expand
factual
information,
as an
most
including
background
of
about
his
work
being
amount
names
the
of
in Oddr
ques
earlier
of tradition
as
Theodoricus,
the
states
this
from the tendency
of
a considerable
contain
fairly cryptic references
Theodoricus
case
the
for
argument
exact
the
it, although
but he nowhere
statements
His
the argument
in
of
parts
to decide,
relevant
condensed
and
later
and
sources.
detailed
These
that
sources.
used
strong
in Theodoricus
passages
more
very
is difficult
oral
than that of Oddr. Nor does
or
history
of this lack of sources
expected
information
his
for
seem
would
his
to be intended
to know
audience
readers
or
in order
as basic facts
alternatively
to make
them
as brief
under
the evil character of Gunnhildr,
Haraldr, and H?kon jarl and the
the saintly king had to suffer.69 If Theodoricus
derived
this
hardships
information
directly from the Bible or the legends, he would probably
have made more out of it. Thus, the allusion to Christ's childhood
would
have been clearer ifTheodoricus
had included Olafs mother
in the story.
as they seem to
these stories himself,
Nor is it likely that he invented
make no sense from his perspective. Why would he burden his account
to hide or that
by informing his readers that Olaf hardly found anywhere
he was brought up in Russia by King Vladimir, unless he knew the stories
stand
included
in Oddr's
lowing passage,
account
introducing
or
some
similar
the story of Olaf,
ones?
In
particular,
has every
the
sign of being
fol
a
68. Ellehoj, Den
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
this forms an argument
p. 181. To Ellehoj,
on Theodoricus
that Passio Olavi depended
rather than vice versa. Given
the authority
of
to whom
his work was dedicated,
Theodoricus
would
his
the archbishop,
have accepted
about Olafs
Theodoricus
However,
may have been a
baptism without
question.
opinion
more
writer than Ellehoj assumes. Thus, Theodoricus
his doubt about
expresses
independent
seem to have been settled by
would
Constantine's
the fact that this question
baptism despite
a statement
III from 1169 (Lat. dok., no. 12). Further, Theodoricus's
from Pope Alexander
to those of the archbishop
views about ecclesiastical
wealth
hardly corresponded
negative
to Passio Olavimay
pp. 129-32).
Finally, Theodoricus's
relationship
(Bagge, "Theodoricus,"
have been closer than Ellehoj assumes. Passio Olavi was probably a collective work, composed
in stages and existing
in several versions,
and Theodoricus
the
may even have been among
to the passage
inWil
the one who drew attention
team of authors. He may also have been
the connection
about Olafs
and revised Passio Olavi accordingly;
liam of Jumi?ges
baptism
to a copy
from William
is certainly
is attached
the two sources
between
close, as an excerpt
see Lars
in Northern
of Anchin
of Passio Olavi in the monastery
France;
Boje Mortensen,
of Jumi?ges,
and Theodoricus
of Passio Olavi (Douai 295), William
"The Anchin Manuscript
Monachus,"
69. Bagge,
Symbolae Osloenses, 75 (2000),
"Theodoricus,"
pp. 125-28.
165-89.
492
Bagge
latere poterat
"Qui post interfectionem
patris sui vix umquam
insidias Gunnildar."70 One
the
poor boy or possibly
imagines
summary:
propter
to
place
place,
invented
by
there
Further,
ingless.
in
much
statement,
to the persecution
from
to
Russia
clearly
deeper
known
life
of
The
an
events.
the
abbreviation
Olafs
of
this
crucial
that
this
on
is
the
the
facts
the
basis
early
Tryggvason's
the mission
be
hardly
to the barbarian
common
the
of
can
version
of salvation
into
he
is with
summarizes
of Olaf
story.
But
version.
longer
to the account
life
early
region
events
a
of
concern
be
facts
to be.
commentaries
develops
analogies
account
Theodoricus's
com
scattered
wants
he
and
his way
to tell a good
His
Consequently,
mean
reference
to a more
is unable
he
isolated
describing
and
cryptic
when
brief
allusion
in narrative.
interested
of the gospel
coming
the most
of
rhetorician
to conclude
have
inclusion
explanation
Thus,
from
Turning
we
ever,
an
an
it is almost
the
the sentence
suggests
of the
clearly
age?running
account.
As
between
story
and
his
and
them.
is clearly
that
excellent
particularly
of
meaning
to him
some
the
is simply a bad writer who
is an
not
in
from
his
however,
himself,
is a gap
of the child Olaf
that Theodoricus
Theodoricus
Theodoricus
England
can
the
Nor
story.
plete
of
about
says nothing
the manner
of Oddr's
man?Theodoricus
young
of Theodoricus's
of Oddr.
and
north
is celebrated
which
work,
the
is one
of Christendom
history
how
itself,
that
with
rhetorical flourish.71 But it is extremely brief and contains
the appropriate
to Olaf destroying
the /?o/and burning
very few facts, only the reference
the
sorcerers
in
in Theodoricus.
Trondelag?two
In addition,
in Oddr
events
is a
there
later
reference
corresponding
to Olafs
to one
marriage
that
in order to promote Christianity.72
It is a likely hypothesis
alliances
in this case would have included more facts if he had known
Theodoricus
ifwe compare this account with
them. This hypothesis gains in likelihood
the
following
and
longer
chapter,
contains
clearly derives
Oddr's
work
the priority
was
composed
dealing
with
the
more
considerably
conversion
names
from Ari's Islendingab?k.73 The
being
composed
of Theodoricus's
between
after
work,
and
1184
character
1184,
also
Iceland,
other
be
details,
it is not
an
argument
impossible
is
which
I have made
suggestion
might
although
of
and
which
about
for
that it
1188.
a modern
at least from
of Oddr's
the chaotic
work,
Generally,
a number
he has used
different
of view,
of
that
sources,
point
indicating
serve
as an
him
than
later
in
the
tradition
also
for
argument
might
placing
of
Olafs
conversion
Theodoricus.
The
and
story
clearly
repetitious
long
70.
71.
72.
73.
Theod.,
Theod.,
Theod.,
Theod.,
ch. 4, p.
ch. 11.
ch. 13.
ch. 12.
11.
Accounts
Medieval
has
the
of
appearance
borrowed
being
of Olaf
more
from
the
of
battle
sible
are
There
twice.74
further
of Oddr's
which
a number
also
Svol?r)
suggests
structure
on
focused
one
account
theme,
of
the
namely,
In
and
conversion.
such
to sacrifice
of
burning
source,
a
namely,
sorcerers
or
for
an
Olafs
at
by the hy
versa.
vice
invention.
the
we
gods;
have
Dragsei?
directly
or
or
only
found
refers
for
Olafs
The
threat
legendary
at the
by threaten
fantastic
seen,
is to be
use
speechless
succeeding
us
preached
or
the
of
to prevent
a miraculous
Oddr
Further,
Oddr's
and
hardly
conversion
nothing
adversaries
pagan
As
it is
the first part
than that Olaf
of idols; Olaf
the
ismainly
part
between
or without
have
mostly
assembly
actually
with
Norway.
sorcerers
at Maerin
Theodoricus.
either
source,
the
is
during
happening
in Olafs
stages
information
people,
to
chaotic.76
fairly
easily
explained
than Oddr's
than
the
his work
the destruction
opponents
in northern
more
for
making
structure,
Consequently,
and consequently
factual
the
specific
as St. Martin
his
are
is earlier
of
part
converted
sorcerers
Olafs
this
no more
at Mostr;
assembly
above
work
himself
events
More
character,
as
that
events
various
in composition
kind of sources.
evidence
than Oddr
contain
gospel
force.
ing
about
is no
there
assuming
episodes
the
Theodoricus's
earlier
Norway
from
observations
that
contrast,
By
of
the
sum,
pothesis
part
half of the structured
necessary to explain the differences
and the middle part by a different
pos
structure
life from his birth to the conquest
king77 lends itself more easily to a
the
the second
case,
a firm
of
A
is the
is
is told
account
traditions.75
priority
has
part
the middle
with a man's
he becomes
an
than
In Olaf's
his reign.
while
source,
various
as
source,
which
in the
(e.g.,
of
suggest
in favor
of Theodoricus's
argument
its first
work.
As Andersson
observes,
a written
of Go?ey,
inconsistencies
a mixture
a story dealing
However,
of the country in which
firm
of
that
one
than
has also the story of one of the sorcerers, Hr?aldr
493
Tryggvason
stories
the
in an
of
story
earlier
to Saemundr
expelling
both.78
"Introduction,"
74- Oddr, pp. 117-19,
p. 16 ff.
165 ff.; cf. Andersson,
"Introduction,"
75. Andersson,
pp. 17-20.
between
ch. 1-41 in his translation,
"Introduction,"
p. 13 ff., distinguishes
76. Andersson,
a relatively organized
of Iceland
i.e., until the conversion
(=Oddr, pp. 1-130),
containing
ch. 42-61
and finally ch. 62-78
the loosely structured
narrative,
(=Oddr, pp. 130-79),
), dealing with Olaf's death in the batde of Svol?r. I have here extended
(=Oddr, pp. 179-261
of the statue of Freyr, as this seems to mark
the
the first part to p. 147 ff., the destruction
of Norway.
end of Olaf's
conversion
77. Oddr, pp. 1-83.
AM 310 qv. (late thir
in the two manuscripts.
78. Oddr, p. 114. The text differs somewhat
as the source for Olaf's expulsion
of the sorcerers
teenth century)
clearly refers to Saemundr
and at Ni?arnes,
which allegedly
took place both at Dragsei?
i.e., in the later town of Ni?aross.
at Dragsei?
and
In Sth 8 mbr. qv. (ca. 1300), the quotation
may either refer to the assembly
or to the expulsion
of them
the ban against sorcerers,
the decisions
there, including
passed
494
Bagge
As for the geography,
well
known
in
starts,
Norway
assemblies.
in
the
where
Mostr,
Law
of
Gulating
mission
Olafs
as
the
lating,
as well
as
peninsula,
an
for
waiting
far out
earlier.
Further
north,
the
Dragsei?,
is likely to be an important meeting
in the
the origin
sea,
high
or where
of the name.
assembly,
regional
to pass
opportunity
the
ships
difficult
In Tr0ndelag,
and
promontory,
over
are
the
Selja
ships gather
land,
is the meeting
Ni?arnes
is to Gu
in Oddr's
of
dragged
Frosta
Hla?ir
Frosta]3ing;
isthmus
place, where
where
where
place
issued the law about Christianity.79 The next reference
the central assembly for the whole of Western Norway,
St. Olaf
age
meetings
is mentioned
places
or
itinerary are all
in Olafs
the places mentioned
for
stretching
which
place
the
is
of the
for
residence
and Maerin
the earls of Hladir as well as later for the kings in Tr0ndelag,
to Agrip, itwas the place
is a famous place for pagan sacrifices. According
a bl?t,m and there is also
where H?kon
g?oi was forced to take part in
The main
his
marrying
conversion.
The
whereas
in return
or
some
the
account
for
friendship
source.
preceding
the
king's
other
Icelandic
by Theodoricus.
tradition.
son,
is a well-known
sorcerers,
some
root
one
Moreover,
figure,
how
about
story
be Oddr's
well
of
The
of
may
The
own
which
in oral
in skaldic
Further,
names
of
question,
poetry
these
the
places
for
Ari's
their
account,
in Ni?aross
lost work81
also mentioned
is likely to be preserved
in
persons
concluded
Olaf
are
alliances
information
the
on
converting
on Ari's
either
based
be
and
of Iceland
in return
is based
marriage
mentioned
invention.
include
of
site.
chieftains
Icelanders
the
Such genealogical
oral
sagas.
powerful
Iceland
itself
of
conversion
cult
pagan
is the conversion
to
sisters
three
a
actually
to this picture
exception
Olafs
it was
that
evidence
archeological
stories
and
Erlingr
as
as well
alliances,
of Olaf
persons,
however,
s
in
Skj?lgs
in several
may
persecutions
probably
have
tradition.
or both. Bjarni A?albjarnarson,
and Ellehoj, Den
Om de norske, pp. 33-40,
from Ni?arnes,
the passage an interpolation,
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
p. 17 ff., consider
mainly because
to
of its repetitious
is often repetitious,
and there seems therefore
character. However, Oddr
some doubt remains as
to Saemundr
be no need to reject the reference
altogether,
although
to what is actually a quotation
from him.
and Tor Ulset
ed. Bj0rn Eithun, Magnus
Rindal,
(Oslo: Riks
79. Den eldre Gulatingslova,
arkivet,
9, 15, 17.
i994),ch.
80. ?gr., ch. 5.
to Ari's oral sources about H?kon jarl's death and Olaf's
foun
81. Cf. Snorri's
reference
dation
of Ni?aross
I, ed. Finnur J?nsson
(Snorri Sturluson,
Heimskringla,
[Copenhagen:
on
some information
that his work included
M?ller,
], p. 1 ), which may suggest
1893-1901
events there during Olaf's
reign.
Medieval
Accounts
of Olaf
495
Tryggvason
THE TWO VERSIONS OF OLAF'S EARLYLIFE
most
Whereas
may
complex
to the
the
of
account
own
Oddr's
be
of
the
those
invention,
explanation.
two
of works
pairs
Here
are
there
in the
in Olafs
conversion
stages
of Olafs
earlier
life
table
two distinct
above.
versions,
According
need
of Norway
a more
corresponding
to Historia
Norxuegie
of Olaf as a child is H?kon,
and Olaf
and Agrip, the main persecutor
to the Orkneys or born there. According
to Theodoricus
either brought
and
who
hermit
about
in
the
two most
Olaf
found
work?his
latter
in the
and
and
two
events
spectacular
visit a
is saved
from
is baptized
of
informa
piece
sorcerers?which
of
the
mention
lets Olaf
latter
one
regarding
persecution
not
in
but
works
dramatic
is no
there
version
later visits an abbot
and
is to be
missionary
two
the
in
is mentioned
occurs
ambush,
difference
Olafs
the former
whereas
to God
by praying
same
The
an
and
persecutor,
As for the conversion,
predicts
an ambush
by him.
tion
is the main
Gunnhildr
Oddr,
of the Orkneys.
is
It also
former.
of Olafs
his
life,
to the throne through the deposition
accession
and death of H?kon jarl,
to Theodoricus,
and his death in battle. According
H?kon
learns about
career
Olafs
in
maternal
and
uncles
the
that
to Norway
him
and
about
is told
concludes
England,
and tries to entice
a traitor
named
at
treachery
he
a
represents
I>?rir
the
klakka.
Olav
last moment.
to himself
danger
and kill him by means
of two of Olafs
leaves
for
in
Arriving
Norway
the
place
of the future city of Ni?aross,
he is received with great joy by the people
there who immediately
rebel against H?kon. H?kon
is hidden by his con
a
under
but
killed
his
slave
Karkr
cubine
who is later executed by
by
pigsty
Olaf.82
the
Oddr's
facts
basic
is more
story
are
the same,
two uncles.84 By contrast,
Norway
on
his
part.86 According
to break
it was
out
also
own
and
detailed
including
names
of
but
additions,83
traitor
the
and
both Historia Norzvegie*5 and Agrip let Olaf
initiative,
without
any
toHistoria Norwegie,
immediately
caused
by Olafs
some
contains
the
on Olafs
the rebellion
arrival,
presence.87
treacherous
although
mentions
Agrip
ch. 7, 10.
82. Theod.,
in England,
envoys, when arriving
83. I.e., that H?kon's
that they meet
and gone there to meet him, and further,
future
who tells them about Olaf's
(Oddr, pp. 65-70).
84. Oddr, pp. 63-83.
85. HN, ch. 17, p. 92 ff.
plan
on
that
clear
go to
H?kon
against H?kon
it is not
the
's
seems
whether
H?kon
had
to Russia
learn that Olaf has gone
a Saami on their return to Norway
86. kgr., ch. 12-14.
. . Olauum
... a regno
.
Haconem
sibi regem constituunt,
87. "Norwagenses
comitemque
from king
should be translated
(HN, ch. 17, p. 94). The last passage
"deposed
expulerunt"
as in Fisher's English
of the work.
translation
ship" rather than "driven out of the realm,"
496
Bagge
become
because of his tyranny, notably by forcing the wives
unpopular
and daughters of the leading men in the region to have sex with him and
lets Olaf return after H?kon 'sdeath.
The story of H?kon
's death is basically the same in all versions, with
the exception
to Agrip, H?kon orders Karkr to kill him88
that according
to avoid being burned
to death when he hears that the men searching
for him plan to burn down the farm where he hides. Further, only the
two
later
Oddr
versions,
women.
Given
even
and
Norwegte
the
and
mention
H?kon
Agrip,
and
of
clerical
attitude
religious
more
of Theodoricus,
as well
as
's behavior
the
their
towards
of Historia
author
at
tradition
this
evidence
is not
however,
branches
and
persons
this
places.
of the tradition already
arrival
in
as
Norway
the
earlier
included.
it, simply because
evil
and
but
they had
The
character.
later
of H?kon's
ring of
venture
therefore
identified; Theodoricus
result
not
if they
of the
has a certain
Iwould
of H?kon's
between
was
aspect
to the rebellion
leading
of
sufficient
presented
difference,
that
unlikely
that the two Latin writers omitted
the hypothesis
already
it
directly
names
with
authenticity,
Olaf's
makes
stage
the episode
Further,
between
main
two
the
and Oddr
explain
to deceive
attempt
to
attitude
negative
H?kon,
they would be likely to include such a piece of information
had known about it. On the other hand, the fairly firm character
him,
while Historia Nonvegie and Agrip explain it as the direct result of his voca
to this, the former tradition finds a direct
tion from God. Corresponding
causal
connection
a connection
Not
the
only does
earlier
but
treacherous
way.
and
both
It is not
quite
let Olaf
easy
there
plan
its presence
concerning
attribute an independent
Olaf,
arrival
in Historia
this difference
passages,
of H?kon's
Olaf's
between
is uncertain
the
is the
Norwegie
from
to understand
coincidence
the
the
whereas
in
nonexistent
to the one found
curious
concerning
rebellion,
and
correspond
the child Olaf.
role to H?kon
move
and
adult
that
Olaf
such
Agrip.
regarding
the
absence
to
corresponds
Both Historia Norwegie and Agrip
in the persecution
of the young
west
why
fear
(i.e.,
of
the
the
Orkneys)
ruler
of
to Nor
Tr0ndelag
makes Olaf's mother
send her son from the Orkneys
through Tr0ndelag
to Sweden, which might suggest that this story is derived from that of the
adult Olaf who actually passes through the Orkneys on his way to Norway.
On the other hand, this latter story also has its logical flaws, notably the
As nothing
must mean
in the passage
"kingship/royal
suggests
office"
that H?kon was driven out of the country,
regnum here
as well as Clas
rather than realm, as often
in medieval
sical Latin.
88. The story of Karkr killing H?kon
and above all its sequence, Olafs
execution
of Karkr,
is probably
influenced
from the story in the Bible of David executing
the man who killed
the fact that he did so on Saul's own order
all the
Saul, despite
(2. Sam. 1, 1-15). Although
versions
show this influence,
to the Bible.
Agrip s is the one closest
Medieval
Accounts
of Olaf
497
Tryggvason
one of H?kon
to deceive him, threat
uncles to England
sending Olafs
with
death.
reveal
H?kon's
them
They ultimately
plan to Olaf but
ening
could of course easily have done so much earlier. A logical story would
a combination
be
two
the
of
either
versions,
that
H?kon
to bring the child Olaf to him?in
mother
analogy
to the child Jesus
of Herod
asking to be brought
that Olaf leaves for Norway on his
(Matt. 2, 8)?or
by other facts in both versions, as
easily explained
If any
vocation.
be
one
the
such
best
suited
simply mean
would
been
omitted.
tion
has
story
to
explain
Another,
in connection
two
with
H?kon's
treacherous
as
in
the
Olafs
not
plan,
would
the
latter
would
treachery
indication
only mentions
Olafs
version
versions,
existing
weak,
admittedly
former
to H?kon's
that all reference
is the fact that Theodoricus
the
existed,
actually
the
entices
with the biblical story
in order to adore him
own initiative which
is
this is the result of his
have
same
direc
mother
Astri?r
in connection
with
his persecution
of Olaf as a child. Further, both Theodoricus
and Oddr
a boy in the Orkneys who, like Olaf in Agrip's version,
mention
is three
son
to
the
earl's
this
is
whom
Olaf
kill
threatens
if
his
father
old;
years
not
does
The
convert.89
into the two extant
ones
ent
but
related
indicate
develop.
There
even
to
Two
versions
seems
this respect. Both
father,
by the Eirikssynir,
of
the
the
story,
H?kon
a tradition
these
of
possibility
and
Nonuegie's
as
either
two works
observations
suggest
that
this
in
of the death
of
or
treachery
At the other
existence
a version
of
Olaf being
the
time
development.
are crucial
rebellion
Gunnhildr.
without
later
some
taken
explanations
the
suggest
has
version,
a local
of
result
version
but the two differ
tracing
Agrip's
by their mother
instigated
same
the
is killed by the local population
together,
that
these works give alternative
Tryggvi,
consistent
is fairly hypothetical,
some
to be
in Historia
both
elements,
Olafs
do
a common,
of
existence
divided
end
where
involved. Taken
connection
between
Olaf
and the two competing
dynasties found in the rest of the extant works is
a secondary element
in the tradition. The original Olaf is simply the son
to become
in southeastern
of a local magnate
Norway who later happens
the
ruler
England
case,
any
of
the
there
Chronicle90?but
career
and
It
before
is, however,
of
arrival
to
his
in
activities
little or nothing
apparently
easy
of Olaf
as
a
see
in
Norway.
the need
8g. Theod.y ch. 9; Oddr, pp. 91-93.
90. See, e.g., Lesley Ab ram s, "The Anglo-Saxons
Saxon Studies, 24 (1995),
p. 220 ff.
for
England
was known
such
and
from early on?in
in
the
Anglo-Saxon
of his childhood
information.
the Conversion
in
chieftain
Viking
also in the Baltic may have existed
is evidence
his
tradition
Some
country.
and possibly
When
of England,"
the
Anglo
498
Bagge
conversion
becomes
of Norway
almost
identical
with
Olaf's
life,
personal
this life has to be known from its very beginning,
and a story about him
even
evil
from
his
birth
and
before would seem
being persecuted by
people
perfectly
appropriate,
as well as from
a
From
and
political
from
nowhere
coming
rative sources,
later
the
the
his father's
It would
a new
As
of
emphasis
to the
throne
heir
seem
cannot
to
rivals:
by
represented
or
one
a
from
continuity
two sets of
dynastic
he has
represent
nar
extant
is probably
and the Lade dynasty,
logical
a chieftain
be
In all
which
h?rfagri,
Christ,
to do His work.
in a context.
on
and
Moses
by God
Olaf
view,
placed
cousins,
therefore
with
analogy
from Haraldr
of
on.91
century
the Eirikssynir,
H?kon.
result
the
of his election
dynastic
point
but must
be
he descends
invention,
twelfth
to
according
the clear evidence
both
of
these
seem to
as his persecutors.
The most
immediately
likely solution might
to make
the persecutors
of the infant and H?kon of
the Eirikssynir
be
the
adult
As
Olaf.
the
the
of
persecution
Historia
Norxuegie-Agrip
version
mention
there
is the
earlier
would
also
one,
indicate
in connection
H?kon
some
is also
and
infant,
This
persecutor.
original
sources
four
the
evidence
was
H?kon
that
the
with
the
that
the
probably
of H?kon
story
try
to kill him originally
referred to the infant
ing to entice Olaf to Norway
to want to
on
Olaf and was based
the analogy with Herod, who pretended
to
kill
him.
intended
the newborn Christ while he actually
worship
and the Eirikssynir were
At some stage in the tradition, Gunnhildr
in
introduced
the story,
possibly
or
of Gunnhildr
demonization
are
cutors
present
in one
already
in the Historia Nonuegie-Agrip
and
Theodoricus
last
stage
in the
Oddr,
tradition,
either
for
who
chronological
of
the
explanations
version,
let H?kon
however,
in connection
and
act
in Snorri's
an
with
increasing
These
perse
reasons.92
of
the transition
in
is still visible
as Gunnhildr's
version,
death
Tryggvi's
H?kon
agent.
jarl
At
has
the
been
of the
role in the persecution
replaced by another H?kon.93 If H?kon's
infant Olaf was reduced,
itmight explain that the attempt to entice Olaf
to the adult Olaf. Admittedly,
to Norway was transferred
it would not be
to
to
the
and
Oddr
retain
Theodoricus
original version, but
impossible
they
or
their
predecessors'
need
for
a more
direct
connection
between
sett," Historisk
91. Claus Krag, "Norge som odel iHaraldr H?rfagres
tidsskrift (Norwegian),
Sverre Bagge,
fra vikingtiden
til 1200-tallet,"
68 (1989),
'VEtt, stat og politikk
288-301;
Norsk slektshistorisk tidsskrift, 38 (2001),
68 ff.
to the throne and the length
of Olafs
92. On the various calculations
age at his accession
see Halvdan
of H?kon
Koht, Innhogg og utsyn (Kristiania: Asche
jarl's reign in the sources,
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
192 1 ), p. 37, and Ellehoj, Den
age at
pp. 71-73. Olafs
houg,
his accession
varies between
twenty-two and thirty-two years and the length of H?kon's
reign
between
The
is often reckoned
from his father's
latter, however,
twenty and thirty-three.
him and the Eirikssynir.
death, which
implies a period of co-rule between
The Saga of Olaf Tryggvason
(=OT), ch. 3.
93. Snorri, Heimskringla.
Accounts
Medieval
of Olaf
499
Tryggvason
fall and Olaf's arrival in Norway may have led to this replace
as
ment,
enough evidence of the persecution
they had already produced
of the infant Olaf.
of the story is of course highly
This attempt to trace the development
There
be
other
that of two
may
explanations,
including
hypothetical.
H?kon's
versions
original
we
imagine
of
the
the
crucial
form
as God's
and
how
the development
in the tradition
importance
a
long
necessitated
of
Regardless
and
accounts
various
considerations
His
missionary.
of Norway
the
together
another.
the versions
between
of the ideological
and
king
conversion
one
influencing
taken
however,
story,
evidence
the
gradually
the relationship
important
about Olaf
in
instrument
account
detailed
of
his childhood
and early life, giving clear evidence of God's intervention,
and his position as the legitimate king of Norway necessitated
his descent
from Haraldr h?rfagri and his persecution
rivals
inside
and
outside the
by
dynasty.
to the second
Turning
as earlier
between
and
war
Agrip,
our
out
breaks
last battle, we find
event, Olaf's
two main
versions.
because
According
of Denmark
Svein
King
the same division
to Historia
refuses
Norzvegie
to cede
the island of Sealand, which is the dowry of ^yri, Olafs wife and Svein's
near Sealand
sister. Olaf attacks Denmark
and is surprised and defeated
of
his
Olof
and
the
enemies,
Sweden,
by
King Svein, King
Norwegian
son of H?kon whom Olaf deposed. According
to Theodoricus
Eirikrjarl,
and Oddr, Olaf is the victim of a conspiracy between
the same three ad
as
versaries,
in
the
alternative
who
version,
lay
an
ambush
for
him
near
the island of Svol?r off the coast of Wendland,
probably near the island
In both versions, Olaf is greatly outnumbered
of R?gen.
by his enemies,
until the end.94 All the authors also express
but fights heroically
their
doubts as to whether Olaf was killed in the battle or escaped and lived as
a monk or hermit for the rest of his life. Within
each version, there are
considerable
between
account
well
of
as
which
differences
shall
is that
the
not
the main
and Oddr,
as well
battle
its sources
have
be
dealt
division
older
one,
as
it
as
and
later
the latter of whom
above
accounts,
all
has a long and vivid
as
to it. The
battle
up
leading
of much
discussion,
scholarly
subject
most
in our
context
The
with
here.95
important
occurs
as well.
here
there
found
earlier
Further,
also
can hardly be any doubt
the
earlier
between
Theodoricus
been
the
events
the
that the version
corresponds
fairly
well
inHistoria Norwegie
to
that
of Adam
and Agrip
of
is
Bremen,
ch. 14; Oddr, pp. 179-236.
94- HN, ch. 7, pp. 96-100;
Agr., ch. 20; Theod.,
iNordens
historia omkring ?r 1000
Kritiska unders?kningar
95. See, e.g., Lauritz Weibull,
"Olaf Tryggvesons
fald og venderne"
Svend Ellehoj,
(Lund: Gleerup,
1911), pp. 111-43;
11 rk., IV (1953),
Historisk
1?55
tidsskrift (Danish),
5??
Bagge
must
who
Olafs
be
a more
considered
in
reign
general.
in
their
Danish
The
sequence.
of
point
view,
main
case
this
difference
about
Adam's
facts that are included
Adam
is that
a
represents
as a reaction
attack
than
between
correspondence
Olafs
explaining
in
in the main
both
and Historia Norxuegie's versions
and
source
reliable
is a close
There
a
against
pact
between
the Danish and Swedish kings in order to promote Christianity
and depicting Olaf as the aggressor.96
We have thus found two related but different versions of Olaf Tryggva
to his
son's life and reign regarding a series of events from his childhood
last
battle.
and
the
Concerning
certain.
is near
Agrip
latter
The
the
event,
same
applies
of Historia
priority
to the story of Olafs
Norwegie
conver
as well as to Olafs
isTotila's meeting with St. Benedict,
sion, if the model
true.
We
the
above
holds
if
childhood,
may guess that
hypothesis
suggested
two
the
or
versions,
of
parts
them,
to the
back
go
two
lost works
to
known
the
have existed, by Saemundr and Ari, of whom Saemundr is admittedly
the
of
who
with
that
well
earlier. This hypothesis
agrees
explains
Ellehoj
common ground between Historia Norxuegie Ana Agrip by both works being
on Ari.97 Further, the fact that Oddr directly refers to Saemundr
dependent
as
source
the
was
the
for
two
works
latter
the
sorcerers
the
version
Saemundr
thus
The
as
its
it may
and
the
between
so
appear
far.
two
Agrip
pairs
has much
Norxuegie,
certainly
Ari.99
knew
konunga
the site
of
texts,
to exclude
the
alternative
pragmatic
tal, which
view
refers
last
of Olafs
Nor
in
of
to
battle,
with
clear-cut
Theodoricus
did not know Historia
ifOddr
is there
explanation
is less
however,
in common
of the similarities
favor of Ellehoj's explanation
loans from Ari;100 Ellehoj
and Agrip as common
able
more
Oddr.
as well as with Historia Norxuegie,9* and even
he
and
Theodoricus
lack of any such reference
to Ari's
to
Theodoricus
with
agreeing
division
seems
he
that
indicate
may
distinguishing
correspond
the poem
Noregs
Finally,
as
mentions
Svol?r
source,
the Christianization.
than
of
parts
and
of Olaf
story
from Historia Norxuegie and Agrip. The
Oddr
the
the
for
source
much
solid
evidence
in
between Historia Norwegie
even admits that he is not
of
the material
common
to
relation
p. 154 ff. On Historia Norwegie's
96. Ellehoj, Den alaste norr0ne historieskrivning,
see also Asgaut Steinnes,
and German
sources,
"Ikring Historia
ship to Adam and to Danish
"Introduc
1-61; and Mortensen,
34 (1946-48),
tidsskrift (Norwegian),
Norvegiae," Historisk
tion," p. 17 ff.
pp. 238-55.
97. Ellehoj, Den celaste norr0ne historieskrivning,
pp. 203-40.
98. Ellehoj, Den celaste norr0ne historieskrivning,
Olaf's
of his reign (Oddr, p. 28
99. He refers to Ari concerning
age and the chronology
from Ari on Theodoricus.
influence
ff.). Cf. also above, on the possible
100. Knut Helle,
rev. of Olafia
Studier i kronologisk metode i tidlig islandsk
Einarsd?ttir,
tidsskrift
Historisk
and Svend Ellehoj, Den
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
historieskrivning,
(Norwegian),
46
(1967),
73-77;
Andersson,
"Kings' Sagas,"
pp.
207-9.
Accounts
Medieval
o? Agrip
have
A further
mon
been
rather
to Theodoricus
only
Latin.102
is introduced
three
about
from
translated
complication
observation
501
Tryggvason
from the former.101
and Agrip, that the latter borrowed
that
has also been suggested by Tor Ulset who maintains
Historia Norwegie
This explanation
parts
of Olaf
striking
Snorri
and
Theodore
through
pieces
not
and
of
factual
Andersson's
com
information
to Oddr
we
who
name
Snorri's source:103 (1) Olaf stays in England
under
the assumed
on his way to Norway; and
the Orkneys
of Ali; (2) he converts
at Mostr.
lands
or, more
information
from
directly
likely,
to the
that Olaf
ately
have
on
and
leave
the
his
rearranged
to
his way
the
as
acceptance
Olafs
that
Snorri
evidence
to be
likely
traditions
all
However,
the
to Norway,
could
agree
therefore
easily
the Orkneys
the same
way
convert
as a precaution
it is regarded
since
to
there immedi
source
for
it, in
any
Norway
having
Olafs
rearranges
missionary
expeditions
through
Norway
more
a
route
of view.
from
practical
point
By
geographical
name
a clear
connection
assumed
with
shows
H?kon's
plan
Olaf
about
sources
the
lets him return
as he
his
used
the most
with both
of Norway.
Snorri
so as to make
him
king
information
his
of
and Oddr
itinerary
without
oral
this
of information
pieces
to
seems
way
Norway
as the alternative
the
story,
on
as a child.
Orkneys
(3) he
common
two other
the
Orkneys
version
Oddr's
taken
seem
is compatible
the Orkneys,
converted
after
of
other
would
whereas
throne,
Theodoricus's
imply
one
lets Olaf
source
as
such
explanations,
have
may
is no
there
As
conversion
Olafs
Snorri
arrival at Mostr
The
accession
not.
that
as a common
Ari
explanation.
are
alternative
Theodoricus.
Theodoricus,
Olafs
are
There
was
know
to make
contrast,
to entice
as
by Theodoricus
as Snorri.104
well
If these
source,
than
pieces
Saemundr
Ari,
of
the more
so
respond
a source
been
evidence
of
as
have
known
than
Theodoricus.
However,
him.
his
Oddr's.
for Oddr
Anyway,
if Saemundr's
as
Saemundr
and
Ari's
from
last
Saemundr
and ?grip.
Snorri's
derived
to be a more
of Olafs
location
and
Saemundr
really
seem
therefore
to Theodoricus's
have
are
information
would
source,
seems
works
is
an
a more
mainly
lost
likely hypothesis
seems
battle
likely
consisted
cor
to
is no direct
there
Icelander
to
believed
usually
Although
as
a common
he
source
of
to
is likely
for Snorri
brief
sum
loi. Ellehoj, Den celaste norr0ne historieskrivning,
pp. 238-40.
102. Tor Ulset, Det genetiskeforholdet
mellom Agrip, Historia Noriuegi
ogHistoria de antiquitate
has earlier been
Universitetet
i
Oslo,
(Oslo:
regum noriuagiensium
1983). This hypothesis
see discussion
and refer
forward by Sigur?ur
Nordal
and Bjarni A?albjarnarson;
brought
ences
in Elleh0j, Den
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
p. 258 ff.
"Ari's konunga
aevi," p. 8 ff., and passim.
103. Andersson,
in Snorri,
ch. 7, p. 14; a similar connection
104. Theod.,
345
OT
ch. 32, p. 312;
ch. 47,
p.
502
Bagge
as is usually
maries,
nation
of
applies
two
the
be
well
may
its
after
writing,
and
written
development.105
in
forms
still
oral,
whereas
and
dates
is certainly
the
very
sion,
therefore
early
period.
was
for
used
in the
Olaf,
form
of
"real"
a written
suggests
the
i.e.,
stage,
a mixture
of
early
oral
and
on
the
basis
persecution
in clerical
circles
early
a mixture
case
an
a child
tradition.
eleventh
we
analysis,
for
oral
of
oral
and
to be
such
to his
conver
influenced
by
and
storytelling,
at
However,
we may
or
this
early
imagine
histories
storytelling
written
information,
as
storytelling,
and tracing God's
as a
importance
as
considerations
Ideological
for
part of the
his
and
century,
used
to the dynasty
corresponding
latter
true,
and
than by popular
oral
late
was
facts
in the works we are
and
of Theodoricus.
stimulus
for linking Olaf
in a way
life
even
texts
written
composed
in the
clear
seems
pretty
a
must
have
been
powerful
in the need
than
or
of
as
his
rather
twelfth
holds
is that a considerable
the Bible or legends of the saints rather
thus
this
oral
narrative.
to this hypothesis
notably
its origin
If
comments
of
of
sense
real
important
them?the
between
work.106
in
literary prose,
the
certain
form
that
a coexistence
in
recording
the
and
purposes
practical
imagine
Narrative
the
but
phenomenon
of literary prose
in
in Theodoricus
to have
for
relationship
extant
in Ari's
the early development
about
It is a normal
used
This
on an earlier
be based
can
here,
seems
in Saemundr,
itmust
We
the
can follow
tradition
one
texts.
Theodoricus's
that literary use, particularly
prominent
objection
extant
and
examining
in Historia
A possible
to give the full expla
the
childhood.
similar
oral.
is first
chronological
Norzvegie
a
probably
writing
and
in
found
this form;
introduction,
the form of brief notes,
is a later
stories
from
have had
or most
written
narrative,
the
derived
story cannot
original
of
to the stories about Olaf's
particularly
summary
they may not be able
supposed,
versions
is expressed
finger
in his
This
missionary.
of the story of Olaf
between
the development
might suggest a connection
the new-founded
around
and the vivid scholarly milieu
archi?piscopal
see
in Nidaros
in
the development
and
dynastic
1163/64.1()7
105. Jack
1977)' PP106. On
Ole Bruhn,
the
years
thought,
However,
the
both
Goody, The Domestication
82-93.
die gradual development
Tekstualisering.
Bidrag
!55-205.
!999)>PPSverre
107. See most
recently
1153-12
14," in Ecclesia Nidrosiensis
pp. 58-71.
after
of hagiography,
latter
where
1152/53,
liturgical
in
expressed
the
Law
have
(Cambridge:
of literacy in Iceland
til en littercer antropologi
"Den heroiske
Bagge,
ed. Steinar
1153-1537,
of
evidence
rex iustus ideology,
of
of
Succession
and the dynastic
the hagiographie
of the Savage Mind
we
reforms,
Cambridge
elements
Univ.
Press,
its coexistence
with orality,
(Arhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag,
and
see
tid?kirkereform
og kirkekamp
Imsen (Trondheim:
Tapir, 2003),
Accounts
Medieval
of Olaf
503
Tryggvason
earlier, and given the evidence of various
may well have been developed
branches of tradition in the extant sources, there is likely to have been
more
one
than
strongly
to each
unknown
more
of
site
one
than
The
origin.
in the direction
in
point
of two similar works
and Historia
work
Ari
and
Saemundr
and the existence
Theodoricus's
other,
milieu
of
lost works
of Iceland,
suggests
Norwegie,
Norway.
THE DEVELOPMENTOF THE STORYOF
OLAF TRYGGVASONTHE MISSIONARY
seems
It thus
most
of
elements
conclusions
the story of Olaf
a basis
has
probably
some
to draw
possible
the different
in fact
the
regarding
The
Tryggvason.
two
concerning
the most
of
of
age
tradition
spectacular
events
in his career, H?kon jarl's death, which paved the way for him to
in Adam
the throne, and his last battle. There
is fairly good evidence,
of
or
ring
at
least
Further,
count
also
of Ari's
extent
siderable
between
Olafs
of
a
certainly
a
the
the
death
and
on
fairly
is probably
is more
Olaf
and
give
it have
derived
sources.
as
him
it an
a
and
authentic
a factual
basis.
Ari's
lost
to a con
and
during
We
may,
ac
his
with
from
the relative date of the different
about
of
account
sources
uncertain
constructions
extant
oldest
tradition
long
of
rulers
The
our
of
in connection
that
about
the
the circumstances
tradition.
four
which
death
inventions
the
later
places
elements
main
passage
on
but
in all
H?kon's
story
based
some opinion
form
some
that
mentions
sources,
rest
The
work.108
in
elaborated
suggests
Snorri
between
was killed,
Olaf
unanimous
unusually
names
of persons
and
many
a battle
for
poetry,
in which
considerably
is
death
of H?kon's
contains
in skaldic
kingdoms
been
have
as
as well
Bremen
the Nordic
the
period
however,
layers. There
which
missionary,
is
means
the two Olafs must go far back in time,
that the division of labor between
rather than being an invention from the late twelfth century. Although
childhood
and early life is uncertain,
the origin of the stories about Olafs
the
with
of
of
existence
tradition
the
two main
that must
have
as well
hagiography
story
are
the
stages
versions
taken
some
as dynastic
in Olafs
of
the most
time
to
develop
ideology.
conversion
to a
events
crucial
and
points
to a connection
The most
doubtful
of
where
Norway
parts
there
is
io8. Snorri refers to Ari's account of the Norwegian
kings, for which one of his informants
was Oddr Kollsson who had his information
from t>orgeirr afr?oskollr
who lived at Ni?arnes
when H?kon was killed
I, p. 6).
(i.e., on the site of the later city of Ni?aross)
(Heimskringla,
are also mentioned
in Ari, ch. 1, 7, 9.
in this passage
Snorri mentions
Most of the people
in
See Ellehoj, Den
ldste norr0ne historieskrivning,
p. 6, and Sverre Bagge,
Society and Politics
Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla
Press,
1991), p. 27.
(Berkeley: The Univ. of California
5?4
Bagge
little evidence
before Oddr
most
invented
This
of
understanding
to
of
the
important
missionary
result
of God's
intervention,
person,
single
and whose
life
holy
but
Olavi,
hero
a
in the
conversion
in Passio
that
who may
be suspected
of the layers in the tradition
sequence
parallel
Snorrason
of having
it.
earliest,
with
his
later
and
as
in many
missionary,
the
symbolizes
probably
as an
Tryggvason
namesake.
The
than
whom
other
conversion
of
the
even
more
is the
conversion
His
cases,
This
country.
is a
instrument
on His
to pass
elects
God
sources
clerical
Olaf
an
indicates
about Olaf
message,
understand
in different ways, in
in the two Latin works, but developed
ing is present
and in the
the direction of typology and universal history in Theodoricus
inHistoria Norwegie. The
direction of a real biography of Olaf Tryggvason
is developed
further in the two biographies
from
biographical
approach
the
late
twelfth
Oddr's
century.
although
successor
in the
missionary
warrior
hero,
is a great
vason
as a Viking.
of Olaf's
as
and
king
of
status.
the
The
Christianization
missionary
assemblies
he
(ping),
about
in other
resented
inskinna,
second
is usually
and
by
Fagrskinna,
is irrelevant
deals
three
attempt
he
uses
force
kings.
to conceal
as well
kings
Trygg
his past
in his account
aspects
to other
to
Olaf
and
magnates,
institutional
the missionary's
at the normal
as
marriage
those
against
frame
royal
popular
to
alliances,
who
cannot
ways.
regarded
the
also
the heroic
relationship
understanding,
material.
secular
are
corresponds
the
presents
gospel
king
uses
such
his connections,
SNORRI
What
is no
there
also
Christianization,
bring
be
persuaded
the mission
that Olaf Tryggvason
St. Olaf,
develops
his
of
of his last battle at Svol?r. The
in the account
notably
and
same
the
essentially
amount
work,
in particular
Oddr
years
on
modeled
largely
is very emphatic
the tradition
Nonetheless,
as his
these
is
represents
Agrip
biographical,
a substantial
it also
contains
directly
work
work
on the rex iustus;
the Legendary Saga ismodeled
elements
of
heroic
tale.
Without
strong
being
ary biography, whereas
include
both, however,
as the final
sagas
great
Snorri
and
in our
SYNTHESIS
STURLUSON'S
context,
fairly briefly with
stage109 in the saga tradition
from
the
Sturluson's
as
it
begins
the conversion,
1220s
or
early
Heimskringla.
after
St. Olaf's
telling
1230s,
The
death.
the essential
is rep
Mork
first
of
The
story
the tradition of kings' saga writing did continue
the following period
log. However,
during
one
revisions
and extensions
of earlier works and various kinds of compilations,
through
ca. 1300),
is the Great Saga of Olaf Tryggvason
of which
{Olafs saga Try ggv asonar en mesta,
a closer examination.
which may deserve
Medieval
common
to
the
works
earlier
Accounts
discussed
but
above,
Olafs
accounts
of
secular
this
events,
a shift
marks
saga
and in the direction
the missionary
biography
inHeimskringla.
that is continued
the most
contains
Heimskringla
same
time
to
trace
excepting
Snorri's
a
in the whole
a more
representing
we have dealt with,
stories
an
introduce
the first, apparently
adds
to introduce
failure
to take
forced
He
Christianity.110
some
important
but has to use
attack.111
Eirikssynir's
Above
attempt
an
all,
history.
in considerable
by H?kon
excuse
outline,
for H?kon's
an
prepares
makes
story
been
to
army
the country
the
to
g?oi
its main
in Agrip: Having
it to defend
Snorri
there
Christianization
in
extra
found
H?kon
sacrifice,
at
works
tradition,
the
account
Agrip's
includes
earlier
it is easy for the most
"political"
Snorri
deals
to those
Christianity
the
earlier
to see
attempt
general,
He
a trend
the Christianization
than
the
unsuccessful
details.
of Trondelag,
the people
to
tradition,
follows
in the pagan
part
of
of
from
away
emphasis
Although
back
and
of
attitude
Fagrskinna.
various
of
detail with
the
ac
of the saga literature, while
secular
change
emphasis
the broader
against
background
to the earlier
In contrast
saga
but
the
abbreviating
of secular history,
account
detailed
to end
from beginning
process
part
is often
505
Tryggvason
to St.
childhood
and omitting
of Olaf Tryggvason's
any reference
life.
As
is
and
often
contains
detailed
Fagrskinna
fairly long
early
count
the
of Olaf
more
fight
against
as
vivid
well as more
to bring out the
intelligible,
adding speeches and dialogues
on
both
sides.
After
H?kon
Snorri
follows
his predeces
arguments
g?oi,
sors in regarding Olaf Tryggvason's
as
next
the
and
main
stage in
reign
the
He
process.
story
uses
Oddr
in accordance
material
of Olaf
and
Greece,
as his main
Snorrason
s conversion,
out
leaving
the missionary
the
activity
Oddr's
version,
following
that
in Russia,
dream
in Russia,
sion solely as the result of the meeting
from
but
source,
on
and
depicting
and
Norxuegie
the
simplifies
the
the Scillies. Here
of Historia
his
arranges
with his own interests and ideals. He
to
journey
the conver
he departs
most
Agrip,
the holy man a hermit and not an abbot
the latter, in making
probably
and letting him prophesy
the ambush. Like Agrip, he lets the ambush take
place
Olafs
upon
immediately
return
to the
ships.
By
contrast,
Snorri
fol
lows Oddr's version in his account of Olafs
childhood.112 Although
this
inHeimskringla
in considerable
is described
detail?the
of
only example
a king's childhood
element of missionary
being narrated?the
biography
is reduced
in favor
further underlined
i ?o. Heimskringla,
111. HG,
112.OT,
ch. 18-19,
ch. 1-8.
of
a
stronger
emphasis
on
the mission
by the fact that the story of Olaf
I, The Saga ofH?kon g?di, ch. 13-19.
p. 190.
p. !95' cf- Bagge> "A Hero,"
itself.
This
s early life is interlaced
is
5o6
Bagge
with a fairly detailed
Olaf's
story of H?kon
life
Like
j ari's reign,
as
characterized
is formally
Snorri
Oddr,
concentrates
the main
most
of
the
in such a way that
though
story.113
account
of
the Christianiza
tion in the middle
of the saga of Olaf,114 interrupted by the failed effort
to marry and convert the Swedish Queen
Sigri?r. Olaf begins in the east,
where he has friends and relatives, and where the Danish King Haraldr
the
Haraldr's
mission
is also men
already
prepared
ground.
no
use
in
of
it
his
narrative
of
Oddr115
makes
who,
however,
by
a
west
mission.
then moves
and
north
the coast.
From
Olaf
along
has
bl?tonn
tioned
Olaf's
geographical
point
Snorri
Oddr's
misses
direction
the
phase,
drama.
the
returns
story
the
Characteristically,
negotiations.
account
his
of
the
to normal
after
but
chaos,
this
in
tendency
in
but
Norway,
pressure
political
of Olaf's
story
Christianization,
is a
of northern
far more
Devil in the shape of O?inn becomes
in Oddr than in Snorri. Whereas
Oddr places
of
into Oddr's
There
the sorcerers
against
Iceland,
order
brings
cosmological
in the fight
final
and
of view, Snorri
with
meeting
the
dramatic and meaningful
the story towards the end
the
of
conversion
Iceland
and just before the fight against the diabolic forces of northern Norway,
to Trondelag,
when Olaf
Snorri inserts it before the second expedition
passes
Snorri
Qgvaldznes.
also
omits
Oddr's
seeing his power diminish and deciding
into a major battle
makes
this episode
introduction
the Devil
about
to attack Olaf directly. Thus, Oddr
in the spiritual war in which Olaf
a curious
episode.
just
a
conversion
of Norway
contains
of Olaf's
Like
Snorri's
Oddr's,
story
a
and
with
different
mixture
of the natural
the
but
empha
supernatural,
of the
sis. A considerable
material
is left out,
part
although
supernatural
as a kind
to
rational
idea of Snorri
of modern
remains
any
reject
enough
of Snorri's
be
abbreviations
should
ist.116 The
sought
probably
explanation
in disbelief.
In a similar
in considerations
about
relevance
rather
than
takes
way, Snorri
emphasizes
"sociological"
friendship,
Snorri's
to Snorri,
while
part,
it is
the natural
of
explanation
and
the
of Olaf's
rearrangement
of the process
This
itinerary
by offering
terms
in
Christianization,
alliances.
marriage
aspect
is further
aspect
to make
itmore
of
a
kinship,
emphasized
logical
from
by
a
geographical
point of view. Snorri develops further the earlier tradition of
as the main missionary
his Christianiza
Olaf Tryggvason
king, depicting
tion
of
from
the
coast
Christianity
convert
interior
the
113.
114.
115.
116.
as
as
lasting.
in the
parts
Bagge, Society and Politics,
OT, ch. 53-82.
Oddr, p. 53.
Bagge, Society and Politics,
the
Despite
earls'
Legendary
Saga.
of the country
and
pp. 46,
pp.
53 ff.
208-15.
passivity,
St. Olaf's
to suppress
there
is no
achievement
the
remains
lapse
is to
of
Medieval
cult in Tr0ndelag.
pagan
in Snorri's
king
and
of
part
are
the
interpretation
in natural
explanations
be found
and
i.e.,
It
is
part
relatives
follow,
of
The
are
effect
like
succeeds
"nothing
Thus,
the
the
of
adherents
loser
the
as
join
in more
one's
the
re
also
are
threaten
added.
contexts:
secular
gets
normally
the
impotence
or killing
and
friends
convert,
or
use
kings
is sometimes
missionary
intervention
demonstrates
idols
southern,
in the same way.
systematically
same
explicit
customs
probably
these
examples
of
to
Christianity,
leaders
Some
the winner
success,"
in the same way as defeating
religion
cases,
the
supernatural
is
largely
pagan
crushing
behavior.
but are not used
means
such
of
with
has many
when
of
are
which
religion;
As
the
familiarity.
familiar
And
of the facts
far more
change
Tryggvason
until
characteristic
terms,
aristocratic?but
insufficient,
to which
force,
is more
him.
human
in Oddr
means
such
question
country
Christian
sainthood
Most
Snorri makes
people
of
here. Olaf
according
also to be found
to use
his
"sociological"
to Snorri's
alistic?understanding
When
as a good
of
predecessors.
and
to follow
tend
who
there
his
a
partly
of the
is less difficult
conversion
of
to make
is difficult
It
southeastern,
people
indications
but which
in his predecessors
systematic.
well
ingrained.
are
there
507
Tryggvason
in exile in Russia towards the end of his life.117
at the end of a long tradition, Snorri repeats most
his period
Coming
him
no
are
of Olaf
is portrayed
Olaf
Although
account,
Accounts
what
he
of
the
wants.
pagan
In both
opponent.
the winner.118
THE NATURAL AND THE SUPERNATURAL IN
SNORRI'S
In
his
reorganizing
out
in natural
Snorri's
improving
and
which
he
however,
the
human
without
terms,
also
secular
is the
What
problems.
for power
between
struggles
of
story
the
excluding
new
creates
process
from the natural
ironing
a more
creating
the Christianization
is carefully distinguished
in
succeeds
and
geography,
story which makes
and consistent
Snorri
accounts,
predecessors'
inconsistencies,
ment,
ACCOUNT
logical
intelligible
ele
supernatural
one.
In doing
this,
between
relationship
and
kings
pretenders
or between kings and their subordinates
and the change of religion? And
what is really his attitude to the merit of the two conflicting
religions?
Some
elements
tion might
Sigur?r
seems
suggest
that Snorri
H?konarson
to have Snorri's
117- Bagge,
118. Bagge,
account
in Snorri's
jarl
is
sympathizes
portrayed
sympathy,
Society and Politics,
Society and Politics,
pp.
pp.
of H?kon's
as
with
a clever
and the pagan
181-86.
105-7.
attempt
at Christianiza
The
the pagans.
mediator,
a
pagan
figure
bl?tis described
with
that
re
5o8
Bagge
spect,
without
or
caricature
criticism.119
This
which
description,
has
been
much discussed,
is apparently amixture of stereotypes of pagan cult from
the Bible and other sources and contemporary
Christian rituals. During
in the
the bl?t AtMaerin, the statues of the gods as well as the participants
ritual are sprinkled with blood from the animals used for the sacrifice
means
by
churches.120
of
brushes
they are given
from
the
names.
Christian
by, but he may
and
pagan
While
rituals
answer
to
points
of his
Asbjorn
because
to
wants
in indirect
briefly
they will not
seem
to
protest
and
The
in
Swedish
this
do
speeches
and
not
case,
the
thus
them.
can
defends
Skotkonung
be
aiming
as
Now,
speech.
their
a
which
tyrant,
the country.
own
his
king,
he
however,
him from
express
necessarily
af
Asbjorn
in direct
as
acting
is
Tr0ndelag
opinions,
at vivid representation
of
motives.121
stubborn
king's
King Olof
there
between
of
people
to
promises
traditions,
Asbjorn
to Snorri's
own,
the
to come
easiest
detail
and
greater
choice
of H?kon
earlier
however,
correspond
the
but rather kill him or expel
opinions
against
these elements
the
in
people's
popularity
ancient
their
tolerate,
case,
they
to
but form part of his literary technique,
conflicting
In this
were
the local representative,
speech,
is rendered
the
Snorri's
Admittedly,
have picked
to show similarities
conversion
great
destroy
poured
possibly
have wanted
for
appeal
Me?alhusum's
over
because
simply
water
in Christian
holy
children
newborn
while
for
used
cult.
Christian
H?kon's
rendered
is
Snorri may
also directly
the
those
resembling
way, water
In a similar
no
doubt
notably
refusal
constitutional
the
Zpg7?z<2cirI>orgnyr's
to terms with
St. Olaf.
to come
is depicted
about
that
principles
Swedish
as an arrogant
Snorri's
opinion.122
fool,
so
Generally,
as well as the necessity for the king to
in the desirability
Snorri believes
a
It
that Snorri, living in a soci
is
have popular
support.
priori unlikely
more
two
been
hundred
for
than
that
had
Christian
years, directly
ety
of
the later stages in the
and
his
with
description
Asbjorn,
sympathized
Christianization
also
forms
evidence
against
such
an
assumption,
but
there
11g. Gro Steinsland,
Den hellige kongen. Om religion og herskermaktfra vikingtid til middelalder
(Oslo: Pax, 2000), p. 111.
account
120. For a discussion
of Snorri's
of the bl?t, see Klaus D?wel,
of the reliability
zur
und Philologie
Arbeiten
Altertumskunde
Das Opferfest von Lade, Wiener
germanischen
Den hellige kongen, p. 111 ff., and
(Vienna: Halosar,
1985), who rejects it, and Steinsland,
in his Atfort
"Den norrone
lle
Preben Meulengracht
literatur og virkeligheden,"
Sorensen,
historien (Trieste: Parnaso,
attitude.
2001),
pp. 115, 117, 119 ff., who take a more positive
to agree with D?wel.
I am inclined
121. Sverre Bagge,
in the Sagas," in L'Histoire et les nouveaux publics
"Oratory and Politics
dans l'Europe m?di?vale (XIIIe-XVe si?cles), ed, Jean-Philippe
Genet, Actes du colloque
? la Casa de V?lasquez,
tional organis?
de la Science
par la Fondation
Europ?enne
de la Sorbonne,
23-24 Avril
1993 (Paris: Publications
1997), pp. 2 15-28.
122. Cf. Bagge,
Society and Politics, p. 220 ff.
interna
Madrid,
Medieval
a tension
is certainly
episode.
St. Olafs
between
same
The
with
conflict
the
is even
tension
the
Accounts
Norwegian
the
and
religious
more
of Olaf
509
Tryggvason
secular
of
aspect
in his account
pronounced
this
of
magnates.123
of why H?kon's mission
Snorri does not directly address the question
a
his
he
hint
about
After the
but
does
failed,
interpretation.
give
general
death of the last pagan ruler, H?kon j ari, he expresses his surprise at the
"And that was the main
ignoble end of this great chieftain, and continues:
reason why this happened,
that the time had come when the bl?t and its
were
practitioners
to be
those
Normally,
in
and
condemned,
its
came
place
faith
holy
and
Snorri's problem
here is the following: Why did this
successful
chieftain
suffer such a shameful death?125
right customs."124
clever and highly
are
who
smart
and
are
clever
also
was
H?kon
lucky.
in this
case extremely unlucky. Admittedly,
he was partly to blame for his fall, as
in his old age by having sex with the women
he made himself unpopular
in the region, which
of the leading men
and daughters
is not a good
that followed was thus to be expected,
idea for a chieftain. The rebellion
but H?kon was extremely unlucky in that it coincided with the arrival of
Even then, he might have escaped, had it not been for
Olaf Tryggvason.
his slave Karkr's treachery. Karkr had apparently
been H?kon's
private
servant
been
in H?kon's
kills
to Olaf
listens
H?kon.
luck
and
surroundings
account
to be
Snorri's
as he
his
throughout
treated
well,
that
always
most
the
result
together,
supernatural
been
born
in
He
was
loyal.
to be trusted.
likely
of a combination
promising
factors
these
Tryggvason
Taken
a
two were
life?the
had
seems
explanation
treachery
and
panic
reward
a
great
amount
to
to
seems
an
in
temptation,
the one who
extreme
such
Such
likely.
night?had
the person
probably
His
of
same
the
bad
explanation
the pagan H?kon
is succeeded
itself when
easily presents
by the great
who
about
conversion
of the
Olaf
the
missionary
king
Tryggvason
brings
country.
This
reasoning,
has
however,
on
repercussions
the
earlier
If God
history.
to introduce Christianity, H?kon go?i
to use Olaf Tryggvason
had decided
could not really be blamed for failing to do so. God may have allowed or
even
caused
the
a
paradox
that
to attack,
Eirikssynir
He had not yet decided
to introduce
it is the most
secular
because
in His
Christianity
of
the
historians
inscrutable
to Norway.
of
the
wisdom,
Itmay
seem
Christianiza
i berget:
See also Lars L?nnroth,
123- Bagge,
Skaldemj?det
Society and Politics, pp. 66-70.
nutiden (Stockholm:
ordkunst och dess ?teranv?ndningi
Atlantis,
1994),
Essayer omfornisl?ndsk
or a Common
Culture?
The
"Icelandic Uniqueness
p. 88 ff., and Sverre Bagge,
European
Case of the Kings' Sagas," Scandinavian
Studies, 69 (1997),
439.
at fyrir d mask
124. "En {>at bar mest til er sv? var?, at f)? var s? ti? komin,
skyldi bl?t
en
si?ir"
transla
?
kom
tr?a
ok
r?ttir
ok
sta?
bl?tmennir,
(OT, ch 50)?my
heil?g
skaprinn
tion.
125. Cf. Bagge,
Society and Politics, p. 220 ff.
5io
Bagge
who most
tion of Norway
the
combination
and explaining
between
Both
the
Being
and
is in greater
the
than
supernatural
attitude
and
constitutional
intervention.
concerned
mainly
secular history, Snorri
natural
the
refers to God's
explicitly
sense.
makes
the
Actually,
with
narrating
need of distinguishing
his
predecessors.
for
relative
the
respect
pagan
in light of his attitude to
religion in Snorri's account should be understood
tradition. His great history of the Norwegian
kings from the origin of the
in
the
in the political as well as
distant
deals
with
past
dynasty
continuity,
sense.
cultural
past
as well
The
as
cultural
the
traditions
skaldic
include
with
poetry
its
the
stories
intimate
from
the distant
to
connection
the
old
a part of the culture of educated
still apparently
circles in a
mythology,
similar way as the Classical mythology
in contemporary
Europe. Politically,
the
as well
kings
Norwegian
as
the
and
Norwegian
Icelandic
aristocracy
took pride in their real or invented genealogical
connection
with the
heroes in the distant past. Both considerations
indicated
that the pagan
in too dark colors.126 Thus, in his Edda, Snorri
past should not be painted
underlines
that the old religion contains glimpses of the truth and that
it represents
the
feeble
after
supernatural
to some
point
the
attempts
loss of the
of
anticipation
true
Christianity
some
to grasp
of mankind
Another
religion.127
in
pre-Christian
to Fagrskinna stating that Haraldr
passage in an addition
to believe in the many gods of the pagan religion. Having
self
as
the
ruler
sole
of
the whole
country,
he
idea
everything"
Haraldr
and
he makes
when
he
Haraldr
to conquer
and
never
his
descendants
directly
swear
"by God Who
of
Norway.129
sorcerers
disliked
the whole
mentions
Haraldr
and
in connection
also
as
times,
that
created
He
the
was
to
in a
h?rfagri refused
established him
understood
also had to be ruled by one God.128 Snorri may possibly
of
part
device
the world
to such an
allude
me
and
points
persecuted
with
the
governs
out
that
them,130
pagan
cult.
"A Hero," pp. 205-7,
and "On the Far Edge of the Dry Land: Scandinavian
126. Bagge,
Culture
in the Middle
and Europe 800?1350:
Scandinavia
Contact,
European
Ages,"
(Turnhout,
Conflict, and Coexistence, ed. J. Adams & K. Holman
2004),
Belgium:
Brepols,
to
see
For parallels
this in other
Peter
converted
pp. 359-61.
relatively
recently
peoples,
Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom
(Maiden, MA.: Blackwell,
1997), p. 307 ff.
Studier i Snorres mytologi, Skrifter utg. av Det Norske Videnskaps
127. Anne Holtsmark,
Akademi
iOslo
II. Hist.-filos.
klasse, Ny serie, no. 4 (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget,
1964), p.
and Peter Dronke,
"The Prologue
of the Prose Edda: Explorations
of a Latin
9 ff.; Ursula
Background,"
Sj?tiu ritgerdir helgadarfakobi
Benediktsyni
20J?U 1977, vol. I (Reykjavik: Stofn
un Arna
Clunies
Snorri
Ross, Sk?ldskaparm?l.
Magn?ssonar,
1977), pp. 153-76; Margaret
Sturluson
'sArs Po?tica and Medieval
Theories of Language, The Viking Collection,
IV (Odense:
Odense
Univ. Press,
1987), p. 13 ff.
128. Eagrskinna. Norges kononga tal, ed. Finnur J?nsson
Moller,
1902), p.
(Copenhagen:
and
386.
129. "JDess strengi ek heit, ok }?vi skyt ek til gu?s, f>ess er mik
kringla, I, The Saga ofHaraldr
h?rfagri, ch. 4.
I, The Saga ofHaraldr
130. Heimskringla,
h?rfagri, ch. 34.
sk?p ok ollu
rae?r," Heims
Medieval
Snorri
Thus,
but
truth,
ancestors
no
sees
reason
to diminish
itmore
by depicting
of Olaf
511
Tryggvason
has to give way to the Christian
that the old religion
knows
he
Accounts
the
of
reputation
the
venerable
than strictly necessary.
negatively
THE UNDERSTANDING OF THE CONVERSION INTHE
NORWEGIAN-ICELANDIC
TRADITION
We have followed
the development
of the tradition about the conversion
of Norway for a period of around fifty years ifwe keep to the extant works,
and
considerably
of Saemundr
works
about
more
longer,
and
Ari
relationship
much
represent
in
this
are
tradition
Fagrskinna
makes
the
Heimskringla,
Christianization
the
issues
a
the
and
the
of
problem
versus
the
and
century
the
most
and
in an
kings,
of Olaf
of the facts
Most
biography.
secular
abbreviated
of
works,
form
the
part
in a more
secular direction,
secular
Finally,
and
history
although
tactics,
in
which
of
consti
the missionary
"sociological"
alliances,
that
narrative,
marginal
versus
lost
Christianization
a narrative
of
latest
former
is a more
political
violence.
of
of
understanding
personal
friendship,
is an important and widespread
genre going
Severus's Vita Sancti Martini
from the late
The missionary
biography
back to works like Sulpicius
fourth
the
religious
true
religion.
of
use
appropriate
two
the
relatively
there
in terms
conversion,
of
development
but modified
is still there,
biography
in
in
and
the latter in great detail
emphasizes
tutional
over
taken
two
the
two great missionary
through
the
include
uncertainties
Despite
lost sources,
the older
their
on the missionary
life modeled
Tryggvason's
to
understanding
in
results
if we
tradition.
and
intervention
that
understanding
oral
other
same
the
as the result of God's
an
the
to each
their
works
a hundred,
than
and
works
including
about
in
missionaries
the
northern
like Rimbert's
Vita Ansgari and the Lives of St.
and eastern periphery,
not directly a missionary
Adalbert of Prague. Although
biography, Bede's
Ecclesiastical
of
view,
ments,
coming
a short
the
their
like the famous
from
time
the
the
and
131- Bede's Ecclesiastical
(Oxford: Oxford
Mynors
of what
tradition.
is also
One
a
the missionaries'
some
including
returning
A
hall.131
the warm
Norwegian-Icelandic
outset:
that the missionary
and
of human
allegory
understanding
from
conversion
preaching
unknown
through
lead to a better
the
describes
History
emphasizing
life being
to
the
closer
"existential"
compared
but
unknown,
of
study
such
is similar and what
of the English People,
History
Univ. Press, 1969),
II, 13.
Here
a
to a bird
for
flying
works
may
is different
however,
is clear
comparison
with
difference,
king.
point
ele
ed. Bertram
Colgrave
in
at
the
and R. A. B.
512
Bagge
lives
of
or
royal
the
royal
in Hungary
saints
of
in
this
interesting
attributed
in other
saints
princely
bly St. Stephen
Denmark
and
context,
as
Further,
Saxo's
to them.
will
countries
St.
Sweden,
the
Cnut
conversion
account
of
the
conversion
effort,
as a
notably
nor
missionary
as
a saint
are
Erik,
less
was
countries
not
of Denmark
Admittedly,
but
Haraldr
King
but he is not depicted
part in the conversion,
resembling
By contrast,
tradition, as it is explained
and partly by the German
ordeal.132
Poppo's
plays an important
nota
relevant,
St.
their
radically from the Norwegian-Icelandic
emperor
partly by pressure from the German
bl?tonn
and
of
differs
missionaries'
be
in Bohemia.
and St. Wenceslas
as an
rather
and
unpopular
somewhat tyrannical ruler. The conversion
itself is described
fairly briefly,
in the detailed account in Book VIII about Thorkild's
but it is anticipated
to Udg?rd
to seek the true religion, and it clearly plays a crucial
journey
in
part
the
of
and
missionary
feature
pressure
political
in
them
and
priests
subordinate
wholly
named.
The
only
part
one
who
in
the
acts
sense
the
of
but
abroad,
most
and
narrative,
them
conversion
people
play
are not
even
to a certain
independently
of
bl?
the kings bring
these
of
the
sense
the
of Haraldr
effort. Admittedly,
from
missionaries
in
both
the
unique
this can be added
To
the exception
attempt?and
combination
necessarily
influence,
foreign
rulers?with
the result of foreign missionaries'
being
the
regarding
not
although
tradition.
any
by foreign
unsuccessful
mostly
for
a distinctive,
of
absence
complete
with
as
king
reasons
some
to be
of the Norwegian-Icelandic
almost
tonn's
the work.
of
composition
seem
there
Thus,
extent
a
is the
German priest I>angbrandr who is sent to Iceland by Olaf Tryggvason, but
even he illustrates the general point; his mission
results from the king
not
the
to
kings,
sermons
with
to go
able
being
doing
doctrine
or
himself.
plays
Possibly
a subordinate
but
discussions,
rather
than
thinking.
to
corresponding
There
part.
this
are
some
seems
generally,
religion
is thus more
Cult
central
emphasis
references
to have
than
on
to do
doctrine,
above all in the attacks on the pagan bl?t and idols. Fasts and holidays are
as in the objections directed at the
of Christianity,
important expressions
new
account
in Snorri's
of the
religion
negotiations
the
of
Personal
connections
people
Trondelag.
sources.
in the earlier
all in Snorri,
but also
above
between
and
Erlingr
Hordaland,
qualities
decessors.
Skj?lgsson
not
and
only
Tryggvason's
in Snorri,
but
also
are particularly
Violence
Olaf
also
prominent
plays
some
sister
in Oddr.
also
The
secures
The
play
H?kon
a
go?i
part,
major
between
marriage
the conversion
kings'
of
charismatic
in Snorri but are also there in his pre
part
and
Gesta Danorum,
I?II, ed.J.
132. Saxo Grammaticus,
Levin & Munksgaard,
193 1 ), X.4.1, X. 11.3.
receives
Olrik
explicitjustification
and H. Raeder
(Copenhagen:
Medieval
in
some
of
the
are
decisions
latter
This applies
tional
points
the
the
of manners
usual
or
Old
Norse
customs.
Even
of Olaf
for
forum
where
to Oddr
the
kings
the
making
for
Snorri's
the
process,
relatively
although
and
the
only
constitu
largely serve to
of the Christianization
term
religious
with
the
negotiate
religious
513
Tryggvason
as well as to Snorri,
between
connection
issue. In sum, the narratives
illustrate
pagan
H?kon
to
the
Finally,
assemblies,
popular
local population.
the
works.
religious
the
Accounts
i.e.,
sidaskipti,
tolerant
attitude
change
to the
earlier, notably in Agrip's positive portrait of
religion is anticipated
inmany ways radical transformation
of the
Snorri's
go?i. Although
earlier
tradition
legitimizing
and
the
is
largely
his
that are implicit
of the themes
the
present
relationship
constitutional
issues.
dynasty,
between
own
achievement,
in the earlier
power
new
the
structure,
religion
he
makes
tradition:
and
and
explicit
the pagan
cultural
secular
some
past as
traditions,
politics
and