CHAPTER Ill
SUBNATIONALISM
44
CHAPTER IV
SUBNATIONALISM
The term 'subnationalism' was not a popular theme in the
past, ignored and studied cautiously with reservations but in recent
times it has became a popular subject and widely discussed as
observable facts. However, the situation has been swiftly reminded
that, we are witnessing a remarkable growth of popularity and
penetrating works on every aspect of subnationalism as socio-political
movements in all parts of the world today. Therefore, in the light of
these happenings, the present chapter is an attempt to provide the
idea of subnationalism conceptually and draw out significantly the
evidences of subnationalism emerging in the postcolonial era in India
and elsewhere. As the concept of subnationalism encompasses so
vast, I will be selective comparatively and try to highlight the
conceptual
understanding
exceptional
way
that
of
relates
the
to
term
subnationalism
community's
m
movements
an
and
ideologies. However, the concept of subnationalism takes many forms
but at the most general level all forms of subnationalism can be seen
45
as manifestations of a search for community or identity different from
the community or identity offered by shared citizenship of an existing
independent (sovereign) states. One of the most prominent ideas of
subnationalism may be taken to have emerged out of the notion of
self-rule and complete self-sufficiency. In some cases, the search has
taken the form of a resurgence of religious identity in India and
various parts of the world; as in the revival of Islam in many parts of
the world, the separatist movements in the early seventies by the
Sikhs in northwestern India and the emergence of ethnic communities
of Northeast India seeking autonomy or complete sovereignty and the
trends of Hindu subnationalism in other parts of India. In some cases,
subnationalism centers at least in parts on differences in language, as
in French and English speaking Canada, the Basque movement in
Spain and the language conflict between the Flamands and W allons in
Belgium. 1
While the concept of 'we feelings' and 'nationalistic feelings' are
expanding exponentially everywhere at local, regional, national and
community levels; subnationalism is slowly coming as one of the most
powerful articulations in modern community's world for uniting a
particular community or groups of one culture and history or
homogenized communities. If subnationalism can be viewed from
Joshua B. Forrest, Subnationalism in Africa: Ethnicity, Alliances, and Politics,
Published by Lynne Rienner, Boulder CO, 2004, pp. 1-2.
community perspective as a reflection and movement like any
nationalistic forces, then subnationalism exerted a strong influence in
the revolutionary movements around the world. Subnationalism can
be said as an element that grows in communities,
societies,
individuals, ethnic groups and in the peoples. It has been there as
affairs of phenomena and that leads to ramification of the state and
nation around the globe. The field of nationalistic phenomenal feeling;
this includes the growth of nations and the national state, as well as
ethnic identity and community.2 It spills over into a number of
cognate subjects, race and racism leading to the discussions of it in
details. A number of sociologists have emphasized the central role of
language in creating of social identities.
Because language is
inherently involved in socialization, the social group whose language
we speak is an important identity group for us. The linguistic behavior
is a major factor in the definition of social boundaries. Language
reflects, expresses and concretizes social entities, as contrastive selfidentifications. In his book entitled The Politics of Linguistics, New
Meyer stressed that "language is the most characteristic medium of
social exchange; it must therefore both reflect and influence all facets
of our social existence".3 In general, ethnic groups regularly use
language as one of their most significant identifying features. Defined
2
3
Bernard Spolsky, Sociolinguistics, Oxfords Introductions to Languages, (H.G.
Widdowson, Series Editor), Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1998, p.57
New Meyer: The language Structure and Its Formations, Canberra University
Press, Canberra, Australia, p.223b
47
as mother languages, legitimate languages require the allegiance and
loyalty due to the motherland itself. A number of examples of
subnationalist
movements
can
be
cited
within
the
existing
multinational states almost in every parts of the world these days. The
struggle now practically accomplished for Eritrean independence from
Ethiopia and the disintegration of the USSR because of insistent
demands for independence by the republics (Latvia, Lithuania,
Estonia, Georgia, and Ukraine). One of the successful movements was
the declarations of independence by Slovenia and Croatia from
Yugoslavia; and the failed attempt of Biafra to secede from Nigeria, the
separatist movements in Sri Lanka by the Tamilians, Rwanda and the
Sudan. Old empires as well as new states cobbled together by
departing colonial administrations either have fallen apart or are in
danger of falling apart because of subnationalist movements working
from within. Cases can also be found of subnationalist movements
that cut across existing state boundaries and that ultimately aspire to
create a new state of their own from portions of existing states. The
movement for a greater Kurdistan potentially absorbing territory from
Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria is a clear case in point.
The term subnationalism draws a spectrum of oneness for
various communities to interact, focus, and establish links of platform
for all to pursue aims and objectives distinctively. Unfulfilled goals can
be
achieve
with
this feeling for
one another.
Subnationalism
determined to have an exclusive identification of one's intention and
feeling. It is also a judgment pass on to determine actions, courses for
practical reasons and ultimate voice to enforce objection or support. It
is a condition of mind, feeling, or sentiment of a group of people living
in a well-defined- geographical area, speaking a common language,
and possessing aspirations for a nation. The assertion of ethnic
identities has replaced ideological differences as a major source of
domestic conflict in many parts of the world in recent years. Ethnicity
is not of course a precise concept and those who march under a
particular ethnic banner usually have in common a bundle of
attributes-a shared history, language, religion and culture and usually
also a common racial origin (itself an imprecise term). The list of
ethnic conflicts includes the conflict between Indians (imported as
laborers by the British during the colonial period) and indigenous
South Pacific islanders in Fiji, the conflict between Africans (originally
imported as slaves) and South Asians in Guyana, between the Tutsi
and Hutu in Burundi, between the Amerindians and those of
European origin in Guatemala and Peru, between blacks and whites
in South Africa, between the Malays and Chinese in Malaysia and so
on. 4
4
Joshua B. Forrest, Subnationalism in Africa: Ethnicity, Alliances and Politics,
Published by Lynne Rienner, Boulder, CO 2004, p.63.
49
Ethnic identities and the clash of ethnic groups are not new of
course, but the rise of ethnicity as a political force worldwide is recent,
at least in its current form and intensity. Moreover, the end of the
Cold War could well mean that the politics of ethnicity will increase in
intensity in the years ahead. The same process of globalization that
has undermined state power threatens to unleash subterranean
cultural pluralism. Ethnicity thus poses a challenge to global peace
and stability, but the search for a new basis for community and group
identity should be
seen as
an opportunity for more
to self-
determination, for people to choose the polity, under which they live,
an opportunity to enlarge community and group freedoms. Freedom,
choice, self-determination are integral to what is meant by human
development and for this reason the attack on the state from below
should not be seen as a subversive movement but as a process which
in many places could contribute to increase human development
culturally, socially, economically and politically. There is also, however
an ugly side to the rise of subnationalism and this poses a danger to
human development. We refer to the intolerance that sometimes
accompanies the search for identity and a new community. At their
best, ethnic and subnational movements are inclusive and sharing;
they encourage participation and strong loyalties. At their worst, when
carried to excess, they are narrow and exclusive, socially divisive and
sources of communal discord. Thus, human solidarity and its opposite
50
are characteristic of subnational movements. The resurgence of antisemitism in Eastern Europe, the rekindling of ancient hatreds
between Serbs and Croats in Yugoslavia, the eruption of nationalist
conflicts within the former Soviet Union, and the persistence of deeply
entrenched animosities throughout the Middle East are but a few
examples of the ugly face of subnationalism. The challenge before the
world is to channel the forces driving subnationalism in a constructive
direction, in the direction of freedom and self-determination. One of
the most compelling challenges of governance in war-torn or postconflict societies in much of the world is the rise of subnationalist
movements as state fragility increases.
In Africa, Asia, the Balkans,
and in nations created on the fall of the Soviet Union, the political
assertion of regional autonomy presented large-scale challenges to
national
governments
that
lack
the
institutional
strength,
infrastructure, and political and economic resources to decisively
incorporate peripheral territories that aim for higher levels of selfrule. s As a result, the clear-cut establishment of political sovereignty
and authority throughout the claimed land area of a nation-state
becomes the primary foundational assumption for effective governance
according to Weberian theory and practice is simply lacking in large
sections of the developing world. The re-establishment of political
legitimacy, security, and public management and its effectiveness on a
s Ibid, p.65
51
nation-wide basis are the three central components of post-conflict
governance,
which
are
likely
to
be
the
setback
so
long as
subnationalism remains a prominent political force. If subnationalism
affirms an aspiration for expansion, which often involves a linguistic
dimension as well, as illustrated by around the world, the liberation
movements
that
aspire
to
suppress
cultural
dependency
on
dominators may raise the standard of the use, or even the revival of,
local or regional vernaculars. The issue of language choice is most
critical in the case of a newly independent state. 6 The emerging trends
of subnationalist movements in the states of northeast India, north
India and central part of India are witnessing the politics and social
movements of regionalism, separatisms and full autonomies within or
complete alienation as an independent state or nation. One of the
main and crucial elements to the rising of subnationalism is the quest
for more power and a greater share of resources allocation. Ethnic
groups question the status quo of the existing state systems and the
objective of ethnic movements ranges from demands of greater
autonomy to separatism. Though modern nationalism is connected
with the idea of self-determination for each nationality and rising
above the expectations and
aspirations of the people in general,
language of common descent perhaps play a pivotal role in shaping
the spirit of commonness and solidarity. Nevertheless, language in
6
Ibid, p. 65
52
fact
does
not
employ itself as
power to
influence much
on
subnationalism when is state is inhabited by multi-cultural societies
or communities or in the multi-ethnic land, however, cultural and
identity placed upfront in the struggles for sovereign nation or state.
The question of nationalism in India presents very interesting but
intriguing cases in some ways. The underlying spirit of an Indian
nationality is not a new thing: the distinctiveness of India as a land, of
the Indians as a people and of an Indianness as an identity has been
the long and unbroken civilization and culture. However, it is also true
that the content of this Indian identity has been spiritual rather than
political phenomenon. Subnationalism in the modern sense of the
term is associated with either of individual or group consciousness
with both political and philosophical identities. During these periods,
India was in fact not as one and even the greatest ruler had not
encompassed the entire subcontinent. When the subcontinent was
partition into two (Pakistan and India), and eventually into three,
ushered a new dimension of subnationalism based on religion, creed,
and culture. However, these patterns developed certain kinds of
nationalisms in the subcontinent and the formal emergence of
subnationalism was centering round the cultural-language groups.
Sometimes subnationalism has mixed up with the concept like
regionalism while the former helped to strengthen a struggle for
complete
autonomy
from
the
central
authority,
regionalism
53
emphasizes contractually on regional issues. India, through patriotic
movements
achieved
her
freedom:
accommodates
various
communities living in the subcontinent of which regional power and
policies rested to the regional council. This vision has been frame to
uplift for a common culture though different community has different
culture and identity, yet, it has given a special place for every
community to rise from backwardness to forwardness. India presents
picture of one of the most complex multiethnic societies in the world
governed by modern nation-state. Within its territory, one billion
strong people live speaking more than 18 major languages and over
1600 mother tongues listed in the 2001 census of India. There are
3000 communities
differentiated
traditionally
by occupation
or
identified socio-culturally as distinct entities called castes, and there
are over three hundred tribal communities, constituting nearly 8
percent of the total population. These numerous entities, however, did
not live in isolation, nor did they enjoy complete autonomy but shared
a symbolic meaning system, which ensured fluidity of cultural
expression among them at different levels. While each entity mostly
maintained a degree of social governance for itself and evolved
procedures for settlement of disputes and conflict resolution, all were
subject to political governance that was limited to the maintenance of
large social and economic codes. Such a society or community was
indeed marked by periods of hegemony and subjugation. Nevertheless,
54
even in such periods, the Hindus and Muslims lives together and seen
as a primary principle of governance. The modern India's nation
provides numerous cultural and social entities to hold together within
a broad order of social hierarchies, provided various communities and
societies for a great deal of fluidity and interaction between them.
Here, the cultural expression of pluralities can be vividly seen and
held together as one in broad sense.
The concept of nation building has challenged and sought to
redefine in more aggressive and exclusivist terms in recent years by
various academic circles. The history of northeast India bounded with
the struggles of regional, linguistic and cultural identity of the
nationalities inhabiting this region. Some of this has been fighting for
the right of self-determination, and others launching movements for
the creation of separate states based on their cultural identities. In
fact, most of the nationalities of this region have always been in the
fringe of the rest of the country. Subnationalism is sometimes taken
as above all moral principle, which claims the nation do exist, that
they should coincide with i.e. cover the same people as, political
communities and that they should be self-ruling'. I would like to point
out that, the term sub-nationalism generally referred identification of
one's loyalty to a state or rather loyalty to the state, which he belongs
to, and asserting that he is a part of the community existing within it.
In addition, subnationalism has come to mean the sentiment of
55
belonging to a community whose members identify with a set of
symbols, beliefs and ways of life, and the will to decide upon their
common political destiny. It is difficult to define the concept of nation
and nationalism specifically and questions really struck in our
mindset, whether the two terms can be define at all even if they coexists however, within the main contrasting definitions, there are
points in common. In my opinion, the definition of nationalism or
subnationalism varies considerably but there are some common
features in the definitions. It seems to agree that nationalism first
appeared in the 19th century, but was this natural appearance or was
it human invention. It is also seems to be more of a social principle at
the same time, different opinions were put up either as a state of mind
or a reality. Subnationalism draws a spectrum of oneness for various
communities willing to interact, focus, and establish links of platform
for all to pursue aims and objectives distinctively. Unfulfilled goals can
be
achieve
with
this feeling for
one another.
Subnationalism
determined to have an exclusive identification of one's intention and
feeling. It is also a judgement pass on to determine actions, courses
for practical reasons and ultimate voice to enforce objection or
support. It is a condition of mind, feeling, or sentiment of a group of
people living in a well-defined geographical area, speaking a common
language, and possessing aspirations for a something greater than
just autonomy. Subnationalism may be either liberal or integral; it
56
may be either a blessing or a curse. It may have a cultural tinge, or it
may promote as an excuse for expansion and has many faces. Like
Nationalism, subnationalism too is a historical phenomena or category
that emerged in the social order of the world at a certain stage of
progression of the life of the community when socio-historical
conditions, both objective and objective matured. The most important
or
essential
part
that
make
feasible
for
the
emergence
of
subnationalism is through the integration of communities into
nations. In England it had to struggle against the feudal state which
strove to perpetuate the feudal economy which kept the people
economically disunited and thwarted the free growth of trade and
manufacture, the prime levers of the economic consolidation of the
people. The English people were among the first to solder as a nation:
because of a number of historical reasons, nationalism was born.
What is evident from the above definitions is that community is very
important in defining about, what is a state, nation or society. In other
word, in order to understand the concept of state, nation or
subnationalism, community should be considered as a symbol and
perhaps a meaning for the three concepts that links to each other.
According to Mrinal Miri, "while my identity is thus bound up
with my strong evaluations, myself identifications are frequently
clouded with uncertainties, and are, therefore, to corrections which
57
will have powerful evaluative overtones".7 I should say,
every
individual or human identity is profoundly bounded to evaluative
nature which correlates to larger than self-identity as a community or
group so that there will be a strong evaluations on our part in order to
determine the highest mode of achievement in life.s Reflection about
the kind of being we are' is precisely determine in our community's life
as well as in the societal achievements of greater goals directly
simplifying the essence of allegiance to a particular nation or
community
through
identification
of the
self-at
various
levels
including national issues and regional. Therefore, cultural identity or
identity is cloud up with strong evaluations; thus far, nationalism too,
has an immediate attention on our part to evaluate the concept of how
it differs from subnationalism or from western conception. The post
Indian independence and of statehood was by no means a smooth
sailing. The subcontinent had to go through serious convulsions
before independent became a reality, dividing the subcontinent into
three states in the process. The concept of subnationalism or in other
word, the search for its community and identity begun or emerged in
various parts of India, since, India was under several kingdoms and
few regions in the sub-continent were partially independent ruled by
kings and regents. It may be mention here that much of the anxiety of
7
s
Mrinal Miri, Identity, Tribesman and Development', in the Interface of Cultural
Identity and Development, Edited by Baidyanath Saraswati, Indira Gandhi
National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi, 1996, p.16
Ibid, p.17
58
the
smaller
communities
or
ethnic
groups,
particularly
the
northeastern region was seen surging against the dominant policies of
Indian Union in the beginning but later pass away. In today's world,
subnationalism has to situate itself in relation to the state, which
occupies a bounded territory and enjoys a political sovereignty.
Nationalistic claims for greater autonomy, self-determination and
territorial reorganization have to content with a power structure
vested in the state, which they seek to challenge and undermine. The
common structure of the state repeatedly refutes the separatist or
subnationalist by using force
as well as by highlighting and
exaggerating the inherent heterogeneity of the latter is constituents.
Subnationalism could be perceived as a form of ideology, constructed
to represent the interests of the entire population or a territorial
community even though it serves the purposes of a particular group.
The type of state in India has three tiers of understandings. The first
one as a sovereign nation-state, the second as state within a nationstate and the third have taken to mean an autonomous area, which
also symbolizes a union territory. A union territory is not considered a
state since it is not given a full-fledged statehood by the union
government. Attachment to the native soil or the so-called homeland,
to the tradition of the family, and adherence to the community and
clan have been with man throughout the history of mankind but it
was not until 18th century came to be recognize as an embodiment of
59
•
the abstract of consc10usness of a nation as a unified or unifiable
community. As regard space, nationalism or subnationalism is both
internally coalescing and externally conflict-ridden". 9
The concept of subnationalism is an evolving identity struggling
to free itself from one's federation or domination. Subnationalism is a
determinate thought and action. Looking at the communities and
cultural identities of the Northeast India, which are attached to Indian
domination, raises eyebrows against the exploitative administrations
meted out to the tribal people of this region socially and politically.
Thus,
we
are
witnessing
the
exodus
of identities
for
ethnic
configurations willing to separate from each other. Like nationalism,
subnationalism become an articulated weapon or fusion of people's
feeling and thought for a territory defined in terms of a viable politicocultural entity, subnationalism
became turning points in recent
years. It is evident that, Northeast India, consisting of multi-ethnic
groups professing different ways of life and styles, different traditions
and approaches classified themselves from different communities
reorganized to settle scores of the history against the Union through
subnationalistic or regional movements' and various communities of
Northeast India fervently participated through community basis. The
uprising of subnationalism in Mizoram, Nagaland, Manipur, and
11
Bernard Spolskey, Sociolinguistics, Oxfords Introductions to Language Study,
H.G.Widdowson, Series Editor, Oxford University Press, p. 59
60
Assam are particulars that stand for self-determination, preservation
of identities and independence from the dominance of others. It may
be mentioned that much to the anxiety of the smaller groups which
have been associating with identity crises for long.
Like all other
socially observable facts, subnationalism is a historical consortium,
historically emerging in the world at a certain stage of evolution in the
life of the community, state, society and nation both in objective and
subjective natures. As it have been mentioned that subnationalism
may perhaps draw more complexity in defining yet, subnationalism is
generally meaning as an ideology or movement of the people at a local
level. However, in the words of Barrington Moore, in any society the
dominant groups are the ones with the most to hide about the way
society works. Very often therefore, truthfully analyses are bound to
have a critical ring, to seem like postures rather than objective
statements. We are witnessing a remarkable growth of rich and
penetrating studies on every aspect of subnationalism in all parts of
the world.
As an ideology and movement, subnationalism exerted a
strong influence in the revolutionary movements of India, Africa,
Europe and America in the present century. Subnationalism, speaking
through philosophical language is a part of a force that grows in
community, society, individual and in the peoples' movements. It has
been there as an affairs of phenomena and that leads to ramification
of the state and nation-state around the globe. There are several
61
reasons for this state of affairs.Io To begin with, the field of nationalist
phenomena, which includes the growth of nations and the national
state, as well as ethnic identity and community, is vastly ramified by
it. It spills over into a number of cognate subjects, race and racism
leading to the discussions of it in details.
A number of sociologists have emphasized the central role of
language in creating of social identities.
Because language is
inherently involved in socialization, the social group whose language
we speak is an important identity group for us. The linguistic behavior
is a major factor in the definition of social boundaries. Language
reflects, expresses and concretizes social entities, as contrastive selfidentifications. I I In his book entitled The Politics of Linguistics, New
Meyer stressed that "language is the most characteristic medium of
social exchange; it must therefore both reflect and influence all facets
of our social existence". In general, ethnic groups regularly use
language as one of their most significant identifying features. Defined
as mother languages, legitimate languages require the allegiance and
loyalty due to the motherland itself. Governments generally perceive
the national language as the embodiment of the national spirit and as
10
11
Charles Maurras, The Future of French Nationalism, in J.S. Clellend (ed.),
the French Right London: Jonathan Cape, (Originally Published 1954), p. 295
Bernard Spolsky, Sociolinguistics, Oxfords Introductions to Languages, (H.G.
Widdowson, Series Editor),Oxford University Press, Oxford, (1998), p.59
62
its most powerful means of social and cultural integration. Linguistic
identities
have,
indeed,
cemented
nationalist
movements.
6Nationalism affirms an aspiration for expansion, which often involves
a linguistic dimension as well, as illustrated by pan-Slavism, panArabism,
movements
or
pan-Germanism.
that
aspire
to
On
the
suppress
other
cultural
hand,
liberation
dependency
on
dominators may raise the banner of the use, or even the revival of,
local or regional vernaculars.12
What distinguishes nations from other kinds of solidarity
groups, such as families, voluntary associations, religions and formal
organizations? Mill argues and believed that the principal distinction
lays in the nation's histories as a community of fate: its members have
an 'identity of political antecedents; the possession of national history,
and consequent collections; collective pride and humiliation, pleasure
and regret connected with the same incidents in the past'. Although
the term subnationalism, has a variety of meanings, it centrally
encompasses the two phenomena noted at the outset; the attitude
that the members of groups of communities have when they care
about their identity as mem hers of that nation and the actions that
the members of a nation take in seeking to achieve (or sustain) some
form of political sovereignty. These phenomenon raises questions
about the concept of nation or national identity, about what it is to
12
Ibid, pp. 58-59
belong to a nation, and about the degree of care about a nation
required. Nations and national identity may be defined in terms of
common origin, ethnicity, or cultural ties, and while an individual's
membership in the nation is often regarded as involuntary, it is
sometimes regarded as voluntary. The degree of care for one's nation
that is required by nationalists is often, but not always, taken to be
very high: on such views one's nation's claims have supremacy in
competition with rival contenders for authority and loyalty. And
secondly it raises questions about whether sovereignty entails the
acquisition of full statehood with complete authority for domestic and
international affairs, or whether something less than statehood would
suffice. Although sovereignty is often taken to mean full statehood,
exceptions that are more recently possible have been recognized.
Despite these definitional worries, there is a fair amount of agreement
about what is historically the most typical, paradigmatic form of
subnationalism. It is the one which features the supremacy of the
nation's claims over other claims to individual allegiance, and which
features full sovereignty as the persistent aim of its political program.
Nationalists often see the state as a political unit centrally 'belonging'
to one ethnic-cultural group, and actively charged with protecting and
promulgating its traditions. This form is exemplified by the classical,
'revivalist' nationalism, most prominent in the 19th century in Europe
and Latin America. This classical nationalism later spread across the
world
and
m
present
days
still
marks
much
contemporary
nationalism. Thus, in its general form, the concept of nationalism
concerns
the
relationship
between
the
ethno-cultural
domain
featuring ethno-cultural groups or 'nations' and the domain of
political organization. In our preliminary analysis of the concept, we
noted that nationalism involves the attitude that the members of a
nation have when they care about their national identity. We can
divide the questions raised above in connection with this analysis into
two sorts. 13 First, the descriptive ones: If one wants to enjoin people to
struggle for their national interests, one must have some idea about
what a nation is and what it is to belong to a nation. Therefore, in
order to formulate and ground their evaluations, claims,
and
directives for action, pro-nationalist thinkers have been elaborating
theories of ethnicity, culture, nation and state. Their opponents have
in their turn challenged these theories. Now some presuppositions
about ethnic groups and nations are essential for the nationalist,
while others are theoretical elaborations designed to support the
essential ones. The definition and status of the target or social group,
which is the beneficiary of the nationalist program, variously called
'nation', 'ethno-nation' or 'ethnic-group'. Since subnationalism is
particularly prominent with groups that do not yet have a state, one
cannot define belonging to a nation in terms of belonging to a state.
13
Ibid, pp. 60,63
65
Habermas Indeed puts it as purely 'civic' loyalties are often put into
the separate category under the title 'patriotism', or 'constitutional
patriotism'. This yields a spectrum of definitions for the concept of
'nation', with lots of intermediate positions. On one end of the
spectrum, we find a small but distinguished band of theorists,
including E. Renan and Max Weber recalled that on their definition, a
nation is any group of people who voluntarily aspire to a common
political state-like organization and that if such a group of people
succeeds in forming a state, the loyalties of the group members would
be 'civic' (as opposed to 'ethnic') in nature. The other end of the
spectrum is more typical, for nationalist claims are focused upon a
community of common origin, language, tradition and culture,
membership in which is non-voluntary. Thus, on this more typical
view, an ethno-nation is a community of origin and culture, including
prominently a language and customs.
A group aspiring to nationhood on this basis will be called here
an 'ethno-nation' in order to underscore its ethno-cultural rather than
purely civic underpinnings. For the ethno-(cultural) nationalist it is
one's
ethnic-cultural
background,
which
determines
one's
membership in the community. One cannot choose to be a member;
instead, membership depends on the accident of origin and early
socializing. It may be, however, that commonality of origin is an
66
almost mythical notion for most contemporary candidate groups, and
ethnic groups have been mixing for millennia. Therefore, sophisticated
pro-nationalists tend to stress cultural membership only, and speak of
'nationality', omitting the 'ethno' part. A nation is a cultural group,
possibly but not necessarily united by a common descent, endowed
with some kind of civic ties. This is the kind of definition that would
be acceptable to most people today, so defined, nation is a somewhat
mixed, both ethno-cultural and civic category, but still closer to the
purely ethno-cultural than to the purely civic extreme. The wider
descriptive underpinning of nationalist claims has varied across the
last two centuries. The early German discussions feature talk about
'the spirit of people', while somewhat later ones, mainly of French
extraction, about 'collective mentality', ascribing to them specific and
significant causal powers. A later descendent of this notion is the idea
of a 'national character' peculiar to each nation, which partly survives
today under the guise of national 'forms of life' and of feeling. For
almost a century, up to the end of the Second World War, it was
customary to link nationalistic views with the metaphor of a society
being something organic. Isaiah Berlin, reminds us on nationalism
that it consists of the conviction of people who belong to a particular
human group, and that the characters of the individuals who compose
the group are shaped by, and cannot be understood apart from, those
of the group. The nationalist claims, according to Berlin, that "the
pattern of life in a society is similar to that of a biological organism,"
and that the needs of this 'organism' determine the supreme goal of all
of its members. The metaphor of organism and talk about character
have been replaced by one master metaphor that of national identity.
It is centered upon cultural membership, and used both for the
identity of a group and for the socially based identity of its members.
Various authors unpack the metaphor in various ways some stress
involuntary membership in the community, with which one identifies
with the community, yet others link it to the personal identity of each
member of the community. Addressing these issues, the nationally
minded philosophers, like Macintyre, Taylor, Seymour and others
have
significantly
contributed
to
introducing
and
maintaining
important topics such as community, membership, tradition and
social identity in contemporary philosophical debate. Let us now turn
to the issue of the origin and 'authenticity' of ethno-cultural groups or
ethno-nations.
In
social
and
political
science,
one
usually
distinguishes two kinds of views. The first are the 'primordialist' views.
According to them, actual ethno-cultural nations have either existed
'since time immemorial' (an extreme, somewhat caricatured version,
corresponding to nineteenth century nationalist rhetoric), or at least
for a long time during the pre-modern period. The second are the
modernist views, placing the origin of nations in modern times. They
can be further classified according to their answer to a further
68
question: how real is the ethno-cultural nation? The modernist realist
view is that nations are real but distinctly modern creations,
instrumental in the genesis of capitalism. On the opposite side of the
fence, one finds anti-realist views. According to one such view nations
are merely 'imagined' but somehow still powerful entities; what is
meant is that belief in them holds sway over the believers. The
extreme anti-realist view claims that they are pure 'constructions'.
These divergent views seem to support rather divergent moral claims
involving the concept of a nation.
Indeed, older authors from great thinkers like Herder and
Bauer, to the propagandists who followed their footsteps have been at
great pains to ground normative claims upon firm ontological realism
about nations: nations are real, bona fide entities. However, the
contemporary moral debate has tried to diminish the importance of
the imagined/real divide. Prominent contemporary philosophers have
claimed that normative-evaluative nationalist claims are compatible
with the 'imagined' nature of nation. For instance, Miller, Tamir, and
Mac Cormick points out that common imaginings can tie people
together, and that actual interaction resulting from togetherness can
engender important moral obligations.
The explanatory issue that have interested political and social
scientists concerns ethno-nationalist sentiment, the paradigm case of
a pro-national attitude. Is it as irrational, romantic and indifferent to
self-interest as it might seem on the surface? The issue has divided
authors into two camps those who see subnationalism as irrational
and those who try to explain it as being rational at least in some
sense. Authors in the first camp propose various explanations of why
people
assent
to
irrational
views.
Some
say,
critically,
that
Subnationalism is based on 'false consciousnesses. However, where
does such false consciousness come from? The most simplistic view is
that it is a result of direct manipulation of 'masses' by 'elites'. On the
opposite side, the famous critic of nationalism, E. Kedourie sees this
irrationality as being spontaneous. Authors relying upon the Marxist
tradition offer various deeper explanations. To mention one, the
French structuralist E. Balibar sees it as a result of 'production' of
ideology effectuated by mechanisms which have nothing to do with
spontaneous credulity of individuals, but with impersonal, structural
social factors. Like nationalism, subnationalism is such a powerful
force in the modern world, and one of the too often implicated in
terrible acts of violence, there is a pervasive interests in containing its
dark side. Both states and international bodies like the United Nations
currently invest considerable resources to this end. If we were to take
nationalism or subnationalism as a nationalist's weapon or force that
70
enhanced them to self-determination, what would be the dark sides of
the movements? Subnationalism is often referred to as the most
powerful tool or force yet, if nationalism or the movement of
subnationalism is taken in that manner and interpreted to certain
ideological dictum than it might unravel many existing states and
form different nations or states out of a bigger state like instances set
up by the then USSR in the late nineties. However, nationalism can be
mitigated in three general processes. The first of these is nationformation. As nations are the basis of nationalism, anything that
decreases their salience perforce must reduce its scope. One means of
containing nationalism, therefore, is by enacting measures that erode
the social bases of nations. 14 The concept of subnationalism 'generally
a term taken to mean 'group of communities' or 'ethnic groups' is
aggressive and dangerous as well as an invidious movements either
demanding partial (within the framework of state) or full autonomy
that often occupies center stage in the news today. Although this
pern1c10us form can be of significant instrumental value mobilizing
oppressed people and giving them a sense of dignity. Subnationalism
is but one form of collective action. Many other bases for collective
action are conceivable. Why
should collective action be defined on a
regional-ethnic boundary rather than by class, or religion, or gender,
or what not? The real question at
14
the macro level is what boundaries
Michael Hechter, Containing Nationalism, Nationalist Puzzles, Oxford
University Press, Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, 2000, p.124
71
became activated for collective action under what circumstances?
Some of the factors involved begin to emerge. For collective action
defined on a particular boundary to take place, it must be possible to
formulate
relatively coherent and advantageous claims for the
population enclosed by the boundary.