Interview by Jesús Blancornelas
Page 1 of 11
July 28, 2000
RENÉ MARTÍN VERDUGO URQUÍDEZ
Reg. No. 85029-098
United States Penitentiary
P.O. Box 24550
Tucson, AZ 85734
July 28, 2000
Mr. Jesús Blancornelas
ZETA Weekly
4633 Las Américas Avenue
El Paraiso Development, La Mesa
Tijuana, B.C. 22440
Re: Questionnaire
Dear Mr. Blancornelas:
Beginning with an affectionate greeting and not without first thanking you for the
considerations you have had towards my family and attorneys, I answer your
questionnaire praying to God that the your intervention will help us prove our innocence
and shed light on this farce that the United States government, I believe, has perpetrated
by involving not only me but all those accused in the Camarena case in this country.
Questionnaire:
Q. 1. -- You were kidnapped in San Felipe, B.C. on January 24, 1986. Please
explain, were you residing there, passing through, resting or performing some other
activity?
A. – The day of my kidnapping, my presence in the port of San Felipe was due partially
because I live in that town and attended different investments that I had begun in the
realm of tourism and development.
Q. 2. – Please explain how you were kidnapped, who kidnapped you, how you were
transported to the international border and to whom you were surrendered.
A. – On that fateful day of my kidnapping I was supervising construction that had begun
in the port when suddenly six (6) individuals, four (4) Mexicans and two (2) North
Americans, armed with long guns blocked my vehicle and without identifying themselves
proceeded to remove me from my car, handcuff, blindfold and throw me in the rear of a
vehicle covering my head with some type of material that I suppose was a blanket or a
jacket.
They began the trip immediately on the only road that leads to the port. Even
though I was blindfolded and hidden, I was sure I was being transported to the city of
Mexicali, B.C. because the road is straight and unmistakable. Nevertheless, about two
Interview by Jesús Blancornelas
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July 28, 2000
(2) Hours later I felt the vehicle veering towards the road to Tijuana because where the
two roads divide there is a very pronounced curve. I was able to confirm this later on
because the road to Tijuana is being repaired and I felt the vehicle leave the asphalt along
this part of the road and later return to the road. A few minutes later I felt the vehicle
leave the asphalt again to proceed along a trail on which we traveled for a few minutes
more until the vehicle stopped and they proceeded to remove me from the car and made
me walk a stretch of about 200 meters.
I later felt I was placed in another vehicle, which reinitiated our trip for about 20
minutes; when we stopped, they took my blindfold off and I was surprised to find myself
in the parking lot of the Customs and Immigration Department in the city of Calexico,
CA, where I was read my rights for the supposed violation of immigration laws for
having entered illegally into the United States of America. This was obviously a false
accusation because they had transported me into this country. Additionally, I had in my
possession an immigration document, “Green Card”, with which I could have entered this
country legally. I was in the immigration building for a period of about one hour and I
was then transferred to the DEA office. That same night, in a special airplane, I was
transported to the Metropolitan Correctional Center, MCC, in the city of San Diego, CA.
My lawyers were able to establish in the courts that the persons who kidnapped
me were agent of the State Judicial Police of Baja California: Mohamed Ali Hoy Casas,
Domingo Martínez Bueno, Antonio Escobedo and José Luis Pinedo. The identity of the
two North Americans that also participated in my kidnapping and that of the two high
ranking officials from Washington that directed the kidnapping operation was never
revealed by the government of the United States of America, supposedly for security
reasons, even though their participation was proven in court.
(Attached: Official District Court documents proving the aforementioned).
Q. 3. – You asserted in a letter addressed to the President of México in December
1997 that the government of the United States of America paid $32,000 dollars for
your kidnapping. Please explain how you found this out and if you have proof.
A. 3. – In hearings subsequent to my kidnapping, when my attorneys interrogated the
high-ranking government officials they accepted having conspired and bribed with
$32,000 in addition to the promise to provide legal residence to the Mexican agents and
members of their families if they collaborated to perpetrate my kidnapping.
(Attached: Official San Diego, CA, District Court transcripts).
Q. 4. – In that same letter you indicated that four State Judicial agents were charged
with kidnapping before a State Judge who was demanding their extradition because
their reward for participating in your capture was permission to live in the United
States of America. Please explain the status of those charges or if they are resolved.
Interview by Jesús Blancornelas
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July 28, 2000
A. 4. – Yes, a lawsuit for kidnapping charges was presented at the Second Criminal Court
in the city of Mexicali, B.C. against the aforementioned agents. After exhaustive
investigations, this Court formalized the accusation of kidnapping in Case No. 61/86. A
warrant for their arrest was issued on March 26, 1986. This warrant was never executed
because they were in the United States of America under the protection of the U.S.
Marshall Service.
Subsequently, the Judge for the Second Criminal Court issued Court Order
number 467 dated April 25, 1986 demanding their extradition. Obviously, the U.S.
government ignored existing treaties and in an attitude of complicity refused to honor the
extradition petition.
Currently I do not know the status of this demand. Nevertheless, the government
of Baja California can provide this information.
Q. 5. – You were accused of being a part of the Caro Quintero Cartel. Explain if
this was true. If affirmative, how did you become involved and how long were you
working with them?
A. 5. – Yes, I was part of the cartel belonging to Mr. Caro Quintero. My involvement
was due to relationships with third parties and because of my youth and inexperience,
without considering the consequences.
I worked with them for a period of two years, 1984 and 1985, facts that are
attested to in official documents, in witness declarations during my drug trial in which I
declared myself guilty and was given a sentence of 20 years and I completed at the end of
1988.
I agree with and accept responsibility for those charges but it is inadmissible to
serve a sentence of 240 years for the murder of Mr. Camarena, in which I don’t have the
slightest participation.
Q. 6. – Explain how you were implicated in the Camarena case and the details of
your “notorious hair” found in the house where the American anti-narcotics agent
was supposedly murdered.
A. 6. – My involvement in the Camarena case began when the government of the United
States of America suspected that I could provide them with details of what happened to
Mr. Camarena. This suspicion was based on my relationship with those accused in
México and on the need of the government to bring to “justice” in this country anyone, be
they guilty or not, with the end of satisfying public opinion and the need of the DEA for
vengeance for the crime perpetrated against one of their own.
Neither at the time of my kidnapping, nor to date, did either Mexican or U.S.
governments had or ever have had any proof that implicates me.
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July 28, 2000
Throughout the investigation performed in México, my name was never mentioned
related to this case, not even in the declarations given under torture by the detainees in
México. I was not even mentioned as a suspect within the investigation, much less in the
United States of America, reason why I was not charged for over three (3) years.
Nevertheless, the group of U.S. officials in charge of the famous “Legend” operation
believed that I could provide them with details of the crime. Notwithstanding the
absence of a warrant in either country, an extradition petition would surely not succeed,
which is why the U.S. government unilaterally proceeded to formulate a plan to kidnap
me disregarding violation of extradition treaties and the laws of both countries. To
achieve this they hired a group of corrupt Mexican policemen with prior kidnapping
histories. (Narrative in question 2).
I arrived in this country eleven months after the crime against Mr. Camarena and in order
to keep me detained while they found the way to establish a motive which would
implicate me with the Camarena case, in addition to my initial arrest for violation of
immigration laws, I was charged with trafficking in marijuana, additionally, with the
obvious intention that I cooperate in the Camarena investigation, a case with which I was
and am totally alien.
In fact, my formal accusation took place on March 16, 1988, two years and two
months after my arrival in this country and more than three years after the murder of Mr.
Camarena, which happened on February 7, 1985.
I was tried and found guilty merely circumstantially and emotionally, without any
evidence of my participation, with paid witnesses and with testimony obtained from
persons whose sentences were pardoned in exchange for their lies. The most blatant
evidence of legal corruption was the testimony of Mr. Michael Malone, laboratory expert
for the FBI, who in clear complicity with the prosecuting attorney and obviously
receiving orders from some governmental agency testified that: One of my hairs was
found in the house where Agent Camarena was held captive. This hair was “supposedly”
found by agents of the FBI laboratory months after the residence at Lope de Vega
Avenue in Guadalajara had been re-carpeted, painted and totally cleaned; just one hair
belonging to me among over 500 other hairs found in the guest room.
This sole piece of evidence is totally discredited because Mr. Malone was
removed from his post and placed under investigation for having been proven to give
false testimonies in ten cases similar to mine, his only motivation being to obtain
convictions favorable to the interests of the Department of Justice. (Attached: Report
from the Wall Street Journal). After discovering Mr. Malone’s reputation, it is not
unreasonable to believe that the hair could have been obtained from my cell or from any
other place where I could have been held, anywhere except the house in question. Mr.
Malone was not even fired for his crimes; he currently works in an administrative area of
the FBI.
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July 28, 2000
Q. 7. – As I understand it, you have already completed the sentence you were given.
Please explain the reason for that sentence and why you are still in prison.
A. 7. – What you say is true; in December of 1994 I was sentenced to 20 years. As you
may remember, my response to question 6, paragraph 3, in order to be able to keep me in
this country, besides my initial arrest for violating U.S. Immigration laws, I was charged
with contraband of narcotics (marijuana). Remember that my kidnapping happened on
January 24, 1986 and my accusation for homicide was on March 16, 1988, two years and
two months later. During those two years I litigated my drug case.
When I was accused in the Camarena case, I requested the Judge to continue my
drug case so I could fight the homicide charges because to us, the consequences were
greater. The Judge continued my case until December 1994 when the Camarena case and
my appeals were completed. I saw myself forced to declare myself guilty for the drug
trafficking charges so as not to incur the wrath of the prosecuting attorneys and be given
an interminable sentence for drug trafficking if we won our appeal of the Camarena case
(just as we had been able to win on two previous occasions).
I received a sentence of 20 years for the crime of drug trafficking; this sentence
was completed at the end of 1988. Even though my arrival in this country violated the
laws of both countries and the government of the United States of America did not have
jurisdiction to try this case, I am in agreement to having served a reasonable sentence for
the offences I may have committed. But it is inadmissible to serve an interminable
sentence of 240 years for a crime I did not commit, because it was all a farce created by
this country’s government in order to satisfy political interests. Moreover, neither my codefendants nor I had any participation whatsoever in that offense. (Please read the
narration in the letter sent to President Zedillo).
Q. 8. – I understand President Carlos Salinas de Gortari hired a law firm in
Washington to defend you alleging you were kidnapped and not extradited but they
were unsuccessful, why?
A. 8. – My appeal before the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in the Camarena case was
based on 21 procedural errors that were committed during my trial. One of these errors
was the violation of the extradition treaty. The 9th Circuit Court resolved that the treaty
had been violated and that as a result I should be returned to México. Nevertheless, the
prosecutors appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court.
In this superior venue the Mexican government did in fact hire a Washington D.C.
law firm, not to directly defend the kidnap victims from México, Dr. Humberto Álvarez
Macháin and myself, but rather to defend our government’s position against the decision
that was about to be rendered by the Supreme Court. This decision would help both of us
because it was our case and as a result the decision made would grant us our freedom.
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July 28, 2000
This resolution would create jurisprudence for our entire nation and would dictate
if the U.S. government could or could not take individuals extracted from other countries
in the future. It is worth mentioning that any resolution made in any case that reaches the
Supreme Court, practically becomes law. This is why countries, civil organizations or
any other that may be affected has the right to opine, sending their stance through a
document titled: “Amicus Curiae – Friends of the Court”. In this specific case, 16
universities and thousands of attorneys expressed their opinion in support of the decision
of the 9th Circuit Court and affirming that the extradition treaty had been violated. This
stance was supported and signed by 106 countries.
Despite this world-wide demonstration of support and solidarity, the Supreme
Court Resolution was adverse, giving the U.S. government a “patent right” to kidnap
people and search residences in other countries in violation of their laws, sovereignty and
“binding” treaties with any country.
Mr. Blancornelas, this was not the only time that the Mexican government
intervened on my behalf. On two other occasions, diplomatic protests were issued to the
U.S. Department of State demanding explanations and protesting the violation of laws
and treaties but no positive responses were obtained. (Attached: Copies of Diplomatic
notes from April 23, 1986 and August 31, 1987).
Additionally, and at my request, President Salinas ordered an independent
investigation regarding my participation in the Camarena case, commissioning for that
investigation, Attorney Sergio Vela Treviño, (deceased). Said investigation discovered
that no proof had been found in México to demonstrate my participation or involvement
in the Camarena case, not even from declarations given under torture from detainees in
México, the country where the crime was committed and where the investigation for this
case was performed and where the persons supposedly responsible for this crime are
serving their sentences. (See page 15 from the letter to President Zedillo).
Q. 9. – What relationship do you or did you have with Mr. Rubén Zuno Arce,
currently in prison in the United States and Dr. Humberto Álvarez Macháin,
released but all considered accomplices by the U.S. government?
A. 9. – I have never had the pleasure of meeting Dr. Humberto Álvarez Macháin and I
met Mr. Rubén Zuno Arce inside this federal prison in Leavenworth, Kansas.
The only relationship that binds us is that the three of us are involved in this farce
created by the U.S. government and the only complicity we share is that we were all
accused and tried unjustly. At no time did the U.S. government prove us to be related or
accused us of complicity. In fact, after reviewing the transcripts of all three trials we
found that in each of the cases, the U.S. government utilized a different theory.
Obviously, if they could never associate us as accomplices, each one of the theories were
created and supported with purely circumstantial evidence, with paid witnesses, and with
false testimony given by government officials with the only purpose of attaining
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July 28, 2000
convictions and with the only purpose that is already an unwritten rule under this system,
creating guilt at any cost, for the sole purpose of satisfying the personal ambitions of the
members of this judicial system and lacking the most minimal ethical or professional
morality, uncaring of the consequences that a guilty verdict carries, not only for the
accused but for their families and friends.
Q. 10. – In a letter you wrote to President Zedillo you affirmed that a U.S. Customs
agent was in prison with you in San Diego; that he was angry because his partners
had turned on him and that they had been waiting for agent Camarena to detain
him for corruption. Please explain this situation, giving me the agent’s name and
the approximate dates of your conversations.
A. 10. – During my confinement at the Metropolitan Correctional Center (MCC) in San
Diego, CA another person who was an agent of the U.S. Customs Bureau, by the name of
Sullivan was also detained. He had been accused of corruption related to the contraband
of drugs for which he was sentenced to 12 years in prison.
On one occasion, between January 1986 and March 1988, Mr. Sullivan
approached my cell and commented that he was upset with other agents that worked with
him who had also been accused along with him; his partners, despite having participated
in the same offenses he had had reached an agreement with the district attorney and in
exchange for testifying against him they obtained their freedom. This is a common
occurrence in the U.S. where co-indicted can achieve their freedom in exchange for
testifying against the other.
Mr. Sullivan told me that he had formed part of a special team of the Customs
Bureau that had been awaiting the arrival of Agent Camarena through Baja California,
from Guadalajara in order to arrest him for corruption. But according to him, the
operation was frustrated as a consequence of his death. Mr. Sullivan offered to testify on
my behalf if it became necessary.
The aforementioned makes sense because at the moment Mr. Camarena’s death,
he had been transferred from Guadalajara to the DEA station in San Diego, California for
which reason he had been given a week to arrange his transfer; unfortunately, his murder
occurred during that week. If these facts are real, it is obvious that instead of arresting
him, they set the stage to create a hero and it was the beginning of the instrumentation of
the farce in which we, the accused, find ourselves trapped in this country.
Q. 11. – You affirmed that your case is political and it is exclusively in the hands of
the President of the United States. Please tell us why.
A. 11. – I don’t have the least doubt that this case is completely political. As I have
affirmed repeatedly, all the persons that are accused in this country are innocent; we were
just the perfect players the government needed to portray the farce created in this country.
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July 28, 2000
How is it possible that we are found guilty in this country when the investigations in
México cannot associate us in any way with the crime?
From my experience during this trial I can assure you that we were not the ones
on trial; what was really on trial was the corruption of Mexican institutions, especially the
ones related to the fight against drug trafficking. What predominated most during the
entire trial was the involvement of our Mexican authorities. Through that, the intent was
to pressure our government in order to obtain concessions favorable to U.S. interests and
because of the great scandal; they would obtain the same objectives in South American
countries.
After the homicide, the U.S. government took advantage of the incident and
created the perfect scenario, utilizing the appropriate actors:
1. I was associated with the accused in México;
2. Two Jalisco State Policemen: Raúl López Álvarez and Juan Bernavé;
3. A brother-in-law of an ex-President: Rubén Zuno Arce;
4. The relationship between Mexican authorities and drug trafficking: PJS &
DFS.
Additionally, the Governor of Jalisco, Mr. Álvarez del Castillo was accused as
well as the Secretary of the Interior, Manuel Bartlett, and the Secretary of Defense, Mr.
Juan Arévalo Gardoqui. To date there are outstanding arrest warrants for these persons,
among others.
It is incredible that these high level functionaries, who have spent their entire lives
forging National prestige for themselves, could have participated in this crime. In fact,
there are no arrest warrants for any of them in México.
Additionally, you can confirm the politics of this case by reviewing the real facts
narrated in the letter written to President Zedillo on pages 12, 13, and 14: The U.S.
Supreme Court dictated two aberrant decisions outside of all legal logic. On two
occasions, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals emitted resolutions in our favor that would
help us in regaining our liberty. The first referred to the illegal searches conducted by
U.S. authorities in a foreign country. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court dictated that: The
Circuit Court was mistaken because the Constitution had been created for American
Citizens, not for foreigners!
The second time was when the 9th Circuit Court affirmed that the extradition
treaties had been violated. Again, the Supreme Court, at the request of the Justice
Department, opined that no violation had happened because in the treaty itself, no clause
existed that specifically prohibited the kidnapping of Mexican citizens. Obviously, this
was a political decision to enable the admission in court of other kidnapped persons at
some future date. And so I find myself under the jurisdiction of the Federal Chief
Executive because this last Supreme Court decision added that: The persons involved in
this specific case are under the jurisdiction of the Chief Executive.
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July 28, 2000
Q. 12. – What difference is there between the U.S. government’s case against you
and the one against Rubén Zuno Arce? Do you believe he is guilty?
A. 12. – There is not much difference. Even though the U.S. government used a different
theory in each case, we are accused of practically the same crimes. We were found guilty
using the same methods: False reports, paid witnesses and an endless list of
irregularities. In fact, you can verify this with an article you wrote and titled “Trampa
Gringa” (Yankee Trap) in your June 18 and 24, 1999 issues. That is the same theory I
have been expounding since my trial in 1988.
The complete case is a farce created by this U.S. government. In fact, the
Mexican Consul to the United States, Mr. José Ángel Pescador, in a letter to President
Zedillo on March 19, 1999, denounced that in the United States manipulations were
perpetrated to create the guilt of outstanding Mexican citizens for drug trafficking and he
emphasized that the objective was to soil the images of officials of the highest ranking,
including the President of the Republic of México. He also classified the trial as plagued
with irregularities and actions of doubtful reliability. He emphasized also “the trial
virtually became a trial against México and the public servants of our country.” He
assures officially, that “everything was manipulated to find Mr. Zuno guilty and to stain
the images of Juan Arévalo Gardoqui, Manuel Bartlett and even the President, among
other high ranking officials.” Additionally, he maintained that, “there was not the
slightest doubt in his mind that this whole case was one of fabrication of guilt.
Additionally, in the same article, Mr. Manuel Bartlett classified these entire proceedings
of the Camarena case as “Infamous”.
As a result of the official protest by Consul José Ángel Pescador, the Secretary of
External Relations, Ms. Rosario Green, developed a diplomatic note to the U.S. State
Department, similar to both presented in my case but no positive results were obtained.
Mr. Blancornelas, I am convinced that Mr. Rubén Zuno Arce is also innocent in
this case as we, all the accused in the U.S. are innocent as well. The only offense, if it
can be called an offense, Mr. Zuno committed was to have a nationally known last name,
brother-in-law of an ex-President, and having been the owner of the residence where
agent Camarena was supposedly tortured, a house he had sold to a real estate company
months before the agent’s kidnapping. Nevertheless, for the authorities he was the
perfect political element necessary to orchestrate this farce. He was only one more player
to star in this comedy. (In the letter to the President you will find a short narration
regarding the participation of each one of my co-defendants).
Mr. Bartlett is right in classifying this case as “An infamy” and “Spurious”
because it’s not possible for the guilty to be free and the innocent to be in prison or with
outstanding arrest warrants. One of the witnesses against Mr. Zuno in the second trial
was Mr. René López Romero; the only person detained and arrested in the U.S. He was
directly associated and physically participated in Mr. Camarena’s kidnapping. He is
completely free because the prosecution gave him immunity in exchange for testifying
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lies against Mr. Zuno Arce and against the high-ranking officials mentioned before.
Obviously it was an attempt to maintain an open accusation and obtain a conviction at
any cost.
Q. 13. – After all that has happened and accepting that you participated in drug
trafficking, but having experienced the actions of justice in the U.S., do you consider
the American Justice system corrupt?
A. 13. – Mr. Blancornelas, throughout all my answers to your questions and in the
narration given to President Zedillo, can’t you confirm the corruption of this judicial
system?
With my 23 years of experience in these prisons I can assure you that going to
trial in this country is merely a formality; the accused is practically guilty because the
government is accusing him and for the common citizen, the jury, the government does
not lie because since he is born he is educated to believe blindly in the government and
when there is controversy, the judges, like Pontius Pilate, wash their hands with their
juries.
In the prisons there is a great percentage of unjustly convicted prisoners. Even
the attorneys have lost faith in the system and recommend that their defendants declare
themselves guilty, even when innocent, because they know how justice is manipulated.
They know that if they go to trial they will be found guilty anyway because proof is not
necessary, only the influencing of juries. Those accused prefer to reach an agreement
with the prosecution and receive a minor sentence instead of an interminable one if they
go to a trial that will be plagued with irregularities. In appeals to higher courts it is also
difficult to find justice because they are merely higher bureaucrats that protect their
fellow judges.
The accused once again falls into the hands of justice officers of all types:
Agents, Marshals, Prosecutors, Judges, Guards, etc. The accused is used solely as a rung
on which to rise on the bureaucratic ladder and we are an excellent commodity to justify
programs and budgets. Whenever justice is achieved it’s because the person’s innocence
was so obvious or because the case was not political. Additionally, in our supposed case
it is highly publicized to lend credibility to the system.
Q. 14. – Why is there no organization, agency or anyone in authority that will deal
with your case?
A. 14. – I have approached every possible avenue in my country, the PGR, Department of
External Relations, Representatives, Senators and even political parties and have not be
able to obtain any response; I imagine they do not want to involve themselves in a fight
against the government of the United States. President Salinas helped me however he
could by ordering an investigation, as I explained earlier. Additionally, the Department
of External Relations issued two diplomatic protests demanding an explanation. I
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suppose the Mexican government can only act in a diplomatic manner. After diplomacy
all that is left is war and that is not going to happen because our government depends
very much on the United States to solve the problems of millions of countrymen.
However, when national sovereignty has been violated, as in this case, I feel México
should act with more dignity and be more energetic in the defense of its citizens.
Q. 15. – Do you believe that all drug traffickers kidnapped or captured by the U.S.
police will suffer your same fate?
A. 15. – My personal experience during these 23 years in the American justice system
leaves absolutely no doubt that there exists even the most remote chance that persons
kidnapped or captured will receive justice or at least a trial conducted impartially and
justly.
Mr. Blancornelas:
Obviously, when faced with this attitude of legal corruption, there seem to be no
viable alternatives to demonstrate our innocence before the tribunals of this country. The
only alternative, from my perspective, is to disseminate at an international level the
documented results of a complete investigation of the Camarena case, which will
demonstrate irrefutably that the case was completely created, not only through my
personal experience but including all the cases and everyone’s participation involved in
this case in order to cause the reopening of the case or to accomplish other options
through this pressure: Commutation of sentences, intervention of the Chief Executive,
repatriation to our countries, a satisfactory agreement with the Department of Justice, etc.
With your international level relationships in the communications media, you are
the person who can help us regain our freedom, for which reason we will be eternally
grateful.
Sincerely,
/s/
René Martín Verdugo Urquídez
Attachments: Diplomatic notes denouncing my kidnapping and payment for same;
photographs