1
SENTENTIAL COMPLEMENTATION
MOHAWK
by
Edward Ikeda
A thesis submitted ta the Faculty of
Graduate Studies and Research, McGill Universjty
In partial fulfillmenl of the requirements for
the degree of Master of Arts
(c) 1991 Edward Ikeda
Departrnent of Linguistics
McGi11 University
Hontreal
,tif
,.
August, 1991
1
Sentential Complementation in Mohawk
This
thesis
examines
the
behaviour
of
sentential
complements in Mohawk within the framework of Government and
Binding
Theory.
Past
proposaIs
concerning
the
syntactic
structure of sentential complements in Romance languages (and
English) are explored in Moha.wk.
rt is claimed that Mohawk
only has full CP complements and no distinct types of embedded
clauses (sùch as a subjunctive or infinitival).
ThIS is due
to a rnorphological requirement (specifled by the Minimal Ward
Constraint)
on
Mohawk
verbs
which
obllgatory agreement morphology.
dictates
the
need
for
Tense/aspect co-occurrence
restrictions are given to show what type of CP complements a
verb can
take.
The
evidence
indicates that
selection of
complements lS due to semantic and not syntactic reasons.
,
------------------------..................
•
Co~éments
Les
de phrases en Mohawk
Cette thèse examine les compl~ments phrastIques en Mohawk
àans le cadre de la théorie de "Gouvernement et lIage".
Dt"3
sllggestions antérieures concernant la strLlcturt" syntaxique des
compléments de phrases dans
que l ' angl ais)
les langues romanes
sont explorées en Mohawk.
(aussi
La thèse soullt"nt
que le Mohawk ne possède que de3 compléments "CP",
n'existe
pas
p"'oposition
de
types
structuraux/syntaxique
subordonnée
infinitive).
Ceci
est
(telles
à
dû
une
bIen
que
et qu'Il
dIstincts
subjonctive
exigence
ou
morphologlqup,
spécifiée par la contrainte minimale sur les mots, e~ercé(' sur
les ve rbes mohawks qui requ iert obli ga to i remf'n t l' aeco rd.
restrictIons
proposition
sur
le
temps
principale
et
sont
l'aspect
analysées
impos~es
pour
pur
montrer
L('s
la
qupls
genres de compléments sont possibles en Mohawk.
présentées
compléments
dans
est
la
une
syntaXIque, du verbe •
.,
thèse
IndIquent
fonction
que
la
sémantique,
sélection
et
non
des
i
ACKNOwLEDGMENTS
The
research
for
this
thesis
represents
part
of
ongoing Investigation by the Mohawk Language Project,
aim i s
ta
prov Ide a
properlies
supported
of
by
comprehens 1 ve
this
the
Iroquoian
Soc 1 al
s tud:,
of
language.
Sc lences
and
the
The
an
whose
l ingui st lC
Project
Humani t ies
is
Research
Council of Canada (grant #410-90-0308 and granr #410-90-0523)
and the Fonds Pour La Formation de chercheurs rt L'Alde à la
Recherche (grant #91-ER-0578l.
My list of "thank yous" begins wlth my
M.
Baker,
whose
knowledge
of
Mohawk
thesi~"
and
supervisor,
1 inguLstic
theory
served ta re-charge my bat.teries \o,'henever they rat' low.
advlce,
Gomments
completi on of
course,
1
and criticism were
thi s
Any
thesis.
invaluable
errors
and
a~ds
in
omis~,ions,
His
the
of
remain my own.
wo~ld
also like to thank fbmily and friends for thelr
support durlng this rather stressful
summer.
1 never would
have done i t Wl thout the encouragement and shining examples of
A. Juffs, M. Nakamura, J. Matthews, B. Shaer, M. Trahey and A.
MItchell.
Special thanks to A. Chamorro for putting up wlth
my cranklness during thol>e early morning field work sessions.
Finally,
1
would
like
ta
ackno",ledge
the
help
of our
consultants from the native community of Kahnawake, Quebec: C.
Jacobs, F. Jacobs, G. Jacobs and D. Jacobs.
Without their co-
operation, hospitality and patience, this work
been possible.
Nia:wen.
~ould
not have
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract
Résumé
Ack:-lOwledgments
Chapter One
1.0
Introduction
1
1.1
Background
1
1.2
Aims and Scope
2
1.3
The System of Representation
3
1. 3.1
Symbols
1.3.2
The Transcription
4
1.4
Mohawk Morphology
5
1. 4.1
A Note on Word Order in Mohawk
8
1.5
A Review of the Literature
9
1. 5.1
Mithun (1984)
9
1. 5.2
Rochette (1988)
16
1.5.2.1
Verb Classes
16
1.5 'L2
S-selection of a Semantic Type for each
Verb Class
17
~nd
Abbreviations
3
1.5.2.3
Syntactic Structures for each Semanlic
1.5.2.4
Verb Classes and Their Complements
1.6
Summary of the Following
Notes
T~pe
17
]8
Chapt~rs
21
Chapter Two
T
J
2.0
Introduction
23
2.1
No VP Complements
24
1
2.1.1
The Structure of Effective Verb Complements
24
2.1. 2
Arguments to Support VP Complements
24
2.1. 3
Restructurlng in Romance Languages
24
2.1.3.1
Clitic Climbing
25
2.1.3.2
Long Object Preposing
27
2.1.3.3
Change of Auxiliary
29
2.1. 4
Th~
Lack of Infinitivals in Mohawk
31
2.1 . 5
VP Complement Arguments and Mohawk
32
2.1.5.1
Clitic Climbing
32
2.1.5.2
Long Object Preposing
34
2.1.5.3
Change of Auxiliary
37
2.2
No IP Complements
39
2.2.1
The Structure of Emotive Verb Complements
39
2.2.2
A Note on the
2.2.3
Arguments to Support IP Complements
40
2.2.3.1
Wh-Extractlon from Embedded Subject Position
40
2.2.3.2
Embedded Wh-Questions
42
2.2.3.3
Quantifler Extraction
42
2.2.3.4
Wide Scope Interpretation of an Embedded
Quantifier
44
2.2.3.5
Obviation in Subjunctive Clauses
45
2.2.4
Mohawk and Subjunctive Clauses
48
2.2.5
IP Complement Arguments and Mohawk
49
2.2.5.1
Wh-Extraction from Embedded Subject Position
49
2.2.5.2
Embedded Wh-Questions
50
2.2.5.3
Quantifier Extraction
51
2.2.5.4
Wide Scope Interpretation of an Embedd~d
Quantifier
53
Compl~mentizer
que
39
•
---
---------------------------------------------------------------------
2.2.5.5
Obviation in Optative Clauses
55
2.2.6
Infinitives, Raising and Exceptional Case
Marking
5t>
2.2.6.1
Raising
56
2.2.6.2
The Lack of Typical Raising Verbs
57
2.2.6.3
The Lack of Subject Raising
58
2.2.6.4
Exceptional Case Marking
60
2.2.6.5
1~p
2.2.ti.S
The Lack of ECM
61
2.3
CP Complements
62
2. 3.1
The Structure of Propositional Verb
Complements
62
2.3.2
A Note on the Particle tsi
62
2.3.3
Theoretical Issues
64
2.3.3.1
Control
64
2.3.3.2
The Lack of Subject Control
64
2.3.3.3
The Lack of Object Control
66
2.4
Summary
68
Lack of Most ECM Verbs
60
68
Notes
Chapter Three
3.0
Mohawk and Full CP Complements
72
3.1
The Minimal Word Constraint (MWC)
72
3.1.1
The MWC and
3.2
Predictions of the MWC and Mohawk Verbs
76
3.2.1
The MWC and Obligat,ory AGR
76
3.2.2
The Position of AGR in Mohc.wk
76
3.2.3
Oovernment and Governors
77
~ohawk
Verb Roots
73
'If
1
78
3.2.4
The PRO Theorem
3.3
AGR in V and Its
3.3.1
VP Complements
78
3.3.2
Control and PRO
79
3.3.3
ECM and Raising
79
3.4
AGR in INFL and Its Consequences
80
3.4.1
VP Complements
80
3.4.2
ECH and Raising
80
3.4.3
Control and PRO
82
3.5
Summary
83
3.6
Predictions for Other Languages
83
3.7
A Brief Comparison with Lakhota
84
3.7.1
The HWC and Lakhota Verb Roots
85
3.7.2
Control in Lakhota
86
3.7.3
Raising, ECH and IP Complements in Lakhota
88
3.7.4
Restructuring anei VP Complements in Lakhota
90
3.8
Conclusion
91
78
Consequencel~
92
Notes
Chapter Four
4.0
Introduction
93
4.1
Tense/Aspect Co-occurrence Restrictions
93
4.2
A Note on Tense/Aspect ln GB
93
4.3
Tense and Aspect in Mohawk
94
4.4
Matching Tense
94
4.5
The Embedded Optative Complements
98
4.6
No Restrictions on
<If
...
Tens~/Aspect
Combinations
100
1
4.7
OUler Verbs
101
4.8
Summary
104
Notes
104
Conclusion
105
References
107
:
CHAPTER ONE
1
l.a
IntroductIon
Mohawk is one of SIX Northern Iroquolan languages still
Like man~ other Amerindian languages, Mohawk has a
spoken.
great deal of inflectional morphology and Its word order is
relatively unre~tricted.
up
t 111
now has
focused
Most llngulstlc literature on Mohawk
on
the
phonology,
morphology,
and
semanlics of the language wlth little belng wrltten about the
syntax.
The tOplC of
thi~
InvestIgatIon Wlll deal wlth the
properties of embedded clauses ln Moha\o.'k, in partlcular, those
that functlon as sententlal complemente of verbs.
ThIs
first
chapter
begins
wlth
backgrcund
information
about the Mohawk data as weIl as a presentatIon of the goals
and scope of the analysis.
of the terms,
The
paper.
This 1S followed by an explanat10n
symbols and abbreviations used tbroughout the
first
chapter concludes with
a
review of
sorne
relevant Iiteralure and a summary of tÎ'le following chapters .
.Li~Jl ÇJU5..Lo und
The dala for this thesis cornes from two kinds of sources.
The
rlrsl
lS
pubUshed
rnaterial,
including
"l
word
list
(Michelson, 1973), two grarnrnars (Bonvillaln, 1973; Deering and
Dellslp,
1976)
and a
collectlon of
texts
(Williams,
1976).
The second source cornes from fleldwork done over a period of
8 rnonths frorn December 1990 to July 1991 with speakers in the
natlve
eornrnunity
of
Kahnawake,
1
Quebee.
The
first
source
provided various
avenues
of investigati.,n while
the
second
allowed these avenues to be pursued.
S~ope
1.2 Aims and
The dearth of syntaetic aceounts of Amerindian languages
is apparent
for
Mohawk.
Before
1989,
there
was
only
one
account of Mohawk syntax in a generative framework (by Postnl
( 1963»
and
morphology
thi s
of
mostl y
the
focused
language;
on
an explana t i on
sentence
structure,
that of complex constructlons, was not examined.
of
the
espf'C lall
y
More current
work on Amerindian linguisties has shlfted t0 synt~~ and
lt
15
hoped that this thesls will add to this growlng Ilteralure.
In the following description and analysis, tne linguisiic
properties of Mohawk sentential complements will be presenled
uSIng the theoretical framework of Government and BIndlng (GD)
Theory.
The
foeus
will
be
on
two areas:
tl-te
synLact 1 c
structure of sentential complements and the tense/aspecL cooccurrence restrictIons between a matrix verb and a lowpr Vprl)
in the same sentence.
With regard ta the first
Mohawk has
dIstinct
onl y
types
subjunctives).
full
of
CP
area,
the main cllodm
complements and
embeddea
clauses
does
(llke
not
IS
Uwl
ha ve
infinitlvld!:-.
flny
or
With regard ta the second area, the clalm Will
be that teTise/aspecl co-occurrence restrictions bet,,'eE'rt t hl'
matrix
and
embedded
verb
are
not
driven
by
syntacllc
subcategorization but are delermined br thr semantlcs of the
individual matrix verb involved.
2
1
While
this work will
certainly not be the
definitive
statement on Mohawk syntax, it is hoped that it will at least
provide
a
good
description
of
the
nature
of
subordinate
clauses, as weIl as give sorne principled explanations of their
behaviour.
1.3 The System of Representation
1.3.1 Symbols and Abbrevlatlons
For those unfamlliar with the symbols and abbreviations
used in Iroquoian linguistics, the following list WIll aid in
decoding the glosses:)
l , 2
M, F,
S,
~
"
first person, second person
...,
L,
d, pl
N
masculine, feminine, zoic, neuter genders
singular, dual, plural
S, 0, p
subject, object, possessive
/
indlcates the grammatical
the participants, e.g.
"flrst persan singular
upon second person plural
fact
factual tense
fllt
future tense
opt
optative tense
punc
punctual aspect
hab
habituaI aspect
stat
stative aspect
cont
continuative
RP
remote past
FP
former past
prog
progressi ve
3
relationship of
1sS/2p10 means
subject acting
object"
------------------------..................
ben
benefactive
instr
instrumental
caus
causative
purp
purposive
contr
contrastive
cis
cislocative
dup
duplicative
trans
translocatlve
neg
negative auxiliary
iter
iterative
part
partithe
coin
coincident
refl, srfl
reflexive, semi-reflexive
epen
epenthetic vowel
1.3.2 The Transcription
The
transcription
Mi~helson
(1973).
system used
is
the
same
as
that
of
This system is a modified verSIon of that
adopted by the Mohawks of Kahnawake (as exempl if i ed in Dee r' 1 rtg
and Delisle
(1976)
and Williams
(1976)).
di fferences between the two systems.
There
The fi rst symbol
one used currently at Kahnawake whlle the second
used here:
glide)
=
eliminate
(1976).
on = u; en = v;
y.
The
and
i
inherent
ln
18
(when used as a
system of Michelson
ambiguitles
are
the
(1973) was
system
of
three
1
~ UH'
the form
palatal
chosen
r.·llllam~
Also, stress and vowel length were not recorded.
4
to
1
1.4 Mohawk Morphology
The following description of verb morphology is based on
Lounsbury (1953).
Even though his book concerned Oneida verb
rnorphology, most of it is applicable to Mohawk since the two
languages are very closely related.
Differences are mainly of
a phor'ological nature.
Mohawk consists of three basic parts of speech:
particles,
and
Nouns
verbs.
can
appear
pronominal prefix + root + suffixe
suffix,
also incorporate into the verbe
which take no morphology.
the
following
pref ix + root,
root al one, pronominal
combinations:
in
nouns,
root +
Noun roots
can
Particles are lexical items
Sorne examples are:
tanu "and"; ne
"the"; lsi "that".2
Mohawk, llke many Amerindlan languages, has a great deal
of inf 1 ec t lona]
morpholog~'
complpx lexical item.
and thi s makes the verb the most
Each morpheme has various allomorphs,
bu t these will not be g i ven in the exampl es be 1 ow for reasons
of brevity.
Instead,
g Î\'en.
For
Postal
(1963).
further
Overall,
slots:
the
only the
basic
information,
verb
pre-pronominal
in
Mohawk
prefix
allomorph(s)
see
Lounsbury
has
complex
eight
will
(1953)
be
and
morphological
+ pronominal
prefix
complex + (semi-) reflexive + noun position + verb position +
case
position
+ purposive position
complexe
1
5
+ inflectional
suffi"~
The pre-pronominal prefixes consist of an "interplay of
two separate subsystems, one comprising a variety of deictic
and adverbial forros •. , and the other comprising categories of
mood and/or tense"
consists
(Foster,
1985:
of such categories as
404).
The former
cislocative,
syst em
translocative,
iterative, etc., while the latter system conslsts of factual,
future anà optative. 3
The pronominal prefixes express featurps of the subject
and object of a sentence.
These features are of the followlng
person--first, second,
categories:
third;
plus second), exclusive
(first plus third);
third person)-- neuter,
masculine,
and
indefinite;
indicated
by
the subject
one
agreement
supplet i ve combi na t ion
0
dual,
(firRt
gender /fol' the
feminine-zolC',
number--singular,
transitive verbs,
inclusive
femilllllp-
plural.
For
and object agreement will
morpheme,
which
lS
a
be
partIy
f subject and object proJlomi nal fo rOi!>.
~arked
For intransitive verbs, the subject agreement wIll be
by one morpheme, the object being null. 4
The reflexive
position contains
the
two forms:
sem i-
reflexive (middle voice) morpheme -at- and the full reflexive
morpheme -atat-.
morphem~
There is no distinct reciprocal
n
Mohawk.
In
the
noun
position,
three
forms
may
occur:
an
incorporated noun root, an empty morpheme which certain verbs
require when there is no
incorporated noun root,
stem with a nominalizing suffix.
6
or
à
verb
1
The verb position takes bare verb roots or complex verb
stems (verb roots in combination with various affixes and/or
noun roots).
The casp position may conta in two instrumental morphemes
(-(h)t- and -(h)k(w)-) and one benefactive morpheme (-'s(e)-/ni-Jo
The ordering of these morphemes is not fixpd, though in
most instances
the instrumental morphemes will occur before
the benefactlve.
AIse found ln this position is the causative
morpheme (-(h)t-/-st-)
which
is homonymous with one of the
instrumental morphemes.
The purposive
ha-) .
pos~
tion contains the purposive morpheme (-
The n.eaning of this morpheme ls that of "going (to)"
when used as an
aux~liary
in EngJish.
The inflec t ionai su ff ixes basicall y cons is t of the aspect
habituaI
morphemes:
punctual (- ( (n) e ) , - ).
(-ha'-/-(h)s-),
The stative can refer to present
or past tense and indicates astate
pJ ace
.
at
The
(-u-/-v-/-0-),
The habi tuaI corresponds to the present
tense or repeated actions.
act~on)
stative
punctual asppct
part icular points
generally co-occur wi th a
in
(or the
refers
tillle
factual,
resul t
of sorne
to actions which take
and this
future
morpheme will
or optati ve prp-
pronominal prpfix.
Of thp
three di fferent
stative can be
aspects,
only
the habi tuaI
and
further inflectcd with such morphemes as the
continuative (-k-), the remote past (-hne'). the formpr past
(-kwe'), or the progressive (-(ha}tye-).
7
Minimally,
agreement
a
pref lx
verb
root
(agreeing
will
occur wi th
wi th
the
subject
a
pronominal
or subject
t
in Mohawk
is
object) and sorne form of aspect suffix. S
(1)
ra-atawv-s.
HsS-swim-hab
"He swims."
1.4.1 A Note on Ward Order in Mohawk
Due
ta
its
rich morphology,
relatively unrestricted.
are
indicated
on
the
ward
arder
Because subject and object relatlons
verb
by
the
obligatory
prononunal
agreement prefixes, overt nouns represenling the subjPct and
object can appear in any order in a sImple sentence.
(2)
a.
Sak ra-nuhw~'-s ako-atya'tawl.
Jim MsS-like-hab FsP-dress
Jim likes her dress.
b.
ra-nuhwe'-s Sak ako·-atya'tawi.
c.
Sak ako-atya'tawi ra-nuhwe'-s.
d.
ra-nuhwe' -s ako-atya' tawi ne Sak
NE
e.
ako-atya'tawi ra-nuhwe'-s ne Sak
f.
ako-atya'tawi Sak ra-nuhwe'-s.
The sentences ln (2a-f) show the six logically
po~sible
in a simple sentence with a subject, object and verbe
orders
AlI six
sentences are grammatical.
Relevant
references
on
this
topic
are
Baker
(1991),
developing ideas of Jelinek (1984', and Mithun (1986).
8
1
1.5 A Review of the Literature
Little
has
been
Iroquoian languages.
1984 ) .
written
about
complementation
in
The major source is from Mithun (1973,
On1 y Mithun (1984) Hi 11 be rev iewed because i t deal s
becallse it
directly with Mohawk and
further develops
ideas
presented in Mithun (1973).
Rochette (1988) was also chosen for review because she
presents
perhaps
the
must
detailed
and
recent
sturly
of
complementation in GB.
1.5.1 Mithun (1984)
Mithun
(1984)
discusses
three
languages
('~ohawk,
Gunwinggu, and Kathlamet) which appear to have little evidence
of
subordinaU~
clauses.
Mithun
(1984)
presents why it
is
difficult to tell if there is subordination in these languages
and questions whether there is compJementation at aIl.
(This
review will only deal with Mohawk.)
The key factor in making identification of subordination
difficult is the presence of obligatory pronominal prefixes in
Mohawk.
These
allow
decJarative sentence.
also
be
analyzed
as
independent clauses in
any
verb
to
appear
by
i tsel f
a.:;
a
Putative instances of subordination mal
the
li
stringing
together
chain (Mithun, 1984).
of
formally
These chains
would be equivalent to English complex constructions involving
subordInation.
9
--------------------------..................
(3)
a.
onv t-a-ha-atasawv-'
~ow cis-fact-MsS-start-punc
"He started it now."
b.
wR-ha-kurek-e'.
fact-MsS-hit-punc
"He hit it."
c.
onv t-a-ha-atasa~v-'
wa-ha-kurek-e'.
now cis-fact-MsS-start-punc fact-MsS-hit-punc
"He stsrted now to hl t i t. "
(lit.) He started now, he hit it.
(3a) and (3b) present two normal declarative sentences.
(3c)
shows the se t,,'o dec 1 arai Ive sentences when they are adjacent
to one another.
Note that the translation for (3c) would be
a complex sentence and not two separate sentences.
it is not clear whether (3c)
Tense/aspect
may
involves subordInatIon or not.
" seem
ta
suggest
sorne
dependency between clauses" Oüthun, 1984:498).
the
optative
Lense
(which
:;s
often
e\ents
ls
condition" (Mlthun,
(4)
contingent
upon
sorne
semantlc
For example,
translaled
inf1n1t1\<al complement clause) "suggests that
of
1I0wev(' r ,
Into
an
the occurrence
other
Event
or
1984:497),
wa-ho-ri'wanu:tuhs-e' ne ru:kwe a-ho-ye:nswH's-e'
fact-MsS/MsO-ask-punc NE man
opt-MsS/MsO-help-punc
t-a-ha-Yé : ya' k-e' .
dup-opt-Ms~-cross-punc
"He asked tl..e man to help him get across,"
Despite this link, Mithun (1984) LellE'VeS that tens(>/aspecl
not
a
formal
marker
putatively embedded
of
verbs
subordInation,
can
appear slone
glven
as
thst
15
the
1ndel'endent
clauses. 6
Another factor WhlCh may suggest a link between clauhcs
1
is that of 1ntonatlon (Mlthun,
10
1984).
The use of pauses and
changes in pitch can sometimes suggest that adjacent clauses
are part
of
the
combine overtly
same
However,
sentence.
independent clauses
"speakers
often
into single intonation
groups t.hat are translated into English compound sentences"
(Mithun, 1984:502).
(5)
ohun'kene wa-ha-ye-'
morning
fact-MGS-wake up-punc
y-a-ha-atk'totv-'
tS1
lrans-fact-MsS-look out-punc TSI
tekatsiseratu wa-ho-nehrako-' ..•
window
fact-MsO-be surprised-punc
"He woke up in the morning and looked out of the wjndow
and to his surprise (saw the wagon ... )"
(5) shows three clauses which are translated into an English
compound sentence.
Intonation is thus not a reliable marker
of syntactic subordination.
A
third
factor
involved
in indicating
a
relationship
between clauses is that of demonstrative and deictic particles
(Mithun,1984).
These are used as an "argument of one clause
to refer to another whole clause"
(Mi thun,
1984: 498) •
One
example of this is with the particle ki "this".
(6)
ukwehu:we runahe' kyo-atahsawv-0 ki:,
NsS-start-slat this, Indians
MplSnow just bit ago
htvky-e's.
leave-hab
"Not too long ago people began to leave (the reserve)."
0: n v kwah kv'
In (6), the particle ki refers to the entire clause following
i t
and thus
Because
indicates
sequences
translaled
as
a
relationship between
s1milar
English
to
complex
11
these
are
sentences,
two clauses.
pronounced
Mithun
and
(1984)
1
believes
that
particles
can
bec orne
grarnmaticalized
as
subordinators, similaT to "that" in English.
Mi thun (1984) also discusses factors which affect whether
a language wlll have syntaetic subordination.
She CItes three
morphological factors and one non-morphological one.
The first morphologieal faclor i5 that if a language has
morphologized such concepts as cause, lntent, purposc, etc.,
then there is less likelihood of subordinatIon (Mlthun, 1984).
Such
concepts
( in
Engl ish)
However,
subordination.
are
lndlcated
in a 1 anguage
such morphemes as causatIves,
sueh as Mohawk
benefactives, and
to
combine
se\.eral
ideas
Into
a
wi
th
purpOSlves,
Thus,
sueh concepts are indicated on the verb.
"speakers
through
this
sIngle
al]ow~
unit"
(Mithun, 1984:506) and a\oId complementation.
The second morphologlca] factor
(such as
Moha~k)
function of
means
between
eohesive
1984).
Ideas
(~1ithun,
udl1eved
Subordination
"backgroundlng
by
whole"
be
can
via
languagt
\o.'1th1n
The
then one
alterrlHt
provides
clauses
1984:506).
If a
prefi~es,
has obllgatory pronominal
subord.lnatlon
(Mlthun,
i8 that
IV{'
contrusts
a
pref1>..es
largpr'
alla ...
relalively free word order because case relations are stuted
Thus,
on the verb.
sign) ficant
less
word order can be explolted
information at
imt>ortant
Subordination
the teg Ifl111ng
informatlon
nlay
be<.ome
at
lebs
juxtaposing ideas.
12
the
by pluclng
of a senU'neC:'
end
lmportant
(M1thun,
as
8
aTld
1984).
m~ans
of
1
The
final
factor
that
affects
the
likelihood
of
subordinating is that if a language has a written tradition,
then
subordination
will
increase
(Mithun,
1984).
~'riting
allows longer and more complex sentences than speech and must
make use of subordination to cornpensate for the lack of su ch
oral devices as Intonation and pauses in arder to indicate the
relat i ve importance of Ideas" (Mi thun, 1984).
Since Mohawk has
a rich oral tradition, subordinatIon IS less likely.
Despl te
these cons iderat ions,
Baker (1991»
are
arguments
(by
that Mohawk has true syntactic complementation
The flrst argument concerns Condition C effects ln
after aIl.
Mohawk
there
(Baker,
Cond i t ion
1991).
C
of the
Blnding
Theory
states that an R-expression (proper noun) must be free (i.e.
it canY'nt be coreferent with a c-commanding antecedent).
means
that
verb,
t hen a
cannot
If a clause
(7)
subcategorlzed complement of
a
",. i th i n the
clause
be coreferent with a (c-commandlng) pronominal
ln the
matrlA clause.
lo~er
lS a
This
prope r
noun
(R-express Ion)
However, coreference would be possIble if the
clause were an adjunct.
The
following
IS taken
from
a.
wa-hi-hrorl-'
tsi
Sak ruwa-nuhwe'-s.
fact-1sS/MsO-tell-punc that Sak FsS/MsO-like-hab
"*1 toId hlm l that she llkes Saki'" (disjOInt only)
b.
wa-hi-'nha'-ne'
ne tsi Sak ra-yo'tv-serfact-lsS/MsO-hlre-pullc because Sak MsS-work-nomiyo.
be good
"1 hlrE'd him 1 because Sak
is a gaod ""orke r ...
1
(coreference ok)
13
(7a) shows that a proper noun Sak in a lower clause cannot be
l
coreferent with the pronomInal masculine singular argument in
(7b) shows that coreference
the higher clause.
15
possible.
bet~een
(7a) involves a complement clause and so coreference
the arguments violates ConditIon C, maklng (7a) ungrammatical.
(7b) involves an adJunct clause and so coreference
15
possIble
sinee the pronominal does nol c-command the proper noun.
This
contrast indicates that Mohawk has complementatlon.
A second argument concerns extractIon and the CondItion
The CED
on Extraction Domains (CED) (Huang (1982)).
slatt~s
thal "a phrase A ma)' be extracted out of a domaln B only If B
is properly governed [where B i5 properly governed by C only
if C
IS
a
lexIcal
category that governs Bl"
(I3aker,
1991).
This ConditIon explains why materud (A) caTI be extrac.tt'd oul
of an obJect
(B)
but not out of a subJeC't or an adJunc l
b UlCP
obJects (and complement clauses) are c.-commanded (and heflce.
governed)
b:-
a verb
(C).
Tht;s,
complement
allow extraction while adjuncts should not.
clauses
The
should
follo~lng
IS
taken from Baker (1991).
(8)
a.
l'hka l-hs-ehl'e-'
v-ye-at~ a' ta" i tsr-a-bnl nu-'"
~ ho
0 - 2 5 S - th 1 n h - p U Tl C fut - F s S - d r e s s - (' p~' n - tHI) - pl aH
"Who do you thl nk WIll buy a dress
r
,"
b.
*Chka wa'-te-s-l1s\tho-'
nt' tSl wa'-e-lhpywho fact-dup-2sS-cry-punc bpcause fact-FsS-dIPe'?
punC'
"v,'ho did you cry because (she) died?"
(8a)
sho\o,'s
posslble.
that
(8b)
wh-extraction out
of
shows that extractIon
l4
the
18
lower
clausl'
u/lgrammutical.
l~
1 ~I('
--
---------------------
---
difference can be explained by claiming that (8a) involves a
complement clause and
govern
the
violtltes
adjunct
the
(Sb)
clause
This
CED.
The
an adjunct.
in
(Sb)
contrast
and
verb does not
hence
supports
extraction
the
claim
of
complementation in Mohawk.
A third
argument concerns
bound pronouns and the Weak
Crossover CondItion (WCC) (Baker, 1991).
One version of this
conditIon states that "quantlfied NPs and wh-traces can have
anaphorlc relations only with pronouns \lhich they c-command"
(Reinharl (1983: 122».
If apronoun were inside a complement
clause, then il could be bound by a c-commanding questioned
subject/objecl.
A bound readlng would not be pOSSIble if the
pronoun were withln
(9)
(9a)
fi
clause adJoined to the matrix S.
a.
Uhka wa-she-hrorl-'
tsi ye-yo'tv-hser-IYo.
who
fact-2sS/FsO-tell-punc that FsS-work-nom-good
"v.'ho 1 dId you tell that she 1 is a good worker?"
(bouud readIng possible)
b.
Uhka wa'-t-huwa-norukwanyu-'
ne rukwe ne
who
fact-dup-FsS/MsO-kiss-punc NE man
NE
ru ....·u-nuhwe' -s.
FsS/MsO-1Ike-hab
"*\.\ho 1 klssed the man that she 1 likes?" (bound
readIng ImpOSSIble)
sho .... s
that
a
bound
readIng
is
possible
embedded pronomInal and a (wh-word) object.
a bound readlng is impossible.
WCC.
The
clause
lower pronomInal
and
thus
lS
thus
cannot
be
c-commanded
an
(9b) shows that
This contrast follows from the
in
(9a)
c-commanded
Howeve r, the pronomi nal ln
between
b'Y
occurs
the
in a
complement
(wh-word)
(9b) occurs in an adj une t
by
15
the
(wh-word)
obJect.
NP and
subject.
Any
Tht"
attempted bound reading in (9b) thus violates the WCC.
difference between (9a) and (9b) provides further support for
complementation in Mohawk.
The above three arguments (taken from Baker (1991»
g ive
conv i ne ing
syntact ic
complementation.
her
observation
ev idence
Nevertheless,
that
embedded
that
Mohawk
Mithun (1984)
clauses
in
why this is
does
i~
havt"
correct ln
Mohawk
morphologically different from matrix ones.
thus
are
not
The question of
will be addressed ln this thesis.
50
1.5.2 Rochette
(1988)
1.5.2.1 Verb Classes
(1988)
Rochette
complements
using
particular,
proposes
data
to
the
(following
Long
typology
the
type
of
the
performance
groups
of
this
of
an
('lass
actlon"
are
that
verbs
describe a subject' s relationship--causal
1
(Rochette,
modals
languages
lnto three
complement
Ef fec t ive
(1974».
sente~tial
of
Romance
She di.\'ldes verbs
French).
accordlng
from
a
are
(in
classes
they
select
t ha 1
" verbs
potentlal, elc. --to
1988:
(pOUVOlI'
21).
b~
toto
ablp"),
aspectuals (commencer "to begln"), and mo"ement verl,s (a31er
lOto go").
Emoti ve
relevance
predlcates
"e:-..press
on the part of
a
this
class
permission;
are
verbs
psychological
of
per
subJect wi th respect to the
denoted by the complement" (Rochette,
of
judgment
of
emotion,
verbs;
16
1988: 251).
and
volition,
sorne
bUTlHl
evt'nt
Sub-t~l'es
commund,
facl 1 ve
verbs.
Examples from this class are: vouloir "to want": souhaiter "to
wish"; permettre "to permit": préférer "to prefer"; ordonner
"to order": and regretter "to be sorry".
Propos i t i anal
pred i eates
"express
judgments
of
truth
value concerning a proposi tion that they introduce" (Rochette,
1988:
The sub-groups
326).
involved are
verbs of
stating
(dire "to say"), verbs of believing (croire "ta believe") and
verbs
of knowing
(savoir
"to
know").
Other examples are:
penser "to think" and promettre "to promise".
1.5.2.2 S-selectlon 0f a Semantic Type for each Verb Class
Each verb class s-selects a particular semantic type of
complement in Rochette's
(1988)
system.
Effective verbs s-
select the semantic type "action" (A); Emotive verbs s-select
"event"
CE).
and Propositional verbs s-select "proposition"
(E);
These
hierarchy:
semantic
actIon
types
are
arranged
on
< event < proposition.
a
selectional
This
hierarchy
means that verbs that s-select "action" can only select this
semantic type.
"actIon",
Verbs that s-select "event" can also s-select
Verbs that s-select "proposition" can also s-select
the other two types.
1.5.2.3 Synlactic Structures for
Each
semantlc
type
is
E',~,~
Semantic Type
associated
with
a
particular
syntactic structure which Rochette (1988) calls its Canonical
Lexical
Reallzation
(CLR).
The CLR
for
the
semantic
type
"action" is a projection of V (or N); the CLR for "event" is
'1
l
17
1
a projection of INFL (or N) i and the CLR for "proposition" is
a projection of COMP.
1.5.2.4 Verb Classes and Their Complements
The Effect ive verbs take inf i ni t i val complements onl y and
s-select "action" which is realized as a projection of V (or
N).'
This is the case for restructuring Effective verbs. 8
(10) Jean commence à écrire son livre.
"Jean begins to wrlte his book."
Emotive verbs take tensed subjunctive complements and sselect "event" WhlCh ls realized as a projection of INFL (or
N).
Emotive verbs may also take lnfinltival complements. 9
(11) a.
b.
Jean veut que Marle parte demain.
"Jean wants that Marle leave tomorro\-... "
Jean veut partIr.
"Jean wants to leave."
Propositlonal verbs take tensed indicative
and
the
project ion
semantic
of
"proposition"
type
COMP.
Propos l t lonal
IS
ve rbs
complements
realized
can
as
al so
a
tahe
infinitival complements.
(12) a.
b.
Since
Jean pense que Marie partira demain.
"Jean thlnks that Marie will lea\'e tomorro"."
Jean pense partir.
"Jean thinks that he wIll leave."
Propositional
verbs
can
also
tl,ü,e
EC~
complements and smal1 clause complements (n('llher of which
\ed>
ha~
a COMP node), Rochette (1988) proposes that the semalltlc tHlf'
"proposition"
can
a1so
be
real ized
lexical category (N, A, V, Pl.
18
as
a
projection of
an)
1
1.6 Summary of the Following Chapters
It should be noted that there is a tension between Mithun
(1984) and Rochette (1988).
The former says that aIl clauses
are the same in Mohawk while the latter predicts that there
will be dIfferences in syntactic structure.
This area will be
explored in the following chapters.
In Chapter Two,
complements wIll
areas:
VP
the syntactic structure of sentential
be
examined based
complementation
Picallo, 1985;
Burzio, 1986;
complementation
(Rochette,
on past
(Strozer,
1981;
Rochette,
1988;
1988;
Chomsky,
work
in
Rizzi,
Li,
three
1982;
1990);
1986);
and
IP
CP
Most of the discussion will centre around
complementation.
certain claims made by Rochette (1988).
If it is true that
aIl verbs of a given semantic class take the same syntaetic
type of complement, then it should be possible that verbs from
any
1 anguage
arguments
will
used
to
do
the
same.
support
Jt
the
will
be
existence
complements do not carry over into Mohawk.
be cialmed that Mohawk only has full
clause-type which must
se en
of
that the
VP
In faet,
and
IP
it will
CP Gomplements and
no
be embedded (such as infinitives
or
subjunctives).
In Chapter Three, a theoretical explanation of the data
frorn Chapter Two will be given.
full
CP
complements
wIll
The fact that Mohawk only has
be
expialned
morphologieal properties of the language.
in
terms
It will be
of
sho~'n
that Mohawk verb roots alone do nol necessarily satisfy a pre'!f
"•
19
word level
Mohawk
phcnological
verbs
must
constraint
take
on word
non-null
length.
agreement
resulting in every verb having obligatory AGR.
Thus,
morphology,
The effects of
this result for complementation will be shown, especially as
they
relate
to
complements.
the
syntactic
Chapter
Three
structure
will
of
sentential
pr~sent
also
a
brier
comparison of Mohawk and Lakhota in order to highlight
differences
between
complementation.
the
two
languages
with
the
regard
to
It will be claimed that the se differences
can be explained by the way in which each language meels the
requirements related to the Mlnimal Word Constraint.
Chapter Four
occurrence
foeuses
res tr ic t ions
on
the area of tense/aspect
in Mohawk.
l t
wi] 1
be shown
cothat
although Mohawk verbs take CP complements only, not every verb
takes aIl types of these complements.
Four paradigms wlll be
presented and considered in the light of Rochette (1988).
Il
will be seen that the tense/aspect patterns gn'en do not match
Any
of
the
complements.
in terms
predictions
based
dlfferent
syntacllc
The patterns that are evident will be dlscussed
of the
claimed that the
meanIngs of each matrIx
verbe
It w111
tH'
indIvidual meanIngs of each vert... determinp
the tense/aspect of the lower verbe
co-occurrence
on
restrictIons are
Thus,
the tense/asppct
semantlcally drlV€n
and
not
based on syntactIc motlvatlons.
The conclusion will glve a summary of the findings of the
research as weIl as ImplIcations for GB theory.
20
NOTES
1
1.
Some of these symbois and abbreviations were taken from Baker
(1991).
2.
The slatus of ne and tsi is not a1ways clear. ne can function
as a determlner but it is not cJear whether it is definite or
indeflnite.
Further, ne can aJso appear as a complementizer
and ln other contexts. This pdItieie 1s undergoing changes in
that some speakers use it more than others. The particle tsi
ean a1so be used ln a locative sense to indicate "direction
towards".
3.
The tense/mood system of Mohawk wi Il be diseussed in more
detai1 in a 1ater chapter.
The factual morpheme corresponds
mostly to the past tense (though it can be used to express
events in the present). The future morpheme refers to events
in the future.
The optative morpheme has an indefinite tense
and has a
"range of meaning equivalent to infinitive,
subjunctive, and pollte request" (Lounsbury, 1953: 50).
4.
Sorne verbs take an object agreement pronominal regardless of
the transltivity of the verb:
t-en-ha-atvhutsohs-e'.
cis-fut-HsO-want-punc
"H e w '. Il wa nt i t . "
l t i·3 not entirely clear why certain verbs exhibit this
property. See Baker (1989) and Mithun (1991) for discussion.
5.
The exception to this is imperatives which do not require ft
tensejaspect morpheme but do appear with an agreement preflx.
(i)
s-atawv.
2 sS- SW 1111
"Swim,1I
6.
AIs 0, an en, b e d d e d 0 pt ft t ive c l au sec an ex i st a sam a tri xcI a II s e
wilh the same meanlng, th1lS suggesting that tense/aspect is
nol a formaI marker of subordination.
7.
The head N i5 n~eded to account for aspectual verbs which take
direct object NPs.
These NPs fulfill the same semantic role
as lnflnltlval complements.
(i)
Pierre a fIni le llvr~.
"PIerre has flnished the book."
The same also holds for Emotive verbs.
21
See below.
8.
1
This is the case for those Effective verbs which are
restructuring verbs. The syntactic structure for complements
of non-restructurlng verbs invol ves a projection of V but also
involves an INFL node which ls necessary to theta-bind the Eposition of the embedded verb. This INFL node is a degenerate
category (i. e. i t does not have any tense or agreement
features). The l' does not project to an IP since INFL is not
the head which ls selected (via the CLR). The structure does
not project to VP (with INFL adjolned to lt) Slnce thlS would
imply a base-generatlon of an adjoined head--which would be a
violation of X' Theory.
Thus, the structure for nonrestructurlng Effective verbs lS the following:
11
/
INFL
\
VP
\
V'
\
V
9.
When an Emotive verb complement appears as an inflniti\'al ,
INFL does not project to IP since PRO would then bE:' goverllf'd
in the (embedded) subject position. Thus, INFL only projects
to l'.
The resul ting structure i5 the same as that of nonrestructuring Effective verbs except that in thIS case, INFL
is a head (and not a degenerate category).
22
CHAPTER TWO
2.0 INTRODUCTION
The
history
of
sentential
complements
of
involved focusing on their syntactic structures.
verbs
has
In addition
to assuming that sentential complements are CPs, claims have
been made for VP complements (Strozer,
Bu rz io,
Rochet te,
1986;
(Chomsky,
Rochette,
1986 ;
Li,
1988;
1981
1990)
Picallo,
j
and l P
complements
This chaptpr will
1988).
1985;
focus
mainly on the arguments given by Rochette (1988) to motivate
structures of these types.
Rochette's
(1988) basic claim is that complements have
different syntactic structures depending on the semantic class
of
the
matI'ix
The
\-erb.
three
semantic
classes
each
subcategorize for a particular semantic type which is realized
Verbs in the Effective
as a specifie projection of a head.
class take VP complements; F.motlve verbs take IP complements;
and
Proposi tiona1
verbs
take
CP
This
complements.
view
di ffers from the tradi tlonal GB approach WhlCh states that aIl
complements
are
CPs
except
Exceptiona l
Case
Marking
those
of
Raising
(ECM)
verbs
(which
thi s
thes i s i s
verbs
both
take
and
IP
complements) .
The
bas ic
c laim
of
that
s(;ntent ial
complements in Mohawk are full CP complements and that there
is no distinct embedded clause type (such as infinitivals or
.,
subJunct ives) .
ln the following sections, Rochette's (1988)
23
1
arguments for VP and IP complements will
light of Mohawk data.
evidence used
by
It will
Rochet te
be
(1988)
be examined in lhe
seen that
does
not
the
carry
syntactic
over
into
Mohawk.
2.1 NO VP COMPLEMENTS
2.1.1 The Structure of EffectIve Verb Cornplement§
Rochet te (1988) argues for VP complements
of Effective verbs.
U!31
In a language like French,
always occur with inflnitival complements.
ng the (' 1 ass
these verus
Rochette (1988)
claims that these inf1nit1',;al complements have the syntact1c
structure of a VP.
Effect~ve
verbs s-se]ect the semant1c type
"action" which i8 realized as a prOjectIon of V.
Com~emenJs
2.1.2 Arguments ta Support VP
To support
her
c laim,
Rochet te
ci t es
(1988)
using restructuring verbs ln Romance languages.
verbs
form
a
large
sub-group
infinitival complements.
argue
that
complements
of
Rochette
of
Effective
(1988)
ev i denc{>
Restructuring
verbs
and
take
uSc"s this fact
restructuring
verus
have
to
UlP
syntactic structure of a VP.
2.1.3 Restructuring in Romance Languages
Jn the area of sentent lai complementation. the phenümenon
of restrueturing has received mueh attention (Strozer, 1981;
Rizzi,
1982;
~urzio,
1986;
R<,,'chette,
1988;
among
others).
Rizzi (1982) was one of the first linguists ta notice tbat
li
generalization could be made regardIng certain predlcates {in
24
1
Ita11an)
and
their
restl'ucturing
rule
syntactic
He
behaviour.
"optionally
which
a
simple
an
bi sentential
creating a
unique verbal complex consisting of the main and
1982: 2).
into
transform[ed]
a
underly ing
embedded verb" (Rizzi,
structure
proposed
sentence,
In other words, the matrix
verb and Its embedded infinitival complement formed a complex
predicate,
making
a
monosentential
construction
at
S-
structure.
There are
three pr imary pieces of ev idence to
restructuring.
(1986».
Thf
(The
labelq
for
these
first is Clitic Climbing,
come
support
from
where a
Burzio
pronominal
clitic normally associated with (and thematically related to)
the lower verb
appears
a ... l..ached
second
Object
Preposing,
is
Long
to
the
where
higher
in
verb.
lmpersonal
constructions (in 1t&1 ian), the direct object
of the
verb moves
The
to
the matrix
subject position.
The
SI-
lower
third
is
Change of Auxiliary, where the auxiliary normally taken by the
matrix verb does not appear and instead is replaced by
the
auxiliary associated with the 10wer verb.
2.1.3.1 Clitic Climbing
Cl i tic Cl irnbing is a syntactic phenomenon which occurs in
1talian,
Spanish,
Catalan
construction in French.
and
the
faire-infinlti~al
An example is shown in the Italian
sentences of (1).
25
1
(1)
a.
Mario vuole leggerlo.
Mario wants to read-it
b.
Mario 10 vuole leggere.
Mario it wants to read
"Mario wants to read it."
In (la), the clitic 10 appears altached lo the embedded verb,
ne~t
the normal position for such clltics belng
they
In
complement.
(lb),
the
clitic
has
to the verb
moved
from
its
embedded position to a higher position adJacenl to t!H' matrn
verb--the clitic has "climbed" into the higher clause.
Since pronominal clitlcS usually attach to the (INFL of
the)
verb (or Its auxiliary) that
it must be that the
they are complements of l ,
"clitic and the empty category thflt
binds [are] restricted to a local domain D which
lS
lt
normally
constituted by the minimal clause containing the verb 1ha1 th('
clitic complements"
would
thus
be
(Rochette, 1988: 77). The minimal clause
the
lower
Apparent violations
sentences like
clause
of this
(lb)
in
sentences
locality condition
lih~
(la).
OCCUI'
with
where the clitic and its empty category
are not in the same local domain.
To account for this violation, it has been proposed that
sorne sort of restructuring occurs ln which the bl-senlential
construction is transformed Inlo a mono-sentential one (RIZZl,
1982).
In this way,
there IS no locality violatIon sinee thp
local domain becornes
lower clause).
the entire sentence
Rochette's (1988)
the lower clause is
li
(and not
just
thf>
solution is to claim that
VP complement and that the highpr verb
26
and the lower verb form a complex predicate.
This has
the
effect of making the entire sentence a local domain and thus,
Clitic Cllmbing is allowed.
( n •
IP
... 1
\
/
SPEC
l '
\
/
VP
1
/
\
/
clitic l
VP
V
/
\
t
V
In (2),
l
the c 1 itic moves ta the nearest INFL.
complement does
not
have
an
INFL,
Since the VP
the cl i t ie moves
to
the
matrix INFL.
The clltic's trace must be bound within the same
local domain
in order to satlsfy Principle A of the Binding
Theory.
The minimal governing category is not the lower (VP)
complement since it does not contain a subjeet.
the malrix
IP is the
local domain.
Thus,
Therefore,
the property
0
f
Clitie Clirnbing can be explained by a VP eomplement. 2
2. 1 . 3.2 Long ObJect
1n
1 tal i an,
Preposir~
objec t
prepos ing
can
occur
wi th
s Impl e
sentences involving the impersonal SI clitic (Rizzi, 1982).
(3)
a.
b.
si costruisce troppe
case
in questa città.
SI bUllds
too many houses in this
town
trappe
case
si costruiscono in questa città.
tao many hou ses SI builds
in this
town
"SI builds tao many houses in this town."
In (3a),
the direct abject troppe case "tao many houses"
found in its normal place after the verbe
abject has moved ta the
n
In (3b), the direct
front of the sentence into
27
is
subject
1
~- -~--
-~--------------------------------------
~to
position (where it triggers verb agreement on costruire
build").
Long
ObJect
Preposing
is
a
process
which
occurs
in
Italian wlth impersonal SI-constructions and a certain class
of verbs (modaIs, aspectuals, and motion verbs) (Rlzzl, 1982),
In these
types
of
const.ructions,
the
direct
abject
of
embedded clause can move to the subJect position of the
HlI
m"lri~
clause.
(4)
a.
Si voleva proprio leggere questi llbri.
SI wanted really to read these books
b.
Questi libri SI volevano proprIO lE'ggel'(',
These
books SI wanted
really
t 0 r~ad
"We really v.anted ta read these books.
In (4a)
is
in
1
"
the direct abject (quesli libri) of thf' lo"er c
its
normal
ob j e eth a s m0 \' e d t
POSItion.
1 Tl
(-t
the su b j e c t po s i t
0
Normally,
b)
the
1
1 0 li
0
onl~'
prepüsing
embedd(>d
ù
a C cou nt
for
the s e
Binding Theol'Y
must be bound
preposing
in
IS
an
r es u 1 t SIS
which
Hl
instance of
Sl.c.tes that
the Ir mInimal
sImple
sentences
1
one
P r I ne: i pl e
anaphors
gO\
(e,g,
A
Slne!'
WH~
0
f
to
t h co
t\P-traces)
ernl ng catpgory.
satn,fles
re< t
ln
oC'curs
NP-movenlPTlt
b y us i n g
1
f the ta g h (' r (' 1 a u ~ (' .
sentences and is ungrammatical in bi-clausal sentences.
object preposing
lall~(,
Prlnciple
ObJt'cl
A wbile
object preposing in bi-clausal sentences vlolates Princlplt:> A
because the NP-trace is not bound wlthlTl it::; minimal
category (that being the lower clause).
28
goVel'f1111~
1
But in (4b), object preposing occurs in a seemingly biclausal constructIon and the sentence is grammatical.
Note
that the type of matrix verb that allows this is the same as
the
one
that
allows
ClltlC
The
Climbing.
same
reasoning
follows in that a mono-clausal construction must be motivated
to
account
for
the
non-violation
of
Principle A
in
(4b).
Again, Rochette's (1988) proposaI that the lower clause is a
VP
complement accounts
for
this.
(4b)
invol ves
a
complex
predicate that makes the entire sentence the minimal governing
category.
(5 )
IP
\
/
NP l
l'
\
/
VP
I
v
/
\
VP
/
V
\
t
l
ln (5), Long Object Preposing has taken place and the moved NP
and ils trace must be bound within the same local domain
order to salisfy Principle A.
in
The mInimal governing category
for the NP-trace is the matrix IP since the lower complement
does not have an (intervening) subject (due to a lack of SPEC
of
IF).
Th l
S
allows
Long
Object
Prepos ing
to
take
place
without violating the Blnding Principles.
2.1.3.3 Cha.n..ge of Auxi liary
Change of Auxiliary is another phenomenon which is found
in Italian.
What occurs here is that the perfective auxiliary
1
29
•
narmally ehasen
by
the matrix
verb
is
replaeed
by another
auxiliary.
(6)
a.
b.
Noi avremmo voluto andare.
Nai saremma voluti andare.
"We wauld have wanted to go."
In
(6a),
the
main
auxiliary avere.
verb
But in (6b),
di fferent
aux i 1 iary,
sarewno),
the
selection of
valere oecurs wi th
namel y
auxiliary
oth~r
the
i ts
normal
the exact same verh takes
essere
that
the
(which appears
andare
auxiliary
normally
is
done
by
he re
takes.
the
a
as
The
embedded
inf ini t i val and thi s occurs onl y w i th those ve rbs tha t aIl ow
Clitic Cllmblng and Long Object Preposing.
Burzio
(1986)
explalns
the
Change
of
Au:\. il
HU'y
manifestatIon using an analysis of auxiliary essere selecllon
and past partleiple agreement in Italian.
The choicC' of lhE'
auxl1iary essere lS dependent upon a certaIn relation belwpen
the
subJect
1986).
element's
and
Pas t
either a
clltic
part ie iple
relation
with
or dIrect
agreement
its
direct
1
s
object
(Burzl(),
dependen t
obJect
UpOrl
(Blll'ZIO,
lUI
198fi).
When bath essere selection and past particlple agreC'mpnt ocr ur
(as in (6b», the structural result is [ ... NP) \ NI\ ... ].
implies
agreement
that
both
involve
essere
a
selection
subject-object
and
past
relation.
Th)!-,
particlp]e
1n
0
rd (' r'
t 0
motivate this result, Burzio (1986) argues that restructurlng
has taken place in which the embedded VP preposes and 8djoJn~
ta the matrix VP.
30
1
Rochette (1988) motivates the structural result of (6b)
by arguing that restructuring verbs take VP complements and
that andare has an empty category in object position.
Thus,
sentence (6b) will have the following structure:
(7)
Noi l saremmo voluti [vp andare el]'
Rochette (1988) gives two reasons why and are has an object.
The first reason is that andare is semantically an ergative
verb, and according to Burzio (1986), the subjects of ergative
verbs
originate
relates
to
in
the
object
fact
of
position. J
past
The
participle
second
reason
agreement,
which
indicates that there is a subject-object relation in (6b) and
henc~ that andare must take an object"
By claiming a
appearance
camp] e},.
(6b)
is actually
predicate.
sati s f j es
essere
of
VP complement,
In
the structural
selection
this
a
seemingly bi-clausal
mono-clausal
way,
the
subject-object
past
and
the
one
abject
of
with
andare
relation needed
participle
a
agreement,
in
two
characleristics of the Change of Auxiliary.
2.1.4 The Lack of
Infinit~vals
A significant trait
in Mohawk
of Mohawk is that no sentence can
appear with a bare verb root i.e. aIl verbs in Mohawk appear
with
sorne
morphological
markings
(agreement
and
usually
tense/aspect).
This means that there are no infinitlvals in
Moha~k,
that
verbs
appear
without
agreement
or
tense.
Applying Rochette's (1988) arguments for VP complements thus
becomes
somewhat
of
a
challenge
31
since
the
complements
of
1
Effective verbs
in
Romance
languages are
aIl
infinitival.
Hence, it 1s not always clear how to inflect the lower verb in
Mohawk exarnples.
Nonetheless, examples were sought that were
as equivalent as possible to the restructuring data glven by
Rochette (1988).
This involved the possibility that the lower
verb received its tense from the matrlx INFL.
Since the lower
complement is a VP, there would be no embedded INFL.
However,
it is possible that the lower verb mlght receive agreement and
tense morphology via sorne sort of copying from the matrix INFL
(or the higher verb).
2.1.5 VP Complement Arguments and Mohawk
2.1.5.1 Clitic Climbing
(1988)
Rochet te' s
Climbing,
in
\o.'hlch
the
first
argument
dIrect
object
clause could attach ta the matrlx verb.
concerned
clltlc
of
the
Slnce Romance
and Mohawk agreement prefIxes are both pronomInal
(Bake r,
1991},
equivalent.
Clltic
lo"-'er
clitl~&
ln nature
a compur i son was made bE.>lween the two,
of
Clitic
Cllmblng
ln
Mohawk
would
Thp
Invol\e
agreement wlth the abject of the lower vero appearlng on the.'
higher
verb.
Effec t ive veros
Ghen
1
that
VP
complements
and tha t ont= Ef fec t
1
are
ve verb
1
expecled
for
s commencer "t
0
start", an example in Mohawk was donE' using the \E'rt> alahsaw"
"ta start",
(8)
a.
onv l-n-yu-atahsahv-'
wa'-t-huwa-noruhhwonyunow cis-fact-FsS-st',rt-punc fact-dup-FsS/MsO-kl S'-,pUllC
•
"She ha~ no,", started to klSS him."
32
1
b.
*onv t-a-huwa-atahsawv-'
wa'-t-hanow cis-fact-FsS/MsO-start-punc fact-dup-HsSnoruhkwanyu-' .
kiss-punc
c.
*onv t-a-huwa-atahsawv-'
wa'-t-huwanow cis-fact-FsS/MsO-start-punc fact-dup-FsS/MsOnoruhkwanyu- , •
klss-punc
d.
*onv t-a-huwa-atahsawv-'
wa'-t-honow cis-fact-FsS/MsO-start-punc fact-dup-MsOnoruhkwanyu- , •
kiss-punc
e.
*onv t-a-huwa-atahsawv-'
wa'-t-yenow cis-fact-FsS/MsO-start-punc fact-dup-FsSnoruhkwanyu- , •
kiss-punc
f.
*onv t-a-huwa-atahsawv-'
wa'-t-yakonow cis-fact-FsS/MsO-start-punc fact-dup-FsOnoruhkwanyu- , .
kiss-punc
(8a) shows a sentence in which Clitic Climbing has not taken
place.
The direct object in this sentence is marked on the
agreement prefix huwa of the lower verb.
In sentences (8b-f),
the embedded di rect abject agreement appears
on the
higher
verb as indi cated by the change of yu (FsS) ta huwa (FsS/MsO).
Gi ven that
every
verb
in
Mohawk
must
bear
sorne agreement
morpheme, aIl plausible agreement prefixes were tried on the
lower verb.
In each instance, the result was ungrammatlcal.
Further e\ idence cornes from another Effectl ve verb "be
able" (kweni).
(9)
.1
a.
wa-ye-kweni-'
wa-huwa-ya't-ohare-'.
fact-FsS-be able-punc fact-FsS/MsO-body-wash-punc
"She was able to wash him."
b.
*wa-huwa-kweni-'
wa-ha-ya't-ohare-'.
fact-FsS/MsO-be able-punc fact-MsS-body-wash-punc
33
1
c.
*wa-huwa-kweni-'
wa-ho-ya't-ohare-'.
faet-FsS/MsO-be able-pune faet-MsO-body-wash-punc
d.
*wa-huwa-kweni-'
wa-huwa-ya't-oharefact-FsS/MsO-be able-pune fact-FsS/MsO-body-washpunc
e.
*wa-huwa-kweni-'
wa-ye-ya't-ohare-'.
fact-FsS/MsO-be able-punc fact-FsS-body-wash-punc
In (9a), no Cl i t ic Climbing has occurred.
In (9b-e), the
embedded direct abject agreement (which is masculine singular)
appears on the higher verb (as indicated by the change from ye
(FsS) ta huwa (FsS/MsO», leaving various poss1ble agreements
on
the
lower
verb.
In
each
sentence,
the
result
is
ungrammatical.
This
seems
ta
possIble ln Mohawk.
indicate
that
(1988)
Climbing
18
not
And if this is true, then it appears that
there is no VP complement involved.
Rochette's
Clitic
claim for
This is evidence agaillst
VP complements
with
EffecL1.ve
verbs.
2.1.5.2 Long Object Preposing
The second argument that Rochette (1988) used is that of
Long
Object
Preposing.
In
this
type
of
restructurlng
construction, the embedded direct object moves to the matrlx
subject
positlon
Binding Theory.
but
does
not
vl01ate
Prlnclple
bi-clau~dl
of
the
This type of NP-movement occurs wlth the Sl-
impersonal con s truc t 10n in Ital ian (and i s
true
A
constructions),
34
ungr amma t.l cul
1n
ft
1
Ta test thl S out ln Mohawk, the semi ref le;... ive at was used
as an equivalent for the Ital18n si since it too is in\olved
in
middll~/anti-c8usati\'e pall'S
( 1 Oa)
l
S
a
nurmal
ya'k ("lo break") and
(cf.
dec laratl ve
Lounsbury,
sentence
1953).
using
the r\P yutkaritha ("toylt).
the
In
verb
(lOb),
the t\P corrE'SpOndlng ta the direct obJect of (10a) is found ln
the suuJee.t positIon of a normal declaratl\'e sentence.
(Cf.
(3a) und (3b) of Sl'ctlon 2.1.3.2.)
( 10)
R.
SaI-. \o.a'-l-ha-ya'k-e'
yutkarltha.
J llTl fa c t - d u p - ~I s S - b r e a k - pu net 0 Y
",] lm
b.
broke the toy."
~utkarltha
tay
"Th(' to:-
c.
\o.a'-te-\o.-at-~a'k-e'.
fae. t-dup-\sS-srfl-break--puIIC
brokp,"
SaI... v-ha-k"erll-'
t-v-ha-ya'k-e'
Jim fut -~bS-b~' étule-punc dllp-fut-~lsS-urf:'aJ.-ptlnc
)lllkarllha.
to~
"Jlm \\111
d.
*~\ltJ. . arltha
to~
~ ,1 '
hr
f'.
Le able to br~nk the to~.
\-\,-at-b,enl-'
t-\-bafut-\'sS-srfl-be able-pune. dup-fut-\lsS-
L- e ' .
('HL-pUII('
*~lItl...étrlt!ta
\-\,-:'lt-J..,"f'ni-'
t-\-h-
fut-:-'sS-sr fI-oe aulp-l-llnc dl:P- fut-\s~-
toy
at-~d'h-(>'.
'>l'fl-hlhih-punc
f .
*~
Il
t J.., fi r l t !t ct
tu~
~cl'J..-(>'
l'I
t
\ - \\ ,. a
t - J..,,, e n 1-
'
t -\ -
LI-
fut-'\sS-srfl-oe able-pulle: dlIlJ-fut-:-'sS•
ah-pUlle
In
35
(lOd-f),
ways of inflecting the lower verb).
The ungrammaticality of
(lOd-f) indicates that the embedded direct object cannat be
fronted wlth the semi-reflexive at in the higher verb.
Further evidence cames from
use of
the Effective verb
atahsawv ("ta start") with the verb ya'k and the NP ohnhusha
("egg").
(11a)
and
(llb)
show the NP
ohnhusha
in direct
abject position and subject position, respectively.
(11) a.
Sak wa'-t-ha-ya'k-e'
ne ohnhusha.
Jim fact-dup-MsS-break-punc NE egg
"Jim broke the egg."
b.
ohnhusha wa'-te-w-at-ya'k-e'.
egg
fact-dup-NsS-srfl-break-punc
"The egg broke."
c.
cnv Sak v-t-ha-atahsawv-'
t-a-ha-ya'know Jim fut-cis-MsS-start-punc cis-opt-MsS-breake'
ne ohnhusha.
punc NE egg
"Jim wIll now start to break the egg."
d.
*ohnhusha v-te-w-(at)-atahsawv-'
1-aegg
fut-cis-t-.:sS-(srfl)-start-puTlc els-optha-ya' k-e ' •
MsS-break-punc
e.
*ohnhusha v-te-w-(at)-atahsawv-'
t-aegg
fut-cis-NsS-(srfl)-starl-pune eis-optw-a t-ya' k-e' .
NsS-srfl-break-punc
f.
*ohnhusha v-te-w-(at)-atahsawv-'
t-aegg
fUl-ClS-NsS-(srfl)-slarl-punc CIS-optka-ya' k-e' .
NsS-break-punc
In (Ile),
and ya'k.
the
higher
a bi-clausal
sentence is givf'Tl wIth alahsawv
In (.L1d-f), lhe dIrect object has been fronted
verb
contalns
the
semI-refle"'lve
inflections have been left on the lower verb.
36
at.
HTid
Various
Slnce (lld-f)
1
,
are ungrammatical, i t appears that the direct object cannot be
fronted with the semi-reflexive at in the higher verb.
This
seems
to
suggest
Effective verb is not a VP.
that
the
complement
of
the
If it were, then the movement of
sin~e
the direct object should have been possible
its trace
would have been bound within its minimal category, that being
the entire sentence.
However, sinee (10d-f) and (1Id-f) show
that this movement is not possible,
then it seems that the
lower complement is not a VP.
2.1.5.3 Change of Auxiliary
Rochette's
concerned the
(1988)
change
third
argument
of auxiliary
for
VP
complements
from avere to essere
Italian sentences involving restructuring verbs.
in
By positing
a VP complement, the necessary conditions for this change were
met.
Mohawk
Ho\o\'ever,
a
does
not
similar
have
type
morphemes on each verb.
independent
of
change
auxiliary
lnvolves
the
verbs.
agreement
Sorne Mohawk verbs only take objective
agreement prefixes (Deering and Delisle,
1976; Baker,
Mlthun,
subject
1991)
sentence.
even
This
if
there
selectlon
is
is
only
like
a
auxillary
Romance languages in that it depends on the
t-;p
1989;
in
selection
le~ical
the
in
features
of the verb and occurs primarily with intransitives.
These
types of verbs were used as complements to Effective verbs to
Sf'e
II
"
if tlley caused any change on the
higher verb.
37
agre~:rl~nt
prefix of the
1
(12) a.
t-a-ha-atahsawv-'
wa-ho-yo'tv-'.
cis-fact-MsS-start-punc fact-MsO-work-punc
"He started to work."
b.
*t-a-ho-atahsawv-'
wa-ho-yo'tv-'.
cls-fact-MsO-start-punc fact-MsO-work-punc
In (12a)
the lower verb yo'tv ("to work") takes an objective
1
agreement
prefix.
The
higher
verb
normally takes a subjective prefi~.
atahsawv
("to
start")
This prefix was changed
to the objective equivalent and the result was ungrammatlcal
(see (12b».
on
(and
This suggests that the lower verb has no effect
does
not
selec t)
the
Effect i v~
verb' s
agreement
morpheme.
Further evidence ls given in (13a-bl using the Effecli\e
verb kweni ("be able") and the verb ita'w ("to sleep").
again,
i t
agreement,
can
but
be
seen
this
that the
does
not
lower
affect
verb
Onc€'
takes objectl ve
the
higher
verb's
agreement.
( 13) a.
b.
wa-ha-kweni-'
wa-ho-ita'~-e'.
fact-MsS-be able-punc foct-MsO-sleep-punc
"He was able to sleep."
*wa-ho-kweni-'
wa-ho-lla'w-e'.
fact-MsO-be able-punc fact-~sO-sleep-punc
Given that thls type of change does not
Rochet te' s
weakened.
(1988 1 argument
for
a
VP
OCCUl'
compi ernen t
ln MohEHo.J...,
1
s
aga III
It seems thal the complement of an EffectIve vprb
in Mohawk is not a VP
complemen~,
with its own subJect.
1
38
but rather a
ruIler
~lHuse
2.2 NO IP COMPLEMENTS
The possibility of IP complements has been used in two
separate areas in current theory.
Wi thin the GB framework, an
IP structure has
regard to Exceptional Case
been used wi th
Marking and Raising (with infinitival complements).
Rochette
(1988) has extended the notion of IP complements to include
subjunctive clauses.
Both types will be considered in Mohawk.
2.2.1 The Structure of Emotive Verb Complements
Rochette (1988) argues that the Emotive verb class takes
IP
This
complements.
"event" wh i ch
INFL.
is
class
reali zed
s-selects
the
syntact icall y as
semantic
type
a proj ection
of
Verbs of this type typically take a tensed subjunctive
complement.
2.2.2 A Note on the Complementizer gue
Cruclally, Rochette (1988) assumes that when the French
complement 1 zer que
occurs
wi th subjunct ive
does not occur in a COMP position.
complements,
By doing this,
it
Rochette
(1988) allows a subjunctive complement to be an IP rather than
a
CP
and
can
thus
expl a i n
certai n
fac ts
wi th
regard
to
subjuncti ves.
Que becomes a "Case-spelling element for an argument that
cannot absorb Case directly" (Rochette, 1988:255) and
ft
role
similar
to
that
of
the
prepositions
infinlthal complements" (Rochette, 1988:255).
"pla~;s
wlth
Que occurs as
the head of KP with a subjunctive as its IP complement.
followlng tree dlagram lilustrates this:
39
the
The
IP
(14 )
/
\
l'
SPEC
l
/ \
/
VP
\
V
KP
/
K
que
\
IP
/ \
SPEC l'
1
/ \
VP
Rochette (1988) proposes that que realizes the case 8ssigned
by the matrix verb but does not aet 8S a eloser governor for
This allows UIf_'
the embedded subject position (SPEC of IP).
matrix verb to govern the embedded subJect pOSition.
2.2.3 Arguments to
The arguments
Sup~t
IP Complements
that Rochette
complements involve the followlng
ext ract 10n from
an
uses
(1988)
ta support
syntactic phenomena:
embedded subjec t
pas 1 t 1 on,
]P
\o:h-
embedded wh-
questions, quantifIer extraction, \oode scope interpr'etatlon of
an e mb e d d e d qua nt i fie l', and
0
b \' 1 a t 1 0 n I n
S li b J
u Tl C t
1 \' e
c l li IH~ e
~
,
2.2.3.1 \\'h-Extraction from Embedded Sutuecl Positiorl
One
argument
tbat
Rochette
(1988)
uses
ta
support
complemen ts i s tha t subjec t ex tract i on frolTl the compI
a
factive
Emotive verb
is
emt'T1
t
\erb
pOSSIble.
•
0
f
not pOSSIble,
extraction out of the complement of a Propositionnl
(15)
1 il
a.
Qui crois-tu qui a[INDIC] épolls~ Marie?
"\\'ho do you bel ieve has marrled Marle""
b.
*Qui regrettes-tu qui ait(SUBJC~CJ épousé Hurle'>
"Who do you regret that has mal-r1pd Mnrie?"
40
15
J
In (15a),
the Propositional verb croire "to believe" allows
wh-extraction out of the embedded subject position (when that
clause
is
indicative).
In
(15b),
a
similar
extraction
involving the factive Emotive verb regretter "to regret" is
ungrammatical (when the lower clause is subjunctive).
To
explain
this,
Rochette
(1988)
claims
that
the
complement to the factive verb is an IP and thus has no SPEC-
C' which can be used as a landing site for movement.
in (16)
The tree
shows the extraction of the embedded subject NP in
(15b).
IP
( 16 )
\
/
NP 1
l'
/
\
VP
I
\
/
VP
v
\
IP
/
Op
/
\
IP
\
/
t
l '
l
\
/
VP
1
/
V
\
NP
Slnce adjunctlon to maxImal projections that are arguments is
disallowed
(Chomsky,
1986),
the
extracted
subject
flrst
adjoins to the matrlx VP and then moves further up the tree.
ThIS
leads
to a
vl01at10n of
the Empty Category Prineiple
(ECP) SInee proper government does not hold between the trace
adJolned
1
to
the
matrix
VP
and
41
the
initIal
trace
in
the
1
embedded subject position.
Rather, government ls blocked by
the matrix verb.
2.2.3.2 Embedded Wh-Questions
If an
Emotive
verb only takes an
there should be no COMP.
IP complement,
If there is no COMP, then It is not
possible for a wh-word to occur in the lower clause.
connection,
Rochette
(1988)
notes
that
that
an
Emotive
verb
could
not
In this
"complements
Emotive verbs) are never headed by Wh-words" (p.
means
then
take
256).
an
[to
ThIS
embedded
interrogative (in the subjunctlve mood) Slnce such a structure
obligatorily involves a wh-word to appear in the SPEC of C' of
the lower clause.
2.2.3.3 Quantifier Extraction
Another argument that Rochette (1988) uses to support her
claim
of
Movement.
IP
complements
This
process
is
that
of
is
llmited
Leftward
to
QuantIfIer
certain
types
of
campI ements and i n\"ol ves the quant if 1 er tous "a 11''.
When tous
is
can OCCllI'
associated with
outside of the
an abject NP,
the
quantifit>y,
embedded subjunctive clause
(a~
long as
tbe
object ~p appears as a clitlC).5
(17) a.
Jean veut que Harle 11se[SCBJU~C] tous les lIvres.
"Jean wants t-Jarle to rend aIl the books."
b.
Jean veut tous que Marle les Ilse[SCBJU~C].
" J e li n w a nt s ~18. rIe t 0 r e li d aIl of the m. "
c.
*Jean crOIt tous que Marle les llra[IN!JlC].
"Jean belleves that Marle ""Ill read them aIl."
In (17a), the quantifier tous
.'
15
ln Its normal position
regard to the (embedded) abject NP.
42
WItt.
In (17h), thf' qUllntlfH'r'
1
can be found in a different position, outside of the embedded
subjunctive clause.
Note that the matrix verb is vouloir "to
want" which IS an Emotive verb.
(17c) shows that quantifier
movement cannot apply to a sentence in which the matrix verb
is a Propositional verb (croire "to believe") and the lower
clause is indicative.
Rochette (1988)
explains this by assuming a
few things
about the quantifier tous (following Haik (1985».
First, she
assumes that tous His base generated in the position in which
it
appears
at
S-structure"
(Rochette,
1988:303).
This
position is the same as thal which adverbs would take within
the VP.
she assumes that "in order for tous to be
Second,
interpreted as
variable al LF"
a
quantifier,
it
must
form a
chain with
(Rochette, 1988:304) and that thlS chain is
subJect ta Principle A of
the Binding Theory.
Third,
assumes that "the varlable that the quantifier binds
clltic chain and that tous becomes the head of the
(tous,
Cl,
t)
at
LF"
(Rochette,
1988:304).
she
is the
ne~
chaln
Lastly,
she
assumes that the clitic is under INFL at S-structure glven
ralsing.
a
v-
The structure for (17b) IS the follcwlng:
(18) Jean veut tous l que [IP Marle
[r' [rNFL les l lise][Vr t 1
]]]
Princlple A stales that an anaphor must be bound wlthin
the minlmal
governlng
cate,sory
containlng a
leXIcal category governlng the anaphor.
the clitJC chaIn al LF,
subJect
and
Slnce tous is part of
It must be that the local domaln
not the embedded clause but
the matrlX clause.
43
a
One
wa~
15
ta
motivate this result is by positing that the lower clause is
an IP.
If the complement to an Emotive verb iB an IP,
then
the minimal governing category becomes the matrix clause Slnee
this clause contains a subject and
a lexIcal category
(the
Princlp}e A
matrix verb) which governs the embedded INFL.
15
thus satisfied.
2.2.3.4 Wide Scope Interpretation of an Embedded QuantIfIer
A fourth argument that Rochette (1988) uses to support IP
complements involves wide scope interpretation of an ernbedded
quantifier.
personne
In
this
"nobody"
in
type
of construction,
the
obJect
pOSI tion
the
of
quantifIer
an
embedded
subjunctive clause is linked wlth a negative element ne ln thL
matrix clause.
(19) a.
b.
?Je n'ai eXIg~ qu'ils arrêtent[SUBJUNC) personne.
"1 neg have requlred that they arrest nobody."
*Je n'ai cru qu'ils arrêteraient[INDIC) personne.
"1
neg
have
belleved that
they would tirrest
nobody."
(19a) shows that the quantIfier personne in an embedded obJect
position can be linked outslde of its clause wlth the negatl'\'e
element ne. 6
matrix
verb
( 1 9 b)
is
s h () \, s a s l mIl a r s e n te n cee x cep t
Proposltlonal
and
not
Emotive
t h t'
(and
the
complement 18 indicatIve and not subJunctlve).
The contrast between (19a) wlth (19b) IndIcates that Ua'
quantifier personne can only be llnked outside of Its clause
when
it
assumes
appears
that
ln
this
a
8ubJunctive
follows
from
clause.
the
structural
between 8ubJunctive and IndIcative clauses.
44
Rochette
(198H)
differen("e~
The formel' are
Ir
1
complements while
Rochette
(1988)
the latter are CP complements.
assumes
that
only
IP
Further,
complements
allow
a
negative quantifier to be in the scope of the matrix negation.
Thus, (19a) involves an IP complement.
~.2.3.5
Obvlation in Subjunctive Clauses
Apother argument that Rochette (1988) uses involves the
phenomenon
of
complements.
obviation
Obviation
between two pronouns.
in
is
sentences
ohllgatory
with
subjunctive
disjoint
reference
This fact is evident in a sentence like
( 20 ) •
( 20) a.
III voudrait qu'il. l/J finisse son article.
"Hel would llke tnat he.l/
finish his article."
J
(disjoint only)
b.
III croyait qu' ill!J
finirait son article plus
rapidement.
"He~ believed that he
would finish his article
l/J
faster."
In
(20a),
the
two masculine
pronouns
reference
(as
indicated
the
coreferent,
the
sentence
by
must
he
indices).
disjoint
If
becomes ungrammatical.
in
the y
are
Note
that
(208) involves an Emotive verb and a subjunctive complement.
In (20b),
a slmilar sentence is given using a Propositlonal
malrix verb and an indicative complement.
Obviation does not
obtain ln thlS sentence.
The
Princlple
use
of
B of
pronouns
the
and
Blnding
coreference
Theory
which
pronouns must be free "'lthin a local domaine
are
ln
thE" same local domain,
order to
satIsfy
is
governed
states
that
by
aIl
If two pl'onouns
then they must be dIsjoint ln
Principle B.
45
Since
sentences
like
(200.)
1
involve obviation,
it
suggests that the local domain is the
matrix clause and not the embedded clause.
Rochette (1988) achieves th1S result via her claim that
This is shown in (21) where both
the lower clause 1S an IP.
NP1 and NP2 are pronouns.
( 21 )
IP
/
\
NPl 1
l'
l
/ \
VP
/
\
IP
V
\
/
NP2 J I '
/ \
1
VP
/
V
In this structure,
the
\
NP
matri~
verb can govern the INFL of the
subjunctlve complement and the embedded subject
minimal governing category
the higher clause
verb.
since
This puts the
reference
(i f
Its lexical
governor 1S the
matrix subJect
are
they
Tbp
for the embeddcd subject bcromu!-.
subJect in the same local domain.
in
(NP2).
(t\Pl)
and the
Thus, they must tH>
pronouns)
in
order
ta
mflf rI:',
embedd,~d
dISJOInt
sut
J sf~
Principle B.
Plcallo
subJunctives
(1985)
sim1lar
glves
in
different ln delails.
another
spIrit
account
to
Picallo (19H5)
of
Rochette's
ob\iatlon
(1988)
relIes on the
III
Ullt
fPlttlll'f'
[Tense] to motlvate tbe desired tJlnding domain for embt'drkd
subjects ln Catalan subjunctlves.
subJunctlve complements
have
f'lcallo (1985) notes th/d
an "unrellllzed tensp"
46
ln
thnt
1
their tense specification is dependent upon the tense of the
matrix clause.'
In Catalan, a subjunctive clause is
[±past]
depending on whether the matrix verb is [±past].
Slnce
subjunctive
clauses
only
express
a
temporal
reference point with respect to the moment of speech, Picallo
(1985) claims that this feature ([±past]) must be coindexed
with
a
c-commanding
In
specification.
INFL
this
node
way,
that
Picallo
has
(1985)
tense
full
suggests
that
well-formedness conditions on clausal structures are met and
that theta-role mapping can then take place.
Given
these
assumptions
about
subjunctive
clauses,
Picallo (1985) presents her analysis of the obviation found in
sentences llke the followlng:
(22) a.
En Jordi l espera que [pro.J/
J
vingui].
SUB
"George t hopes that [( he). l,.,/, come]."
. seB
b.
-Tu sents que [pro telefonls al Joan].
SUB
"YoII regret tha t
r (you)
calI John]."
SCB
In both (22a) and (22b), t.he complement is subjunctlve and the
matrix subject and the embedded subject must be disjoint or
the sentence WIll be unf,rammatical.
In arder ta capture the obvlation facts,
PIcallo (1985)
alters the definltlon of blndlng domaln ta include the notIon
of tense.
that
it
elements
The subjunctive tense is assumed to be anaphoric in
lS coiudexed with
form
a
the matrlx
Tense-cbuin
(T-chain)
47
tense.
The
and
binding
co i nde\.eo
8Fplles
1
within
the
1985).8
domain
by
defined
maximal
T-chains
(Picallo,
If the tenses are linked and there is no intervening
accessible subject,
than one IP.
then the
binding domain will
be
larger
The binding domaln wIll only be one IP if a T-
chain contains only one member (as in indIcative clauses).
By including the feature [Tense
domain,
Plcallo
(1985)
motlvates
sentences w i th
obv iat ion in
J
a
in the notIon of bl ndi ng
the
desired
subjunct l"e
result
compl emt>nt.
blnding domain for an embedded pronominal subject
the
next
higher
Follmdng
clause
Principle
with
B of
a
the
full
tense
sny (pronomInal) subject
~ilhln
The
extend~
to
specification.
BlndIng Theory,
pronominal subject \o,'ould have to be dIsJOInt
for
the
embedded
reference with
Hl
the same blndlng domHln.
ThIS
results in the ob\ Iation that occurs in Catalan senlenu"s wilh
a subjunctive complement.
2.2.4 Mohahk and SubJunctlve Clauses
M,)ha\\'k does not have subjuncti ve complements.
no
morphologicsl
compl ete 1 y t
0
marker.:;
the su 1.,j unc t
on
1
the
ve mood
v('rb
~hich
Romance.
HI
marker which cornes the closest is the optatne
Thus, one researche r has s ta ted tba t t he opta t
of mebuing equivalent to infInItIve,
r(~quest"
(Lounsbury, 1953:50).
optative
expresses
what
a
Thf>re an'
correspolld
HO\o,'eve r , t he'
"tell~f!"
1 VP
has
subJuTlcti\'e,
prefl'..
8
"rliflgt'
and puIde
Foster (1985) argues thut tht·
speaker
desirable.
48
thinks
pOSSIble
or
1
Like the subjunctive then, the optative does not seem to
be a well-defined marker of tense but is rather a marker of
Furthe r,
mood.
an
opta t 1 ve
clause
usuall y
appears
embedded posltion and rarely as a matrix clause.
surface in the matrix positlon,
the modal
"should".
Again,
in
an
When it does
lts interpretatlon involves
this is indicatlve more of mood
than tensC'.
Also, in sorne Romance languages, certain verbs only take
subjunctIve (and infinitivall complements.
are
verbs
of
volition,
command,
permission
psychologieal verbs and factive verbs.
there are sorne
wish";
verbs
"ta
rako
(llke
choose")
atvhutso
that
In French, these
as
weIl
as
Simllarly, in Mohawk,
"ta want" i
only
take
askanek
an
"to
optative
complement.
For these reasons, an embedded optative clause was used
with
Emolive
verbs
as
the
point
of
comparison
with
the
subjunctive in Romance.
2.2.5 Ir Complement Arguments and Mohawk
2.2.5.1 Wh-Extraction from Embedded SubJect POSItion
One
s~nt&ctlc
be handled
b~
extractIon
wa~
argument
WRS
process that Rochette (1988) claimed could
posltlng
an
IP
was
that
subject
not possible from the embedded clause.
This
tested in Mohawk uSlng the Emotive verb askanek
"ta w i sh" .
49
n
complement
.-------
-----
------
(23) a.
------------------------------
wa-u-askanek-e'
ne Adriana a-ha-hnlnu-'
fact-FsS-wish-punc NE Adriana opt-MsS-buy-punc
kasere ne Edward.
car
NE Edward
"Adriana wished Edward would buy a car."
b.
uhka ne AdrIana wa-u-askanek-e'
a-ha-hnlnu-'
who NE Adriana fact-FsS-wish-punc opt-MsS-buy-punc
kasere.
car
"Who did Adriana wish would buy a car'?"
In (23a), a normal bi-clausal sentence is glven uSlng askanek.
In (23b),
a wh-word h,as been extracted out of the embedded
subject position and the sentence is grammallcal.
ThiS Iesult
would not be expected if the complement were only an
Ir.
Additional evidence i8 given ln (24) using the EmotIve
verb atvhutso "ta wart".
while
(24b)
subJect
provides
(24a) provides the normal senU:nC'e
the wh-extraction
Once
po~ition.
agalTi,
the
from
the
emhf'ddpù
g ramma tic a I r f' '{Id t
contrasts
~ilh
( 24) a.
Uwari te-yako-alvhulso-nl-hakwe Jane a-hll~aMary dup-FsO-want-ben/stat-FP Janp opt-FsS/Ms()kurek-e' ne Watio.
hit-punc ~E Matthew
"Mary wanted Jane ta hit MatUlev.'."
b.
French.
uhka ne Uwarl te-yako-at"hutso-nl-hak\.o.. e awho NE ~lary dup-FsO-\o'ant-ben/btat-FP oI,thuwa-kurek-e'
ne ~atlO.
FsS/MsO-hlt-punc NE Matthew
"Who dld Mary \r.. anl lo bIt Hatthe",r,,,
(23b) and (24b) thus provlde eVldeme that these vel'bs tah(' a
full CP complement Instead of only an IP.
2.2.5.2 Embedded
In
addItIon
"h-Q\lestion_~
to
subJect
extraction,
another
syntact
process that does nol occur ".'lth subjunctive complement!:.
50
II
(ln
1
Romance
languages)
is
complement is an IP,
indirect
If
interrogatives.
the
there would be no COMP available for a
wh-word.
Thus,
the
lack
of
embedded
wh-questions
is
explained.
This was tested for in Mohawk using the Emotive
verb riwanuluhs "to ask,,9.
(25)
a.
wa-hl-rlwanutuhs-e'
ne Shawatis au-ta-hofact-lsS/MsO-ask-punc NE John
opt-cis-MsOati-'
ne athvno.
throw-punc NE baIl
"1 asked John to throw the baIl."
b.
wa-hi-riwanutuhs-e'
ne Shawatis ohnahotv wahi
fact-lsS/MsO-ask-punc NE John
what
WAHl
au-ta-ho-atl-'.
opt-cls-MsO-throw-punc
"1 asked John what he should throw."
(25a) gives a regular sentence involving the verb riwanutuhs.
(25b)
gives
embedded
"what"
a
slmllar
qu~stion.
indlcales
lower clause than
sentence
The
that
presence
there
mer~ly
except
must
of
the
be more
Ir,
(25b)
acceptable,
should
the
form
wh-word
of
an
ohnahotv
structure
in
the
an IP (assuming that wh-movement is
to COMP in Mohawk too--see Section 2.3.2).
an
in
be
If there was only
ungrammatica1.
Since
(25b)
IS
It must be that the lower clause is more than an
1 P .10
2.2.5.3 QuantIfier Extraction
A third piece of evidence that Rochette (1988)
that of quantifier extraction.
be
found
outside
Interpr~ted
of
is
The quantifIer tous "aIl" can
embedded
clause
yet
stIll
be
with the embedded dIrect object (provided said NP
appears as a clltic).
1
the
uses
Quaptlfler movement out of an embedded
51
1
clause
wish",
was
tested
the
for us Ing
Propositional
the
Emot i ve
hrori
verb
verb
"to
"to
askanek
tell"
and
the
quantifier akweku "aIl".
(26) a.
wa-k-askanek-e'
a-k-hninu-'
akweku ne
fact-lsS-wish-punc opt-lsS-buy-punc aIl
NE
kasere.
car
"1 ~i shed to buy aIl the cars."
b.
*akweku wa-k-askanek-e'
a-k-hninu-'.
aIl
fact-lsS-Wlsh-punc opt-lsS-buy-punc
"1 wlshed to buy aIl of them."
c.
v-shako-hrori-'
a-ye-k-e'
akweku ne
fut-MsSjFsO-tell-punc opt-FsS-eat-punc aIl
NE
kanataro.
bread
"He WIll tell her to eat aIl OH:' bread."
d.
*akweku v-shako-hrori-'
a-ye-k-e'.
aIl
fut-MsSjFsO-tell-punc opt-FsS-eal-punc
"He will tell her to eat aIl of i t.
Il
( 2 6 a ) g ive s a s e n te n c e w i th the q li a n tIf i e r
1
nit s
position next to the (embedded) NP Il modIfies.
quantifier
sentence is
appears
at
the
of
the
0
ut
0
(> ( '
l
E.' d
In (26b), tht,
sentence
ThIS indicates
ungrammatical.
ex t ra ct ion i s no t po s s i b 1 e
verbs. 11
front
exp
thaL
f the co mpie fil (' Tl L~
anù
thf'
quant ifler
0
f
EDI 0 t
1 \'
e
(26c) and (26d) sho\o. thaL quantlfier extraction do('!-.
not occur with Propositional verbs elther.
Rochette
(1988)
rnotivates an IP complement
oy
clalmiflg
that the quantIfier and the ClltiC form an A-chaIn which mu!-.t
obey Principle A.
In order to do so, the local dom'lln mu",t
the entlre sentence.
Th 1 s i s a chi e v e d v i a an
lP
C0
m[J 1 e n\l' n t
and government of the embedded INFL by the malr!).. veru.
(26), it seems thal quantlfier e>.. trnction
52
15
l;p
Gl\pn
not alway~ found
1
with Emotive verbs.
In (26b), the ungrammatieallty ls due to
a violation of Prineiple A.
The quantifier and the elitie it
binds were not in the same local domain.
the
complement
for
this
particular verb
This indicates that
must
involve
more
structure than just an IP.12
2.2.5.4 Wide Sc ope Interpretation of an Embedded Quantifier
Another piece of eVl.dence that Rochette (1988)
uses
is
that of wide seope interpretatl.on of an embedded quantifier.
In this construction, an embedded quantifier (personne) could
be linked outside of its clause to a negative marker (ne).
This phenomenon was
uhkak
"someone"
and
the
tested uSl.ng the Mohawk quantifier
negation
partiele
yah
"no".
One
important faet about thl.S quantifier is that it changes form
when it is interpreted with a negation partirle.
(27) a.
Uhkak
wa-shako-kv-'.
someone faet-MsS/FsO-see-punc
"He sa\-. somebody. It
b.
Yah te-hshako-kv-0
uhka.
not neg-MsSjFsO-see-stat someone
"He saw nobody; He didn't see anybody."
In (27a),
(27b)
the quantifier appears in its normal form.
in\'ol\'ing
the
liegation
partiele,
the
form
But in
of
quantifIer changes in that it loses Its fl.nal consonant.
the
This
indicatt>s that the quantIfier ,dll change when under the scope
of negatlon.
To test Rochette's (1988) argument, the quantifier uhkak
was put inlo an embedded clause and the negation particle yah
WHS
put inlo a malrix
clause with verbs
l
53
from two
different
J
classes, Emotive
If the quantif1er was
and Propositional.
still under the scope of the negation particle, then it would
be expected to change form with the Emotive verb but not with
the Proposit1onal verb.
ayah tha-te-ho-atvhutso-ni
uhka
not contr-dup-MsO-want-ben/stat someone optkhe-kurek-e' .
IsS/FsO-h1t-punc
"He does not want me to punch anyone."
(28) a.
b.
In
yah te-ho-ateryvtar-e' tS1 uhka
wa-khenot neg-MsO-know-punc TS! someone fact-lsS/FsOkurek-e' •
hit-punc
"He does not know that 1 h1t anyonf:'."
(28a)
verb.
the
vt~rb
matrix
atvhutso "to want"
Emotive
The quantifier has changed form indicating thnl it is
interpreted
with
the
negation
expected since Emotive verbs
ateryvtar
"to
know"
quantifier has changed
In (28b),
the
Propos i t lonal
a
lS
to
be
wide scope IntprprptatJon
allo~'
is
This
part1cle.
of an embedded quantifIer in French.
verb
an
is
form also,
v(>
Indicating that
matrlx
rb.
It
Thp
tao
IS
interpreted with the negation part1cle ln the matrix claus€>.
The
fae t
tha t
both
types
0
f
verbs
a 11 o~
w i de
sc ope
interpretation of an embedded quantIfIer suggests that Ul('Y do
not d'f'fer with respect to the structure of thelr
complelllent~.
This provldes evidenee against Rochette's (1988)
Emotive and
Propos1tlonal verbs dlffer wlth
type of complements they select.
54
c.lulm that
res}JPct to
lh('
1
2.2.5.5 Obviation in Optative Clauses
Rochette's (1988) strongest argument for an IP complement
cornes
from
clauses.
obv lat Ion
facts
invol ving
embedded
subjuncti ve
A pronoun subject in this type of complement must be
obligatorlly dIsJoInt ln reference from the matrix subject.
This phenomenon was tested in Mohawk using the Emotive verbs
askanek "ta wish",
(29) a.
atvhutso "to want" and rako "to choose".
wa-ha-askanek-e'
a-ha-hsa-'
ne
fact-MsS-wish-punc opt-MsS-finish-punc NE
kahyatuhsera.
paper
"Hel wished hel could finish the paper."
b.
te-ho-atvhutso-ni
a-ha-kurek-e'.
cis-MsO-want-ben/stat opt-MsS-hit-punc
"He wants to hit it."
c.
wa-ha-rako-'
a-ha-ya'tata-'.
fact-MsS-choose-punc opt-MsS-bury-punc
"He chose to bury it."
It can be seen in (29) that obviation does not obtain i.e. the
pronominal
subJects
coreferent.
Hl
w}llch
the
in
the higher
and
lower
verbs
can
be
This is a dlfferent result from the fact in (20)
two
pronouns
must
Involve Emotive matrix verbs.
be disjoint---and
yet
both
If the complement here an IP,
then lt would be difficult to explain the coreference in (29).
However, if the complement were a CP, then the coreference in
(29) follows Slnce the governing category of the pronominal
lower subject would be the lower clause.
This allows It to be
bound by the matrlx subject and without violating Principle B.
55
1
2.2.6 Infinitives. Ralsing and Exceptional Case Marklng
Mohawk does not have inflnitival clauses i.e. Mohawk does
~vhich
not have any clause in
verbs
occur
usually
wi th
sorne
sort
of
morphology
In
this
respect,
tense/aspect).
different
from
Engllsh
AlI
a bare verb root appears.
and
Romance
(agreement
Mohawk
qUI le
languages J3 •
Two
ar~
Ralsing
theoretical phenomena which rely on IP complements
and Exceptional Case Marking (ECM).
lS
and
These will be explored ln
Mohawk below.
2.2.6.1 Raising
In English, certain verbs (e.g. seem, appear, be Iihel))
do not assign a theta-role ta the NP ln the subject posItion.
posi_~lon
NP's in this
lower verb
in order
must receive their theta-role from
to
satlsfy
the Theta-Crlteriofl
states that aIl NP's must receive a theta-rolp).
NP
orlgl~ates
UIC
(WhlCh
The sub.Jpct
ln the subject positlon of the lower clause and
It recehes
then raises ta the matrix subject posltlon.
Ils
theta-role via its trace.
Raising lS the theoretical explanatlon for the followlog
faets:
(30)
a.
b.
c •
John) seems t) to be happy.
It seems t
to be rainlng.
Th~ fur) se~ms t l to fl y.
(30a) illustrates a tYPlcal E.>xample of a Ralslng constI'l.lltioll
in whi ch the ma tr 1 x NP
subject positlon.
theta-role
to
its
"J uhn" !-)as
ra 1 sed
from the
E.>mbpdded
(30h) shows that "seE.>ms" cannot aS!-.lgn a
subject
position
'.'
56
sinep
a
pleonast
le
(an
1
element
which
position.
i8
semantically
empty)
can
occur
in
this
(30c) shows that Raisins can apply to idiom chunks
to produce grammatical sentences.
Since
Raising
involves
an
NP-trace,
it
must
obey
Princlple A of the Binding Theory which states that an anaphor
must be bound within Its local domain.
The matrix subject NP
and its trace ln the lower clause must therefore be withln a
local
In
domaln.
order
complement cannot be a CP.
for
this
to
be
so,
the
lower
Il must therefore be a complement
with less structure--such as an IP.
Raising verbs take
IP
complements.
AIse invelved ln this structure is the principle of ECP.
The moved NP
governed.
governor,
clause.
leaves
behind a
trace which must
be
pro~'erly
Since the embedded INFL cannot serve as a
proper
the trace must be governed from outside the lower
There are two possible governors:
the matrlx verb or
the (moved) NP in the matrix subJect position.
For elther of
these categorles ta govern the embedded trace, there can be no
intervening
Thus t
thp
CP
(sinee
€'mbedded
this
projection
complement
must
be
blacks
government).
smaller than
a
cr,
leading to the claim that it is an IP.
2.2.6.2 The Lack of Typical Raising Verbs
Moha\·.. h does
not
have
any
typical
"epistemic"
verbs llke "seem", "appear" or "be likely".
Raising
When these were
tested for, the verb ehre "to think (be of the opinion that)"
'f
57
was used,
sometimes with the particle toka "maybe" or the
particle niyot "seem".H
(31) a.
a-hs-ehre-'
toka ro-nuwakta-ni
ne
opt-2sS-think-punc maybe MsO-be siek-ben/stat NE
Shawatis.
John
"John seems to be sick."
(lit.) "You would thlnk maybe John 15 sick."
b.
tsi niyot n-a-hr-ehre-k-e'
toka waTSI seem part-opt-MsS-think-cont-punc maybe factke-now-v' .
lsS-lie-punc
"He seems to think that l'm a liar."
(1 i t.) "He thinks maybe l l j ed. "
c.
a-hs-ehre-'
te-yu-ashvtho-s ne Om·larl.
opt-2sS-think-punc dup-FsS-cry-hab NE Mary
"Mary appears to be cry~ng."
(lIt.) "You would ttllnk Mary is en Ing."
d.
ne Susan.
t-v-ye-nunyahkw-e'
l-k-ehre-'
dup-fut- FsS-danee -pune 0-1 s5-- th.1 nk -pune NE 5u~aTl
"Susan lS likely ta dance."
(l~t.) "Susan will dance l thlnk."
The onl y ve rbs tha t may be Ra 1 s i ng verbs are aspec tuaI
\'(> d)'-)
such as atahsawv "ta start" anù kweni "be able".
"start" (in Englu"h)
is ambiguous
HI
that it cali tle both
il.
Raising and a Control verb IPerlmutter, 1970).
(32) Hel started tl/PRal to
l n (3 2 ), i t
,~ash
the dlShcs.
i s no te] e a r wh eth e r the con s t rue t
a Ralsing or a Control one.
1 0 Tl
Hl \' 0
l \' e d i b
Nonetheless, thlS verb was used
to test for Raising ln Mohawk.
2.2.6.3 The Laek of Sub.ieçt Raislng
Slnce Mohawk does not have infinltival clause5,
on~
wny
to see If Raising occurs is to focus on the subject agreement
pronominals on each verb.
If the prononllnals match Le.
58
if
the lower verb is required to take the same subject pronominal
prefix as the hlgher verb,
then this could be interpreted as
an instance of Ralsing.
( 33)
a.
Uwari t-a-yu-atahsawv-'
ratetsvts aoptMery eis-faet-FsS-start-punc dnctor
shako-ka' vyu-' .
MsS/FsO-look elosely-punc
"Mary started ta be examined by a doetor."
b.
? onv t-u-atahsawv-0
wa-ho-ita'w-e'.
now eis-NsS-start-stat fact-MsO-sleep-punc
"No\-.' it has started (that) he slept."
c.
Sak v-ha-kwenl-'
ne shakoyv'a v-yuJim fut-MsS-be able-punc NE daughter
fut-FsSate-weyv-sth-e'
tho McGill.
srfl-learn-caus-punc at
McGill
"Jim will be able (to force) his daughter to study
at McGill."
d.
Uwarl wa'-ye-kwenl-'
ratetsvts a-shakoMary facl-FsS-be able-punc doctor
opt-MsS/FsOka' vyu- , .
look closely-punc
"Mary was able ta be examlned by a doetor."
In (33a)
the
prononllnals
do
not match
I.e.
the
takes a dlfferent agreement marker from the hlgher
lm.."er
verb
~erb.
The
lower verb takes shako (masculIne slngular subject) whlle the
higher verb takes yu (feminine slngular subject).
In (33b),
" and the
the lowf'r \ eru takes ho (mascul ine singular obJect )"'
Lakes
pronomInalE.
are
also
Ralslng had occurred,
match tilt>
~ubJP(t
dlfferent
singular
in
subJect ) .
sentences
The
(33c:-d).
If
the subject of the hl.gher verb ShOlild
of the Im..'er verb (as in (32».
two sllbJectb do not
Ralslng does
(neuter
u
need to match,
not Dccur.
Rather,
59
Since the
It can be concluded that
the subject of the
matri~
1
verb Just happens to be coreferent ~ith the subJect of
the
embedded verb in the majority of cases.
2.2.6.4 E~ceptional Ca~e MarkIng
The Case FIlter states that aIl overt NP's must recelV~
NP's that are ln the subJect position (l.e. SPEC of IP)
case.
rece i ve case from [+ tense] 1 NFL.
when INFL i8
However,
[-
tense], the subject NP must recelve case from some~her~ ('Ise,
as in the followlrg sentences:
(34)
a.
John belleves Mary to he beaullful.
Matthew expects Tom lo WIn the race.
Harry conslders \o,'1nona to be hon~st.
b.
c .
In (34a-c),
10~'er
the
subordinate clause.
(i.e.
I:-.JFL
is
[-
NP is
SIn c e t he 1 0
tense]),
~uuJec:t
ln the
lhE'
~ ('
pOSItIon
r e l a u s (~
lo~'er
t\p
l SIn
u{'
cannat
f
of
l ri 1
th('
t J\
fi
1
a::-,sl~ll('d
case--and yet the sentences are grammatIcal.
The solution ta
assign case to
thls puzzle
that ~om(' hq~h('r
IS
the lower subJecl posltion.
In orùPI
this, the higher verb must govern the lo\.:er subJect
One way
to make
th1s
complement must be an
possll>le
IP.
i8
to
If I l '-'cre
li
CP,
could not obtnin bet~'een the }llgher \'prb and
t.h(>!l
t
do
0
pU">lt HHl.
lhal
aSSUfill'
v('t'iI",
the
lO\o,('r'
~()\'t'I'rllTll'rd
UI(' lo~pr' sllb.Jpf't
position Slnce CPs block go\ernmpnt.
complempnts.
2.2.6.5 The Lac:h of Most ECM Verbs
Mohawk does not ha\€' most of tbp typlcal
"consider" or
"expect".
1t
do es,
h0
~ (, \' e
"believe", one of the commOT! EC),f \pl'bs.
60
r,
ECM \,prh~
h Et \
~
a
ver b
]
1
kr·
f () r
l
2.2.6.6 The
La~k
of ECM
Mohawk does not have any infinltival clauses.
Despite
thls, one way to see if Mohawk has ECM is ta see if the higher
verb asslgns case ta the lower verb VIa the use of pronominal
agr~ement.
wi th
ThIs assumes that X asslgns case to Y If X agrees
Y.
If
equ i valent of
the
hlgher
verb
the
lower
verb' s
takes
subJect
could be argued that some klnd of ECM
(35) a.
abject
pronominal
pronomInal,
lS
then
it
taking place.
Uwarl t-yakaw-ehtakw-v
tsi ra-ksaht-iyo ne
Mar)
cis-FsO-belleve-stat TSI MsS-boy-good NE
Shawatls.
Juhn
"Mary belleves John to be nice."
Uwan t -huw-ehtakw-v
ts 1 ra- ksaht- i)'o ne
Mary cls-FsS/MsO-believe-stat TSI MsS-boy-good SE
Sha\o,'atis.
John
"Mar~ belleves hlm) that John is a good chlld.
b.
c.
the
Uhari t-hu\o,-ehtakw-v
~ar)
cls-FsS/~sO-h~lleve-stat
Sak tsi
Jim TSI
ra-ksaht-l~o ne Shakatls.
MsS-boy-good :\F Johr!
"Mé1r~ belleves Jlm that John 15 a good chlld.
In
( 358) ,
the
constructlon
18
translatIon
gl\'en.
~ote
of
an
Engllsh
EC~t
that the pronominal prefl:-. of the
hlgher verb does not agree wlth the pronomInal prefIx of the
lower verb.
Ta forc~ agreement, the pronomInal of the higher
ve rh was (' htUlgt'd sa t ha t
the hl ghe r
\'e rb' s pronom 1 nal obj cc t
prefIX agr'eed k'ltb the lOk'er verL's 5ubJect pronomInal prefb.. - li
S i t
nll g lt t I f E(' ~1 we r f' t a k 1 n g pla ce.
Tl\{' requIt i5. a grammatlC:al sentence (as in (35b)),
the meaning
IS
not the same as (35a).
61
ft
Crucially,
but
the higher
1
verb's object pronominal does not refer to the same NP as the
lower verb's subject pronomlnal--whlCh It should If ECM were
taklng
place.
Instead,
theta-argurnenl
the
higher
takes
separl1t~>
a
\... hlCh 1S dlsJoint
from the
lower subJect by Princlple C of the Blndlng Theory.
Thi S I S
confirmed b;y
(a dlrect object),
verb
where the add1tlonal ar'guflIf>lll l1ppears as
(35e),
The exampl es in (35) seem to s ho~ tha t
a separa te NP.
Mohtl~ h
does not have any ECM.
2.3 CP
COMrLEME~TS
2.3.1 The Structure of PrQ..P.9s1tLonal~rb C'-Q!!lRl~!!!~n!_~
Rochette
class s-select
CLH of thlS
clalfils
(1988)
the
semantlc
type lS a
that verbs of
the Pl'(JpO~:il tHlnld
t:.'pe "pro}Jositlon" éind
Thu~,
projectIon of C0"1P.16
lhat
Jt
lS
thp
on]y
verbs of this clas& that take CP complements.
KOh Moha~k certalnly ha&
synlax
of Mohah'h's CPs
i8
nol
cr
complemenl~.
identlcal
ta
Howc\
thal of
t
PI,
hf'
I-n~IJsh
CPs.
2.3.2 A Nole on the Partiele t5i
Tho u g h l he st al u S of t S i l S
be
argued
"lhat".
that
tsj
lS
a
TI 0
t
en tIr e l y
(Il' éi
complementizer slmllar
r,
tü
1
t
\0. J
l 1
Fnl!,ll<.,h
There are thO prOperllE'S of "that" \o.'tllch l'an lit, /'uund
w i th t s 1.
The f
1
r 8 I l s th é1 t
the co Dl 11 l e fil C Tl t
optional.
62
1 Z f> l
"
t h (! t"
(lU J
li p
1
(36)
a.
Sak I-hr-ehre-'
tS1 r1-nuhwe'-s.
Sak 0-MsS-thlnk-punc TSI lsSjMsO-like-hab
"Sak thlnks that 1 llke hlm."
b.
Sak I-hr-ehre-'
ri-nuhwe'-s.
Sak 0-MsS-thlnk-punc lsS/MsO-llke-hab
"Sak thlnks 1 llke hlm."
In (36a),
not.
the particle
ts1 lS present while in
(36b),
it is
Since both sentences are grammat1cal and have the same
meanlng, this indicates that ts1 lS opt1onal and behaves much
like the complement1zer "that".
The second propert y
ward cannot ln general
i s tha t
a complement 1 zer and
a wh-
occur adJacent ta one another.
This
can be at tl'lbuled to a "doubly-filled COMP" f i l ter.
( 3 7) a.
*JR(k ro-eh~are-O
tB1 ohnahotv wa-ha-hn1nuJack MsO-remember-stat TSI what
fact-MsS-buypune
"Jack remembered (*that) what to Luy."
b.
*Jock ro-ehyare-O
ohnahotv tsi wa-ha-hninuJack MsO-remember-stat what
TSI fact-MsS-buyl'une
"Jack remembered what
1n
(37 a,
b) the part le l e
(*that)
ts1 and
to buy."
the wh-word ohnaholv occur
adjacent ta olle another and the sel1tences sre ungrammatlcal.
This resf>mbles the same phenomenon ln Engl1sh ln Wh1Ch "that
+ wh-word" comlnnatlons are ungrammat1cal.
SlrlCE.>
the
abo\€'
propertles
t~o
compi t'men t l ze r can be found in Hohawk
be
.:i
C'omplernpnt1zer slmllar to "that".
1
63
•
1
1t
of
the
seems tha t
English
ts i mar
1
2.3.3 Theoretical
Issues
One theorctlcal issue related ta CP complements
of Control.
true
that
IS
It will be argued below that Mohawk does not havp
Contra l
doe~
but
allow
co re fe rence
su b j e c t / a b J e c tan d a 1 a \o.' e r s u b J e ct.
betwpen
a
hl gh<' r
Cor e fer en CP, ho w(' \' e
f' ,
1S
never obligatory.
2.3.3.1 Control
There
are
infinitival
CP
sorne
verbs
in
complements.
\"hlCh
Engllsh
When
thi s
generated argument ,",'hich gets a theta-role,
PRO
do{'!-.
and is coinde~ed wlth an antecedent ~I'.
1.8
UH'
occun"
f i 11 e cl b Y the e mp t Y ca t ego f' ~ PRO - -
su b j e c t pas i t Ion i s
case,
CUtl
controllecl
by
(i.e.
oblu~ator'11y
la,", l ' r'
b a '''; (' _
/1
rpc
IlOt
(,1\'t'
ThiS ('at('~on
bpunù
to)
HII
antecedent ~p WhlCh occurs in the hlgher clausp (ln elthpl t h('
subJect or abject posltion).l?
(38) a.
b.
He
[ "f'
trI e cl
r R0:
t
0
wa s h tl! S C ft r. ]
to l eavp. 1
Sh~ asked hlm l [C~, PRO
(38a) is an e~ample of SubJect Control in \\blCh th!' !:-.1.h.Jf·( t
the mat r i xcI Il Use
seo i
1
subordinate clause.
e ~ t.' d ,",' l t h t li e s u b J e (L
(38b)
",hich the obJect of
subJect (PRO)
Tl d
18
0
fUll'
an e .... flffiple of Ob,J(,(·t Contr'o]
lS
the nHltrl'\ clausp
l~
of the suborcllnalr clause.
the coreferen('c
(fi H())
of'
c01nt!PhPd
1 Tl bot"
wlth
III
th€'
E'}.fHllp] ( .... ,
obllgfitory.
2. ~~. 3.2 Thp Ltlck of SulJ,Je( t
Control_
Slnee Mohawk does not ha\e any Inflnltlvlil clnu!',e':>, 11
necessary ta look at the pronoffilnlil agl't'effiel,t morphpmE"·,
occur on thp highpr and lower vprbs.
64
\.t11
l~
(II
SubJect Cont,rol
higher subJect
verb,
then
pronomInal
it
would
and the
would be requ i red ta match.
be
lower
expected
subject
that
the
pronominal
If the two subject pronominals
eould be dIsJoint, then this would Indicate a lack of Subject
Control.
(39)
a.
onv t-)o-atahsawe-0
uk~ehu:we ru-ahtvtl-e's.
now cis-NsS-slart-stal Indlans
MplS-Ieave-hab
"It slarled now that Ind1ans travel."
b.
Sak v-ha-kwenl-'
ne shakoyv'a v-yu-ateJi m ful-~lsS- be abl e-punc NE daughter fu l- FsS-srf 1wey,-slh-e'
tho MeGill.
learn-caus-pune at
MeGlll
"JIm will be able (to force) hlS daughter ta go
learn al McGIll."
c.
Uwar i WB' -ye-k"en 1- ,
ra tetsvt s a- shakoMary faet-FsS-be able-pune doctor
opl-MsS/FsOka'vyu-'.
look closely-pune
"Mary was ablt> ta be examined by a doctor."
d.
wa-kr-ale'nyvlv-' ne Shawatls a-ha-nohare-'
ne
faet-lsS-try-pune SE John
opt-MsS-wash-punc SE
kasere.
car
"1 tried (ta get) John ta wash the car,"
e.
\o.'a-ha-athutat-e'
ne Roger ne ChrIstIne a-yefael-MbS-agree-punc NE Roger NE ChristIne opt-FsShninu-'
ne kanuhsa.
buy-pune NE hOllse
"Roger agreed
(that) Christine could
buy the
house."
ln (39a), the verb atahsawv "ta start" is used in the matrlx
clause.
ThIS \'erb can be
Ilhe English.
However,
El
SUbjE'cl Control verb in languages
in Mohawh It appears that no Control
takes place since the subJect pronominals on the higher and
lower verb do nol match.
65
1
In (3gb, c), the verb kweni "be able"
IS
used.
i5 a Subject Control verb in other languages.
the subject pronomlnals do not match,
HowE'ver,
it does not
there i5 any (requlrement of) SubJPct Control.
b e sai d
0
f
~1 0
(3 9 d) wh i chi n v 0 h e s t h e
Engl ish).
SInce
seem like
The samE' ('an
h a \0,' k \' e r b for' "t r y " •
\'erb~
The sentences in (39a-e) contaln matrL\
known to be Subject Control vE'rbs
This verh
WhlC'h are
ln other languages
In these other languages,
the matrn.
the subordlnale suoJect (PRO) must oe cOlndexed.
(llke
subjpct
and
S1I1C'P Mohaw\-.
allow5 these t,,'o subjects to be non-matctllng, lt appears thllt
Mohawk lacks SubJ€ct Control.
2.3.3.3 The Lack of
"'ith ObJect
Ob.i~Cont
Control,
the
subject (PRO) mus t be co 1 nde:\ed.
roI
matTl.\
For
obJect
~lohawk,
and
the'
thlS "ould
10\<0,('1'
fi!PlIll
that the hlgher obJect pronomlnal prefL\. would ha\'e to match
If these
the lower subject pronominal preflx.
could be dlfferent,
then this would indlcale
li
t\o,O
PT't"'fl"PS
lack of Ob,j('c!
Control.
(40) a.
~a-hi-riwanuntuhs-e'
fact-lsS/MsO-ask-punc
nhotuko-' onaslukwa.
open-pune wlndo~
"1 as\....ed JIOl
(for)
~·lndo~·. "
b.
Sak ne sha\....oyv'a a-yet\E daughter
opt-FsS-
JIlTl
his
daughtpT
to
oppn
wa-hi-rlwanulltuhs-e'
Sa\.... ne l'~arl a-ye-llholu\....ofact-lsS/MsO-ask-puTlc Jlm NE Mary opl-h"S-oppnonastukwa.
punc wlndo"
"1 asked Jlm (for) Mary to OpPII thf> wlndow."
In (40a,b)
the ObJect Control vero
Mohawk verb belng riwanuntuhs).
66
In both
"ask"
wa~
s('ntencp~,
uspd
(Uw
the> hlghpT'
1
abject prefix is masculine while the lower subject prefix is
feminine.
Thl s
non-matchl ng
subject Indlcates a
of
hlgher
object
and
lower
lack of Object Control.
The sentences in (40a,b) contain matrix verbs which are
ln languages 11ke English.
Object Control verbs
would be expected that lhese verbs
would
As such,
it
involve obligatory
coindexing between the malrix obJect and the embedded subject.
Though coreference between these two grammatical relations is
possible, the examples in (40a,l,) show that this is not always
true.
It seems therefore that Mohawk lacks Object Control.
Further
examples
Mohawk causatIves.
of
lack
of
obJect
control
Mohawk has hoth a causatIve
verb uni "to mahe".
come
suffi~
from
and a
Though no e>..amples wi th the su ffl" were
elieiled, there was an e>..ample wlth the verb.
(41)
a.
wa' - khey-un i -v-'
ne U\\'ari raletsvts afact-lsS/FsO-make-ben-punc tΠMary
doctor
optshako-ka' \ yu-' .
MhS/FsO-Iook closely-punc
Il l
made "la ry be e:... aml ned by a doctor."
b.
\oo'f1-hl~-Unl-v-'
ne Sak wa'-t-hnifac.t-lsS/MsO-make-ben-punc ~E Jlm fact-dup-MduSnunyak\\'-e' ne rao-skare'.
dance-pune KE MsS-friend
"I mB.df' Jlm dance ""lth his girlfriend."
In (41a,b),
ThIS verb
CHII
be
the veru
IS
seen
ma rphPlTle
pronom i nnl
uni "to
an abject Control
ln
(41a)
femlnine
1S
is
make"
mascu Il ne
that
in the matrix clause.
verb ln other languages.
the
slngular
matn"
while
abject
the
SI ngul a1'- - someth i ng
ObJect Control wpre occurrlng.
f'
67
,
IS
It
pronominal
lower
subject
unexpected
1
f
Though thlS sentence appears
as a passive in the English translation,
1
is not a passive.
translation only,\8
while
the
lower
the Mohawk sentence
The English paSSIve was used for ease of
In
(41b),
subject
the matrix object i5 slngular
is
dual--lndlcatlng
Control lS not taking place.
Thus, causat ives
that
abject
ln Mohawk seem
ta lack ObJect Control.
2.4 Summary
This, chapter has dealt with several of lhe arguments put
forth
to
motlvate different
complement
st ruC'tures.
mostly on Rochette (1988), eVldence was presented
VP and
tests
IP complements for Romance languages.
found
European
a r g ume n t
ln
Rochette
language,
5
(1988)
\o,ere
namely Mohawk.
d id n ote arr y
0"
er
1
appllf'd
l t
n toM 0 h a w k .
\o.'as
M()ha\~
fa\ our of
Thp synluctic
ta a
seen
Th 1 S
k doe s not have Cont 1'01
non-Indotha t
S U P JI art
thesis that Moha\o,'k only hac;; full CP complements.
i t was s bown tha t
Hl
t hf'!-'f'
e d t Il ('
ln addltion,
•
The ne'\t chapter WIll present a theoretlcal e',J11arIHtlon
(with1n a GB framp\o.ork)
for lhe facts uncovel'ed ln Hohawk.
NOTES
1.
A pronominal clitic attaches ta an auxlliary \-el'll or Et verb
acting as an auxlllary.
Otherwlse, 1t attache~ ta lhf' mllln
verb.
French:
(1)
( 1 1 )
(i i i )
J'ai vu Jean.
Je l'ai vu.
*J'a1 le vu.
"1 58\0,' John."
"1 saw hlm/lt."
"1 saw hlm/it."
•
68
1
2.
This explanatlon for Clitic Climbing is based on an endnote
(p. 244; number 17) g 1 ven by Rochet te (1988).
Roch€'t te' s
(1988) actual explanat10n Involves the proper licensing of pro
and head-to-head agreement.
For further details see Rochette
(198&).
3.
The subject of andare lS not clear given that there is no
embedded subject posItion because the complement is a VP. The
relationship of noi and the empty category is derived VIa
head-head agreement between the verbs and SPEC-head agreement
between the matrlx subject (which origlnated ln the SPEC of
VP) and the matrlx verb.
4.
Rochette (1988) argues that the empty category in the object
of andare lS pro.
It cannot be an NP-trace since
LCYlg ObJect Preposlng lS 1mposslhle because tbe 'Tlatr1'\. subject
posltlOn 18 already f!lled.
It cannot be PR) because the
obJect pOSItIon lS governecl.
It cannot be a variable because
there is no pùtential A-bar binder. In order to be a pro, the
empty c/:1tpgùry must not only be "colndexed wlth the matru..
sllbJect but also gO\ erned by a he-ad w~llch shares an Index '-'1 th
the matrlx sub,Ject" (Rochette, 1988: 114).
ThIS requlrement
is fulflll€'d \ l l i "head-head agreement between the matrix and
embedded verbs ... and ... SPEC-head agreement between the subJect
and the matrn verb" (Rochette, 1988: 114-115).
pO~:iltion
5.
Il should be- noted that whlle the Itallan volere "ta ,,;ant"
does ullo\<" l'estructurlng, the French equlvalellt vouloir "to
want" does not (and nel ther does any other verb in French).
6.
l n 0 rd e r for t h p e ni b e d d e d qua nt i fIe r t 0 b e ,,- 1 th i n the seo p e 0 f
the matrl:\. negalion (as ln (19a)), Rochette (1988) claims that
the lo\<,cr clause 15 an IP.
At LF, the quantIfIer UI (19a)
flrst adjoins ta the embedded VP, then adJOIns to the matrl:\.
\'P LH:'fore adjOlnlllg to the matrlx IP.
The structure is as
follows:
The initlal tracE:' is pl'operly governed by the 1ntermedlate
trace adjOlned to the E:'mbedded VP.
However, the latter trace
i8 Itself not properly governed. Rochette (1988) assumes that
only Initial traces need be properly governed at LF.
Thus,
(19a) 15 grammatIcal desplte an apparent ECP VIolatIon.
7.
Plcallo (198S) adopts the tense feature system of Otero i19i4)
in w}llch tensp IS represented as a sententlal operator at LF
t h a t i sas SIg li e dan 1 n ter pre t El t 1 0 Tl b y a cam b 1 na t Ion 0 f ln n El r)
ff'atuI'f's:
(PAST] anri [PERFECT].
Picallo (1985) clalms that
subJunC'll\e~ hH\f' a
defectlve tense in that they lack the
feature [PERFECT].
"
,;.
69
1
8.
The formaI definitlon for a blnding domaln is as follows:
A T-governor of alpha IS the
and the governor of alpha.
ma~imal T-chaln containlng alpha
(Pleallo, ]985:64)
Beta is a blnding domain for alpha Iff beta 18 the mlll1mal
subchain of the T-governor of alpha contalning a sub,]ect
acceSSIble to alpha,
If there IS Oll('.
If ther(> IS no
accessible subJect the T-governor 15 thE' blndlng dOmaltl.
(Plcallo, 1985:6~)
9.
The verb demander il "to a5k" IS an EmotIve verb that RochE't te
(1988) clalms can also aet as ail Efff:'ltlve verb. ThIS 15 onE:>
of several "mixed" predlcates.
10.
ThIS plece of e\'ldence IS somewhat weakened by the dl fft'rpnt
uses of "ask" ln (25).
In (25a), "ac;k" is a verb of command
whereas in (25b), it 15 a v€'rb IntroducllIg an Indlrt>ct
que S t Ion.
Th l S wou l d e ~ pla Hl the pre sen ce 0 f t Il (' \00 h - \00 a rd 1 Il
(25b).
However, these lire thE:> best examplps to bp (' .... I)(>('t('d
given the \'erb and syntactlc pruCE'SS undel' ('onsldet'üllofl.
Il.
One exceptIon to thlS fact occlIrs 'hllh the rnlnt 1\'(' VPI'b
atvhutso "ta want".
ThIS verb allo\oos qUllnllflf'I' ('"trac t 1011
out of its c.omplement.
a-ra-h-e'
te-ho-atvhutso-nl
d up- ~lsO-\oo'a.n t - be ni s ta t o p t - ~I <; S - €' a t - pu n (
kanataro.
bread
"He wants to eat aIl the brean,"
ak\\C'hu rlf'
all
!\E
(ii) ak\o.'eku te-ho-atvhutso-nl
a-ra-k-f>'.
a Il
du p - ~1 os 0 - w a Tl t - belli s ta top t - Hs S - e Et t - pl ln c
"He wants to eat aIl of It."
( i) s ho \o.' S the q li a n tIf] e r HI 1 t s no r mEl l po s i t 1 0 li W 1 t h HI t 1'1('
embedded clause.
(11) shows the quantIfIer at thp fr'ont of
the sentence.
Thus, It appears that quantIfIer P"tl'hctioli l~
pOSSIble out of the complemE'llts to sorne Emot 1\'e \f'rbs.
It
not clear \\'h~ th1S 15 SO.
1
12.
This assulIles that floated quantJflerS have thl' samp syntax If!
Mo h a \\' kan d Fr e ne h . Se e Bah e r ( 1 9 9 1) for a r g u ni e Tl t !-, (u SIn g Il 0 ri interrogatl\e
demoTlslratl\eS
and
numerals)
agfj]Tl!-.t
UII~
aS5umptl0n.
13.
Romance languages do not have bare verh root~ either, but do
have inflnitl\'a~ endlngs. Mohawk does not have any sUPpol'll1H~
morpholog) WhlCh 1S Inflnltlval.
Th}!'; matter Wl \1 be lpft
open for further research.
70
1
14.
The status of the particle niyot
morphologlcal breakdown might be:
(i )
is unclear.
A possible
ni-yo-t
part-NsO-seem
"it seems
"
However, niyot is an invariable form which does not change
wlth respect ta the subject proncminal of an embedded clause,
hence indlcating that there is no Raising.
15.
ita'w "ta sleep" is one of the verbs in Mohawk which always
takes an obJect agreement pronomInal.
wa-ho- i ta' w-e' .
fact-MsO-sJeep-punc
"He slept."
See Baker (1989) and Mlthun (1991) for discussion.
16.
Propos l t 1 Olla l \'C' rbs can al so take ECM ve rb complements and
small clause complements, nelther of which has a COMP node.
Rochette (1988) proposes that the semantic type "proposition"
can also be realized as a projection of any lexical category
(N, A, V, P).
17.
There are thO types of PRO.
One type lS found ln control
st ructures and 15 obllgatorily bound ta an antecedent KP. The
other t:ope 18 found in optional or nonobllgatory control
strllctures.
In thlS type, PRO is arbitrary bec:ause i t docs
not hu\ (> an I:lntf'cf:'dent.
Arbi t rary PRO can be found in suc li
senteTlCf'S aL, thE' following:
( 1 )
( il )
lS unhnown ["hat PRO to do).
[PIW ta educate olleself] 15 important.
It
The PRO ln ( i ) is located \o,')thin an Infinitival indirect
questIon ..·;hlle the PRO ln (11) lS found ln an infinItive 111
suLjecl pOSItion.
In these structures, the PRO does not have
an antpcpdent and thus is arbltrary.
Sectlon
2.3.3.1 only dpals hith the PRO found in obllgatory
cont roI st rur'turf'S \·.here PRO IS bound to an antecedent.
18.
f
lt should !Je noted that only subjects can be contralled in
Engllsh becau!'>C' the pOSItIon in WhlCh they cccur (SPEC of IP)
IH ungovernpù.
71
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 Mohawk and Full CP Complements
The major claim of this thesis i8 that Mohawk has only
full
CP
complements
and
has
distinc~ively
no
embedded
complements (i.e. clauses that must necessarIly appear as a
complement and can never appear as a main clause).
The last chapter showed that Mohawk did not seem to have
VP or IP complements.
(1988)
Uses
Mohawk.
to
In particular, arguments that Rochette
support such
complements
did not
hold
for
This lends support to the claim that Mohawk only has
full CP complements.
The aim of this chapter is to provide theoretical reasons
to explain the given data.
These reasons will be based mostly
on GB Theory (see Chomsky (1981»
the syntax of natural languages.
the picture,
theory.
and its principles re3ardlng
However, before GB enters
there will be sorne use of current phonological
Phonology will be used to explain one significant
morphological property of Mohawk which in turn will explain
the syntactic properties of full CP complements.
ThIS WIll be
compared and contrasted wi th evidence from Lakhota wi th regard
to
verb
roots,
their
length
and
the
consequences
for
complementation.
3.1 The Minimal Word Constraint (MWC)
In current phonological
theory,
there
i9 a constraint
which puts limits on what can be a word in a given language.
72
1
This
constraint
lI1easured
in
ls
related
weight
uni ts
to
the
known
length of
as
moras.
the word
as
A
18
vowel
inherently moraic unless it ls derived via a process such as
lengthening.
A consonant can be moraic depending upon
i ts
position in the syllable.
Th~
Minimal
Ward
Constraint
(MWC)
says
language has a mora-sensi t ive constraint
minimum length of
a
word
before
it i8
that
every
that dictates
allowed
(McCarthy and Prince, 1986; Wilkinson, 1988).
ta
the
surface
Any word that
ls less than this length will not surface until it meets the
requirements of the MWC.
The parser scans the word from one
edge ta the other to see if the word is
lo~g
ward meets
the requl.rements of the MWC,
surface as
i s.
enough.
If the
then the ward cau
If the word does not meet the MWC, then
vowel is usually added via prothesis.
a
This vowel addition is
not recurSlve and thus can only add one mora to any word.
3.1.1 The MWC and Mohawk Verb Roots
The MWC for Mohawk is two moras (Piggot, p.c.
based on
Postal (1963); Bonvlliain (1973); Michelson, (1989)).
Mohawk
has long vowels but sinee these are derived, they do not count
as two moras.
Consonants in Mohawk are irrelevant ta length
in
do
that
they
represent any
not
moras).
carry
any
Thus,
the
weight
(and
MWC in
thus
Mohawk
do
not
bas ically
dictates that a ward must be at least two syllables long in
order ta surface.
,
1 f the word i s less than two syllables,
then a mora will be added via prothesis.
73
Since in Mohawk the
1
parser scans from right to left, the prothetic vowel will be
added at the left edge of the word.
For Mohawk, this vowel i8
[i ] .
(1 )
a.
i-hra-k-s.
0-MsS-eat-hab
"He eats it."
b.
i-hr-ehr-e-' .
0-MsS-think-epen-punc
"He thinks."
(la) and (lb) give two verbs which take the prothetic vowel
li).
As can be seen, the prothetic vowel is added ta the left
edge of the ward.
G i ven tha t
follo~t's
the
MWC
for
Mohawk
is
two
moras,
then
1
t
that at the pre-word level, the phonologieal urll t must
be at least one mora long Since it can only recelve one more
mora
at
the
ward
level.
This
has
predIction
Important
consequences for certaln Mohawk verb roots.
Mohawk has verb roots which are only one consonant
For example,
legitimate
k "to eat", w "to arrive",
Mohawk
verb
roots.
Since
lon~.
r "to fill" are aIl
these
raots
do
not
contain any vowels (and thus no moras), they must get at least
two moras
in
order
ta
sat 1 s fy the
obvious that these verb roots
ward requirements.
They do
MWC
for
Mohawk.
are not elose to the
1t
1 ~
minimal
not have Any morale welgtlt
and
thus must get at least one mora before the word level in order
to surface.
prothesis.
,.
At the word
level,
they can get one mora VIa
At the pre-word level, however,
what happens.
74
it is less elear
1
The claim here ia that at the pre-word level, in order to
aatisfy the constraint that a unit must be at least one mora
long,
Mohawk verb
morphology.
roots
are required to
recei ve
agreement
Once this is achieved, then at the word level,
the root + affix combination will receive one more mora (if
necessary)
VIa
prothesis,
thus
satisfying
example, take the verb roots k "to eat",
"ta arrive".
the
MWC.
For
r "to fill", and w
If agreement morphology were added onto these
roots, then the resul ting combinat ions would be one mora long.
(2)
=
=
hra (MsS) + k (eat)
one mora
ye (FsS) + r (fill)
on~ mora
hra (MsS) + w (arrive) = one mora
As the examples in (2) show, verb roots of less than one mora
can be made one mora long through the addition of agreement
morphology.
Another possibility is that at the pre-word level, the
Mohawk
Whi le
v~rb
thi s
root could receive another mora via epenthesis.
cannot
be
denied,
it
is
does
not
exclude
the
possibility that an agreement affix could be added since there
are sorne affixes which are only one consonant long.
Thus, the
root + affix + epenthetic vowel combination would still only
be one mora long.
(3)
hs (28S) + e (epen) + k (eat) = one mora
k (15S) + e (epen) + r (fill) = one mora
hs (2sS) + e (epen) + w (arrive)
one mora
=
As can be seen in
(3),
the
addition of Just the agreement
morpheme would not be enough to make the combinat ion one mora
J
75
1
long.
However,
through
epenthesis,
the
root
+ affix
combin.tion is one mora.
Admittedly, not a11 verb roots in Mohawk are less than
one mora in length.
So why would these roots get agreement
morphology lf they already meet the pre-word requlred length?
The answer may
be
that
once
the
triggered for some verb root s,
verb roots.
The process is an
will not stop
jus t
because
process
then i t
is
requ i red for aIl
l S
~lther/or
a root
of affIxlltlon
phenomenon and thus
i s al ready one mora
(or
more) in length.
3.2 Predictions of the MWC and Mohawk Verbs
3.2.1 The MWC and Obligatory AGR
If
it
IS
the
case
that
at
the
pre-word
phonological Imlt must be at least one mora;
level,
the
and if thls
achieved via affIxatIon of agreement morphology;
18
then,
the
in Mohawk must have agreement
(or
resul t
is that aIl verbs
AGR).
The notion of obilgatory AGR in Mohawk has a number of
consequences for the syntax.
3.2.2 The Position of AGR in Mohawk
Before these consequences can be examined, the placement
of AGR in the syntax must be determined.
INFL or in another category
within
the
syntax
has
a
(llke V)?
number
of
Does AGR occur in
The posItIon of AGR
consequenceb
for
sueh
phenomena as VP complements, Control, ECM and Raising.
The
two possibilities that will be explored are AGR in V versus
AGR
in
INFL.
The
contrasting
76
,
effeets that
each
positlon
1
results in wlll be noted.
It will be concluded that AGR is in
INFL given the evidence thus far.
Before the discussion of AGR and its position in Mohawk
can
take
place,
lt will
be
necessary
to
give
background on the role of AGR within GB Theory.
important concepts
Theorem will
like government,
be prE'sented Slnce
some
brief
Also, other
governors and
the
PRO
they are relevant to what
follows.
3.2.3 Government and Governors
Government is a structural configuration that must obtain
betw~en
two
elements
in
order
for
case
to
be
assignE'd.
Following Chomsky (1981), one definition for government is as
follows:
(4 )
X governs Y if [X
the maximal X-bar
smallest maximal
commands Y.
(van
is a governor and] Y is contained in
projection of X, XliX, and XUX is the
projec t ion contai ning Y, and X cRiemsd1jk and Williams, 1986:231)
Further, government is defined in terms of what counts as
a governor.
The governor can be any category that is a head
(Xo) and that 1S of the form [±N,
±V] Le. N, A,
V,
P.
But
this does not account for government of the subject position
(SPEC of IP).
Chomsky (1981) argues that the element AGR (a
complex of features for person, gender and number) within INFL
a110ws government to obtain between the INFL and the SPEC of
IP.
Without AGR (e.g. in infinitival constructions), the head
INFL does not govern the SPEC of IP.
77
•
1
3.2.4 The PRO Theorem
PRO
is
an empty category which occurs
in
position (SPEC of IP) of Infinitival clauses.
PRO aust be bound to an antecedent NP.
embedded subJect position,
subject NP or a
it
is
higher obJect NP.
the
Bubject
Like anaphors,
Slnce PRO occurs ln an
bound
to
Thus
either a
hlgher
PRO is also
like
pronominals in that it cannot be bound to an antecedent wlthln
the same clause.
Given that PRO, like ( ther empty categorIes,
is sub,Ject
to the principles of the Binding Theory, a contradiction seems
to arise.
A,
If PRO is an anaphor, then according to Prlnclple
it must
(MGC) •
be
But
Principle B,
bound within
if
PRO
is
a
ItS minImal
governlng category
pronomInal,
then
it must be free within its MGC.
accordlng
to
Chomsky (1981)
argues that PRO is a pronomInal anaphor and that it can obey
both Principles A and B if It does not have a MGC.
In order'
ThIS is known as
for this to occur, PRO must be ungoverned.
the PRO Theorem.
3.3 AGR in V and Its Conseguences
3.3.1 VP Complements
Suppose the needed AGR is base-generated in V in Moha\,k.
This wauld lead ta certain effects for complementation.
example, VP complements could be allowed.
The matrlx V
have an AGR that agrees with the subject NP.
For
woul~
The embedded V
would also have AGR and this wuuld either be coindexed with
the subject NP or the AGR of the matrlx VP (perhaps via sorne
78
1
sort of copying function).
Thus, there would be a structure
as in (5):
s
(5)
\
VP
/
NP.l
\
/
VP
\
NP
3.3.2 Control and PRO
Another consequence of AGR being in V would be that empty
category PRO would be allowed.
PRO would be allowed since no
government would obtain between INFL and SPEC of 1 (given that
AGR is
Thns,
not in INFL).
the complement would have the
following structure:
IP
(6 )
/
\
PRO
l '
\
/
VP
1
/
V
\
NP
[AGR]
With AGR in V, PRO could not be governed by AGR since PRO is
not c-commanded by AGR.
3.3.3 ECM and Raising
AGR in V would also have no effeet on the existence of
ECM or Raising.
With ECM, the matrix verb would govern and
assign case to the embedded subject position (as it does in
typical ECM constructions) sinee the embedded INFL would not
have AGR and hence could not govern the embedded SPEC of IP.
79
1
With Raising, the matrix verb would properly govern the
NP-trace in the embedded SPEC of IP since there would be no
closer
governor.
constructions.
This
is
the
case
ln
typlcal
Raising
Thus, AGR in V does not alter these syntactic
processes found in complementation structures.
3.4 AGR in INFL
Its Consequences
~nd
If AGR necessarily occurs in INFL in
~ohawk,
then this
means that AGR is outside of the VP and thBt it governs the
subject position.
AGR in INFL also has certaIn consequences
for complementatlon, quite the opposite of AGR in V.
3.4.1 VP Complements
The
first
consequence
is
there
would
one INFL node
be
VI'
mat rix
clause and its AGR would combine wlth the matrlx verb.
There
would be no INFL no de in the lower
claus~
in
no
the
complements.
There would be
that
and hence no AGR to
The only AGR in
combine with the 10wer verb.
the sentence
would be in the highcr clause and it would be taken by the
higher verb.
then i t
If the lowpr verb dld not combIne with an AGR,
would potentially be less than one mora
ln length
(assuming that the lower verb root started out as less than
one mora).
This would violate the
morpholo~lcal
for Mohawk verbs, originally rooted in the MWC.
requlrement
The sentence
would thus be ungrammatical.
3.4.2 ECM and Raising
The second consequence indirectly concerns IP complements
in that ECM and Raising are affected.
BD
In ECM constructions,
the higher verb governs and assigns
case to an NP in
e.bedded subject position because the complement
is an
the
IP.
But if AGR were in the lower INFL, then it would be a closer
governor than the matrix verb.
This would prevent the verb
from governing the subject due to the Hinimality Condition on
Government (Chomsky, 1986).
The Minimality Condition (Chomsky,
1986) holds for the
following configuration:
(7)
••• 0. • • •
["
•••
ô ••• 13 ••• ]
The Condition (Chomsky, 1986) is as follows:
(8)
a. does not govern 13 in [(7)] if [ô governs Il and] 'Y is a
projection of ô excluding a.
In a sentence with an IP complement, a would be the matrix
verb (V), 'Y would be the IP,
ô would be INFL and 13 would be
the embedded subject posit10n (SPEC of IP).
Thus the NP in
the embedded subJect posi tion would not be governed by the
A closer governor would
matr ix verb.
be
the
AGR
in
the
embedded INFL and thiS element would govern and asslgn case to
the NP in the embedded subject position.
This would eliminate
the possibi11ty of exceptional case marking by a higher verb.
As for Ra1sing, the complement must be an IP to allow the
NP-trace
in
the
embedded
subject
position
to
be
governed by the matrix verb and thus satisfy the ECP.
properly
AGR in
the lower INFL, i5 not a proper governor (being neither a 9marker or antecedent) of the NP-trace in the embedded subject
position,
but
it blocks anything else from
being a proper
governor due to the Hinimality Condition on Government.
81
The
1
matrix verb thus cannot be a proper governor of the emhedded
NP-trace. 1
This
means
that
no
Raising
could
take
place
because the NP-trace would not he properly governed and hence
would violate the ECP.
These results
for
ECM
~ing
and Rai
do not
necessarily
eliminate the existence of IP complements but do negate man y
of
the
special
"benefi ts"
of
government of the embedded
verbe
IP
complements
related
subject position by the
to
matrix
Government would come from within the clause via AGR in
INFL.
w~ th regard to
they are
1 P complements, i t
I~ssumed
This will be
not tensed.
Mohawk as weil,
i s usuall y assumed that
although
there
i8
to be true
little direct
for
evidence.
Also, though there is not much proof that Mohawk lacks tensed
it will be assumed that the complement
IP complements,
IS
a
CP. 2
3.4.3 Control and PRO
A
third
consequence
of
AGR
in
INFL
impossibility of PRO and hence of Control.
in
the
subject
obligatorily
object
in
However,
position
cOlndexed
Control
of
with
an
structures.
thE'
PRO
clause
hlgher
must
be
the
and
i5
subJect.
or
ungoverned.
in a language in which AGR always occurred ln INFL,
the subject position of a clause would always
Thus,
be
PRO u8ually occurs
embedded
el ther
would
PRO would
never
be allowed to
position of a subordinate clause.
82
appear
b~
governed.
in the
subject
1
3.5 Summary
Clearly,
it
i8
this
second
approach
describes the Mohawk data from Chapter Two.
that
correctly
The lack of VP
and IP complements and the lack of such phenomena as Control,
Raising and ECM can be traced back to a restriction on the
length of the word in Mohawk.
the
verb
root
occurs
This restriction can be met if
with
agreement
morphology.
The
obligatory agreement morphology implies that AGR will always
occur on every verb.
the
syntax
(rather
Given that AGR i8 generated in INFL in
than in V),
the predictions
from
this
hypothesis explain the data in Chapter Two.
3.6 Predictions for Other Languages
1 f the above anal ysi sis viablE>, then certain predictions
can be made aboul other languages.
made was thal
l
f
a
language has
For example,
a
Minimal Word
one claim
Constrainl
(MWC) of twa moras, then at sorne previous level, the pre-word
unit must be at least one mora long (sinee prothesis can only
add one mora at the ward level).
that
this pre-word
agreement afflx.
uni t
consisted
ln Mohawk,
of a verb
it was argued
root plus
an
ThIS made AGR obligatory and led to various
effects regarding complementation.
An interesting comparison would be to see if there was a
language with the same MWC as Mohawk but with the pre-word
unit consisting of a verb root only.
verb roots
length.
would
be required
to
be
In this language, aIl
at least
one
mora
in
Thus, there would be no need for agreement morphology
83
1
(or other morphemes) to combine with the verb root in order to
be one mora long.
surface as
This would mean that bare verb roots could
leg i timate
words.
ThE'se
root s
would
not
have
agreement morphology and hence would not have AGR.
In a bi-clausal sentence, then, the lower verb could be
a bare verb root without AGR.
If this were the case, then
~nd
complementation would be more like English
Romance.
For
example, the lack of AGR in an embedded INFL would leave the
embedded subject position ungoverned and
to appear in this positlon.
to exist
Thus, Control would be expected
in this language.
posi tion were
ungoverned
this would allow PRO
Also,
if the
the
embE'dded
by
embeddE'd subJect
then
INFL,
possibility of government by the matrix verb eXlsts.
the
This
would predict the existence of such phenomena as Ralsing and
ECM.
The
ex i s tence
of
bare
verbs
would
al so
ra 1 se
the
possibility of VP complements and restructuring phenomena.
3.7 A Brief Comparison with LakhQta
In order to test some of thE' Aboye predictions, a brier
study was done
dialects
of
of Lakhota and Dakota
the
Siouan
language
(two closely
family).
The
related
compar i son
between Lakhota and Mohawk is a good one because: (1) the two
languages
(active)
are
distinctly
agreement
relatedj
(ii)
thE'Y
systems~. (Iii)
they
are
pronominal argument languagE-
similar
probabl y
both
(as in Baker (1991) and Jellnek
1
(1984).
have
'.
84
1
The data for Lakhota comes from Williamson (1984) while
the data for Dakota comes from Boas and Deloria (1941).
The
study was also intended to compare Mohawk and Lakhota/Dakota
complementation
and
relate
any
differences
language met the requirements of the MWC.
to
how
each
It will be shown
that because Lakhota/Dakota has verb roots of at least one
mora, then AGR is not obligatory and therefore the existence
of bare verb clauses allows complementation processes similar
to those found in Romance languages.
3.7.1 The MWC and LakhoLa Verb Roots
The MWC for Lakhota is not known at this present time.
However, given that other Indian languages studied so far have
shown to have a MWC of two moras (Piggot, p.c. based on Mohawk
(Postal, 1962; Bonvillain, 1973; Michelson, 1989) and Ojibwa
(Bloomfield,
1957;
Piggot,
1980),
it
propose that Lakhota's MWC is the same. 3
seems
reasonable
to
Given this, then the
same claim about the pre-word level unit can be made i.e. its
length must be at least one mora.
Boas and Deloria (1941) provide a list and discussion of
Dakota verb stems.
From this, it can be se en that Dakota verb
stems always involve at least one vowel.
Sorne examples of the
shortest verbs are the following:
(9)
'i
"LO arrive there"
'li "to come"
la "to demand"
Also, in their
(1941) make no
typ~logy
of Dakota verb stems, Boas and Deloria
ret~~ence
to stems sma11er than
85
cv.
Since a
moraic unit will always involve a vowel (and/or a consonant in
some languages), then it seems that verb stems in Dakota are
at least one mora in length.
wh~ch
This is different from Mohawk in
stems of less than one mora are found.
If the MWC of Lakhota i8 two moras, and if the verb roots
~hen.
are at least one mora in length,
be able to surface in Lakhota.
should not need
lO
roots of Mohawk.
bare verb roots should
Si gni ficant.l y.
these
roots
have agreement morphology, unlike the verb
Evidence to support this cames
from the
following example taken from Williamson (1984:124):
(10)~.
b.
waksu
wa+l+upike.
do beadwork
+2NOM+be sklilfui
"You are skillful dOlng beadwork."
wasicu
iya
ù+ma+spe.
whiteman speak +10BJ+learn
"1 learned to speak English."
In (IDa), the verb waksu "do beadwork" occurs as a bare rool
without any (agreement) morphology.
In (lOb), the
"to speak 't also occurs as a bare root.
v~rb
iya
This indlcates that
bare verb roots are possible in Lakhota.
3.7.2 Control in Lakhota
If a
language allows
phenomenon of
language.
Control
Thi s i s
bare verb complements,
would be
the
case
expected
for
ta eXlst
Lakhota as
shown
following sentences (taken from Wliliamson (1984» .
.
86
then
in
in
the
that
the
(11) a.
i!time/*ma+i!time wa+chame.
sleep/*10BJ+sleep I-try, intend
"1 tried to sleep."
b.
chànùp/*chànùmùpa ina+wa+khiye.
smoke/*I-sm0ke
_+lNOM+quit
"1 quit smoking."
(lla) and (lib) are examples of Subject Control in which the
matrix subject is coreferent with the empty embedded subject.
Though Lakhota has null third person agreement,
the glosses
indicate in (lia) and (lib) that there is no null third person
pronoun in the lower clause
(Williamson, 1984).
Note that
the embedded subject must occur without any subject agreement
or the sentence is ungrammatical.
This is
in contrast to
Mohawk in which the lower verb always takes agreement
(and
there is no obligatory subject control).
Lakhota also has Object Control as shown in the following
sentences (taken from Williamson (1984»:
John wakàye~a ki taku wà
ophe+kici+thù+wicha+!i.
John children the something a _+BEN+buy+30BJ+ask
"John asked the children to huy something for him."
(12) a.
b.
wakàye~a
ki
i!time+wicha+khiye.
children th~ sleep+30BJ+1NOM+cause
"1 made the children sleep."
(12a) and (12b) are examples of Object Control in which the
matrix object is coreferent with the empty embedded subject.
There ls no null third person agreement on the lower verb
since "there is no reading where the complement subject is a
third
person
singular
argument
non-coreferential
matrix controller" (Williamson, 1984:126).
87
wi th
the
Again, this is in
1
(
contrast to Mohawk which has agreement on the lower varb (and
no obligatory object control).
3.7.3 Raising. ECM and
Ir
Complements in Lakhota
A language that allowed bare verb complements might also
be expected to have Raising, ECM and (hence), IP complements.
Lakhota does have impersonal verbs but does not seem to have
CSubject) Raising.
with
infinitival
Thus, the impersonal verbs "do not occur
object
complements,
nor
do
they
allow
referential subjects" (Williamson t 1984:136).
(13) a.
Ed na Mary ohoy+kichi+ya
pi kta s'e
Ed and Mary send voice+RECIP+make PL FUT like
lececa.
seem
"It seems like Ed and Hary will quarrel."
b.
(kta) ste
*Ed na Mary ohoye+kichi+ye
Ed and Mary senG voice+RECIP+make (FUT) like
lececa pi.
seem
PL
"Ed and Hary seem to be quarrelling. "
c.
wanu ku
pi lteke.
now come home PL be likely
"It is likely that they are coming home now."
b.
*wanu ku
iteka
pi.
now come home be likely PL
"They are likely to be coming home now."
(13a)
shows
the grammatically correct unraised version
(13b) with the impersonal verb lececa "seem".
of
(13c) is the
grammatical unraised version of (13d) with the verb iteka "be
1 ikel yU.
and
( 13b) and (13d) both occur wi th referential subjects
infinitival
construction.
complement.s,
as
they would
in
a
Raising
Since the sentences are ungrammatical,
1
88
l:his
1
suggests that Lakhota does not have Raising-to-subject of this
type.
There is, however, evidence to support the existence of
a type of ECH in Lakhota.
There are a number of verbs that
take "small clause" complements which forbid all INFL elements
(such as aspect, mood and subject inflection)4
1984 ) •
Further,
argump.nt
of
agreement
the
on
wi th
these
complement
the
matrix
verbs,
verb
verb"
the
"thematlc
triggers
Williamson (1984) argues that this indicatea
that found with ECM constructions.
subject
object ive
(Will iamson,
embedded subject by the matrix verbe
(Williamson,
Case
1984: 139) .
governm~nt
of the
This configuration la
Examples from Williamaon
(1984) are the following:
ù~ni wicha+wa+lake.
poor 30BJ+INOH+consider
"1 feel sorry for them."
lit. "1 consider them poor."
(14) a.
tuwa e ma+ya+ka~a
pi sa?
who be 10BJ+2NOH+make PL Q
"Who do you make me out ta be?"
b.
In (14a), the embedded subject (which is the null third person
plural
pronoun
(which
triggers
objective case on the matrix verbe
wicha»
is
marked
with
The same can be said in
(14b) for the first person singular pronoun (which triggers
_a).
In
agreement.
both
sentences,
the
lower
verb
has
no
subject
This provides support for the argument that the
matrix verb ls governing the lower subject position and thus,
that ECH is taking place.
89
1
ln GB Theory, both Raising and ECM are related to the
existence of IP complements.
Since Lakhota has the former
phenomenon but not the latter, it is not clear whether L&khota
has IP complements.
However, the existence of ECM in Lakhota
at least seems to indicate the possibility of IP (or at least
small clause) complement8--given that a matrix verb can govern
across an IP (but not a CP) to the lower subject position. 5
3.7.4 Restructuring and VP Complements in Lakhota
Finally,
Lakhota
restructuring.
has
certain
verbs
which
allow
Evidence for restructuring comes frem clitic
Williamson (1984)
(agreement) climbing in certain instances.
cites the following examples:
(15) a.
wà+wicha+yàk wa+i
_+30BJ+see
INOM+go
"1 went to see them."
b.
wàyàk wicha+wa+i.
see
30BJ+INOM+go
"1 went to see them."
c.
awàyàk
ma+ù
ye.
wateh over lOBJ+be IMP
"Be watching over me."
(15a)
i8
a
normal
restructured
deelarative
equivalent
of
sentence.
(15a).
Note
(l5b)
that
the
i8
the
object
agreement. morpheme wicha occurs with the lower verb yak "to
see" in (15a) but has "climbed" to the higher verb i "to go"
in (15b).
In (15e),
the object agreement Marker
_a
would normally be found on the lower verb awayàk "watch
is
!
st taehed
to
the
higher
verb ù
90
"to
be,
stay".
(which
ov~r")
These
1
examp!es
of
clitic
climbing
with
aspectual
auxiliaries
indicate that restructuring i8 taking place in Lakhota.
Given
that
Lakhota
constructions,
it
complements.
Recall
has
restructuring
and
bare
verb
seems plausible that Lakhota also has VP
that
Rochette
(1988)
argues
for
VP
complements on the basis of restructuring in Romance languages
(like Italian).
As noted in Chapter Two,
Mohawk does not exhibit any
syntactic processes (like clitic climbing) that would support
restructuring.
3.8 Conclusion
The brief study of Lakhota highlighted some differences
in complementation wi th
that
of Mohawk.
The
facts
from
Lakhota provided some evidence in support of VP complements
(via
restructuring),
IP
complements (via Control).
complements
(via
ECM)
and
CP
This supported the claim that aIl
these aspects of complementation arose due to the differences
in word-hood conditions between the two languages.
Lakhota
verb roots are longer (moraically) than Mohawk ones and hence,
satisfy
the
morphology.
pr~cesses
MWC
wi thout
the
addi tion
of
any
(agreement)
This allows bare verb clauses and complementation
like those round in Romance languages.
91
Notes
1
1•
Proper government holds under the following condition:
properly governs
(Chomsky, 1986:17)
Q
~
iff a 9-governs or
anteced~nt-governs
~.
In a Raislng construction, the embedded subject NP-trace is
antecedent governed by the subject of the matrix verbe
2.
The particle
tsi is related
to the exi~te~ce of CP
complements.
Though tsi is optional, it does not Mean that
the complement i s an IP •
Rather, 1 ike t.he comillilementizer
"that" in English, the lack of tsi would indicate a CP with a
null COMP.
3.
A MWC of one mora would not affect the following analysis
since aIl Lakhota verb roots are at least one mOl\l'a long.
Thus, the MWC wou Id always be satisfied.
If the ~~WC were
three or more moras, then this would exclude aIl bare verb
roots--a possibility which is nullified by the existence of
bare verb complements in Lakhota (in tohich the verb is clearly
less than three moras in length).
4.
There is no morphological tense system in Lakhota.
interpretations are done contextually.
5.
Williamson (1984) provides evidence for Raising but only for
intransitive verbs which select small clause complements.
(i)
AlI tense
iya
kaphl
o+ma+wàyàka he?
speak be reluetant +10BJ+see Q
"Do 1 look reluctant to speak?"
In (i), the complement verb iya appears wi th no agreement
morphology and does not allow clausal negation or aspect
(Williamson, 1984).
Further, the thematic subject of the
lower verb shows objective case on the matrix verbe Based on
examples like
(i),
Williamson
(1984)
argues that
the
"objective case-marked arguments of the intransitive matrix
verbs are matrix subjects governed by matrix INFL" (p. 144).
Williamson (1984) claims that "NP movement (Raising) applies
to the complement subject, raising it into subject position of
the matrix verb" (p. 146).
Thus, Lakhota may have some
Raising but only in an unusual construction.
r
92
i
1
CHAPTER FOUR
1
4.0 Introduction
Past research on sentential complementation has posited
the existence of different types of complements.
The claim
for this thesis was that Mohawk verbs do not take different
complements
(i.e.
VP,
How~ver,
complements.
IP
and
CP)
but
only
takE'
full
CP
it is not the case that a given verb
takes aIl types of CP complements.
This ls evident
in the
area of tense and aspect.
4.1 TenselAspect Co-occurrence Restriclions
The evidence thus far predicts that the lense/aspect cooccurrence restrictions between two verbs in thE' same senlE'nce
are not syntactically drivent
Ralher, these restrictions mUHl
be based upon the semantics of the matrix ver'b.
to follow
The anulysjs
is a tentative one and i8 not based upon a
semantic theory.
formaI
Its purpose is to argue that the differences
in tense/aspect are semantically-based and not syntactlc.
4.2 A Sote on Tense/Aspecl in GB
In current GB theory,
the semantic
designated by the feature [tense].
This feature
within the functional category of INFL.
(or
finile),
then
INFL will
be
notion of tense
ls
is located
When a verL is lenspd
[+tense].
When a
verb
j
s
tenseless (or infinitival), then INFL will be [-tensel.
It
is
not clear. within GB
syntR.ctic
theory wherE'
notions of mood and aspect are located but it will be
93
tht,
us~umed
ft
1
that they tao are features found within lNFL. 1
a
feature
for
mood might
be
An example of
[+subjunctive] while
one
for
aspect might be [+stative].
4.3 Tense and Aspect in Mohawk
Mohawk has three tenses (future,
and three aspects
(stat~ve,
factuaI and optative)
habituaI and punctubl).
Since the
punctual aspect generally co-occurs wi th a tense suffix, there
are five variables:
the three tenses plus the stative and
habi tuaI aspects. 2
4.4 Matching Tense
The Mohawk verb atahsawv "ta start" is often seen wi th
matching tense.
(1)
The
a.
onv v-t-ha-atahsawv-'
v-ha-nohare-'.
now fut-cis-MsS-start-punc fut-MsS-wash-punc
"He will now start ta wash it."
b.
onv t-a-ha-atahsawv-'
wa-ha-nohare-'.
now cis-fact-MsS-start-punc fact-MsS-wash-punc
"He has now started ta wash it."
c.
au-ta-ha-alahsawv-'
wahi a-ha-nohare-'.
cis-opl-MsS-starl-pune WAHl opl-MsS-wash-punc
"He should start ta wash it."
matching
revival
verbs
Romance) .
as AGR).
r.-attern
in
(la-e)
suggests
of the VP complement hypothesls.
wi lhin
persan,
tense
these
Further,
~ender
clauses
are
these
verbs
uninflected
are
also
a
Reeall
possible
tha t
the
tense
(in
uninfleeted
for
for
or number (which are part of the complex known
Since aIl these features ure found within lNFL; and
sinee none of these
features
appear on the verb;
then,
follows that VP complements do not have an lNFL node.
94
it
~ --------~~~-~----------------
However,
obligatorily
wi th
with
AGR
Mohawk,
and
aIl
usuall:r
verbs
with
are
inflected
tense/aspect.
Mohawk had VP complements, then the lower verb
If
(which would
lack an 1 ~FL) would have to get these features in some ot her'
way.
With
re~.rd
to tense/aspect, one possibility i5 that the
lower verb inherits (or copies) the features from the higher
verb.
This is what seems to be the case in (la-c).
However, not aIl tense/asppct matching combinations are
grammatical.
(2)
a.
? onv t-ho-alahsawe-D
ro-nohare-D.
now cis-MsO-start-stat MsO-wash-slal
b.
*t-ha-atahsawv-hs ra-nohare-s.
cis-MsS-start-hab MsS-wesh-hab
(2a) indicates that a matching stative aspect pattern is not
t.ha t
accept abl e
ungrammatical.
and a
ma tchi ng
This result ls
habi tuaI
une~pected
aspect
pal le rn
j
s
given that the \(>l'b
within the VP complement should match the lense/aspecl of the
higher verb.
Further, certain comhinations in
and
the
lo\\'er
verb differ wilh
~hich
regard
lo
the }ligher verh
lense/aspect
possible.
(3)
a.
onv t-a-ha-atahsawv-'
a-ha-nohare-'.
no~ cis-fact-MsS-start-punc opt-MsS-wash-punc
"1\ow he has started to wash il."
h.
onv t-ho-alahs8wP-O
a-ha-nohare-'.
now cis-MsO-slart-slal opt-MsS-wash-punc
"He has already slarted to \o.'ash i t."
c.
onv t-a-ha-atahsawv-'
v-ha-nohare-'.
now cis-fact-MsS-slart-punc fut-MsS-wash-punc
"He now has slarled 10 "ash il."
95
are
1
(3a. b)
show that when atahsawv is factual or stative,
(3c) shows that when the higher
lower verb can be optative.
verb
is
factual,
combinat ions are
the
~an
lower
be
unexpected given that
allow matching tense/aspect.
the
AlI
future.
VP comp] ements
three
only
This suggests that Mohawk does
not have VP complements and that the tense/aspect of the lower
verb is dependent upon semantic (and not syntactic) properties
of the matrix verbe
One possible explanation for the grammatical combinations
rests upon the meaning of the word "start 1\
•
Since one cannot
logically start somE'thing that onE> has already been completed,
then i t might be that the verb "start" (when in the future or
present) could never take a complement in the past tense--but
it
~ould
take a complement in the future or unspecified tense.
This accounts for why "start" takes complements in the future
or optative tE'nses.
In (lb), both the starting and the action
are in lhe past so both verbs are factual.
Anolher verb which should be
in the same general class
(of aspectuals) as "slart" is "finish" (hsa).
This verb was
also used w1lh the verb nohare in the lower complement.
(4 )
,
,.
a.
t8i v-ha-nohare*v-ha-hsafut-MsS-finish-punc TS1 fut-MsS-wash-punc
b.
*wa-ha-hsatsi ",'a-ha-noharefact-MsS-flnish-punc TSI fact-MsS-wash-punc
c.
*a-ha-hsawahi t8i a-ha-nohareopt-MsS-finish-punc WAHl TSI opt-MsS-wash-punc
,
,
.
,.
,
96
1
d.
*ro-sh-u
tsï ro-nohare-O
MsO-finish-stat TSI MsO-wash-stat
e.
tsi ra-nohare- s.
*ra-sha-s
MsS-finish-hab TSI MsS-wash-hab
The results in (4a-e) show that whenever the matrix verb hsa
and
the
lower
tense/aspect,
verb
the
nohare
are
sentence
is
inflected
for
the
ungrammatical.
same
If
VP
complements allow matching tense/aspect, this is unexpected.
Further, this
patte~n
is not the same as the one for "sta1't",
a verb in the same class as "finish".
The only co-occurrences that were grammatical are shown
below.
(5)
a.
v-ha-hsa-'
tsi ra-nohare-s.
fut-MsS-finish-punc TSI MsS-wash-hab
"He will finish washing it."
b.
wa-ha-hsa-'
tsi ra-nohare-s.
fact-MsS-finish-punc TSI MsS-wash-hab
"He finished washing it."
c.
a-ha-h8a-'
wahi tsi ra-nohare-s.
opt-MsS-finish-punc WAHl TSI MsS-wash-hab
"He should finish washing it."
(5a-c)
future,
show
that
","hen
the
matrix
verb
hsa occurs
j
n
factual or optative te.nse, the lower complement.
be habituaI.
t hl'
ml1~t
The independence of the higher and lower verbs
cannot be explained via VP complements.
The result in (5a-c) also differ c
from that of atahsawv
(a verb in the same class as hsa).
97
f
L-______------------------------
,
(6 )
,
a.
ra-nohare-s.
*onv v-t-ha-atahsawvMsS-wash-hab
now fut-cis-Ms~-start-punc
b.
ra-nohare-s.
*onv t-a-ha-atahsawvMsS-wash-hab
cis-fact-MsS-start-punc
now
c.
wahi ra-nohare-s.
*au-ta-ha-atahsawvopt-cis-MsS-start-punc WAHl MsS-wash-hab
,
,
(6a-c)
show
complements
that
the
verb
when
the
higher
optative--unlike hsn.
atahsawv
verb
cannot
is
future,
or
Since both "start" a.nd "fjnish"
are
occurrence restrictions, it must be
is
suggests
responsible
that
the
habi tuaI
factual
aspectual Effective verbs yet have different
verb
take
for
the
th~t
results.
restrictions
are
tense/asp~ct
co-
the meaning of each
Once
being
again,
driven
this
by
the
semantics of the matrix verb and not a syntactic property.
One possible explanation for the results ia (4) and (5)
has to do with the meaning of "finish",
an action unless one is already in the
Hence 1
t"'~
appearance of
One cannot complete
proc~ss
the habi tuaI
of that action.
aspect
in
the
lo\\'er
verb, used to indicate an action ongoing at the time of the
malrix verb.
4.5 The Embedded Optative Complements
Next consider the Moha\\'k verb atvhutso t'to want".
verb takes only complements in the optative tense. 3
(7)
a.
t-v-ho-atvhutso-sh-e'
a-ha-kurek-e'.
dup-fut-MsO-want-ben-punc opt-MsS-hit-punc
"He will want to hit it."
b.
wa-t-ho-atvhutso-sh-e'
a-ha-kurek-e'.
fact-dup-MsO-want-ben-punc opt-MsS-hit-punc
"He wanted to hit it."
98
This
1
c.
t-a-ho-atvhutso-sh-e'
wahi a-ha-kurek-e'.
cis-opt-MsO-want-ben-punc WAHl opt-MsS-hit-punc
"He should want to hit it."
d.
te-ho-atvhutso-ni
a-ha-kurek-e'.
dup-HsO-want-ben/stat opt-MsS-hit-punc
"He wants to hit it."
(7a-d)
shows
that atvhutso
can take
optative
complements,
regardless of the tense/aspect of the matrix verb.
( 8)
The
a.
*t-v-ho-atvhutso-sh-e'
\'-ha-kurek-e' .
dup-fut-MsO-want-ben-punc fl't-M~S-hit-punc
b.
*wa-t-ho-atvhutso-sh-e'
wa-ha- kUI'ek-e' .
fact-dup-MsO-want-ben-punc fact-MsS-hit-punc
c.
*t-v-ho-atvhutso-sh-e'
wa-ha-kurek' e' .
dup-fut-MsO-want-ben-punc fact-MsS-hii-punc
d.
*t-v-ho-atvhutso-sh-e'
ro-kure-0.
dup-fut-MsO-want-ben-punc MsO-hit-stat
e.
*t-v-ho-atvhutso-sh-e'
ra-kurek-s.
dup-fut-MsO-want-ben-punc M!:lS-hit-hab
results
in
(8a-e)
show
complements that are future,
that
atvhutso
cannel
Lake
faetual, stative or habitual.
This means that complements of atvhutso are restricted to thp
optative tense.
(7)
and
(8)
suggest
a
revival
of
the
IP
complemE'nL
hypothesis (parallel to the subjunctive in Romance claimed ily
Rochette
(1988)).
Chapter Two
However,
sho\ooed
Mohawk optative clause does not have the same
Romance subjunct ive.
Further,
thal
synta~
lhe
as the
the embedded opta t i ve cl ause
(under atvhutso) can appear in matrix position and has
the
same meaning--unlike Romance subjunctives.
The
facts
in
(7)
and
(8)
can
be
semantic reason and not a syntactic one.
99
explained
using
a
The co-occurrence
1
restrictions can be based upon the meaning of the verb "want".
Wh en one wants to perform an action, that action has not taken
place and may not take place at aIl.
When the optative occurs
that of the optative tense.
m~trix
(9)
This meaning matches
in a
clause, it is interpreted like the modal "should".
a-ha-kurek-e'.
opt-MsS-hit-punc
"He should hit it."
Note that (9) suggests that the action has not taken place and
may not take place at all--the same meaning as that of "want".
Both "want" and "should" indicate actions that would be true
in an ideal world.
This semantic similarity is a possible
explanatlon for why the verb alvhutso only takes an optative
complement as in (7).
4.6 No Reslriçlions on Tense/aspect Combinat ions
Sorne
verbs
have
restrictions--as expected.
(10) a.
no
tense/aspect
co-occurrence
One such verb is hrori "to tell".
v-shako-hrori-'
ts1 v-ha-kurek-e'.
fut-MsS/FsO-tell-punc TS! ful-MsS-hit-punc
"He will tell her that he will hit it."
b.
v-shako-hrori-'
a-ye-kurek-e'.
fut-MsS/FsO-tell-punc opt-FsS-hit-punc
"He will tell her to hit it."
c.
v-shako-hrori-'
tsi wa-ha-kurek-e'.
fut-MsS/FsO-tell-punc TS! fact-~sS-hit-punc
"He will tell her that he has (already) hit it."
100
1
d.
v-shako-hrori-'
tsi ro-kure-0.
fut-MsS/FsO-tell-punc TSI MsO-hit-stat
"He will tell her that he has hit him. If
e.
v-shako-hrori-'
tsi ra-kurek-s.
fut-MsS/FsO-tell-punc TSI MsS-hit-hab
"He will tell her that he hits it."
(10a) shows that the lower verb can match the higher verb in
tense.
(lOb)
shows that
the
lower verb
can
be
optative.
(1 Oc-e) shows that the lower verb cnn also be factual, stat ive
or
habituaI.
Thus,
( lO)
ind lcates
that
there
are
no
tense/aspect restrictions on the complement of hrori. 4
The facts can be explained using a semantic reason and
not
a
syntactic
one.
The
meaning
of the
verb
"tell"
is
responsible for the lack of restrictions on the lower verb.
When one tells another person of an event, the occurrence of
that event may have taken place before the moment of speech,
during it, after it or not at aIl.
This would be realized on
the lower verb as whatever tense/aspect was appropriate for
the
intent
of
the
speaker.
Thus,
there
would
be
no
restriction on the tense/aspect of the lower verb.
4.7 Other Verbs
Other verbs that take sentential complements were also
tested
to
see
",hat
their
tense/aspect
co-occurrenc'c
restrictions were and if these matched any previous pattern.
One such
verb
was
rharatstv
"t ()
proml, St' "
•
This
was
tested for using the verb kurek "to hi t" in the Iower clause.
Sentences with matching tense/aspect are as follows:
101
(11) a.
v-shako-rharatstv-'
tsi v-ha-kurek-e'.
fut-MsS/FsO-promise-punc TSI fut-MsS-hit-punc
b.
*wa-shako-rharatstv-'
tsi wa-ha-kurek-e'.
fact-MsS/FsO-promise-punc TSI fact-MsS-hit-punc
c.
*a-shako-rharatstv-'
wahi tsi a-ha-kurek-e'.
opt-MsS/FsO-promise-punc WAHl TSl opt-MsS-hlt-punc
d.
*shako-rharatstv-ni
tsi ro-kure-O.
MsS/FsO-promise-ben/stat TSI MsO-hlt-stat
e.
*shako-rharatstv-ni-hs
tsi ra-kurek-s.
MsS/FsO-promise-ben-hab TSl MsS-hit-hab
(lla-e)
shows
that
rharatstv
tense/aspect between
does
not
allow
matching
the matrix verb and the embedded verb
except when the future tense is involved.
If rharatstv can
take VP complements, then it would be expected that matching
tense/aspect would be grammatical for aIl tense/aspects.
fnct that rharatstv
al~ows
The
future complements is significant
as will soon be seen.
When other combinations were tested, the results showed
that
rharatstv
tense,
the
could
stative
not
take
aspect
or
complements
the
habitual
in
the
aspect.
factual
Sorne
examples wi th the matrix tense being future are given below in
(12a-c).
(12 ) a.
,
tsi wa-ha-kurek-e'.
fut-MsS/FsO-promise-punc TSI fact-MsS-hit-punc
*v-shako-rhar~tstv-
,
b.
*v-shako-rharatstvtsi ro-kure-0.
fut-MsS/FsO-promise-punc 'J'SI MsO-hit-stat
c.
*v-shako-rharatstvtsi ra-kurek-s.
fut-MsS/FsO-promise-punc ':'S1 MsS-hit-hab
,
102
1
The grammatical results showed that rharalslv could take
complements
in
the
future
or
optat ive
tense
only.
Seme
examples are given below.
(13) a.
wa-shako-rharatstv-'
tsi v-ha-kurek-e'.
fact-MsS/FsO-promise-punc TS1 fut-MsS-hit-punc
"He promised her to hi t i t "
b.
a-shako-rharatstv-'
wahi tsi v-ha-kurek-e',
opt-MsS/FsO-promise-punc WAHl TSI fut-MsS-hit-punc
"He should promise her ta hit it."
c.
shako-rharatstv-ni
tsi v-ha-kureh-e'.
MsSjFsO-promlse-ben/stat TSl fut-MsS-hit-punc
"He promised her to hi t i t. "
d.
v-shako-rharatstv-'
a-ha-kurek-e'.
fut-MsS/FsO-promise-punc opt-MsS-hit-punc
"He will promise her to hit it,"
e.
wa-shako-rharatstv-'
a-ha-kurek-e'.
fact-MsS/FsO-promise-punc opt-PsS-hi t-punc
"He promised her to hi t i t."
~'here
( 13a-c) are examples
the future tense.
(l3d, e) show thal rhllrat.stv can also tah('
an optative complement.
rharatstv
cannot
complement (\'P,
inadequa te.
the comple:nent to rharblstv is in
be
Ir,
The restrIctIons on the complement of
att.ributed
kind
of
CP) and thus a syntactic explanatlo
i8
However, the choice
0
to
a
specific
f compi ement does make sensp
semantically,
One possible semantic account \\'ould lie in the meaning of
the verb "promise",
When one promises to perform sorne action,
then the performance is assurned to take place after the moment
of
speech i
complement,
hence,
The
the
use
of
poss i bili ty
the
that the
future
action
tense
might
in
thC'
not be
performed would explain the use of the optative tense in the
103
lower clause since
c
this
tense
is
assodated with
irrealis
events.
4.8 Summary
In summary,
rest.rictions
in
it
seems
Mohawk
that
cannot
tense/aspect
be
co-occurrence
explained via
syntactic
reasons related to the structure of the complement.
the
restrictions are
verb.
based
on the
semantics of
Rather,
the matrix
Thus, the tense/aspect patterns would be expected to be
di f ferent for each verb.
This
restrictions
the semantic
are based on
suggests that co-occurrence
s-selection of
the
matrix verb and that the syntactic c-selection has no impact.
Notes
1•
Pollock (1989) proposes an al ternat ive in which these features
have their own functlonai category projections. This will not
be explored here.
2.
There are instances where the tenses co-occur with
habi tuaI or stative aspects but these will be ignored.
3.
The verb atvhutso "to want"
aspect.
4.
Examples in which the matrix verb was factual, optative,
stat ive and habi tuaI also had the same resul ts i. e. there ,,"'ere
no restrictions.
These sentences were not given for reasons
of space.
the
does not appear in the habi tuaI
104
CONCLUSION
1
Past work on Iroquoian syntax has been scant, especially
in the area of complementation.
major
source
that
dealt
with
Mithun (1984) was the only
subordination
in
Mohawk.
Mithun's (1984) suggestion that Mohawk did not have embedded
clauses was refuted based on syntactic evidence from Baker
(1991)
in
the
areas
of
coreference,
extraction
and
the
Condition on Extraction Domains, and bound pronouns and the
Weak Crossover Condition.
Mithun's (1984) observation that
matrix and embedded clauses
in Mohawk are
morphologically
Eimilar is true but this is due to a morphological requirement
on aIl verbs, regardless of their position.
Mohawk complements do not differ in syntactic structure.
Chapter Two presented past proposaIs for VP and IP complements
but evjdence was given indicating that these are not found in
Mohawk.
Thus,
it was concluded that Mohawk only has full CP
complements and no distinct embedded clause type.
Chapter Three focused on theoretical explanations for the
existence of on]y full CP complements.
It was argued that
Mohawk verbs must meet a morphological requirement specified
by the Minimal Word Constraint.
pres~nce
This led to the
obligatory agreement morphology on every verb.
of
A comparison
with a related language, Lakhota, showed that the factor of
word-hood
was
complementation
responsible
effect~
for
explaining
the
between the two languages.
105
differe .• t
Chapter Four looked at the topic of tense/aspect
1
occurrence restrictions.
co-
This was to illustrate that though
Mohawk only had CP complements, a given verb could not take
jus t
any
type of CP complement.
It was
argued
that
the
meaning of the matrix verb determined the tense/aspect of the
subordinate clause.
Thus, the choice of complement is based
on semantic and not syntactic selection.
The differences in complementation between Romance and
Mohawk form a cluster of related properties that May indicate
the presence of a parameter.
Control, Raising,
Exceptional
Case Harking (ECM), and VP and IP complements can be found in
Romance languages
~actor
(and Lakhota) but not in Mohawk.
The key
seems to be that Mohawk requires obligatory agreement
morphology whl1e the other languages do note
o~
Lastiy, the question
How
do Mohawk
Control,
children
Raising,
learn that
ECM and
structure of complements?
morphology
of the
their
no di ffel'ences
language has
in the
no
syntactic
The answer seems to lie in the
language,
obligatoryagreement.
al ways necessary,
learnability must be addressed.
specifically
the
presence
of
Once a child realizes that agreement is
then the cluster of properties related to
complementation follows from this.
106
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