ISSN 1471-0498 DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES THE EVOLUTION OF MARKETS IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE, 1350-1800: A STUDY OF GRAIN PRICES Victoria N. Bateman Number 350 September 2007 Manor Road Building, Oxford OX1 3UQ The evolution of markets in early modern Europe, 1350-1800: A study of grain prices Victoria N. Bateman1 Abstract This paper attempts to establish the trend of market development in Europe in the centuries before the industrial revolution, by applying three different measures of market integration to a compilation of monthly and annual price data. In contrast to much of the existing work, which suggests that markets generally improved during this time, the findings propose that markets were as well integrated in the fifteenth century as in the late eighteenth century. In between these two times, markets are found to have suffered a severe contraction. These results provide a challenge to our current thoughts on economic growth.2 JEL Classification: F15, N13, O10, O52 Keywords: market integration, economic growth, European economic history, price data, fixed effects panel model 1 University of Oxford, Lincoln College. Address for correspondence: Lincoln College, Oxford, OX1 3DR. Email: [email protected] & [email protected] 2 This paper is based on work presented in Chapter 1 of my DPhil thesis, ‘Market Integration and Growth in Europe: The Early-Modern period’ (2006), examined by C.K. Harley and C. O’Gráda, and supervised by R.C. Allen to whom I am extremely grateful for support and encouragement. The research was funded in part by the ESRC and the Department of Economics, Oxford. I am grateful for this support. The results have been presented at seminars in Oxford, Cambridge, The Institute of Historical Research and the L.S.E, and at the Economic History Society annual conference at the University of Reading. I thank seminar and conference participants for their comments. 1 Introduction Markets are at the very centre of economics. Beginning with Adam Smith, economists have argued that well developed markets are essential for economic growth, with undeveloped markets supposedly having restrained growth in history and in the poorer economies of today.3 According to this view, the eventual development of markets in European history led to the division of labour and rising returns to capital, stimulating the take-off to modern economic growth. For example, North and Thomas’s The Rise of the Western World (1973) has argued that an increase in population density and increasing political order (including property rights) were responsible for the emergence of markets and market supporting institutions, providing the incentives necessary for capital accumulation, technological change and economic growth. This market-based view also forms the basis of much of the policy advice given to the poorer and developing economies of today by such bodies as the World Bank. Recently, however, research in economic history has begun to down play the importance of markets, with some even suggesting a return to mercantilist ideas (Masschaele, 1993; O’Brien, 2000; Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson, 2002; Chang, 2002; Ormrod, 2003; Keller and Shiue, 2004). In an attempt to resolve this burgeoning debate, it would be helpful to more firmly establish the course of market development in history. In general the existing literature emphasises the later eighteenth century onwards as the time that market integration was achieved (Unger, 1983; Allen and Unger, 1990; O’Rourke and 3 North and Thomas, 1973, North, 1990 and Smith, 1961 [1776], World Bank, 2002. See also the literature on free trade and its relation to economic growth: Dollar, 1992; Sachs and Warner, 1995; Ben-David, 1996; Edwards, 1993, 1998; Harrison, 1996; Krueger, 1998; Frankel and Romer, 1999; Dollar and Kraay, 2004. This literature is critiqued by Krugman, 1994b; Rodrik, 1995; Rodriguez and Rodrik, 1999; Rodrik et al, 2004; Freeman, 2003; Dowrick and Golley, 2004; Stiglitz, 2005, 2006. 2 Williamson, 2001; Findlay and O’Rourke, 2002), with evidence of increasing European integration between the 1600s and the time of dramatic transformation in the 1800s (Persson, 1999; Jacks, 2004). In contrast to this established view, there is a minority literature which places greater emphasis on the earlier centuries, with the 1500s and 1600s (or possibly even earlier) being identified as the time at which market integration emerged (Abel, 1980; Achilles, 1957; Masschaele, 1993; Clark, 2002; Galloway, 2000).4 Each of these two strains leads to strikingly different conclusions as to the relationship between markets and growth: the first view suggests that markets could indeed have been at the root of the modern economic growth takeoff, whilst the second view implies that they developed too early on to be held responsible. The debate arises from the fact that whilst many studies of market integration exist, they tend to focus on a restricted set of countries and restricted time periods, and to use divergent econometric methodology, which can lead to markedly different findings. As such, this paper aims to arrive at firmer conclusions as to the path of market development in history by applying a common econometric methodology to a large time frame of European countries across the long span of the early modern era. The findings suggest that markets were as well developed in the fifteenth century as on the eve of the industrial revolution, but suffered from a serious setback between the late sixteenth century and first half of the seventeenth century. After this time, markets recovered to their previously higher levels of development, leading to a U- 4 According to Brenner (1976, 1978), the development of markets and transition to capitalism was an outcome of the late medieval economic crisis. Other literature attempting to explain the transition includes Dobb, 1946, Sweezy, 1976, Wallerstein, 1974, Mendels, 1972, and Epstein, 2000. It should be noted that there is a literature on the commercialisation of the economy even before this time (e.g. Campbell and Britnell, 1995; Campbell, 2000). 3 shaped trend in market development, a finding which enables us to reconcile the two contrasting views in the existing literature. The results may be interpreted as casting doubt on the view that markets were at the root of the growth take-off. Instead, it could suggest that markets by themselves are insufficient for economic growth, providing an important lesson for the developing countries of today. An alternative and equally as challenging interpretation is that had it not been for the factors which caused the market deterioration in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, modern economic growth would have begun as far back as the fifteenth or sixteenth centuries. Given the market deterioration, one could therefore argue that economic growth was effectively ‘postponed’ until the eighteenth century market recovery had taken place. The paper is organised as follows. Section 1 discusses the econometric method and data used to measure market integration in Europe, 1350-1800, together with providing an overview of the results at the level of the individual countries. Section 2 applies panel data techniques to the set of results in an attempt to provide a more general picture of European market development in the time period. Finally, Section 3 concludes. 1. Econometric Method and Data 1.1 Econometric Method A number of different econometric methods for measuring market integration have been used in the literature. In order to provide a sufficiently broad perspective, the current work measures three aspects of market integration: price convergence, price volatility and speeds of market adjustment, each of which is outlined below. 4 Price Convergence The law of one price suggests that if the market for a good is efficient and there are no transaction costs, the price of the good in two different locations (cities i and j) will be equal at any point in time Pi,t = Pj,t (1) This will come about through the process of arbitrage which works instantaneously to ensure that any difference in price between the two cities is eliminated. If the market is efficient but transaction costs are positive then the prices will no longer be equal, but will differ by the transaction cost wedge. A condition for market efficiency is that the resultant price gap is stationary (as can be tested using a Dickey-Fuller test) and does not consistently exceed the transaction cost. Ceterus paribus, as markets become more integrated – through either increasing efficiency or falling transaction costs one would expect to see a reduction in the price-gaps between cities, and so a convergence of prices. Volatility The evolution of market integration can also be gauged by considering the extent of price volatility, and, in particular, its change over time. In theory, market integration involves increasing arbitrage and trade, which has the effect of smoothing prices. In segmented markets, local variations in the output of the good (such as those caused by harvests) will lead to large effects on the price,5 most notably for goods such as food 5 Persson, 1999, p.106 5 products which display inelastic demand. Hence, if the output of the good is subject to volatility, then so will be the price. However, as the locality becomes more integrated with other geographical locations (through improvements in market efficiency and declines in transaction costs) then alternative sources of the good become available to the local market, smoothing the degree of output volatility, and so also the degree of price volatility. 6 In other words, if one can find evidence that the price of a good has become less volatile over time, then this would be suggestive of an increase in market integration. A useful way of measuring price volatility is by using the coefficient of variation of a price series (p) in a particular interval of time (t): C.V. p, t = standard deviation p, t / mean p, t (2) If the coefficient of variation of a price series in a particular location falls over time, then it would suggest a reduction in volatility and so an improvement in the integration of the location with the outside world. The coefficient of variation is a particularly useful measure of integration in the sense that it is easy to compare across places and time.7 Speed of market adjustment A further useful measure of market integration involves a consideration of the shortrun market price dynamics. We know that in the short run, market disruptions may result from shocks such as the weather or war, which lead to a departure away from 6 Integration will be price-stabilising if the ‘world’ output varies less than ‘local’ output of the good, as is generally the case for agricultural products. 7 Federico, 2006 6 the long run (transaction cost adjusted) equilibrium or price-gap. It is also therefore of interest to examine the short-run dynamics of price adjustment back to equilibrium between two cities over time (i.e. how quickly the market price equilibrium is reestablished in the event of a shock that affects the price in either cities). This speed of adjustment back to equilibrium is therefore an additional useful measure of market integration, and can be understood in terms of the simple error correction model below: ∆P1,t = b1∆P2,t – λ( P1,t-1 - P2,t-1 - T ) + εt (3) where ∆P1,t is the change in price in city 1, ∆P2,t is the change in price in city 2, λ is the speed of market adjustment and ( P1,t-1 - P2,t-1 - T) is the price disequilibrium, measuring the extent to which prices are away from their transaction cost adjusted equilibrium, P1,t-1 = P2,t-1 + T. The model states that the change in price in city 1 will be a function of the change in price in city 2, and the extent of disequilibrium. The negative sign on λ indicates that the price in city 1 changes in a direction opposite to the disequilibrium, and so moves in a way that will eliminate the price disequilibrium between the two cities, restoring the equilibrium. In fact, if λ is exactly equal to unity, then all of the disequilibrium will be eliminated quickly, but if λ is zero then no disequilibria in the market are being eliminated, and so prices can drift away from each other, which would indicate no integration in the market. Hence, the closer is λ to unity, the higher is the adjustment from disequilibrium, and so the more integrated is the market. If market integration improves over time, then one would expect to see a rise in the speed of market adjustment, and so a rise in λ toward unity. Given the issues concerning the potential endogeneity of any pair of price series, the Johansen 7 (1988) vector-error-correction-model (VECM) – which allows for the possible endogeneity – is used to estimate the speeds of adjustment.8 At the same time, this method provides clear evidence as to whether the prices are determined in a leaderfollower or a simultaneous fashion (with evidence of the latter indicating a greater degree of integration than the former). To summarise, three different ways of measuring market integration have been outlined. This three pronged approach involves, firstly, calculating the (absolute or percentage) price differences between pairs of cities and examining whether prices have converged over time. Secondly, calculating the coefficient of variation for each price series for different intervals of time to examine whether volatility has fallen across time, and, thirdly, estimating the speed of market adjustment between cities for different intervals of time to examine whether it has increased towards unity. In addition, we can examine trends in price-leadership over time. If signs are found of falling price gaps, falling volatility, rising speeds of adjustment and decreasing price leadership, then it would provide consistent evidence of improving market integration over time. By contrast, if we find little change in the price-gaps, volatility and speeds of adjustment, it would suggest that market integration did not improve. In what follows, these methods will be applied to price data from European cities between the years of 1350 and 1800. The price data are discussed below. 1.2 Data The choice of the price data to be used in the analysis is foremost dictated by availability, with historical data that has sufficient coverage largely restricted to grain 8 Studies using this approach include Persson (1999), which also discusses the method in greater detail. 8 prices. However, there are a number of strong justifications for using grain data as a basis for examining markets. Firstly, agriculture comprised the vast majority of national output in this period of history, and grain in particular was both supplied and demanded in all regions of Europe, making it a good product with which to study market integration. Secondly, if the grain market becomes more integrated, then this allows areas to specialise according to their comparative advantage – whether this be industrial or agricultural, generating the associated welfare gains.9 Without grain market integration, all regions would have to invest a large number of resources in producing grain in order to meet the necessities of life, starving industry of potential resources, and so restricting economic development in general. Hence, grain market integration is essential for the broader processes of development. Thirdly, given that the potential causes of grain market integration (including transport and institutional improvements) are likely to be similar to those for other products, then the trend in grain market integration will likely reflect the trend in the integration of other markets. These three reasons provide a strong case for studying grain prices, and using the results to form broader conclusions on markets more generally. The core price data set used in the analysis consists of monthly wheat price data. The monthly data has the great advantage that it is high frequency, and so provides a good basis for measuring market integration in the three ways discussed above. The data has been gathered from a broad set of sources, which are detailed in Appendix 1.1, and summarised in the table below. The cities and time periods which can be examined are clearly restricted by the availability of the data. Furthermore, as each city’s prices are quoted in a different monetary and physical unit, it was necessary to 9 For example, see the example of Dutch agriculture discussed in Jacks (2004). 9 convert the original series into a single unit, grams of silver per litre.10 This process has enabled me to provide a core database of comparable monthly grain prices for a number of cities in early modern Europe: Antwerp, Brussels, Cologne, London, Munich, Paris, Pisa, Ruremonde, Siena, Toulouse, Utrecht and Vienna. Table 1 city Antwerp Brussels Cologne London Munich Paris Pisa Ruremonde Sienna Toulouse Utrecht Vienna source Verlinden (1959) Verlinden (1959) Ebeling (1976) Beveridge (1965) Elsas (1936) Baulant (1960) Malanima (see Appendix 1.1) Ruwet (1966) Parenti (1942) Freche (1967) Sillem (1901), Posthumus (1964) Pribram (1938) start year from 1608 from 1568 from 1550 from 1683 from 1690 from 1550 from 1550 from 1650 from 1550 from 1563 from 1550 from 1692 monetary unit Brabantse stuivers Brabantse stuivers albus shilling denar setier lira Rurem. stuivers soldi setier stuivers kreuzer physical unit viertel setier malter quarter scheffel livre tournois 72kg unit malder staio senese livre tournois modius ('mud') Wiener Metzen Whilst this monthly data has the strong advantage that it is high frequency, greater time coverage can be provided by supplementing it with the analysis of annual grain price data. This data has the advantage of allowing us to measure market integration as far back as the fourteenth century, two hundred years before that which can feasibly be carried out with the monthly data. Most of this data is available from one source, namely the Allen-Unger grain price data set.11 However, one issue which had to be addressed in the process of assimilating the data was that some series are provided for harvest years whilst others are provided for calendar years. As a result, it was necessary to establish this classification for each series through a close examination of the source data. On this basis, the following cities were selected, covering Belgium, Holland, England, Italy, France, Spain, Germany and Austria respectively: Antwerp, Bruges, Lier, Brussels, Amsterdam, Leiden, Ruremonde, 10 11 Appendix 1.1 provides the details of these conversions. Available online at: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/htm_files/new_grain.htm. 10 Utrecht, Exeter, London, Winchester, Chester, Siena, Pisa, Toulouse, Paris, Grenoble, Angers, Valencia, Madrid, Cologne, Munich, Wurzburg, Leipzig, Vienna and Wels.12 Clearly, to make all of the series comparable, it was necessary to convert the harvest year series into calendar year series. The procedure for doing this was to take the average of the prices in the two harvest years which overlap with each calendar year, as was used in the seminal work of Phelps-Brown and Hopkins (1959).13 Whilst this is by no means perfect, it does at least provide us with as much annual data as possible to make a comparative analysis. 1.3 Results In order to arrive at the estimates of market integration, we apply the three different measures of market integration (price-gaps, volatility and the speed of adjustment) to the grain price data discussed above. Firstly, in order to measure the price-gaps, and so examine the extent of price convergence, we take all of the possible pairwise combinations of the cities based on the monthly data and calculate the mean price gap between each pair for each 10 yearly time period. This is then supplemented with a similar analysis of the annual data, which provides for a larger number of city-pairs and a longer time period. Using this annual data, we take pairwise combinations of Bruges, Exeter, Toulouse, 12 The annual data for Cologne, Paris, Pisa, Brussels, Antwerp, Utrecht and Ruremonde, is formulated on a calendar year basis using the monthly data. Data on the other cities is from the Allen-Unger grain price data set. Of this data, the Belgian, English and German data were established to be given for harvest years (along with the series for Vienna). See, van der Wee, 1963, Beveridge, 1965, Elsas, 1936, Pribram, 1938, p.267. The other series were established to be in calendar years. See, Hauser, 1936, Hamilton, 1977, p.148, Freche, 1967, p.9, Posthumus, 1964, Parenti, 1942, Pribram, 1938, p.XI. 13 p.31. For example: Calendar Price for 1500 = (harvest price for 1499-1500 + harvest price for 15001501)/2 11 Cologne, Valencia, Siena, Ruremonde, Utrecht and Wels14 in order to formulate a series of cross-country pairs. We then use data on the additional cities within each of the countries to formulate a series of within-country pairs (e.g. Exeter-London, Bruges-Brussels). This division enables a consideration of the price-gaps both within and between the different economies. The estimates for these city-pairs are reported in Appendix 1.2 on a twenty-five yearly basis. In order to apply our second measure of market integration, volatility, the coefficient of variation for each of the monthly price series are calculated for rolling five year periods, enabling us to see whether prices have become less volatile over time. The monthly data is particularly useful here given the high frequency of the data. The results are presented graphically in Appendix 1.2. Finally, we apply the Johansen vector-error-correction-model (VECM) approach to each pair of cities for each fifty yearly time interval (using the higher frequency monthly data), in order to track the evolution of the speed of market adjustment over the early modern period, and also to track the trends in price leadership. The results of this third measure of market integration are also reported in Appendix 1.2. Further estimates of the speed of market adjustment based on the annual price data can be found in Bateman (2006). At the level of the individual European countries, a number of findings can be suggested on the basis of these three sets of market estimates. In particular, three different types of market experience can be broadly outlined when comparing the start 14 These particular cities were chosen such that there is coverage of each of the eight European countries for which we have data, and in such a way as to maximise the time coverage. For Holland, it was necessary to use two cities (Ruremonde and Utrecht) rather than a single city, as the Utrecht data has a substantial gap that is covered by the later Ruremonde data. 12 and end of the time period under study: market stagnation, market deterioration and market improvement. 15 The first type of market experience (stagnation) is exemplified by German and Spanish markets which show few signs of improvement between the start and end of the period. This is seen most clearly in the price-gaps between Cologne and other European cities (Figure 1 below), between Valencia and many other European cities (Figure 2 below), between Valencia and Madrid, and between Leipzig and Wurzburg (see appendix 1.2). The rolling coefficients of variation for Cologne and Munich (depicted in Appendix 1.2) further support this finding, displaying little evidence of a decrease over time. Figure 1 Integration of Cologne with Europe: percentage price difference measure 1.4 1.2 Cologne-Bruges 1 Cologne-Exeter Cologne-Valencia 0.8 Cologne-Siena Cologne-Toulouse 0.6 Cologne-Wels Cologne-Utrecht 0.4 Cologne-Ruremonde 0.2 0 1550- 1575- 1600- 1625- 1650- 1675- 1700- 1725- 175074 99 24 49 74 99 24 49 74 15 A more detailed discussion of these and other economies can be found in Bateman (2006). 13 Figure 2 Integration of Valencia with Europe: percentage price difference measure 1.4 1.2 Valencia-Bruges 1 Valencia-Exeter Valencia-Siena 0.8 0.6 Valencia-Toulouse Valencia-Wels Valencia-Cologne 0.4 Valencia-Utrecht Valencia-Ruremonde 0.2 14 50 14 7 4 75 15 9 9 00 15 2 4 25 15 -4 9 50 15 7 4 75 16 9 9 00 16 2 4 25 16 4 9 50 16 7 4 75 17 9 9 00 17 -2 4 25 17 4 9 50 17 7 4 75 -9 9 0 The second type of market experience (deterioration) occurs primarily in the Low Countries, where there is clear evidence of a decline in the level of market development between the start and end of the period. This is most apparent when considering the price-gaps between the Belgian and Dutch cities (depicted below) and between Bruges and the other European cities (Figure 5 below). This finding is of particular interest as the Low Countries began the period as one of the most advanced regions of Europe, with the highest level of agricultural productivity and one of the most urbanised economic structures.16 However, in the successive centuries, 16 De Vries, 1984; Allen, 2001, 2003. 14 beginning with the sixteenth century, Belgium lost her predominance to the Netherlands, which subsequently later lost her leadership to England.17 Figure 3 Belgium: percentage price gaps 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 Bruges-Brussels Bruges-Antwerp Brussels-Antwerp Bruges-Lier 0.2 0.1 14 25 14 4 9 50 14 7 4 75 15 -9 9 00 15 2 4 25 15 4 9 50 15 -7 4 75 16 -9 9 00 16 2 4 25 16 -4 9 50 16 7 4 7 17 5-9 00 9 -1 7 17 24 25 17 -4 9 50 17 7 4 75 -9 9 0 17 Discussed in Van der Wee, 1963; Van Houtte, 1977; Veraghtert, 1983; Israel, 1989; Van Zanden, 1993, 2002; Blomme et al, 1994; De Vries and Van der Woude, 1997; Blom and Lamberts, 1999; O’Brien, 2000. 15 Figure 4 Netherlands: percentage price gaps 0.9 0.8 0.7 Utrecht-Ruremonde 0.6 Utrecht-Leiden 0.5 Ruremonde-Leiden 0.4 Amsterdam-Ruremonde Amsterdam-Utrecht 0.3 Amsterdam-Leiden 0.2 0.1 0 1550- 1575- 1600- 1625- 1650- 1675- 1700- 1725- 1750- 177574 99 24 49 74 99 1724 49 74 99 Figure 5 Integration of Bruges with Europe: percentage price difference measure 1.6 1.4 Bruges-Exeter 1.2 Bruges-Valencia 1 Bruges-Siena Bruges-Toulouse 0.8 Bruges-Wels 0.6 Bruges-Cologne Bruges-Utrecht 0.4 Bruges-Ruremonde 0.2 1775-99 1750-74 1725-49 1700-24 1675-99 1650-74 1625-49 1600-24 1575-99 1550-74 1525-49 1500-24 1475-99 1450-74 1425-49 1400-24 1375-99 0 16 A number of factors were involved in the economic decline of Belgium, including the war for independence of the Dutch from the Spanish (1566-1648). One of the most severe consequences of this war was that the Scheldt – the coastal access in the north of Belgium - was closed to navigation by the Dutch navy, as legally confirmed by the Treaties of Westphalia in 164818. This placed control of the waterway in the hands of Dutch shipping and customs dues19, with the implication that key Belgian cities such as Antwerp lost their trading predominance in favour of the Netherlands. In addition, many craftsmen emigrated from Belgium to Holland in order to escape absolutist Spanish rule, taking essential skills and knowledge of techniques with them. According to Veraghtert (1983), Belgium became a ‘sleeping beauty’ who only awoke once again at the very end of the eighteenth century, when the Scheldt was reopened in 1794. By contrast, and in part due to the decline in Belgium, the Netherlands experienced a ‘Golden Age’ in the seventeenth century, although by the eighteenth century they were clearly experiencing economic problems and being challenged by the British.20 The deteriorating market experience identified herein for the Low Countries sits well with this story of changing fortunes in the period. The third – and rarest – type of market experience that can be identified (market improvement) is found in France and to some extent Italy. These are the only European economies examined which show consistent signs of an improvement in market integration between the start and end of the time period, albeit small. For France, this is most clear in the price-gaps between many of the French cities (Figure 6 below), the price-gaps between Toulouse and a number of other European cities 18 Van Houtte, 1977, p.204 ibid. 20 Israel, 1989, pp.292-358; See O’Brien, 2000, and Ormrod, 2003, for some possible explanations, including competition from England, a mounting energy crisis, a fragmented state and fiscal problems (including rising taxation). 19 17 (although by no means all, see Figure 7 below), and in the rolling coefficients of variation for Toulouse (depicted in Appendix 1.2). O’Gráda and Chevet (2002) also find signs of a decline in the coefficient of variation between 1690 and 1790 when using a comprehensive data set of wheat prices for thirty-five towns and cities.21 However, they argue that the pace of change was slow, not helped by poor transport infrastructure, geography, a threat of sabotage to grain shipments and the many weights and measures that were in use in France (O’Gráda and Chevet, 2000). Figure 6 France: percentage price gaps 0.6 0.5 Paris_Toulouse 0.4 Toulouse-Grenoble Paris_Grenoble 0.3 Paris_Angers Toulouse_Angers 0.2 Angers_Grenoble 0.1 1775-99 1750-74 1725-49 1700-24 1675-99 1650-74 1625-49 1600-24 1575-99 1550-74 1525-49 1500-24 0 21 Also see the results in Chevet and St. Amour, 1992. Usher, 1913, provides a map which details grain movements within France. Grain movements are also discussed in Meuvret, 1977. 18 Figure 7 Integration of Toulouse with Europe: percentage price difference measure 1.2 1 Toulouse_Bruges Toulouse_Exeter 0.8 Toulouse_Valencia Toulouse_Siena 0.6 Toulouse_Wels Toulouse_Cologne 0.4 Toulouse_Utrecht Toulouse_Ruremonde 0.2 0 1775-99 1725-49 1675-99 1625-49 1575-99 1525-49 1475-99 1425-49 1375-99 The improvement in French markets may in part be associated with the development of the French canal network between the early seventeenth century and the early eighteenth century, which aided the cheaper water transport of goods.22 The network included the opening of the Midi canal connecting Toulouse to the Mediterranean in 1681, and the Briare canal connecting the Loire with the Seine River in 1642.23 In addition, France was home to the pro-liberal Physiocratic school, which in the eighteenth century campaigned for deregulation of the grain trade. There were a number of moves in this direction, starting with the Edicts of 1763 and 1764, and later in 1774 under Turgot.24 Such reforms, which included the repeal of tolls levied on grain, were the result not only of Physiocratic and liberal thinking, but also of growing contemporary concern for French agricultural production, a desire for fiscal 22 For evidence on declining transport costs in France originating from other sources (such as the establishment of middlemen), see Letaconnoux, 1908/9. 23 Geiger, 1994 24 Persson, 1999, p.4-6; Miller, 1998 19 reform and growing cities.25 Unfortunately, these moves suffered serious setbacks as a result of poor harvests – which brought the usual popular unrest and saw a return to regulative policies - and the outbreak of the French Revolution26. For Italy, the evidence of improvement is clear in the declining price-gaps between Pisa and Siena, between Siena and a number of the other European cities and in the rolling coefficients of variation for Pisa (depicted in Appendix 1.2). This positive trend may have been further encouraged by the Tuscan reforms of 1767-75 which permitted international trade in grain in the region without the customary restrictions.27 The findings for Italy should, however, be subjected to some caution, as they may not be representative as the country as a whole. In addition to these three broadly different types of market experience, what is common to most of the economies considered is some form of market deterioration around the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, displayed most clearly in the rising price-gaps and falling speeds of market adjustment experienced by many of the city-pairs at these times. These dates correspond well with a number of events in Europe that are likely to have adversely affected markets, including the Wars of Religion in France (1560-1598), wars in the Spanish Netherlands (1566-1648), the Thirty Years War in Germany (1618-48) and ‘The Little Ice Age’. Indeed, the finding provides quantitative support for the idea of a ‘seventeenth century crisis’ in Europe, as discussed in the seminal historical work of Hobsbawm (1954).28 25 Such measures are discussed in detail in Miller, 1998. Persson, 1999, p.143; Grab, 1985; Miller, 1987 27 Persson, 1999, p.141; Grab, 1985. 28 Also see the more recent work of Parker and Smith (1997). 26 20 2. The general European market trend 2.1 Econometric analysis Section 1 outlined the way in which we are able to arrive at market estimates based on the various cities across Europe for which price data is available. On the basis of these estimates, three different types of market experience have been suggested at the level of the individual economies, ranging from deterioration for Belgium to a small improvement for France. We can form a more general picture of the underlying market trend in Europe by pooling the individual market estimates of the pricedifference, the C.V. and the speed of adjustment into three respective panel data sets. It is then possible to perform a separate panel regression on each of these three separate sets of data in order to arrive at a picture of the general European trend. These three regression models are as follows: Price-gapit = a + {10 yearly time dummies} + ui + eit (regression model 1) Volatilityit = a + {10 yearly time dummies} + ui + eit (regression model 2) Adjustmentit = a + {50 yearly time dummies} + ui + eit (regression model 3) For regression models 1 (the price-gap) and 3 (the speed of adjustment), the crosssectional units (i) are represented by the market (or, ‘city’) pairs. The time periods (t) are respectively the ten and fifty yearly intervals between 1550 and 1800, and ui is the ‘individual effect’ (i.e. the cross-section specific and time-invariant effect). For regression model 2 (price volatility), the cross-sectional units are the cities and the time periods (t) are the ten yearly intervals between 1550 and 1800. All estimates used in the analysis are based on the monthly price data. In order to control for the effects of the different distances between our city-pairs and the effect that this may 21 have on the underlying level of market integration, the fixed effects panel estimator has been used. The results of these regressions, presented in Table 2 and discussed in detail below, can be used to indicate the general course of market integration over the time period 1550-1800. Table 2 reg: 1a reg: 1b price difference GTS coef. t-value coef. t-value TIME DUMMIES: 1560-69 -0.072 1570-79 0.005 1580-89 0.020 1590-99 0.167 1600-09 0.009 1610-19 -0.037 1620-29 0.019 1630-39 0.047 1640-49 0.058 1650-59 0.041 1660-69 0.009 1670-79 -0.031 1680-89 -0.096 1690-99 -0.018 1700-09 -0.058 1710-19 -0.033 1720-29 -0.089 1730-39 -0.097 1740-49 -0.069 1750-59 -0.058 1760-69 -0.017 1770-79 0.007 1780-89 -0.005 1790-99 0.024 constant 0.220 obs: r quared (within): -2.11 0.14 0.6 5 0.28 -1.12 0.59 1.44 1.76 1.23 0.27 -0.94 -2.95 -0.58 -1.72 -0.99 -2.61 -2.96 -2.12 -1.82 -0.53 0.23 -0.14 0.68 7.93 605 0.2871 -0.080 -3.66 0.159 7.93 -0.044 -2.35 0.039 0.051 0.034 2.09 2.58 1.79 -0.038 -0.102 -0.024 -0.062 -0.037 -0.093 -0.102 -0.074 -0.063 -1.93 -5.8 -1.65 -3.23 -1.94 -4.71 -5.87 -4.28 -3.97 0.226 38.86 605 0.2813 reg: 2a reg: 2b coeff of variation GTS coef. t-value coef. t-value -0.003 -0.012 -0.061 -0.031 -0.096 -0.098 -0.070 -0.033 -0.017 -0.087 -0.096 -0.067 -0.070 -0.031 -0.015 -0.033 -0.075 -0.110 -0.064 -0.058 -0.113 -0.108 -0.096 -0.066 0.261 -0.08 -0.34 -1.69 -0.84 -2.66 -2.79 -1.94 -0.92 -0.46 -2.4 -2.72 -1.85 -1.97 -0.87 -0.41 -0.95 -2.09 -3.14 -1.83 -1.67 -3.16 -3.06 -2.61 -1.43 9.39 183 0.2727 reg: 3a adjustment speed coef. t-value TIME DUMMIES: 1600-49 -0.027 1650-99 0.026 1700-49 0.003 1750-99 -0.020 -0.055 -0.057 -2.26 -2.5 -0.044 -0.054 -1.83 -2.36 -0.065 -3.04 -0.069 -0.063 -0.052 -3.02 -2.9 -2.09 0.218 38.5 constant 0.108 183 obs: 0.1805 r quared (within): -0.86 0.8 0.07 -0.61 4.43 104 0.064 Price Difference The first set of results in the table, reg 1a, provides the results for the price-gap regression model (1). Reg 1b presents the outcome of applying a general to specific (GTS) procedure to this model, eliminating the insignificant dummies and so leading to a more efficient specification. For each of the ten yearly time periods, we can sum together the value of the coefficient on the associated time dummy (if it is significant) and the constant term in order to give a value of the price-gap for that ten yearly period, and then from this draw out a picture of the general trend of the price-gap in Europe, 1550-1800. This trend is illustrated in Figure 8 below. 22 Figure 8 Trend of the absolute price difference (based on the fixed effects regression results) 0.45 0.4 0.35 0.3 0.25 0.2 "trend of the abs price difference" 0.15 0.1 0.05 15 50 -1 5 15 60 70 15 7 9 90 16 9 9 10 -1 16 9 30 16 3 9 50 -5 16 9 70 16 7 9 90 17 9 9 10 -1 17 9 30 17 3 9 50 17 5 9 70 -7 17 9 90 -9 9 0 According to these results, price-gaps at the end of the eighteenth century were actually on a par with those in the sixteenth century. In other words, and in contrast to the established view, there was no overall improvement in European market integration during the early modern period when considering the price-gap measure. Only by restricting the study to the years after 1590 (as some studies have done) would one appear to find evidence of an improvement in markets that took Europe to new heights of market development by the eighteenth century. Clearly, this finding is falsified when looking further back in time. It is unfortunate that there is insufficient monthly data to enable us to go back in time further than 1550. However, this can be carried out using the alternative annual wheat price data. Using this supplementary data, and as was discussed in the previous section, we have been able to calculate the price-gaps for a large number of city-pairs. Figures 9 and 10 below depict these gaps 23 (in absolute and percentage terms) for the pars of cities for which we have the longest data coverage, those involving Bruges, Exeter, Valencia, Toulouse and Wels.29 Figure 9 Cross-European price differences: 1375-1800 1.4 1.2 Bruges_Exeter Bruges_Valencia 1 Bruges_Toulouse Bruges_Wels 0.8 Exeter_Valencia Exeter_Toulouse 0.6 Exeter_Wels Valencia_Toulouse 0.4 Valencia_Wels Toulouse_Wels 0.2 13 75 -9 9 14 25 -4 9 14 75 -9 9 15 25 -4 9 15 75 -9 9 16 25 -4 9 16 75 -9 9 17 25 -4 9 17 75 -9 9 0 Figure 10 Cross-European percentage price differences: 13751800 1.6 1.4 1.2 1 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 Bruges_Exeter Bruges_Valencia Bruges_Toulouse Bruges_Wels Exeter_Valencia Exeter_Toulouse Exeter_Wels Valencia_Toulouse Valencia_Wels Toulouse_Wels 13 75 -9 9 14 25 -4 9 14 75 -9 9 15 25 -4 9 15 75 -9 9 16 25 -4 9 16 75 -9 9 17 25 -4 9 17 75 -9 9 0 Note: 0.1 = 10% price gap 29 A plot of the actual wheat prices for the five cities can be found in Appendix 1.3, which also clearly displays the increase in the price gaps. 24 As may be inferred from these figures, there is little evidence of a general fall in either the absolute or the percentage price gaps between the start and end of the period. These results help to confirm the finding from the panel analysis, that when we compare the sixteenth century with the later eighteenth century there are few signs of an improvement in the level of market integration. The other clear finding is that there were two periods of market deterioration, when both the absolute and percentage price gaps rose, the first at the very end of the sixteenth century and the second in the middle of the seventeenth century. The possible factors involved in this deterioration were referred to in section 1.3 above. In simplified terms, the evidence from the price gaps suggests that markets followed an approximately U-shaped trend between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, deteriorating and then recovering. This represents a marked contrast to the picture of market improvement which is presented in much of the existing literature. Coefficient of Variation The results of estimating the regression model for our second measure of market integration, the coefficient of variation, are shown in Table 2 above as reg 2a. The model was as follows: Volatilityit = a + {10 yearly time dummies} + ui + eit The general to specific version of the model is presented in the table as reg 2b. As above, we can use the coefficients from this regression to draw a picture of the general trend in market integration, this time in terms of the coefficient of variation. This is depicted in Figure 11 below. 25 Figure 11 Trend of the coefficient of variation (based on the fixed effects regression results) 0.25 0.2 0.15 trend of the coefficient of variation 0.1 0.05 15 50 -1 5 15 60 70 15 7 9 90 16 9 9 10 16 1 9 30 16 3 9 50 16 5 9 70 16 7 9 90 17 9 9 10 17 1 9 30 17 3 9 50 17 5 9 70 17 7 9 90 -9 9 0 As with the findings above, these results suggest that no increase in market integration took place generally in Europe between 1550 and 1800. Rather, the C.V. at the start of the period was the same as that at the end of the eighteenth century. Appendix 1.2 includes a chart of the coefficient of variation for each city on a rolling five year basis, from which this can be further verified. Paris, Cologne, Munich, Siena, Vienna, London, Utrecht and Ruremonde show little change in volatility when comparing the earlier and later parts of the period, with only a couple of cities (Pisa, Toulouse and arguably Brussels) showing signs of a possible improvement. Once again, we therefore find little evidence of a general improvement in European markets between the start and end of the early modern period. Adjustment Speed The final regressions in Table 2 above document the results of the regression model for the third measure of market integration, the speed of market adjustment: 26 Adjustmentit = a + {50 yearly time dummies} + ui + eit Reg 3a in the table presents the initial results, whilst reg 3b presents the general to specific results. Notice that all of the time dummies are insignificant. Once again, there therefore appears to be no improving trend in this measure of market integration, providing us with little evidence of the supposed improvement in markets during the early modern period. The constant term gives a value of the speed of adjustment of 0.104, implying that around 10% of disequilibria are eliminated within a month, equating to a half life of 6.34 months. The results of the VECMs used in this regression may also be used to track the trend in price leadership during the period. As markets become more integrated, one should see price-leadership being replaced by simultaneous price adjustment (i.e. full price endogeneity). Table 3 below provides details of the number of market pairs which displayed a leader-follower relationship in the VECM models relative to the number which revealed a simultaneous relationship. Table 3 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 leader-follower simultaneous total pairs 8 9 17 10 8 18 10 11 21 8 10 18 16 14 30 Figure 12 below shows the proportion of pairs that exhibited simultaneous adjustment (i.e. simultaneous/total pairs), and suggests that there was no disappearance of priceleadership during the period, once again suggesting no improvement in the level of market integration in the early modern period. Furthermore, the relatively low proportion of pairs displaying simultaneous adjustment in the 1600-50 period (44% 27 relative to 53% in 1500-1599) is suggestive of a market deterioration at this time, in line with the other results presented above. Figure 12 Proportion of price pairs exhibiting simultaneous adjustment 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 simultaneous proportion 0.2 0.1 0 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 2.2 Discussion of results The evidence of the price-gaps, coefficients of variation and speeds of adjustment suggests that there was no clear improvement in market integration in Europe between 1550 and 1800. Altogether, this demonstrates little support for the established view of initially undeveloped markets, which gradually became more integrated over time, supposedly achieving a level of integration in the late eighteenth century previously unseen (Persson, 1999). Rather, the evidence suggests a level of market integration in the fifteenth century that was generally on a par with that in the eighteenth century, with episodes of disintegration in the late sixteenth century and seventeenth century, suggesting an approximate U-shaped trend. The trend of rising integration that has been documented in previous studies results purely from restricting the period under study to the years after 1590 (i.e. the latter half of the U). If one goes back further in 28 time, one finds that this process of integration was merely a recovery to earlier sixteenth century levels following the market deterioration in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It is this identification of disintegration that therefore enables the current study to reconcile the literature emphasising high levels of integration in the early years with the literature emphasising a rise in integration between the seventeenth and end of the eighteenth century. If correct, the market trend that has been uncovered here is also consistent with a number of important historical hypotheses: firstly, with the idea of a higher-level income equilibrium being achieved in the fourteenth century, resulting from such factors as greater jurisdictional integration, the flourishing of monetary unions and the unification of measurements30, and secondly, with the idea of a crisis in the seventeenth century (Hobsbawm, 1954; Parker and Smith, 1997), typically argued to be associated with factors such as the Thirty Years War and the ‘Little Ice Age’.31 In fact, the current work implies that this crisis started in the late sixteenth century, coinciding with the Wars of Religion in France (1560-98) and the wars in the Spanish Netherlands (1566-1648). The findings arrived at in this paper may be interpreted in two very different ways. The first interpretation rests on the the way in which markets appear to have been in many ways as developed at the start of the early modern era as they were at the end of the era, just before the take-off to modern economic growth. By itself, this suggests that markets alone are insufficient for economic growth. This is further supported by the evidence of Keller and Shiue (2004) which provides a cross-continent analysis of 30 Epstein, in Prak, 2000 Brooks, 1949, identified a period of climatic decline, circa. 1550-1850, termed The Little Ice Age. For a discussion of these and other factors see Duplessis, 1997 31 29 market integration in China and Europe. They find that markets were at a similar level of development in Europe and China on the eve of the European industrial revolution, implying that well developed markets could not have been the factor enabling Europe to have an industrial revolution and push ahead of other parts of the world. In addition, the historical studies of markets in England conducted by Masschaele (1993), Clark (2002) and Galloway (2000) suggest that markets were relatively well developed in the medieval and early early-modern era, centuries before the start of modern economic growth.32 Pushing the issue even further, Chang and Ormrod have each separately and perhaps controversially argued that interventionist and mercantilist policies beginning in the seventeenth century – rather than a reliance on the market – were responsible for the economic success of both the early and late industrialisers (Chang, 2002; Ormrod, 2003). Hence, it would be unsurprising if relatively well developed markets did not precipitate growth in the earlier centuries. The alternative interpretation of the results, and one which may be more appealing to pro-marketeers, arises from juxtaposing the finding of initially well developed markets with the identification of subsequent market deterioration. Along this vein, one could argue that had it not been for the factors which caused the market deterioration in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the onset of modern economic growth would have begun much earlier, as far back as the fifteenth or sixteenth centuries. This interpretation of the results is clearly in many ways as challenging to our existing historical and economic views as the first. 32 On markets and commercialisation in the medieval period see Britnell (1981), Britnell and Campbell (1995), Kowaleski (1995), Campbell (2000) and Langdon and Masschaele (2006). 30 3. Conclusion The aim of this paper has been to track the evolution of markets in Europe in the centuries preceding the era of modern economic growth. Whilst the established view suggests a trend improvement in these centuries – argued to be at the root of the takeoff to modern economic growth – it has been based on a restricted set of countries and restricted time periods. In stark contrast, this paper has found evidence that European markets were generally as well developed in the fifteenth and earlier sixteenth centuries as they were at the end of the eighteenth century, on the eve of the industrial revolution. In between these times, markets appear to have witnessed a deterioration followed by recovery. This newly identified trend of market development, which could broadly be described as U-shaped, is consistent with two different but equally as challenging conclusions. Either, firstly, that markets are insufficient for growth, or, secondly that modern economic growth would have started as far back as the fifteenth century had it not been for the adverse shocks which destabilised many of the European markets in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 31 APPENDIX 1.1: Monthly Data and Conversion Details 1. Antwerp, Belgium (Verlinden, 1959, monthly prices, pp.504-512) Unit of account: Brabantse stuivers per viertel. One viertel = 77 litres, until the 18th century, when it becomes 80 litres.33 Brabantse stuivers conversion source: according to Keller and Shiue (2004),1 Dutch guilder = 20 Brabantse stuiver.34 Dutch guilder conversion to silver: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/CURRCONV/GUILDER.XLS 2. Brussels, Belgium (Craeybeckx35 in Verlinden, 1959, monthly prices, pp.481 495) Unit of account: Brabantse stuivers per setier. One setier = 48.76 litres.36 Brabantse stuiver conversion source: see Antwerp above. 3. Cologne, Germany (Ebeling and Irzigler, 1976, monthly prices, pp.530-662). Data for the years 1549-1700 is available on the IIHS website: http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/poynder-germany.php Unit of account: Albus per Maltern. One maltern = 164 litres.37 Albus conversion source (also in Ebeling and Irzigler, 1976): http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/poynder-germany. 4. London, England (Beveridge, 1965, monthly prices, pp.566-568). Unit of account: Shillings per Winchester Quarter. One Winchester quarter = 285 litres.38 Shilling/pence conversion source: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/CURRCONV/English%20pence.xls 5. Munich, Germany (Elsas, 1936, monthly prices, pp.671-674). Unit of account: Den per Scheffel. One scheffel = 223 litres.39 Den conversion source: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/CURRCONV/Munich%20denar.xls 6. Paris, France (Baulant and Meuvret, 1960, monthly prices, pp.154 onwards) Data for the years 1548-1698 is from the iihs website: http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/poynder-france.php Unit of account: Livre Tournois per Setier. One setier = 156 litres.40 Livre Tournois conversion source: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/CURRCONV/livre%20tournois.xls 7. Pisa, Italy (Malanima; data for the years 1548-1818 from the iihs website: http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/malanima.php) Unit of account: lire per sacco. One sacco = 72kg.41 Lire conversion source: http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/malanima.php 33 Verlinden, 1959, p.6 Also see: http://www.pierre-marteau.com/currency/converter/fla-hol.html 35 ‘De prijzen van graan en van brood te Brussel’ 36 Verlinden, 1959, p.6, Keller and Shiue, 2004. 37 http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/WHEAT/CologneW.xls 38 http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/WHEAT/LondonW.xls 39 Keller and Shiue, 2004 40 http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/WHEAT/ParisW.xls. Also see Keller and Shiue, 2004 41 http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/malanima.php. The kg to litre conversion is 0.772 kg per litre (from http://gpih.ucdavis.edu/files/Weight_vs_volume.xls) 34 32 8. Ruremonde, Netherlands (Ruwet, 1966) Unit of account: Ruremonde stuivers per Malder. One malder = 170 litres.42 Ruremonde stuivers conversion source: 1 Ruremonde stuiver = 74.988% of a Brabantse stuiver. From this, and using the fact that 20 Brabantse stuivers = 1 Dutch guilder,43 we can then use the guilder conversion rate: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/CURRCONV/GUILDER.XLS 9. Siena, Italy (Parenti, 1942, monthly prices in the appendix). Unit of account: Soldo per staio. One staio = 22.8litres.44 Soldo conversion source: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/WHEAT/SienaW.xls 10. Toulouse, France (Freche, 1967, monthly prices, pp.38-74). This source uses different units of account in different periods. This study uses the data from the period 1563-1800. Unit of account: Livre Tournois per Setier. One setier = 93.2litres.45 Livre Tournois conversion source: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/CURRCONV/livre%20tournois.xls 11. Utrecht, Netherlands (Sillem, 1901, monthly data, tables III-VI; Posthumus, 1964, monthly data, p.420) Unit of account: Dutch stuivers and guilders per modius. One modius = 120 litres.46 Dutch guilder conversion source (20 stuivers in a guilder): http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/CURRCONV/GUILDER.XLS 12. Vienna, Austria (Pribram, 1938, monthly data, pp.386-388) Unit of account: Kreuzern per wiener metzen. For June 1752 onwards, the physical unit becomes the land-metzen. For metzen conversion rates, see Keller and Shiue (2003).47 Kreuzern conversions source: http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/CURRCONV/KREUZER.XLS Notes All prices are market prices, except for those from London which are from a navy victualling source. Occasional missing observations were replaced by interpolated values. There are a number of different methods for dealing with missing observations, discussed in Allison (2002), and Rubin and Little (2002). Listwise deletion (which ignores rather than imputes the missing observations) is one of the simplest and most risk-free methods of dealing with the problem, as whilst it may discard some of data on either side of the missing observation in some statistical exercises, it does not introduce a bias, unlike other conventional methods (Allison, 42 Keller and Shiue, 2004 Keller and Shiue, 2004; http://www.pierre-marteau.com/currency/converter/fla-hol.html 44 Keller and Shiue, 2004 45 http://www2.history.ubc.ca/unger/WHEAT/ToulouseW.xls 46 Posthumus, 1964, vol.2, p.34 47 pp.29-30 43 33 2002, pp.84-5). However, for the estimation of the speeds of adjustment, the standard software does not allow gaps in the data, and so occasional missing values had to be imputed by some means. The method selected for the monthly data was a simple linear interpolation, as this fits well with the theoretical model of Samuelson, discussed in Persson (1999, p.67) on the way in which prices show a gradual trend upward at an approximately constant rate for the twelve months after the harvest. Clearly, for the annual data this isn’t a particularly precise or accurate method, and so the method of imputing missing values for the annual series was to use surrogate data. This involves establishing a relationship between the wheat price data and the price data of another cereal (e.g. rye or oats), and then using the statistically estimated relationship to fill in the missing data. Denis Leung argues in favour of this approach and it has been used, amongst others, in the work of Jacks (2005). The surrogate data used for the various annual wheat price series are as follows: Exeter – London wheat prices; Vienna – Vienna rye prices; Wels – Wels oat prices; Valencia – Madrid wheat prices; Leipzig St.J – Leipzig Gr. wheat prices (all available in the Allen-Unger grain price data set). For other annual series there were either no gaps in the data (e.g. Siena and Toulouse) or the r-squared between the possible surrogate and actual data series was judged as too low to enable an accurate imputation (i.e. Bruges, Grenoble, Munich, Wurzburg, Leiden). 34 B time 1350-74 1375-99 1400-24 1425-49 1450-74 1475-99 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Bruges-Valencia 1450-74 1475-99 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Bruges-Siena 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Bruges-Toulouse 1500-24 1525-49 A pair Bruges-Exeter 0.0776649 0.0917832 0.1701139 0.1067457 0.1584962 0.0539205 0.1597877 0.2925642 0.870878 0.5034613 0.8023571 0.5656746 0.6915522 0.5993898 0.5004211 0.4733735 0.4070585 0.1006837 0.13658 0.0915952 0.1035525 0.113474 0.4448839 0.1798924 0.309403 0.2785336 0.463225 0.3437183 0.2656314 0.160752 0.2127884 0.2352365 0.6492881 0.3456355 0.7138142 0.7249204 0.8012299 0.687174 0.5192191 0.5399693 0.0643758 0.1219883 C abs.p-gap 0.2891399 0.3095809 0.5210741 0.3834501 0.5054402 0.2263133 0.6066524 0.6402085 0.9099845 0.5653933 0.6920858 0.5181736 0.6609026 0.58508 0.5873258 0.4879176 0.3744244 0.2900965 0.4234089 0.2887758 0.2544634 0.1659318 0.3079817 0.1566234 0.2140971 0.2002838 0.3701179 0.2714052 0.2490408 0.1412168 0.1788958 0.3469375 0.5738324 0.3556486 0.64784 0.7296098 0.8460392 0.7426338 0.6251241 0.6350518 0.2999458 0.4037211 D E abs.%p-gap obs 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 20 23 25 23 25 25 25 25 17 25 24 25 25 25 21 24 25 24 25 25 25 25 15 25 21 24 25 24 25 25 25 16 25 25 A B pair time Bruges-Toulouse (cont.) 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Bruges-Wels 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Bruges-Cologne 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Bruges-Utrecht 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1750-74 1775-99 Bruges-Ruremonde 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 0.205961 0.712383 0.5772039 1.002886 0.8370247 0.8298277 0.7003418 0.6603258 0.6028108 0.5032273 0.0911174 0.1754529 0.3132382 1.012297 0.6434772 1.161479 1.053339 0.9924447 0.8431598 0.6680353 0.8450679 0.2751735 0.9796709 0.7528915 1.048338 0.9961897 0.9112567 0.8102427 0.7271813 0.8120532 0.0692362 0.7066953 0.4659497 0.718276 0.8653939 0.8786511 0.8142904 0.8122859 0.768756 0.651906 0.6913053 0.6735848 0.4136908 0.6502067 0.705178 1.060358 0.9212685 0.8831725 0.7950576 0.8918619 0.6874881 0.4965805 0.4676529 0.6556323 0.7470548 1.224028 0.8479342 1.334299 1.3906 1.222642 1.047788 0.9162985 1.213188 0.5615206 1.092424 1.053858 1.083412 1.224716 1.03933 0.9607058 1.03991 1.07123 0.114894 0.6412851 0.5140069 0.6326073 1.211 1.111101 0.8537042 0.8588268 0.882195 0.8700882 0.8263828 0.7392715 C D E abs.p-gap abs.%p-gap obs 25 21 24 25 24 25 25 25 25 18 23 24 25 20 Exeter-Siena 23 25 24 25 25 25 20 25 21 Exeter-Toulouse 24 25 24 25 25 25 25 25 22 24 18 21 Exeter-Wels 17 24 25 25 25 25 18 A pair Exeter-Valencia B time 1450-74 1475-99 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 C D E abs.p-gap abs.%p-gap obs 0.1399499 0.4955369 25 0.1646433 0.6213425 24 0.1251012 0.4265324 25 0.2232649 0.7590256 25 0.320898 0.6956685 25 0.5861321 0.7626501 25 0.4899949 0.5771464 25 0.5480686 0.5200342 25 0.3604547 0.3735516 25 0.2502921 0.3106079 25 0.2858591 0.3541107 25 0.296631 0.4006769 25 0.3782502 0.4041181 25 0.2924778 0.2843191 15 0.2863472 0.5865117 25 0.248011 0.3837194 25 0.236047 0.3246306 25 0.2471225 0.3082942 25 0.2312014 0.3195391 25 0.1832089 0.2745831 25 0.1394308 0.2272031 25 0.140394 0.232176 25 0.1487708 0.2295438 16 0.0524148 0.2535131 25 0.091374 0.3823195 25 0.1427193 0.3310754 25 0.2376419 0.3652457 25 0.1573584 0.2662826 25 0.2991544 0.4592614 25 0.3215938 0.4761202 25 0.1758301 0.2724181 25 0.1607235 0.2899247 25 0.1809987 0.3355896 25 0.1377655 0.2133166 25 0.148884 0.1757615 18 0.0712027 0.384658 23 0.0616153 0.3325308 24 0.1751889 0.5237767 25 0.1568043 0.3285161 24 0.1872706 0.3368089 24 0.3735473 0.6482952 25 0.4647203 0.8529872 25 0.3200666 0.5917623 25 APPENDIX 1.2: Market estimates (a) Price gaps (based on annual grain data) The tables below provide the mean absolute price-gap and mean absolute percentage price gap for each of the city pairs discussed in the text. 35 36 A B pair time Exeter-Wels (cont.) 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Exter-Cologne 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Exeter-Utrecht 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1750-74 1775-99 Exeter-Ruremonde1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Valencia-Siena 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Valencia-Toulouse1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 0.2475925 0.2114525 0.3570027 0.1010692 0.1141712 0.2433003 0.2773966 0.40296 0.2308235 0.2054143 0.2315445 0.3314291 0.241274 0.1869428 0.0905757 0.1208809 0.4008663 0.4735342 0.216384 0.1706564 0.1723059 0.1608052 0.2153697 0.2722875 0.2415835 0.3731396 0.3205159 0.4757887 0.4928612 0.3488483 0.3858547 0.3103246 0.3712662 0.1313342 0.1692132 0.2403082 0.4031571 0.5614896 0.7630233 0.6011695 0.389178 0.3799071 C abs.p-gap 0.465703 0.4067619 0.6896086 0.3054277 0.2018242 0.4691615 0.4215059 0.681407 0.3962563 0.3634969 0.4582171 0.5728783 0.550005 0.3176375 0.1384073 0.1522419 0.7366006 0.7410857 0.3101057 0.2658856 0.2994413 0.2976032 0.3358392 0.3718879 0.357862 0.4137759 0.3396411 0.483566 0.5696768 0.4887009 0.5199738 0.4316559 0.4765377 0.4946785 0.521399 0.4719861 0.4662606 0.704101 0.8943881 0.7547646 0.5382375 0.5491609 D E abs.%p-gap obs 25 25 20 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 18 21 17 25 25 25 25 25 18 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 16 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 A B pair time Valencia-Toulouse (cont.) 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Valencia-Wels 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Valencia-Cologne 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Valencia-Utrecht 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1750-74 1775-99 Valencia-Ruremonde1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Siena-Toulouse 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 0.4514312 0.4924641 0.3919556 0.1814858 0.247958 0.3351285 0.7200069 0.6356625 0.9216159 0.8145189 0.540063 0.5227251 0.4591407 0.7247832 0.3031057 0.6757017 0.7332717 0.8084754 0.7527585 0.4588751 0.489808 0.5182867 0.7017065 0.1433732 0.4384208 0.4405602 0.4836682 0.7648135 0.7239576 0.5661826 0.3733425 0.4483214 0.4430115 0.5809586 0.5342402 0.302892 0.1946025 0.2866761 0.311684 0.1307391 0.1210765 0.1227883 0.6983937 0.5835448 0.4126963 0.7532203 0.8405924 0.7863643 1.035069 0.8520376 1.168329 1.215749 0.8653034 0.8018914 0.7228303 1.097427 0.6096797 0.9194227 1.046256 0.9174429 1.044169 0.6819913 0.714809 0.846442 0.9672873 0.2255814 0.4929679 0.4978229 0.4616317 1.114445 0.9872332 0.6728672 0.5158052 0.6362983 0.6766199 0.7224396 0.6305146 0.5290972 0.2508907 0.4203375 0.4355158 0.2179884 0.1870378 0.2064656 C D E abs.p-gap abs.%p-gap obs 25 25 15 23 24 25 24 24 25 25 25 25 25 20 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 18 21 15 25 25 25 25 25 15 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 A B pair time Siena-Toulouse (cont.) 1725-49 1750-74 Siena-Wels 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Siena-Cologne 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Siena-Utrecht 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1750-74 Siena-Ruremonde 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Toulouse-Wels 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Toulouse-Cologne 1550-74 0.1559685 0.1032243 0.3345115 0.3640002 0.3496631 0.4497517 0.3216577 0.2002439 0.1733029 0.1724244 0.2949906 0.2881957 0.3351701 0.4368861 0.3576484 0.2650984 0.1470591 0.1247231 0.2165262 0.2342552 0.2392555 0.2036654 0.1915232 0.18048 0.2648348 0.1462984 0.1332029 0.0890084 0.1609814 0.1852032 0.0656243 0.1064134 0.1957434 0.3259017 0.1688002 0.2102431 0.229199 0.1780715 0.1739348 0.1439695 0.2286949 0.1253005 0.2937563 0.1700349 0.7350546 0.6329079 0.5463306 0.6914021 0.646072 0.3938255 0.3349165 0.3403688 0.6061312 0.5407232 0.5340171 0.7313144 0.4823928 0.4855237 0.2492809 0.2224112 0.4357494 0.4403779 0.3546856 0.2677622 0.2460992 0.2369392 0.586362 0.2209278 0.1987092 0.1559005 0.3043509 0.3181621 0.3338212 0.4199078 0.4981319 0.5825276 0.3133137 0.3794589 0.4909076 0.3680946 0.3314911 0.314018 0.4813643 0.2626261 C D E abs.p-gap abs.%p-gap obs 25 16 25 24 24 25 25 25 25 25 16 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 16 25 25 25 18 12 25 25 25 25 16 23 24 25 24 24 25 25 25 25 25 20 25 37 A B pair time Toulouse-Cologne (cont.) 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Toulouse-Utrecht 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1750-74 1775-99 Toulouse-Ruremonde 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Wels-Cologne 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Wels-Utrecht 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1750-74 Wels-Ruremonde 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Cologne-Utrecht 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 0.2856085 0.1830148 0.2079747 0.1690928 0.1009527 0.1306564 0.1021292 0.2179358 0.1556343 0.138668 0.1977541 0.2463819 0.2550904 0.3525984 0.1528611 0.0897371 0.1053758 0.0904833 0.1175706 0.1779448 0.1141489 0.0925486 0.0980087 0.1292492 0.0995847 0.1055133 0.1103276 0.1011791 0.0845353 0.2767405 0.2966129 0.2066895 0.376478 0.0421933 0.2483363 0.1895391 0.1239406 0.1033065 0.15649 0.2279819 0.2452541 0.2927115 C abs.p-gap 0.4719435 0.3676578 0.3399588 0.3275069 0.192144 0.2215178 0.229799 0.4019227 0.3298099 0.1886955 0.3247531 0.3885272 0.5104074 0.5963443 0.2453582 0.1494745 0.1801319 0.186773 0.1956682 0.2502391 0.3393442 0.2161241 0.2085418 0.2828612 0.2595562 0.2263851 0.2410627 0.2363529 0.2217649 0.6758127 0.5651465 0.3655733 0.6323937 0.1230273 0.5428816 0.3793697 0.260625 0.2292867 0.3641894 0.4721974 0.4356871 0.5484333 D E abs.%p-gap obs 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 18 21 18 25 25 25 25 25 18 25 24 24 25 25 25 25 25 20 25 24 24 18 16 25 25 25 25 20 25 25 25 A B C D E A B abs.p-gap abs.%p-gap obs pair time pair time Cologne-Utrect (cont.) Bruges-Antwerp (cont.) 1625-49 0.2584568 0.3785732 18 1625-49 1750-74 0.0770438 0.1978558 21 1650-74 Cologne-Ruremonde 1650-74 0.186576 0.3713014 25 1700-24 1675-99 0.0989709 0.1805028 25 1725-49 1700-24 0.0462979 0.0889482 25 Brussels-Antwerp 1600-24 1725-49 0.0752752 0.169822 25 1625-49 1750-74 0.1207479 0.2448477 25 1650-74 DOMESTIC ('within-country') PAIRS 1775-99 Lier-Bruges 1425-49 Austria 1450-74 Vienna-Wels 1525-49 0.0445996 0.2149353 17 1475-99 1550-74 0.064845 0.2049207 22 1500-24 1575-99 0.0889412 0.2384175 22 1525-49 1600-24 0.1465958 0.2252803 24 1550-74 1625-49 0.1753058 0.4142494 22 1575-99 1650-74 0.076398 0.2024196 22 Italy 1675-99 0.120808 0.2796411 24 Pisa-Siena 1550-74 1700-24 0.0763243 0.1798612 25 1575-99 1725-49 0.0812409 0.1890447 25 1600-24 1750-74 0.0506796 0.1360395 20 1625-49 Spain 1650-74 Valencia-Madrid 1500-24 0.1163175 0.4032255 23 1675-99 1525-49 0.1011018 0.2737405 25 1700-24 1550-74 0.1816905 0.3194813 19 1725-49 1575-99 0.3297394 0.3491157 22 1750-74 1600-24 0.282082 0.2563665 24 France 1625-49 0.3457991 0.3068729 23 Paris-Toulouse 1550-74 1650-74 0.6573507 0.5912186 25 1575-99 1675-99 0.3352868 0.4697378 24 1600-24 1700-24 0.450093 0.6576563 23 1625-49 1725-49 0.4515962 0.6950577 23 1650-74 1750-74 0.4419926 0.5121593 24 1675-99 1775-99 0.2634106 0.2831459 10 Toulouse-Grenoble 1500-24 1525-49 Belgium Bruges-Brussels 1575-99 0.6000197 0.5227978 1550-74 1600-24 0.4886417 0.5522675 24 1575-99 1625-49 0.6321021 0.5053355 25 1600-24 1650-74 0.6387652 0.6045788 24 1625-49 1675-99 0.5954736 0.6028582 21 1650-74 1725-49 0.5429049 0.680077 21 1675-99 1775-99 0.5910332 0.606047 18 1700-24 Bruges-Antwerp 1600-24 0.3853448 0.4280124 12 1725-49 0.4708417 0.6660952 0.6889616 0.6849361 0.1461506 0.0306222 0.0623556 0.0791826 0.243743 0.3058225 0.2340264 0.134016 0.1568898 0.3410835 0.5793752 0.3087194 0.1840448 0.1258136 0.0994058 0.0908983 0.080113 0.0989898 0.1449408 0.1574705 0.3621435 0.3902917 0.3349666 0.5411952 0.4301038 0.3825095 0.4256394 0.3561643 0.3025085 0.3295156 0.2948249 0.3444664 0.2134122 0.1542976 0.2724101 0.1830738 0.5844638 0.806431 0.9737608 0.6446654 0.0988917 0.0283135 0.0553952 0.0537666 0.0943981 0.0879653 0.0852928 0.0346959 0.053849 0.1887438 0.6509817 0.1890633 0.1331497 0.102054 0.0810446 0.0623036 0.0504703 0.0598124 0.086672 0.1030103 0.1892097 0.4117987 0.2139968 0.3828343 0.3213585 0.2757922 0.1163307 0.117917 0.1455029 0.3169292 0.1781209 0.2091532 0.1295743 0.0875421 0.13626 0.0864826 C D E abs.p-gap abs.%p-gap obs 23 25 25 23 23 23 24 25 24 25 24 24 24 25 25 23 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 16 7 5 6 19 12 7 6 18 23 22 24 25 25 25 20 38 A B pair time Toulouse-Grenoble (cont.) 1750-74 1775-99 Paris-Grenoble 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 Paris-Angers 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 Toulouse-Angers 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 Angers-Grenoble 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Germany Munich-Leipzig 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Munich-Wurzburg 1500-24 1525-49 0.1608984 0.1160524 0.1747431 0.2741779 0.1505031 0.2834836 0.2293416 0.3670219 0.331341 0.3252134 0.5152816 0.4187508 0.5132344 0.2890857 0.2169187 0.2370631 0.2574389 0.200419 0.3463227 0.2054074 0.2218067 0.373399 0.2593767 0.2942975 0.2739691 0.2597958 0.2958922 0.200566 0.2076067 0.1827045 0.3677759 0.4310287 0.5033294 0.2800517 0.3631698 0.2391796 0.2561096 0.3998619 0.2450317 0.2465639 0.2447549 0.1876245 0.2708662 0.3243686 0.1143747 0.1460594 0.1267242 0.1320628 0.2568786 0.0980091 0.0434435 0.0580844 D E abs.%p-gap obs 0.09559 0.0847663 0.1161417 0.3226027 0.1144839 0.2483703 0.1985335 0.27039 0.4017583 0.2118755 0.3981398 0.3052049 0.343024 0.2481015 0.1210641 0.1515118 0.1647647 0.1079976 0.1740846 0.0932443 0.1219867 0.3914936 0.1613154 0.1914305 0.1813875 0.1427634 0.1390826 0.0866558 0.1056873 0.1031999 C abs.p-gap 18 20 23 12 21 22 16 13 12 7 6 25 6 22 25 24 22 22 23 20 25 23 23 23 20 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 20 24 24 24 25 25 23 25 6 A B pair time Munich-Wurzburg (cont.) 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Leipzig-Wurzburg 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Holland Utrecht-Ruremonde 1750-74 1775-99 Utrecht-Leiden 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1750-74 1775-99 Ruremonde-Leiden 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Amsterdam-Ruremonde 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Amsterdam-Utrecht 1625-49 1750-74 0.4191015 0.3708225 0.1514996 0.1081239 0.1571266 0.1546773 0.1445438 0.1271238 0.0929504 0.5078181 0.3945758 0.3658823 0.254135 0.081087 0.0811139 0.0710307 0.7863271 0.72704 0.289859 0.1659612 0.2627734 0.1783221 0.1992906 0.1612629 0.0526501 0.0507682 0.0594884 0.5352183 0.4678105 0.2265103 0.0965443 0.1725579 0.340195 0.2754742 0.0907498 0.0511666 0.0901391 0.0785251 0.0821586 0.0841269 0.0730611 0.243248 0.4128819 0.2977382 0.3756715 0.4036822 0.4366986 0.1962101 0.20608 0.1798741 0.2388472 0.192034 0.210335 0.3125196 0.3119652 0.269211 0.3196737 0.1812962 0.274079 0.2990206 0.4566702 0.2522546 0.1608918 0.2659374 0.2707775 0.1490187 0.0861913 0.1242261 0.1032766 0.1466859 0.0921553 0.0897717 0.2185176 0.1978437 0.091241 0.1302878 0.0813425 0.1326586 0.1667963 0.2318911 C D E abs.p-gap abs.%p-gap obs 6 12 11 18 24 18 7 21 8 21 17 24 24 23 28 8 15 22 13 20 9 17 16 17 12 17 14 13 12 12 24 21 15 24 19 15 19 24 24 A B pair time Amsterdam-Utrecht (cont.) 1775-99 Amsterdam-Leiden 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 England Exeter-London 1350-74 1375-99 1400-24 1425-49 1450-74 1475-99 1500-24 1525-49 1550-74 1575-99 1600-24 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 Exeter-Chester 1375-99 1400-24 1450-74 1475-99 Chester-London 1375-99 1400-24 1450-74 1475-99 Exeter-Winchester 1625-49 1650-74 1675-99 1700-24 1725-49 1750-74 1775-99 0.49448 0.1929738 0.3046553 0.1375081 0.2174288 0.2823547 0.238528 0.1616861 0.1325754 0.1761965 0.1527988 0.1849771 0.1841536 0.2303087 0.1720747 0.3148284 0.1571692 0.1120624 0.1596257 0.1119119 0.1641085 0.1262306 0.0906749 0.0713793 0.0621894 0.2501198 0.2361237 0.2359252 0.2766341 0.2320933 0.3087029 0.4191756 0.3279854 0.1864926 0.2205726 0.1404508 0.1252901 0.0906969 0.0713793 0.0621894 0.2842932 0.153172 0.2238856 0.0686147 0.1645703 0.246212 0.1882151 0.0573239 0.0318708 0.0452931 0.0354894 0.0367781 0.0352206 0.046766 0.0343155 0.10234 0.0846825 0.0780285 0.1346252 0.090161 0.1288072 0.0875592 0.0507715 0.0543787 0.0709142 0.0663483 0.0687015 0.0557406 0.059969 0.0648399 0.0848628 0.0867617 0.0662078 0.1395116 0.1524229 0.1043409 0.0868495 0.0507794 0.0543787 0.0709142 C D E abs.p-gap abs.%p-gap obs 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 19 25 12 24 19 25 12 24 20 25 25 25 25 25 25 8 17 13 4 7 9 39 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 1684 1687 1690 1693 1696 1699 1702 1705 1708 1711 1714 1717 London: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1720 1723 1726 1729 1732 1735 1738 1741 1744 1747 1750 1753 1756 1759 1762 1765 1768 1771 1774 1777 1780 1783 1786 1789 1792 1795 London (b) Coefficients of variation (computed on a rolling five-year basis) Utrecht 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4 0.45 Utrecht: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1795 1790 1785 1780 1775 1770 1765 1760 1755 1750 1745 1740 1735 1730 1725 1720 1715 1710 1705 1700 1695 1690 1685 1680 1675 1670 1665 1660 1655 1650 1645 1640 1635 1630 1625 1620 1615 1610 1605 1600 1595 1590 1585 1580 1575 1570 1565 1560 1555 1550 40 Ruremonde 1795 1790 1785 1780 1775 1770 Ruremonde: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1765 1760 1755 1750 1745 1740 1735 1730 1725 1720 1715 1710 1705 1700 1695 1690 1685 1680 1675 1670 1665 1660 1655 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4 0.45 0.5 1650 41 Brussels 1795 1790 1785 1780 1775 1770 1765 1760 1755 1750 1745 1740 1735 Brussels: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1730 1725 1720 1715 1710 1705 1700 1695 1690 1685 1680 1675 1670 1665 1660 1655 1650 1645 1640 1635 1630 1625 1620 1615 1610 1605 1600 1595 1590 1585 1580 1575 1570 1565 1560 1555 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 1550 42 Cologne 1795 1790 1785 1780 1775 1770 1765 1760 1755 1750 1745 1740 Cologne: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1735 1730 1725 1720 1715 1710 1705 1700 1695 1690 1685 1680 1675 1670 1665 1660 1655 1650 1645 1640 1635 1630 1625 1620 1615 1610 1605 1600 1595 1590 1585 1580 1575 1570 1565 1560 1555 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4 1550 43 Antwerp 1793 1788 1783 1778 1773 1768 1763 1758 1753 Antwerp: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1748 1743 1738 1733 1728 1723 1718 1713 1708 1703 1698 1693 1688 1683 1678 1673 1668 1663 1658 1653 1648 1643 1638 1633 1628 1623 1618 1613 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4 0.45 1608 44 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4 0.45 0.5 Munich: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1770 1765 1760 1755 1750 1745 1740 1735 1730 1725 1720 1715 1710 1705 1700 1695 1690 45 Munich Pisa 1795 1790 1785 1780 1775 1770 1765 1760 1755 1750 1745 1740 1735 1730 Pisa: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1725 1720 1715 1710 1705 1700 1695 1690 1685 1680 1675 1670 1665 1660 1655 1650 1645 1640 1635 1630 1625 1620 1615 1610 1605 1600 1595 1590 1585 1580 1575 1570 1565 1560 1555 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4 0.45 0.5 1550 46 Siena 1795 1790 1785 1780 1775 1770 1765 1760 1755 1750 1745 1740 1735 Siena: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1730 1725 1720 1715 1710 1705 1700 1695 1690 1685 1680 1675 1670 1665 1660 1655 1650 1645 1640 1635 1630 1625 1620 1615 1610 1605 1600 1595 1590 1585 1580 1575 1570 1565 1560 1555 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 1550 47 Vienna 1792 1787 1782 1777 1772 Vienna: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1767 1762 1757 1752 1747 1742 1737 1732 1727 1722 1717 1712 1707 1702 1697 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 0.4 1692 48 Toulouse 1795 1790 1785 1780 1775 1770 1765 1760 1755 1750 1745 Toulouse: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1740 1735 1730 1725 1720 1715 1710 1705 1700 1695 1690 1685 1680 1675 1670 1665 1660 1655 1650 1645 1640 1635 1630 1625 1620 1615 1610 1605 1600 1595 1590 1585 1580 1575 1570 1565 1560 1555 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 1550 49 Paris 1695 1690 1685 1680 1675 1670 1665 Paris: 5 year rolling coefficient of variation 1660 1655 1650 1645 1640 1635 1630 1625 1620 1615 1610 1605 1600 1595 1590 1585 1580 1575 1570 1565 1560 1555 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 1550 50 (c) Speeds of adjustment (‘alphas’) The table below provides the estimates of the speeds of adjustment for each pairwise combination of cities in the monthly data set. As discussed in the text, these values are arrived at using VECMs. The table provides the following: Column A = city pair Column B = time period Column C = other time period used (if there are a limited no. of observations) Column D = rank (which is 0 if there is no cointegration) Column E = the no. of lagged terms in the VECMs Column F and I = the two alpha (i.e. speed of adjustment) estimates from the VECMs Column G and J = the t-values of the alpha estimates Column H and K = the standard errors of the alpha estimates Column L = total alpha value for the city pair (see the notes below) Column M = indicates (with ‘yes’) which pairs display weak exogeneity (on the basis of the t-values of the alpha estimates) Notes Alpha values that are not reported are due to either (i) autocorrelation in the VECM that couldn't be eliminated (and, as a result, the alpha values could not be trusted), (ii) specification problems with the cointegration equation, or (iii) insufficient observations. The total alpha value is the sum of the two separate alpha values from the pairwise VECMs, unless the pair display weak exogeneity, when a single alpha value is used (see the discussion of this in the text on pp.25-7). In addition, the alpha value is reported as a zero if the two price series are not cointegrated (i.e. the markets are not cointegrated). The VECM results reported here were checked against equivalent results from a VECM specification that also included monthly dummy variables. For the vast majority of cases, there was little significant difference in the results. However, for the Utrecht-Brussels pair (in the period 1600-1649) the VECM that also included monthly dummy variables proved to be superior, and so was used to arrive at this estimate. 51 52 B Time 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 TOUL-COL 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 TOUL-PISA 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 TOUL-VIE 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 TOUL-BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 TOUL-LON 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 A City-Pair TOUL-PAR Nov.1683-Mar. 1693 May 1704-July1724 Apr. 1764-Feb. 1783 to Mar. 1682 only Aug. 1728 onwards Jul. 1772-Dec.1789 to end of 1789 only Sep. 1568-end of 1590 0 2 2 0 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1692 onwards to end of 1789 only to Nov. 1777 only April1563 onwards 2 2 2 2 0 2 2 2 2 2 16 -0.028749 1 -0.085101 -0.004414 -0.052572 -0.107612 -0.059064 -0.040409 -0.024418 -0.042088 -0.86 -3.14 -1.37 -3.76 -3.81 -4.38 -3.19 -1.38 -1.85 -2.95 -1.87 24 -0.062842 27 -0.056356 18 2 14 13 14 6 2 -0.87 -5.53 -4.86 -0.47 -4.86 -4.34 14 -0.010032 12 -0.13894 3 -0.059657 10 -0.005692 3 -0.055059 10 -0.068804 -0.004517 -0.003077 -0.047904 0.004246 0.033812 0.083075 0.058996 0.0334 0.100461 0.0271 0.036336 0.0032 0.0140 0.0282 0.0135 0.0127 0.0177 0.0228 0.0213 0.029413 0.0301 0.101266 0.0115 0.025308 0.0251 -0.027681 0.0123 0.01026 2.96 1.47 -3.11 -0.5 -0.81 0.39 2.61 3.28 3.53 2.69 3.59 3.41 -1.72 1.02 4.38 -1.4 0.63 0.074221 0.083075 yes 0.101084 0.004517 yes 0.052572 yes 0.0339 0.100461 yes 0.0247 0.085101 yes 0.0015 0.0062 0.0591 0.0109 0.0130 0.0253 0.0167 0.0109 0.092254 0.0282 0.157623 0.0074 0 yes 0.0161 0.166621 0.0101 0.059657 yes 0.0037 0.016122 yes 0.0049 0.0094 0.068804 yes I J K L M alpha 2 t-stat (st. error) total alpha weak exog 0.199263 3.84 0.0519 0.239845 0.04884 3.43 0.0142 0.093482 0.164897 3.27 0.0504 0.227598 0.0121 0.016122 0.0113 -0.006886 0.0159 0.005942 D E F G H rank VECM lagsalpha 1 t-stat (st. error) 2 4 -0.040581 -2.34 0.0173 2 13 -0.044642 -3.08 0.0145 2 15 -0.062701 -2.03 0.0309 April 1563 onwards C Other Time April 1563 onwards to Aug 1642 only Aug 1663-Aug 1698 53 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 COL-PISA 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 COL-VIE 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 COL-BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 COL-LON 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 PISA-SIENNA 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 PISA-VIE 1550-1599 1600-1649 COL-MUN Nov. 1683-Mar. 1693 May 1704-Jul. 1724 Apr. 1764-Nov. 1777 May 1555 onwards to Mar. 1682 only Aug 1728 onwards Sep. 1568-Jan. 1591 Aug. 1690 onwards 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 14 13 39 27 0 2 2 2 2 2 2 4 -0.160185 15 0.003661 2 -0.088184 -0.058414 36 0.001109 28 -0.14924 16 -0.103953 14 -0.207194 -2.62 0.1 -2.83 -2.57 0.14 -3.28 -3.69 -1.53 -3.94 0.07 -2.72 -2.47 -2.32 -1.96 16 -0.038568 -0.081576 0.000556 -0.04943 -0.022797 -0.062361 -3.94 -0.86 14 -0.047849 18 -0.00187 2 2 2 2 2 0 2 0.0611 0.0366 0.0312 0.0227 0.0079 0.0455 0.0282 0.1354 0.0207 0.0079 0.0182 0.0092 0.0269 0.138302 0.249608 0.05569 0.071016 0.031358 0.099978 0.004543 0.160386 -0.010897 -0.104217 0.090819 -0.031215 -0.133708 0.0197 0.103093 0.0121 0.030559 0.0022 0.017424 1.35 2.87 1.3 2.68 3.33 2.03 0.12 0.85 -0.74 -2.74 2.74 -1.97 -2.3 3.33 1.12 4.31 0.1024 0.0870 0.0428 0.0265 0.0094 0.0493 0.0379 0.1887 0.160185 0.249608 0.088184 0.12943 0.031358 0.249218 0.103953 0 yes yes yes yes yes 0.0147 0.081576 yes 0.0380 0.104217 yes 0.0331 0.140249 0.0158 0.0581 0.0310 0.141661 0.0273 0.047849 yes 0.0040 0.017424 yes 54 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 PISA-BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 PISA-LON 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 VIE-BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 VIE-LON 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 ANT-BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 BRU-LON 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 0 2 2 0 2 0 2 2 2 2 1 1 Nov. 1683-Mar. 1693 May 1704-Jul. 1724 Apr. 1764-Nov. 1777 Aug. 1728 onwards Jul. 1772-Dec. 1792 May 1704-July 1724 Nov. 1751-Nov. 1762 June 1608-Dec. 1620 Jan. 1658-June 1664 July 1772-Dec. 1792 Nov. 1683-Mar. 1693 Nov. 1737-Apr. 1748 to Mar. 1682 only Aug. 1728 onwards Jul. 1772-Dec. 1792 Sep. 1568-Jan. 1591 0 2 0 2 2 2 2 2 2 -0.117358 27 -0.290782 30 -0.091922 16 0.098052 15 0.149767 7 -0.050678 2 -0.019276 16 0.011095 2 -0.069806 4 -0.073693 21 -0.156374 25 0.00906 37 -0.040847 45 0.003734 -2.25 -2.05 -0.37 1.28 0.59 -3.47 -2.53 1.53 -2.25 -2.97 -3.96 1.74 -2.2 0.91 0.43122 0.0522 0.273638 0.1418 -0.028323 0.2484 0.0766 0.161578 0.2538 0.500493 0.0146 0.024852 0.0076 0.044727 0.0073 0.028479 0.0310 0.07155 0.0248 0.079457 0.0395 0.001553 0.0052 0.037057 0.0186 0.046851 0.0041 0.010528 4.16 -0.19 2.11 2.48 2.79 0.61 3.94 1.64 2.9 1.84 0.04 2.13 2.4 2.87 0.15315 0.43122 yes 0.0658 0.390996 0.1491 0.290782 yes 0.2044 0.0652 0.161578 yes 0.1794 0.500493 yes 0 0.0407 0.050678 yes 0.0114 0.064003 0.0174 0.028479 yes 0.0247 0.141356 0.0432 0.0388 0.0174 0.0195 0.0037 0.010528 yes 55 1750-1799 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 PAR-PISA 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 PAR-VIE 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 PAR-BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 PAR-LON 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 TOUL-SIEN 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 COL-SIEN 1550-1599 PAR-COL 2 2 2 0 2 2 2 2 2 2 0 2 May 1557 onwards to Aug 1642 only Aug. 1663-Aug. 1698 Sep. 1568-Jan. 1591 to Aug. 1642 Aug.1663-Mar.1682 Apr.1563+ May 1709 onwards to Dec. 1765 May1555 onwards 2 2 2 2 July 1772-Feb.1783 May 1557 onwards to Aug. 1642 only Aug 1663-Aug. 1698 -3.05 -5.05 -2.98 -2.27 -3.26 7 -0.033091 -3.42 -3.57 -4.1 -4.01 -2.39 -4.24 -0.5 -3.87 -3.12 -0.112781 -0.066335 -0.048365 -0.036089 27 6 12 24 13 -0.054425 3 -0.075037 14 -0.123205 4 -0.055602 15 -0.03698 4 -0.29005 11 -0.002054 13 -0.064 34 -0.108068 -0.025506 0.003051 0.029368 0.032231 0.0102 0.053099 0.0370 0.0131 0.0162 0.0159 0.0159 -0.025511 0.0210 -0.01611 0.0300 0.019302 0.0139 0.023057 0.0155 0.017753 0.0684 -0.20902 0.0041 -0.001565 0.0165 0.00085 0.0346 -0.011538 2.06 -1.27 0.27 2.48 2.64 -1.96 -0.81 3.11 2.29 2.51 -2.01 -3.85 0.11 -0.8 0.0201 0.112781 yes 0.0113 0.066335 yes 0.0118 0.077732 0.0122 0.06832 0 0.0258 0.08619 0 0.0130 0.0199 0.075037 0.0062 0.142507 0.0101 0.078659 0.0071 0.054732 0.1040 0.0004 0.001565 yes 0.0077 0.064 yes 0.0144 0.108068 yes 56 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 SIEN-VIE 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 SIEN-BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 SIEN-LON 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 UTR-PAR 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 UTR-TOUL 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 UTR-COL 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 0 0 0 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Jan. 1683-Dec. 1696 Aug. 1728 onwards Nov. 1683-Feb. 1693 May 1709-July 1724 Nov.1751-Nov.1762 May1557 onwards to Sep. 1641 Apr.1563 onwards to Sep. 1641 Jan. 1760-Dec. 1789 1550 onwards to Sep. 1641 Sep.1568-Jan.1591 0 2 0 0 2 1 0 Jan. 1692 onwards May1709 onwards May1709 onwards to Dec. 1765 2 2 2 0 5 -0.091632 10 0.003616 12 -0.048347 13 -0.016966 11 0.000886 8 -0.019477 6 -0.046069 13 -0.042488 5 -0.157919 15 -0.031827 4 -0.004072 12 -0.000758 17 -0.043218 -4.63 1.38 -2.95 -1.97 0.39 -2.54 -2.67 -4.27 -5.04 -3 -1.33 -0.13 -3.49 0.0198 0.098567 0.0026 0.005568 0.0164 0.018617 0.0086 0.077917 0.0023 0.014543 0.0077 -0.111597 0.0173 0.096259 0.0100 -0.000298 0.0313 -0.107289 0.0106 0.013072 0.0031 -0.019451 0.0058 0.027764 0.0124 -0.021751 3.12 4.1 1.63 4.27 3.98 -2.24 3.54 -0.03 -2.11 1.86 -3.26 3.91 -1.05 0.0316 0.190199 0.0014 0.005568 yes 0.0114 0.066964 0.0182 0.094883 0.0037 0.014543 yes 0.0498 0.0272 0.142328 0 0 0.0070 0.044899 0 0 0.0099 0.0508 0 0.0060 0.019451 yes 0.0071 0.027764 yes 0.0207 0 57 1700-1749 1750-1799 UTR-PISA 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 UTR-SIEN 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 UTR-VIEn 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 UTR-BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 UTR-LON 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 RUR_UTR 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 2 2 2 2 2 0 2 2 2 2 2 2 Jan. 1760-Nov.1777 1550 onwards to Sep. 1641 Jan.1760-Dec. 1791 May 1555 onwards to Sep. 1641 Sep.1752-Dec. 1758 Jan. 1760-Dec. 1791 Sep.1568-Jan.1591 to Sep. 1641 July 1772-Dec. 1791 Apr.1764-Feb. 1783 Sep. 1752-Dec. 1758 Jan. 1760-Dec. 1791 14 -0.071816 17 -0.115102 15 -0.135818 13 -0.112956 14 -0.009664 13 -0.056847 13 -0.064908 41 -0.044083 4 -0.040289 18 -0.04231 9 -0.035938 -3.22 -3.47 -3.08 -4.04 -1 -2.9 -3.25 -2.96 -3.24 -3.24 -2.86 -0.00147 0.0223 0.023307 0.0332 0.0441 -0.028684 0.0280 -0.007672 0.0097 -0.11408 0.0196 0.048357 0.0200 0.093003 0.0149 0.01375 0.0124 0.028887 0.0131 0.013917 0.0126 0.038612 1.46 -0.03 -0.45 -0.35 -3.69 1.99 3.01 0.73 1.98 0.88 2.65 0.04231 yes 0.07455 yes 0.0160 0.071816 yes 0.0490 0.0637 0.0219 0.112956 yes 0.0309 0.0243 0.105204 0.0309 0.157911 0.0188 0.044083 yes 0.0146 0.069175 0.0158 0.0146 58 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 RUR_TOUL 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 RUR_COL 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 RUR_PISA 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 RUR_SIEN 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 RUR_VIE 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 RUR_BRUSS 1550-1599 1600-1649 RUR_PAR 28 -0.030221 37 -0.084745 61 -0.05232 47 -0.01319 18 -0.053535 2 2 2 2 2 0 to Nov. 1777 1692 onwards 0 2 2 14 0.001601 2 2 2 to Dec. 1789 1709 onwards to 1765 8 -0.043126 2 2 1 29 -0.082836 9 -0.095979 14 -0.078154 15 -0.007034 2 Aug. 1663-Aug. 1698 -3.74 -0.81 -3.75 -1.86 -4.22 -1.71 1.1 -4.46 -3.95 -3.38 -0.59 0.0045 0.0221 0.034711 0.0163 0.048081 0.0143 -0.00637 0.0162 0.05672 0.0201 0.009232 0.0306 0.04534 0.0015 0.0215 -0.004144 0.0198 0.053179 0.0128 0.060545 0.0119 0.085146 2.78 3.24 -0.34 3.77 0.62 1.34 3.1 -0.22 2.19 3.45 3.16 0.10367 0.0045 yes 0.0125 0.117547 0 0.0148 0.048081 yes 0.0187 0 0.0150 0.086941 0.0149 0.084745 yes 0.0338 0.05232 yes 0.0015 0.0188 0.095979 yes 0.0243 0.131334 0.0175 0.0269 0.085146 yes 59 RUR_ANT UTR_ANT PAR_SIEN RUR_LON 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 1550-1599 1600-1649 1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 2 2 2 May 1772-Dec. 1791 Apr.1708-Aug.1715 May 1772-Dec. 1792 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 June 1608-Dec. 1620 Nov.1683-Feb. 1693 May 1704-jul 1724 Apr. 1764-Feb. 1783 May 1557 onwards to Aug. 1642 Aug.1663-Aug.1698 Jan. 1683-Dec. 1696 Aug.1728-1750 1772-Dec. 1792 -0.178575 -0.116914 -0.000573 -0.13719 -0.053632 -0.063415 17 -0.048518 12 -0.201219 14 -0.167777 13 -0.754518 14 13 10 15 4 12 12 -0.178302 5 -0.046864 16 -0.041598 -1.37 -3.29 -3.4 -3.59 -2.6 -2.14 -0.14 -4.01 -4 -3.58 -2.65 -2.31 -0.92 -0.014923 0.178777 0.016251 0.016899 0.009122 0.015658 0.0354 -0.165738 0.0612 -0.067645 0.0493 0.002922 0.2102 0.275417 0.0687 0.0546 0.0041 0.0342 0.0134 0.0177 0.0673 -0.081211 0.0203 0.107459 0.0452 0.115222 -3.41 -1.17 0.04 1.08 -0.12 2.2 3.03 2.45 0.92 1.88 -0.81 3.35 3.24 0.178575 yes 0.295691 0.016251 yes 0.15409 0.053632 yes 0.079073 0.0486 0.0578 0.201219 yes 0.0731 0.167777 yes 0.2550 0.754518 yes 0.1244 0.0813 0.0054 0.0069 0.0099 0.0083 0.1003 0.178302 yes 0.0321 0.154323 0.0356 0.115222 yes 60 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 1366 1378 1390 1402 1414 1426 1438 1450 1462 1474 1486 1498 1510 1522 Wheat prices: 5 European cities 1534 1546 1558 1570 1582 1594 1606 1618 1630 1642 1654 1666 1678 1690 1702 1714 1726 1738 1750 1762 1774 1786 Exeter Bruges Valencia Toulouse Wels APPENDIX 1.3: Annual wheat prices for five cities BIBLIOGRAPHY Abel, Wilhelm, Agrarkrisen und Agrarkonjunktur. Eine Geschichte der Land- und Ernèahrungswirtschaft Mitteleuropas seit dem hohen Mittelalter (2., Neubearb. u. erw. Aufl edn.; Hamburg ; u. Berlin: Parey, 1966). Abel, Wilhelm, Ordish, Olive, and Thirsk, Joan, Agricultural fluctuations in Europe : from the thirteenth to the twentieth centuries (London: Methuen, 1980). Acemoglu, D., Johnson, S., and Robinson, J., The rise of Europe : Atlantic trade, institutional change and economic growth (London: Centre for Economic Policy Research, 2003). Achilles, W., Getreidepreise und Getreidehandelsbeziehungn Europaischer Raume im 16. und 17. jahrhundert (Gottingen, 1957) Allen, R.C, and Unger, R., ‘The Depth and Breath of the Market for Polish Grain 1500-1800’, in , Lemmink, J. P. S., and Koningsbrugge, J. S. A. M. van, eds., Baltic Affairs Relations between the Netherlands and North-Eastern Europe 1500-1800 (Nijmegen: Institute of Northern and Eastern European Studies, 1990), pp.1-18. Allen, R.C., ‘Economic structure and agricultural productivity in Europe, 1300-1800’, European Review of Economic History, 4 (2000), pp. 1-27. Allen, R.C., ‘The great divergence in European wages and prices’, Explorations in Economic History, 38 (2001), pp. 411-47. Allen, Robert C. ‘Progress and Poverty in early modern Europe’, Economic History Review, LVI, 3 (2003), pp. 403-443. Allison, P.D., ‘Missing Data’, Sage University Paper (2002). Bateman, V.N., ‘Market Integration and Growth in Europe: The Early-Modern period’ (University of Oxford, D.Phil thesis, 2006). Baulant-Duchaillut, Micheline and Meuvret, Jean, Prix des câerâeales extraits de la mercuriale de Paris, 1520-1698, 2 vols. (Monnaie, prix, conjoncture ; 5-6.; Paris: S. E. V. P. E. N, 1960). Ben-David, D., ‘Trade and convergence among countries’, Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics, 40 (1996), pp.279-298. Beveridge, William Henry Beveridge, Prices and wages in England from the twelfth to the nineteenth century (London: Cass, 1965). Blom, J. C. H. and Lamberts, Emiel, History of the Low Countries (New York ; Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1999). Blomme, J., Buyst, E. and Van der Wee, H., 'The Belgian economy in a Long-Term perspective', in Maddison, A., and Wee, H. van der, Economic growth and structural change. Comparative approaches over the long run on the basis of reconstructed national accounts. Eleventh International Economic History Congress Milan (Milano: Universitáa Bocconi ,1994). Brenner, R., ‘Agrarian class structure and economic development in pre-industrial Europe’, Past and Present, 72 (1976). Brenner, R., ‘Dobb on the transition from feudalism to capitalism’, Cambridge Journal of Economics, 2 (1978), pp.121-140. Britnell, R.H., ‘The proliferation of markets in England, 1200-1349’, The Economic History Review, 34 (2) (1981), pp.209-221. Britnell, R., Commercialisation of English Society (Cambdge: CUP, 1993). Britnell, R., and Campbell, B.M.S, (eds.) A Commercialising Economy: England 1086 to c.1300 (Manchester, 1995). 61 Brooks, C.E.P, Climate through the ages (New York and Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1949). Campbell, B.M.S, English Seigniorial Agriculture (Cambridge:CUP, 2000). Campbell, B.M.S., ‘The agrarian problem in the early fourteenth century’, Past and Present, 188 (2005), pp.3-70. Chang, Ha-Joon, Kicking away the ladder: development strategy in historical perspective (London: Anthem, 2002). Chevet, J.M., Saint-Amour, P., ‘L’integration des marche´s du ble´ en France aux XVIIIe et XIXe siecles’, Cahiers d_e´conomie et sociologie rurales, 22 (1992), pp.152–173. Clark, G., ‘Markets and Economic Growth: Grain Markets in Medieval England’, Mimeograph, Department of Economics, U. C. Davis (2002). De Vries, Jan, Economy of Europe in an age of crisis, 1600-1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976). ---, European urbanization 1500-1800 (London: Methuen, 1984). De Vries, Jan, Woude, A. M. Van Der, And De Vries, Jan, The first modern economy : success, failure, and perseverance of the Dutch economy, 1500-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Dobb, M., Studies in the development of capitalism (London: George Routledge and Sons. 1946) Dollar, D., ‘Outward-oriented developing economies really do grow more rapidly: evidence from 95 LDCs, 1976-1985’, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 40 (3) (1992), pp.523-544. Dollar, D., and Kraay, A., ‘Trade, Growth and Poverty’, The Economic Journal, 114, Issue 493 (2004), pp.22-49. Dowrick, S., and Golley, J., ‘Trade Openness and Growth: Who Benefits?’, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 20 (2004), pp.38-56. Duplessis, R.S., Transitions to Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: CUP, 1997). Ebeling, Dietrich And Irsigler, Franz, Getreideumsatz, Getreide- und Brotpreise in Kèoln, 1368-1797 (Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Kèoln ; Heft 65; Kèoln: Bèohlau-Verlag, 1976). Edwards, S., ‘Openness, Trade Liberalization, and Growth in Developing Countries’, Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp. 1358-1393. Edwards, S., ‘Openness, Productivity and Growth: What Do We Really Know?’, The Economic Journal, Vol. 108, Issue 447 (March 1998 ), pp. 383-398. Elsas, Moritz John, Umriss einer geschichte der preise und lèohne in Deutschland, vom ausgehenden mittelalter bis zum beginn des neunzehnten jahrhunderts (Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1936). Epstein, Stephan R., Freedom and growth : the rise of states and markets in Europe, 1300-1750 (Routledge explorations in economic history; London: Routledge/LSE, 2000). Epstein, S., `The late medieval crisis as an "integration crisis"', in Prak, M., Early modern capitalism: economic and social change in Europe 1400-1800 (Routledge explorations in economic history ; 21; London: Routledge, 2000), pp.25-50. Federico, G., ‘Market integration and market efficiency’, Explorations in Economic History, (forthcoming, 2006). Findlay, Ronald, O'rourke, Kevin H., and Centre for Economic Policy Research (Great Britain), Commodity market integration, 1500-2000 (London: Centre 62 for Economic Policy Research, 2002). Freche, Georges And Freche, Geneviáeve, Les prix des grains, des vins et des lâegumes áa Toulouse (1486-1868) : extraits des Mercuriales, suivis d'une bibliographie d'histoire des prix (Travaux et recherches de la Facultâe de droit et des sciences âeconomiques de Paris. Sâerie "Droit privâe" ; 10; Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1967). Frankel, J. A., and Romer, D., ‘Does Trade Cause Growth?’ American Economic Review, 89(3) (1999), pp.379–399. Freeman, R.B., ‘Trade Wars, the Exaggerated Impact of Trade in Economic Debate’, NBER Working Paper 10000 (2003). Froot, Kenneth, et al., The law of one price over 700 years (Working paper series (National Bureau of Economic Research); 5132; Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1995). Galloway, J.A., ‘One Market or Many? London and the Grain Trade of England’, in Galloway, J.A, ed., Trade, Urban Hinterlands and Market Integration c.13001600, (Centre for Metropolitan History, Working Papers Series, No. 3; London: 2000), pp.23-42. Geiger, Reed G., Planning the French canals : bureaucracy, politics, and enterprise under the restoration (Newark London: University of Delaware Press ;Associated University Presses, 1994). Grab, A.I., ‘The Politics of Subsistence: The Liberalization of Grain Commerce in Austrian Lombardy under Enlightened Despotism’, Journal of Modern History, 57 (1985), pp. 185-210 Hamilton, Earl J., American treasure and the price revolution in Spain, 1501-1650 (Harvard economic studies ; vol. XLIII; Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1934). ---, Money, prices, and wages in Valencia, Aragon, and Navarre, 1351-1500 (Perspectives in European history ; No. 6; Philadelphia: Porcupine Press, 1975). Harrison, A., ‘Openness and Growth: A Time-series, cross-country analysis for Developing Countries,’ Journal of Development Economics, 48 (1996), pp.419– 447. Hauser, H., Recherches et Documents sur l"Histoire Des Prix en France de 1500 a 1800 (Paris: Les Presses Modernes, 1936). Hobsbawm, E.J., ‘The General Crisis of the European Economy in the 17th Century’, Past and Present, 5 (1954), pp. 33-53. Houtte, J. Van, An economic history of the Low Countries, 800-1800 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977). Israel, Jonathan Irvine, Dutch primacy in world trade 1585-1740 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989). Jacks, D., ‘Market Integration in the North and Baltic Seas, 1500-1800’, Journal of European Economic History, 33(3) (2004), pp.285-329. Johansen, S., ‘Statistical analysis of cointegrating vectors’, Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, Vol. 12 (1988), pp. 231-54. Keller, Wolfgang, Shiue, Carol H., and Centre for Economic Policy Research (Great Britain), Markets in China and Europe on the eve of the Industrial Revolution (London: Centre for Economic Policy Research, 2004). Kowaleski, M., Local markets and regional trade in medieval Exeter (Cambridge, 1995). 63 Krueger, A., ‘Why trade liberalisation is good for growth’, The Economic Journal, 108 (September, 1998), pp.1513–1522. Krugman, P., ‘The Myth of Asia's Miracle’, Foreign Affairs, (November/December 1994a), pp.62-78. Krugman, Paul R., Rethinking international trade (Cambridge, Mass ; London: MIT Press, 1994b). Langdon, J., and Masschaele, J., ‘Commercial activity and population growth in medieval England’, Past and Present, 190 (1) (2006), pp.35-81. Letaconnoux, ‘Les transports en France au 18e siecle’, Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, 11, 1908/9, pp. 97-114, 269-92. Masschaele, J., ‘Transport costs in medieval England’, Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 266-279. Mendels, ‘Proto-industrialization: the first phase of the industrialization process’, Journal of Economic History, 32 (1972), pp.241-61. Meuvret, J., Le problème des subsistances à l'époque de Louis XIV, 3 vols (Paris, l977-l988). Miller, J., ‘The Pragmatic Economy: Liberal Reforms and the Grain Trade in Upper Normandy, 1750-1789’, Dissertation, Duke University, 1987. Miller, J., ‘The Pragmatic Economy: Liberal Reforms and the Grain Trade in Upper Normandy, 750-1789’, Dissertation Summary, The Journal of Economic History, (June 1988), pp.412-4. Miller, J., Mastering the Market: The State and the Grain Trade in Northern France, 1700-1860 (Cambridge University Press, 1998). North, Douglass Cecil And Thomas, Robert Paul, The rise of the Western world : a new economic history (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973). North, Douglass Cecil, Institutions, institutional change and economic performance (Political economy of institutions and decisions.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). O'Brien, P.K., ‘Mercantilism and Imperialism in the Rise and Decline of the Dutch and British Economies 1585-1815’, De Economist, 148 (2000), pp.469-501. O’Gráda, C., and Chevet, J.-M., ‘Market Segmentation and Famine in Ancien Regime France’, Papers 00/05, University College Dublin, Department of Political Economy (2000). O’Gráda, C., and Chevet, J.-M., ‘Market Segmentation and Famine in ancien régime France’, Journal of Economic History, LXII (2002), pp.706–733. Ormrod, David, The rise of commercial empires : England and the Netherlands in the age of mercantilism, 1650-1770 (Cambridge studies in modern economic history; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). O'Rourke, Kevin H., Williamson, Jeffrey G., And Centre For Economic Policy Research (Great Britain), After Columbus: explaining the global trade boom, 1500-1800 (London: Centre for Economic Policy Research, 2001). Parenti, Giuseppe And Universitáa Di Firenze. Scuola Di Statistica., Prezzi e mercato del grano a Siena (1546-1765) (Pubblicazioni della R. Universitáa degli studi di Firenze. Facoltáa di economia e commercio. XIX; Firenze: C. Cya, 1942). Parker, Geoffrey And Smith, Lesley M., The general crisis of the seventeenth century (2nd edn.; London: Routledge, 1997). Persson, Karl Gunnar, Grain markets in Europe, 1500-1900: integration and deregulation (Cambridge studies in modern economic history ; 7; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Phelps-Brown and Hopkins, ‘Builders’ wage rate, prices and population’, Economica, 64 16 (1959), pp.18-37. Posthumus, N. W., lnquiry into the History of Prices in Holland. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1964). Pribram, Alfred Francis, Geyer, Rudolf, And Koran, Franz, Materialien zur Geschichte der Preise und Lèohne in èOsterreich (Verèoffentlichungen des Internationalen Wissenschaftlichen Komitees fèur die Geschichte der Preise und Lèohne; Wien: Carl Ueberreuters Verlag, 1938). Rodríguez, F., and Rodrik, D., ‘Trade Policy and Economic Growth: A Sceptic's Guide to the Cross-National Evidence’, Centre for Economic Policy Research Discussion Papers 2143 (1999). Rodrik, D., ‘Trade and Industrial Policy Reform’, in Behrman, J., & Srinivasan, T.N., (ed.), Handbook of Development Economics, volume 3 (Elsevier,1995). Rodrik, D., Subramanian, A., and Trebbi, F., ‘Institutions Rule: The primacy of institutions over Geography and Integration in economic development’, Journal of Economic Growth, 9 (June 2004), pp.131-165. Rubin, D.B., and Little, R.J.A., Statistical analysis with missing data (Hoboken: Wiley, 2002). Ruwet, Joseph, Marchâe des câerâeales áa Ruremonde, Luxembourg, Namur et Diest aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siáecles (Louvain: Bureau du recueil de la Bibiotháeque de l'Universitâe; Publications universitaires de Louvain, 1966). Sachs, J. D. and Warner, A., ‘Economic Reform and the Process of Global Integration (with comments and discussion)’, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 1 (1995), pp.1-118. Sillem, Jâerãome Alexandre, Tabellen van marktprijzen van granen te Utrecht in de jaren 1393 tot 1644, uit de rekeningen en weeklijsten der Domproosdij bewerkt en toegelicht (Verhandel., K.akad. van wet. te Amsterdam, afd. letterkunde, nieuwe reeks deel 3; Amst., 1901). Smith, Adam, An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. By Adam Smith, In three volumes, ed. E. Cannan (London, 1961 [1776]). Stiglitz, J., ‘The Overselling of Globalization’, in Weinstein, M.M. (ed.), Globalization: What's New (Columbia University Press, 2005), pp.228-261. Stiglitz, J., ‘Social Justice and Global Trade’, Far Eastern Economic Review, Vol.169 (2) (March 2006), pp.18-22. Sweezy, P. et al, The transition from Feudalism to Capitalism (New Left Books, 1976). Unger, R., ‘Integration of Baltic and Low Countries Grain Markets, 1400-1800’, in Winter, J. M. van, ed, The Interactions of Amsterdam and Antwerp with the Baltic Region, 1400-1800 (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1983), pp.1-10. Usher, A.P., The history of the grain trade in France (Harvard University Press, 1913). Veraghtert, K., ‘The Antwerp Port, 1790-1814’, in Winter, J.M., ed., The Interactions of Amsterdam and Antwerp With the Baltic Region 1400-1800 (Leiden, 1983), pp.193-99. Verlinden, Charles, Dokumenten voor de geschiedenis van prijzen en loonen in Vlaanderen en Brabant, gepubliceerd onder leiding van C. Verlinden, en de redaktie van J. Craeybeckx (Brugge: De Tempel, 1959). Wallerstein, Immanuel Maurice, The modern world-system, 3 vols. (Studies in social discontinuity; New York ; London: Academic Press, 1974). Wee, Herman Van Der, The growth of the Antwerp market and the European economy : (fourteenth-sixteenth centuries), 3 vols. (The Hague: Nijhoff, 65 1963). World Bank, Globalisation, Growth and Poverty (Washington, D.C., 2002). Zanden, J.L. van, The Rise and Decline of Holland's Economy: Merchant Capitalism and the Labour Market (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993). Zanden, J.L. van, ‘The ‘Revolt of the Early Modernists’ and the ‘First Modern Economy:’ An Assessment, Economic History Review, Vol. 55 (2002), pp.619641. 66
© Copyright 2026 Paperzz