Quirky dative objects in Basque
Beatriz Fernández
University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU)
European Dialect Syntax III
Venice, September 18-21, 2008
0. Introduction:
Goal: To describe and analyze quirky dative objects in
Basque –the 29th syntactic variable of the Basdisyn project.
 Descriptive facts:
 Quirky dative theme-objects: some theme-objects of
bivalent verbs are marked dative in some varieties of
Basque.
 Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs: objects
can be marked both (quirky) dative and (canonical)
absolutive in some alternating verbs.


In field-work: Treat both quirky dative objects separately
and elaborate different questionnaires for each of them.
them
1. Preliminaries

Ergative language
ABS marked objects / DAT marked indirect objects
in sentences with bivalent and trivalent verbs.

Rich verbal agreement system: agreement with E,
A and D arguments. Transitive and ditransitive
auxiliaries.

(1)
(2)
Ni-k ZU
ikusi
Z-a-it-u-T
I-E
you.A see.ASP 2A-plA-root-1sgE
‘I saw you’
Ni-k ZU-RI LIBURUA eman d-i-ZU-T
I-E
you-D book.A give.ASP (3A)-expl-(root)-DF-2D-1sgE
‘I gave you the book’
2. Quirky dative theme-objects

Description:

In sentences with bivalent verbs, uncanonical dative marked
object, the quirky dative theme-object –sometimes alternating
with the canonical absolutive one.

Ditransitive auxiliary selected instead of the transitive one.
• Quirky dative theme-object:
(3) (Ni-k) SU-RI ikusi
d-o-t-ZU-t
(Lekeitio, Bizkaia)
I-E you-D see.ASP expl-root-DF-2D-1sgE
‘I saw you’
(Hualde, Elordieta & Elordieta 1994:125-7)
• Canonical absolutive object
(4) (Ni-k) SU
ikusi
I-E
you-A see.ASP
‘I saw you’
S-a-itt-u-t
2A-plA-root-1sgE
(Lekeitio, Bizkaia)
(Elordieta, A. p.c.)
2. Quirky dative theme-objects

Dialectal distribution: Navarrese –most of the varieties of South High
Navarrese in Bonaparte´s designation; Navarrese-Lapurdian (variety
of Baigorri), and in Western Basque (varieties of Markina, Gernika,
Bermeo, Arratia and Arrigorriaga in Bizkaia); also the variety of Irun
(Central Basque) –see Bonaparte (1869:434) and Yrizar (1981-II:360).
• As a consequence of the quirky dative theme-object, with
both bivalent and trivalent verbs, the same ditransitive
auxiliary dotzut is used –compare (3) to (5).
• Dative marked indirect object
(5) (Ni-k) SU-RI liburua emon
d-o-t-ZU-t (Lekeitio, Bizkaia)
I-E
you-D book-A give.ASP expl-root-DF-2D-1sE
‘I gave you the book’
2. Quirky dative theme-objects
Testing the Animacy Hierarchy: human vs. non-human
restriction

(6) Peru-k ni ikusi
n-a-u / ni-RI
d-o-s-ta
1st person sg √
Peter-E I-A see.ASP 1sgA-root / I-D expl-root-(DF)-1sgD-(3sgE)
‘Peter saw me’
(7) (Ni-k) su
ikusi s-a-it-u-t-en / su-RI n-eu-t-zu-n
2nd person sg √
I-E you-A see.ASP 2A-plA-root-1sgE-past / you-D 1sgA-root-DF-2D-past
‘I saw you’
(8) Peru-k Jon zo
d-a-u / Jon-ERI d-o-t-za
proper nouns
√
Peter-E Jon-A hit.ASP expl-root / Jon-D expl-root-DF-3sgD-(3sgE)
‘Peter hited John’
(9) (Ni-k) neskia ikusi d-o-t / neskia-RI d-o-t-za-t
human √
I-E girl-A see.ASP expl-1sgE root / girl-D expl-root-DF-3sgD-1sgE
‘I saw the girl’
(10) (Ni-k) txakurra - telebista ikusi d-o-t /*txakurra-telebista-RI d-o-t-za-t
I-E
dog-TV-A
see.ASP expl3sgD--1sgE
expl-rootroot-1sgE / dog-TV-D
dog-TV-D explexpl-root-(DF)root-(DF)-3sgD
‘I saw the dog/I watch the TV’
*non-human (animate / inanimate)
2. Quirky dative theme-objects and leísmo

Comparing Basque quirky dative objects to Spanish
leísmo (I)
Quirky dative objects bring to mind the Spanish leísmo –see also
Hualde, Elordieta & Elordieta (1994:126) and Rezac (2006).
Short definition of leísmo: the use of dative le(s) instead of accusative lo(s)
(or exceptionally, la(s)) as a pronoun to refer to some direct objects.
(11) ¿Conoces a Juan? Sí, le conozco hace tiempo
know-2sg P Juan yes cl know-1sg do-3sg time
‘Do you know Juan? Yes, I know him long time ago’
(12) ¿Sabes dónde está mi libro? No, no le he visto por aquí
know-2sg where be-3sg my book no no cl have-1sg seen P here
‘Do you know where my book is? No, I haven´t seen it around here’
(Fernández-Ordoñez, I. 1999)
2. Quirky dative theme-objects and leísmo

Comparing Basque quirky dative objects to Spanish leísmo (II)

Some similarities

In Basque varieties with quirky dative objects, no opposition
between absolutive and dative agreement. In Spanish varieties
with leísmo, no opposition between accusative and dative
clitics.

Both Basque quirky dative objects and leísmo may be governed
by the same Animacy Hierarchy, although the Basque quirky
dative theme-objects occur higher on the hierarchy: human <
animate, inanimate in Basque vs. animate < inanimate in
Spanish.

One (perhaps) crucial difference

In Basque, not only agreement but also case is affected.
•
Dative is the only case assigned to both direct and indirect
objects.

As a consequence, dative agreement is expressed in the
auxiliary for both quirky dative objects and indirect objects
–ditransitive auxiliary is selected.
•
Case and agreement match

In Spanish, leísmo involves clitics not case marking.
2. Quirky dative theme-objects and leísmo
Comparing Basque quirky dative objects to
Spanish leísmo (III)


Unresolved questions

Empirical questions:
•
Do we have in Basque (in)animate quirky dative
objects –opposite to the pattern observed in
Lekeitio? And plural (in)animate quirky dative
objects?

Searching for an explanation:
•
Do Basque quirky dative objects appear because of
the influence of the Spanish leismo?
•
If quirky dative objects are attested in the variety of
Baigorri in a French spoken area, why does it
happen?
•
Is there a general explanation for both Basque
quirky dative objects and Spanish leísmo?
3. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs

Description:


Objects can be marked both (quirky) dative and (canonical)
absolutive in some alternating verbs.
As a consequence, alternation also between transitive and
ditransitive auxiliaries
(11) Obeditü behar d-üt-ü-gü-la gü beno zaharragoak
obey
modal expl-3plA-root-1plE-KONP we than older.A
‘We have to obey those who are older than us’
(Bp I 93)
(12) Non haren sensuek arrazoiña-ri obeditzen bait-i-o-te
(Ch III 53,2)
wh
Her/his sense-E reason-D obedy COMP-expl-(root)-DF-3sgD-3plE
‘Her/his senses obey the reason’
3. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs

Alternation typology


Plain alternation: alternation observed in the same dialect and very
often in the same idiolect. (Bultzatu ‘push’, erregutu ‘pray’, iguriki
‘wait’, itxaron ‘wait’, jarraitu ‘follow’, kontseilatu ‘give advice’,
manatu ‘order’, obeditu ‘obey’, oratu ‘hold’ and utzi ‘let, leave’). See
examples (11) and (12).
Semantic alternation: alternation attested only in some meanings of
the verb. (Begiratu ‘look at’ , deitu ‘call’, erreparatu ‘be aware of’ ,
esetsi ‘attack’, jazarri ‘persecute’ and laga ‘let, leave’ ).
Dialectal alternation: roughly speaking, absolutive a t t e s t e d i n
Navarrese-Lapurdian and Zuberoan, and dative in Navarrese and
in Western and Central Basque (Abisatu ‘notify’, deitu ‘call’, entzun
‘hear’, eskertu ‘thank’, lagundu ‘accompany, help’ and segitu
‘follow’).
Corpus analyzed: Mitxelena (1989-2005).

3. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs

Semantic alternation

Begiratu 1 ‘look at’
(13) […] ez ni-RI
begiratu
not
I.D
look at
‘Don´t look at me’
(Lar SAgust 14)
(14) Hara, beitu […] eskale ziztrin-loi a
My gosh, look at beggar dirty that.A
‘My gosh, look at that dirty beggar’
(Altuna 96)

Begiratu 2
(15) Gatzak begiratzen
du
aragia usteltzetik (Ir YKBiz 120n)
salt-E look at.ASP (3A)expl-root meat.A rot-NF-P
‘Salt inhibits the rotting of meat’
3. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs
Dialectal alternation


Lagundu ‘accompany’
(16) Doña Inesek (hura) ospitaleraino lagundu
z-u-en
(Laph 36)
lady Ines.E (s)he.A hospital.P accompany.ASP (3A)expl-root-(3sgE)-p
‘Lady Ines accompanied her/him to the hospital’
(17) Josetxo (gu-RI) lagundu bear d-eus-ku-zu Buenos Airesera (Echta Jos 318)
Josetxo we-D accompany.ASP modal expl-root-1plD-2E
‘Josetxo, you have to accompany us to Buenos Aires’
Aires

Lagundu ‘accompany’ with an intransitive auxiliary
(18) (Zuek) (ni-RI) lagun z-a-ki-zki-t
you-A I-D
help 2A-vow-DF-plA-1sgD
‘You accompany me’
me
2. Quirky dative objects in alternating verbs
Why quirky dative objects in alternating verbs?


Searching for an explanation

One possible hypothesis and two versions:
•
At least some of the alternating verbs seem to be verbs
with an implicit direct object (abisatu, barkatu, entzun,
erregutu, eskertu, kontseilatu, manatu, obeditu, and
depending on the meaning, laga, lagundu and utzi).
•
Quirky dative objects are in most cases goals (the verbs
just mentioned and also deitu, esetsi, jazarri).
•
Not all the verbs confirm the hypothesis: (begiratu,
erreparatu, oratu)

Open issues:
•
Do we have historical reasons for the preference of the
quirky dative or the canonical absolutive? Do we have
similar evolution for at least some of these verbs?
•
Can we find a more general explanation for both instances
of the quirky dative objects?
5. Conclusions
 Two instances of quirky dative objects in Basque


Quirky dative theme-objects:
• Governed by the Animacy Hierarchy. Main
restriction: no dative assignment to non-human
objects
• Some similarities with Spanish leísmo
Quirky dative objects in absolutive/dative alternating
verbs:
• Plain, semantic and dialectal alternations
• Most alternating verbs seem to have an implicit
object. Thus, quirky dative objects are goals.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank Jon Ortiz de Urbina, Pablo Albizu, Arantzazu
Elordieta and Ricardo Etxepare for their valuables comments and
suggestions in preparing this talk.
This work has been partially funded by the University of the Basque
Country (EHU 06/20); by the Spanish Ministry of Science and
Innovation (FFI2008-00240/FILO), and by the Agence Nationale de la
Recherche.
References:
Etxepare, Ricardo. 2004. “Valency and argument structure in the Basque
Verb”. In Jose Ignacio Hualde & Jon Ortiz de Urbina (eds.) A grammar of
Basque, Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter.
Euskaltzaindia (Royal Academy of the Basque language). 1987.
Euskal Gramatika. Lehen urratsak II, Bilbao: Euskaltzaindia.
Fernández, Beatriz & Jon Ortiz de Urbina. 2007. Hizkuntzari itzulia 80
hizkuntzatan. Bilbo, UEU.
Fernández-Ordoñez, Inés. 1999. “Leísmo, laísmo y loísmo”. In Ignacio
Bosque & Violeta Demonte (eds.) Gramática descriptiva de la lengua
española I. Madrid, Espasa Calpe, 1317-1394.
Hualde, Jose Ignacio, Gorka Elordieta & Arantzazu Elordieta. 1994. The
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University of the Basque Country/Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia.
Iglesias, Aitor. 2005. Igorreko hizkeraren azterketa dialektologikoa, Gasteiz,
University of the Basque Country, manuscript.
6. References
Laffite, P. 1962. Grammaire basque. (Navarro-Labourdin littéraire),
Donostia, Elkar 1979.
Landa, Alazne. 1995. Conditions on Null Objects in Basque Spanish and
their relation to Leísmo and Clitic Doubling. Los Ángeles, Universiy of
Southern California.
Mitxelena, Luís. 1989-2005. Diccionario General Vasco. Orotariko Euskal
Hiztegia. Bilbo, Euskaltzaindia.
Rezac, Milan. 2006. Agreement displacement in Basque: Derivational
principles and lexical parameters. Gasteiz, University of the Basque
Country, manuscript.
Yrizar, Pedro de. 1981. Contribución a la Dialectología de la Lengua Vasca,
2 vol. Donostia, Gipuzkoako Aurrezki Kutxa Probintziala.
—. 1992. Morfología del Verbo Auxiliar Alto Navarro Septentrional (estudio
dialectológico), 2 vol. Iruñea, Nafarroako Gobernua & Euskaltzaindia.