The Diplomat and The Demagogue:
When Richard Holbrooke Met Malcolm X
Malcolm Burnley B’12
First Place Casey Shearer Memorial Award for Excellence in Creative Nonfiction, 2012
http://dl.lib.brown.edu/cob
Copyright © 2012 Malcolm Burnley as part of author’s extended work:
“The Diplomat and the Demagogue: When Richard Holbrooke Met Malcolm X”
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
The
Diplomat
and
The
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X
By
Malcolm
Burnley
‘12
First
Place
Casey
Shearer
Memorial
Award
for
Excellence
in
Creative
Nonfiction,
2012
*****
Malcolm
X
stood
inside
his
room
at
the
Providence
Biltmore
hotel,
staring
out
the
window
through
his
horned‐rimmed
glasses.
Several
stories
below,
Cold
War
decadence
was
streaming
through
the
lobby.
A
glistening
chandelier
hung
above
the
central
marble
staircase,
giving
off
regal
illumination
to
the
entranceway,
mixing
with
early‐summer
sunlight
from
outdoors.
The
lobby
had
golden,
high‐domed
ceilings,
and
was
pillared
like
a
Romanesque
cathedral.
Two
tiers
of
balconies
looked
down
upon
porters,
bellhops,
and
hostesses
catering
to
local
kingmakers
and
serving
cocktails
to
foreign
dignitaries.
The
Biltmore
was
the
premium
house
for
first‐class
amenities
in
Providence,
what
seemed
exclusive
extravagance
to
the
so‐called
Negro
upstairs.
Malcolm
was
probably
taking
in
the
grisly
urban
sprawl
from
his
window,
in
search
of
private
solitude
above
high
society.
Though
he
was
a
potent
public
orator,
and
spoke
at
a
tenacious
clip,
as
a
traveler
he
preferred
silent,
cerebral
observance.
In
vivid
view
lay
a
shell
heap
of
miscellaneous
storefronts,
a
desolate
mix
of
barbershops
and
board‐ups
that
belied
Providence’s
paucity
of
jobs.
Textile
factories
either
fled
or
went
under
after
World
War
II
in
Rhode
Island,
and
in
1961,
the
unemployment
rate
ran
above
10
percent,
nearly
double
the
nation’s
average.
Wealthy
white
families
left
for
the
suburbs
during
the
‘50s
in
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
1
chrome‐colored
Chevy
Impalas,
decreasing
the
population
by
40,000.
Yet
African
Americans
doubled
in
number
over
this
span,
increasing
by
4,000
people,
and
staking
a
shift
in
the
social
fabric
that
bolstered
racial
hostilities.
Fears
about
the
rising
Negro
crime
rate
featured
prevalently
in
the
Providence
Journal:
“...the
result
of
vast
numbers
of
rural
Negroes
moving
into
urban
areas,
crowding
into
ghettoes.
Faced
with
prejudice
and
their
own
industrial
incapacity,
living
under
impoverished
conditions,
they
constitute
a
constantly
replenished
reservoir
of
crime.”i
According
to
the
Journalii,
blacks
accounted
for
one‐fourth
of
arrests
in
the
city
despite
tallying
just
one‐twentieth
of
the
population.
So
while
Providence
was
originally
a
pioneer
of
religious
and
civil
freedoms
in
America,
it
had
succumbed
to
a
reservoir
of
racial
discord.
Off
in
the
distance,
less
than
a
mile
away
from
the
Biltmore,
Malcolm
could
have
seen
a
speck
of
granite
protruding
from
the
New
England
cityscape.
A
statue
of
Roger
Williams
was
sheltered
upon
a
hillcrest,
gazing
his
flinty
eyes
in
Malcolm’s
direction.
Perhaps
the
Black
Muslim
minister
saw
Williams’s
outstretched
hands
from
his
vantage,
and
took
them
to
be
a
token
blessing
for
his
arrival
in
the
beleaguered
colony.
The
35‐year‐
old
Black
Muslim
Minister
was
jetlagged
from
a
California
flight,
and
halfway
spent
with
a
yearlong
speaking
tour.
After
stops
at
Harvard,
Yale,
and
a
vetoed
appearance
at
UC
Berkeley,
he
was
surveying
Rhode
Island’s
capitol
for
the
first
and
only
time
of
his
career.
It
was
May
11,
1961
when
Malcolm
X,
the
national
spokesman
for
The
Nation
of
Islam,
was
set
to
speak
on
Brown
University’s
campus
at
eight
o’clock
in
front
of
eight
hundred
people
within
Sayles
Auditorium.
For
a
man
endowed
with
the
nickname
of
“Satan,”
Sayles
could
only
have
seemed
ethereal
and
unseemly.
Its
cacophonous
atrium
was
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
2
a
quarter‐football
field
in
size,
and
had
a
3,000‐pipe
organ
bellowing
from
the
balcony.
Dotting
the
walls
were
ghastly
portraits
of
former
deans
and
presidents
underneath
stained‐glass
windows.
There
were
inscriptions
honoring
fallen
serviceman,
like
a
1946
plaque
that
read:
“Brave
Men
of
All
Races
Fighting
the
Wars
of
One
Nation
in
One
World.”iii
When
Malcolm
reached
the
podium
later
that
evening,
he’d
resonate
a
message
steeped
in
twos—two
races,
one
divisible
country,
preaching
the
separatist
rhetoric
of
the
Nation
of
Islam.
At
the
hotel,
a
dozen
Fruit
of
Islam
bodyguards,
trained
in
judo
and
freshly
shaven,
escorted
Malcolm.
They
were
dressed
in
all‐black
attire,
like
steely
emblems
of
the
Nation
of
Islam
creed.
Another
half‐dozen
of
his
brain
trust
lounged
about
his
room,
some
wearing
bow
ties
and
others
topped
with
bowler
hats.
One
group
was
already
at
Sayles
making
a
security
sweep,
although
there
must
have
been
moderate
concern.
Convocation
was
just
two
weeks
away
and
proud
families
were
bustled
about
campus
in
a
majestic
mood.
His
speech
would
mark
a
rare
occurrence
at
Brown,
forcing
an
almost
entirely
white
community
to
confront
the
oddity
of
a
black
phalanx
marching
across
the
main
green.
And
Malcolm
would
be
greeted
by
200
Nation
of
Islam
members
from
Boston
and
Roxbury
who
took
the
train
down,
coalescing
with
hundreds
of
skeptical
Brown
students,
professors,
and
white
city
dwellers
venturing
up
the
hill.
If
not
for
Malcolm,
they
all
would
never
have
mixed
in
Providence,
a
post‐industrial
city
cut
into
separate
spheres—a
world
of
higher
education
set
apart
from
a
lackluster,
low‐lying
metropolis.
A
month
before
he
arrived
on
campus,
the
Brown
Daily
Herald
pitched
the
event
like
a
carnival
affair.
For
a
price
of
50
cents
a
ticket,
the
paper
promised
to
showcase
a
“tall,”
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
3
“well‐built
Negro”
representing
“The
Black
Muslims
[who]
Preach
The
Divine
Destruction
of
The
White
Race...Come
Hear
Malcolm
X
Speak.”
The
advertisements
encouraged
laymen
ivy‐leaguers
to
scrutinize
Malcolm
like
an
exotic
animal
on
exhibit—to
note
his
black
blazer
and
skinny
black
tie;
his
handsome
chestnut
skin
and
his
ginger
hair.
A
wealth
of
early
intrigue
forced
the
Herald
to
change
its
original
venue—Alumnae
Hall,
a
brick
building
on
the
women’s
campus—to
the
larger
Sayles.
Yet
despite
the
student
fanfare,
no
mention
was
made
in
the
day’s
Providence
Journal.
Instead
the
Y
Twirlers
were
featured
on
the
calendar,
a
local
square
dance
troupe
performing
at
the
YMCA.
Perhaps
Malcolm
relished
his
frequent
collegiate
expeditions,
not
just
as
tests
of
his
speaking
prowess—trying
to
persuade
Caucasian
audiences,
referred
to
as
“white
devils”
in
Nation
of
Islam
circles,
to
accept
the
group’s
radical
solution
to
America’s
racial
unrest.
The
Nation
of
Islam
had
a
motto
of
“separation,
not
segregation”—demanding
equality
through
the
formation
of
an
independent,
self‐sufficient
black
nation
within
mainland
America,
which
would
occupy
a
region
of
the
Midwest
or
South.
Beyond
the
challenge
of
convincing
white
college
audiences
that
this
path
was
logical,
and
not
lunacy,
maybe
Malcolm
also
harbored
natural
curiosities
to
see
how
Uncle
Sam’s
other‐half
lived.
Had
he
been
given
the
chance,
perhaps
he
too
could
have
been
a
charming
pupil
in
college,
instead
of
following
his
unorthodox,
circuitous
education.
After
dropping
out
of
school
as
a
teenager,
he
scraped
by
in
Harlem
as
a
petty
criminal,
and
only
began
his
re‐education
while
serving
an
8‐10
year
sentence
at
the
Norfolk
Prison
Colony.
There,
Malcolm
made
meticulous
use
of
its
library
and
joined
the
prison
debate
team,
tine
during
which
he
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
4
converted
to
the
Nation
of
Islam.
Prison
fermented
his
stunning
intellect
and
skills
at
oratory.
like
a
hardscrabble
substitute
for
an
Ivy
League
curriculum.
*****
Little
had
changed
in
the
first
hundred
years
of
the
Herald.
As
in
the
days
of
Gutenberg
or
Franklin,
publishing
four‐page
issues
relied
on
hot
lead,
printing
templates,
and
spewed
ink.
But
when
Richard
Holbrooke
ascended
to
the
top
of
the
masthead
in
1961,
he
showed
a
gregarious
appetite
for
elevating
the
paper
beyond
its
Brown‐centric
beat.
Keen
on
national
politics
even
at
this
budding
age,
he
began
to
challenge
the
university’s
conservative,
Christian
culture
with
the
Herald’s
expanded
coverage.
An
Op‐Ed
during
Holbrooke’s
first
week
as
Editor‐in‐Chief
in
February,
perhaps
written
by
himself,
read
like
a
manifesto
for
the
paper’s
regime
change:
“The
enduring
domestic
crisis
of
the
sixties
remains,
as
it
was
in
the
late
fifties,
the
racial
conflict...it
can
not
be
ignored.
We
should
make
an
extra
effort
to
try
to
understand
the
powerful
and
complex
forces
at
work
on
the
various
groups
seeking
a
solution.
The
white
supremacist,
the
trapped
moderate,
the
apathetic
Negro,
the
student
movements,
the
liberal;
the
hopes,
the
fears,
the
promises
of
all
these
must
come
under
constant
scrutiny.”iv
As
head
editor,
Holbrooke
encouraged
the
endeavors
of
two
staff
writers—Robert
Lambert
and
Walter
G
Gordon—who
wrote
a
series
of
articles
while
barnstorming
through
the
South
during
the
spring
semester
of
1961.
They
reported
from
the
University
of
Georgia,
when
the
college
nearly
cancelled
its
school
year
due
to
picketing
against
integration.
Lambert
and
Gordon
also
investigated
a
KKK
meeting
in
Atlanta,
and
wrote
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
5
several
articles
lambasting
white
supremacy
groups.
Under
Holbrooke,
the
Herald’s
content
nudged
the
school
toward
the
cusp
of
the
Civil
Rights
movement.
But
from
Malcolm’s
vantage,
Brown
must
have
appeared
in
illicit
pursuit
of
racial
reforms.
Seven
years
after
the
Brown
v.
Board
of
Education
decision,
Brown’s
non‐white
enrollment
was
less
than
two‐percent.
Not
until
later
in
the
decade
would
the
unofficial
quota—accepting
5
or
6
African‐Americans
students
per
class—subside.1
Despite
skirting
radical
change,
the
administration
had
allowed
The
Herald
to
sponsor
Martin
Luther
King
Jr
for
a
talk
in
support
of
integration
in
April
of
1960.
Now
a
year
later,
Holbrooke
believed
there
was
a
campus
prerogative
to
hear
out
the
black
separatist
perspective
as
well.
Despite
his
deep
personal
support
for
the
integration
policies
of
the
moment—having
been
raised
by
Dean
Rusk,
then
the
acting
Secretary
of
State
for
President
Kennedy—Holbrooke
spent
March
and
April
of
1961
working
as
a
liaison
to
bring
Malcolm
X
to
campus,
who
was
the
primary
rival
to
King
and
non‐violent
organizations
like
NAACP,
SNCC,
and
CORE.
In
an
article
titled
“America’s
Black
Supremacists,”
published
in
The
Nation
on
May
6,
1961,
Robert
Krosney
called
the
Nation
of
Islam,
“the
most
powerful
of
about
twelve
nationalist
groups
and
with
the
greatest
mass
appeal
since
the
days
of
Marcus
Garvey.”
Krosney
believed
its
membership
exceeded
100,000
and
was
growing,
especially
amongst
“...low‐
income
urbanites,
particularly
in
the
North.”
Holbrooke’s
project
began
with
the
decision
to
publish
a
controversial
essay
in
the
Herald
on
February
21.
The
story
titled
“The
Amazing
Story
of
The
Black
Muslims,”
was
1
Irving
Allen,
one
of
only
two
black
graduates
in
the
class
of
’61,
shared
this
anecdote:
“On
campus
I
once
saw
a
frat
boy
eat
a
$100
bill
with
a
hamburger
bun
around
it.
That
gives
you
direct
evidence
of
the
indifference
in
the
world
and
what
was
going
on
with
black
folks
at
the
time.”
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
6
written
by
a
classmate—Katharine
Pierce—who
had
researched
the
Nation
of
Islam
for
a
religious
studies
course
on
Modern
Islam.v
Holbrooke’s
girlfriend,
Lorraine
Sullivan,
informed
him
about
the
essay
a
week
prior,
after
the
Nation
of
Islam
caught
national
headlines
for
demonstrating
outside
the
UN
Security
Council
Chamber
following
Patrice
Lumumba’s
death.
Holbrooke
convinced
Katharine
to
re‐shape
her
academic
work
into
an
interrogative
article
that
included
a
sensational
subhead—“...a
full
examination
of
this
racist
sect
pledged
to
annihilate
all
whites”—along
with
a
searing
conclusion—“The
Black
Muslims
are
not
a
group
to
admire...They
are
a
group
which
has
misdirected
its
energy,
and
they
badly
need
to
be
shown
the
value
of
constructive
work
which
is
being
done
to
better
their
position,“
Katharine
wrote.vi
Weeks
after
the
essay
ran,
a
Nation
of
Islam
member
called
the
Herald,
demanding
Malcolm
X
be
allowed
to
speak
at
Brown
and
rebut
the
article
in
defense
of
the
group’s
agenda.
Holbrooke
then
approached
the
administration
coyly,
proposing
Malcolm
X
as
the
next
installment
of
the
Herald’s
ongoing
lecture
series.
But
when
it
relented
having
such
a
radical
speaker,
Holbrooke
made
a
two‐part
ultimatum
to
President
Barnaby
Keeney
in
April.
He
threatened
to
take
the
entire
operation
of
the
Herald,
located
at
Faunce
House
on
the
main
green,
and
transplant
it
to
an
off‐campus
location
unless
Keeney
consent
to
Malcolm
coming.
And
he
threatened
to
publish
a
spat
of
negative
headlines
about
the
administration’s
refusal.
After
half‐a‐dozen
meetings,
Keeney
consented
with
stipulations.
The
Herald
was
given
a
campus
venue,
but
had
to
find
an
opposing
speaker
in
conjunction
with
Malcolm,
to
offer
an
integrationist
point
of
view.
Furthermore,
the
administration
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
7
exempted
itself
from
all
degree
of
planning
and
publicity,
reflected
in
Keeney’s
notes
from
1961,
where
Malcolm
X’s
name
never
appears,
nor
is
listed
on
the
university
calendar.
*****
The
phone
rang.
Malcolm
picked
up
the
receiver.
It
was
a
student
organizer
from
Brown.
“Mr.
Minister,
I’m
calling
to
inform
you
that
Herbert
Wright,
the
NAACP
National
Youth
Commissioner
will
not
be
debating
you
after
all.”
Wright
was
the
Herald’s
choice
to
speak
opposite
Malcolm.
The
two
rivals
had
shown
a
symbiotic
rapport
when
they
debated
at
the
Yale
Law
School
the
previous
October.
They
were
compliments
of
polar
contrast,
accentuating
each
other’s
strongest
points
by
presenting
a
duel
between
integration
and
separation.
Malcolm
had
expected
a
similar
interplay
at
Brown,
relying
on
muscle
memory
more
than
originality
to
advocate
his
position.
“And
why
is
that?”
“At
recent
meeting
at
the
national
board
of
the
NAACP,
a
policy
was
stated
that
members
of
the
NAACP
would
not
be
permitted
to
debate
against
Malcolm
X
or
any
other
member
of
the
Black
Muslim
movement.
The
conclusion
reached
was
that
the
main
effect
of
joining
a
member
of
the
Black
Muslims
on
the
podium
was
to
dignify
them.”vii
“So
you’re
telling
me
I’ll
be
appearing
by
myself?”
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
8
“No.
Mr.
Ralph
Allen
of
the
Rhode
Island
Commission
Against
Discrimination,
who
was
original
scheduled
to
serve
as
moderator,
will
present
the
integrationist
viewpoint.
There
will
be
no
formal
debate.
Each
of
you
will
be
given
50
minutes.
And
we’re
in
the
process
of
finding
a
replacement
moderator.”
“I’ve
never
heard
of
this
so‐called
Negro
Allen
before—“
Malcolm
was
probably
fuming.
Days
prior,
UC
Berkeley’s
Administration
cancelled
his
appearance
at
the
last‐minute,
and
now
Brown
was
disrupting
his
prophetic
plans.
While
he
would
still
share
the
stage,
Allen
lacked
the
formative
voice
to
push
hard
against,
and
thus,
Malcolm
shifted
his
tone
to
prepare
for
a
sermon
rather
than
a
showdown.
“Fine,
the
local
brother
will
do.
Are
we
still
beginning
at
8
o’clock?”
“Correct,
8
o’clock.”
“Then
I
will
see
you
shortly.”
Perhaps
as
Malcolm
made
renovations
to
his
speech
upon
learning
of
Wright’s
withdrawal,
he
turned
again
toward
those
two
stone
pillars
on
the
hill,
where
Roger
Williams
rested.
Williams,
like
Malcolm,
defied
death
warrants
and
religious
persecution
in
his
lifetime.
So
perhaps
Malcolm
drew
upon
a
parochial
predecessor
for
inspiration,
as
he
wrote
some
of
the
conciliatory
remarks
he
would
deliver
at
Sayles:
“I
am
thankful
to
Allah
for
those
of
you
here
this
evening,
because
to
me
it
shows
you
have
an
open
mind.
And
I
don’t
think
you
came
here
for
me
to
convert
you
into
being
a
Muslim,
nor
do
I
think
that
you
think
you’ve
come
here
to
convert
me
back
into
being
a
Christian.
When
Eisenhower
and
Khrushev
sat
down
to
talk
to
each
other,
Ike
wasn’t
trying
to
make
Khrushev
a
capitalist
nor
was
Khrushev
trying
to
make
Ike
a
communist.
They
weren’t
trying
to
convert
each
other...
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
9
This
is
the
era,
an
era
of
change.
Doors
that
were
once
closed
to
some
of
us
are
now
opening.
And
doors
once
open
to
others
are
now
closing.
In
times
past,
when
the
opening
and
closing
of
doors
was
entirely
in
the
hands
of
the
white
man,
the
colonial
powers
of
Europe
or
their
rich
brother
Uncle
Sam
in
America.”
There
was
a
knock
at
Malcolm’s
door.
One
of
his
confidants
twisted
the
knob
and
greeted
a
gang
of
ten
young
white
men.
Their
leader
looked
like
a
cutout
from
a
pomade
advertisement,
with
a
pasty
tuff
of
curly
brown
hair.
He
wore
thick
glasses
and
was
twenty
years
old,
but
had
a
baby‐face
that
could
pass
for
junior
high.
He
was
considerably
tall,
weighty,
and
forthright.
He
removed
his
right
hand
from
his
tweed
jacket
pocket,
and
extended
it
towards
his
counterpart.
“Good
afternoon,”
the
young
man
jousted.
“On
behalf
of
the
Brown
Daily
Herald,
I
would
like
to
welcome
Minister
Malcolm
X
and
thank
you
all
for
coming
to
Providence,
Rhode
Island.
Allow
me
to
introduce
myself.
My
name
is
Richard
Holbrooke.”
An
hour
of
pro‐forma
chit‐chat2
ensued
between
Malcolm
and
the
senior
staff
of
the
Herald.
They
peppered
him
with
questions
like
puppies
around
a
pitbull,
then
left
the
Biltmore
for
the
Herald
offices,
before
finally
making
a
fifty‐pace
saunter
into
Sayles
just
as
an
early‐summer
dawn
set
down.
Holbrooke,
fifteen
years
Malcolm’s
junior,
would
introduce
him
at
the
podium
that
evening.
Although
they
were
strangers
to
each
other,
Malcolm
X
and
Richard
Holbrooke
were
bound
together
blissfully
for
a
moment,
neither
knowing
how
iconic
they’d
become.
2
“There
was
no
time
for
the
incidental
or
the
personal,
or
the
asides
that
can
sometimes
encapsulate
somebody,
and
catch
the
life
in
a
prism.
There
was
none
of
that.
You
felt
like
you
were
listening
to
the
K‐Mart
shoppers
alert
rather
than
a
human
being
with
aspirations,
concerns,
and
special
interests,”
said
Prentice
Bowsher,
Brown
’61.
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
10
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
i
“Negroes’
Plight
Aggravates
Problem,”
Providence
Journal,
March
1,
1961.
ii
Ibid
iii
Encyclopedia
Brunoniana.
iv
Brown
Daily
Herald,
February
2,
1961.
v
“The
Black
Muslims:
An
Interpretation
of
Islam”
by
Katharine
Pierce,
Religious
Studies
121.
January
4,
1961.
vi
The
Supplement,
Brown
Daily
Herald.
February
21,
1961
vii
A
letter
from
Wright
was
read
during
introductory
remarks
at
Sayles,
explaining
the
NAACP
policy
change:
Transcript
of
Malcolm
X’s
speech
at
Brown
University,
May
11,
1961.
Bibliography:
Textual
Sources:
Malcolm
X:
A
Life
of
Reinvention.
Manning
Marable,
2010.
The
Unquiet
American:
Richard
Holbrooke
in
the
World.
Derek
Chollet
and
Samantha
Power,
2011.
The
Autobiography
of
Malcolm
X
by
Alex
Haley,
1965.
“The
Last
Mission:
Richard
Holbrooke’s
Plan
to
Avoid
the
Mistakes
of
Vietnam
in
Afghanistan”
The
New
Yorker.
George
Packer,
September
2009.
Katharine
Pierce’s
Diary,
written
between
January‐May
1961.
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
11
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”
“The
Black
Muslims:
An
Interpretation
of
Islam”
by
Katharine
Pierce,
Religious
Studies
121.
January
4,
1961.
Encyclopedia
Brunoniana
by
Martha
Mitchell.
Brown
Daily
Herald
articles,
January‐May
1961.
The
Supplement
of
the
Brown
Daily
Herald.
February
21,
1961.
New
York
World
Telegraph
and
Sun.
February
17,
1961
“Negro
Extremist
Gropus
Here
Step
Up
Drives
for
Nationalism”
New
York
Times.
Peter
Kihss.
March
1,
1961.
Transcript
of
Malcolm
X
speech
at
Yale
University.
October,
1960.
Transcript
of
Malcolm
X
speech
at
Brown
University,
May
11,
1961
Brun
Mael
(Pembroke
College
Yearbook)
1961.
Liber
Brunensis
(Brown
University
Yearbook)
1961.
Liber
Brunensis
(Brown
University
Yearbook)
1962.
Interviews:
Katharine
Pierce,
Pembroke
Class
‘62
Prentice
Bowsher,
Brown
Class
‘62
Walter
G
Gordon,
Brown
Class
‘62
William
Wood,
Brown
Class
‘62
®
January
2012
as
part
of
author’s
extended
work:
“The
Diplomat
and
the
Demagogue:
When
12
Richard
Holbrooke
Met
Malcolm
X”