UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
Ignacio Cervantes and his Forty Danzas in the Context of Nineteenth Century Cuban
Nationalism
by
Shari Akua Williams
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
GRADUATE PROGRAM IN MUSIC
CALGARY, ALBERTA
SEPTEMBER, 2016
© Shari Akua Williams 2016
ii
ABSTRACT
Amidst independence-driven insurgency in the nineteenth century, the inhabitants of
Cuba had created a localized creole culture that was distinct from their Spanish colonizers.
Musically, the contradanza was a prime example of this process. It began as accompaniment for
a Western European social dance before evolving into a salon-style genre that incorporated the
various musical styles from the island‟s diverse population. Local pianist and composer Ignacio
Cervantes made the most significant contributions to this genre in the late nineteenth century.
His sophisticated approach to these miniature pieces revitalized the contradanza, and his works
are considered the pinnacle of this creolized Cuban form in the present day.
The objective of this thesis is to examine the contribution of Cervantes‟ danzas to the
development of Cuban art music as a whole, and to show how they can be used as an
interpretative tool to study the emergence of Cuban identity in the 1800s. Using scores from 40
Danzas, I will examine the ways in which Cervantes combined his own individual artistic style,
nineteenth century European compositional techniques, and Afro-Caribbean influences in a
Cuban context.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank Dr Friedemann Sallis and Dr Kenneth DeLong for their guidance during the
writing of this thesis - as well as the knowledge they provided in the courses that I took with
them throughout my degree . I would also like to thank Alison Schmal for her assistance and
advice throughout the completion of this degree and the preparation of this final document.
Finally I would like to thank my mother Dr Claudette Williams and my sister Kamilah Williams
for their emotional support along this journey.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………ii
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………….iii
Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………………iv
List of Figures………………………………………………………………………………….v
Introduction……………………………………… ……………………………………………..1
1 “Lo Cubano” – Cuba‟s search for its identity in the Nineteenth Century………………….. 9
1.1 The relationship between Cuba‟s sugar industry and stratification………………………..10
1.2 Creolization……………………………………………………………………………….14
1.3 Ten Years‟ War: Grito de Yara to the Pact of Zanjón……………………………………16
1.4 Cuban War of Independence and the Spanish-American War……………………………18
1.5 Cubanidad: Effects of nineteenth century insurgence on the development of Cuban national
identity…………………………………………………………………………………….23
2
Cuban Music in the Late 1800s…………………………………………………………..26
2.1 Music Schools and Performances during the Ten Years‟ War……………………………28
2.2 Creolization and the Evolution of the Cuban Danza………………………………………31
2.3 The Creolized Danza as Cuban Music…………………………………………………….33
2.4 Composers of the Cuban Danza and their contribution to the Island‟s Nationalism……..41
v
3
Ignacio Cervantes and his Cuban Danzas.......................................................................50
3.1 Early Years and Musical Training……………………………………………………….50
3.2 The 1870s: Cervantes and Musical life in Cuba, Exile in New York……………………52
3.3 Cervantes‟ Last Tour and Final Years……………………………………………………54
3.4 Cervantes as a Nationalist Composer…………………………………………………….55
3.5 Compositional Output…………………………………………………………………….57
3.6 The 40 Danzas……………………………………………………………………………58
3.7 Cervantes‟ Danzas: Dance Music, Salon Music and Cuban Character Pieces…………..70
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………….72
Appendices……………………………………………………………………………………74
Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………..81
vi
LIST OF FIGURES
1.1 Map of the Island of Cuba……………………………………………………………...10
1.2 Table showing racial stratification amongst Cubans in 1862………………………….13
2.1 Cuban rhythmic patterns……………………………………………………………….34
2.2 San Pascual Bailon……………………………………………………………………..35
2.3 Sebastian Yradier‟s El Arreglito (measures 5-9)………………………………………38
2.4 George Bizet‟s “Habanera” from Carmen (measures 5-8)……………………………..39
2.5 Louis Gottschalk‟s Danza (measures 10-21)……………………………………………43
2.6 Manuel Saumell La Quejosita (measures 10-14)……………………………………….48
3.1 Ignacio Cervantes‟ La Soledad (measures 1-9)…………………………………………59
3.2 Ignacio Cervantes‟ Adios a Cuba………………………………………………………62
3.2 Ignacio Cervantes‟ Adios a Cuba (segunda)……………………………………………63
3.3 Ignacio Cervantes‟ Vuelta a Hogar (measures 1-10)…………………………………..65
3.4 Ignacio Cervantes‟ Improvisada (measures 1-9)………………………………………67
3.5 Ignacio Cervantes‟ La Camagueyana (measures 10-14)………………………………69
1
INTRODUCTION
The principal objective of this thesis is to present an analysis of the piano contradanzas
of Ignacio Cervantes (1847-1905) in the context of the developing nationalist movement in
music in Cuba during the late nineteenth century. The Cuban contradanza is a Europeandescended genre that was most popular during the nineteenth century. Introduced to the island by
the Spanish, it was originally music that accompanied the social dance, but evolved into a salonstyle genre mostly performed on piano. Manuel Saumell (1818-1870) was the first significant
composer of this new style of music. However, it is the music of Cervantes that is the pinnacle
of the contradanza as an early example of Cuban art music. In this thesis I will examine select
compositions by Cervantes in the context of Cuban national music and the development of the
contradanza genre itself.
Cuba‟s various ethnic groups played crucially important roles in the construction of
Cuban identity. The merging of the cultural practises of Spanish settlers, West African slaves and
their descendants created new traditions that were neither purely African nor Spanish in nature.
The results of this blending of cultures were typical of a process called creolization – the
combination of various elements of the Old World that created new practises in the Americas.1 It
is of note that other Caribbean colonies as well as Latin America all developed their new
nationalist identities through similar processes of creolization. In Cuba however, this process was
affected by the island‟s significantly larger group of Europeans and their descendants – a fact
1
In this case, the Old World refers to West Africa and Western Europe, particularly Spain. For more on creolisation,
see Carolyn Allen, “Creole: The Problem of Definition,” in Questioning Creole: Creolisation Discourses in
Caribbean Culture, (London: James Currey Publishers, 2002), 48.
2
that has implications for the island‟s social hierarchy and its citizens‟ artistic expressions. These
events led to the beginnings of a Cuban nationalist movement that sought to separate the island
from Spanish rule. In this regard, the increasingly creole nature of the island‟s culture proved
crucial to the development of a Cuban identity that was distinct from Spain.
It is within this context of creolization and the desire for nationalist expression in music
that the contradanza developed in Cuba. Originally known as the contradanza, it was initially a
European social dance that was performed in Cuba at events held by the upper and middle
classes. However, as it became more popular throughout the island, the pieces would take on
elements of other social classes and ethnic groups. By the nineteenth century, the contradanza
evolved into a genre that was not representative of solely West African nor Spanish musical
traditions, but a new kind of music that reflected an emerging Cuban identity. The dance music
genre was an ideal vehicle for this, as its salon-style piano form bridged the gap between art and
popular music. These new developments are reflected in the change in nomenclature from
“contradanza” to “danza”. Whereas the former referred to the imported European form, the latter
was more indicative of the Cuban nationalism developing on the island.
Of the composers who produced works in the salon-style version of the danza genre,
Ignacio Cervantes was the most prolific. Born into an upper middle class family, the composer
was fortunate to have a number of opportunities that shaped his compositional style and output.
He received training in Paris in the 1860s, and became very popular in the United States as a
result of the tours he undertook during the late 1800s. However, he rejected the offers to be a
touring pianist in Europe and New York in order to contribute to both the island‟s musical
tradition and nationalist movement. Cervantes‟ danzas contained much of the characteristics
established in the genre by the mid-1800s. Nevertheless, the composer‟s individual artistic style
3
enabled him to create more complex interpretations of the danza. The forty pieces that he
composed within this genre exemplify a Cuban approach to the miniature character piece.
As a Jamaican, I am interested in the way that the inhabitants of Caribbean islands have
constructed their identity during their colonization by Western European countries. Despite the
divisions across the region due to geography and language, the islands share great historical
similarities which have greatly impacted their cultures today. My previous academic training
also played a role in the development of this project. An undergraduate degree in Spanish
exposed me to the history, language, and culture of various Latin American countries, including
Cuba. Meanwhile, my Masters in Cultural Studies enabled me to use a multidisciplinary
approach to analyse the way these societal frameworks functioned in the Caribbean region.
These experiences along with my training as both a pianist and a dancer all informed my
decision to undertake this research project.
Literature Review
To date, many scholars have published works that focus on the development of the most
popular Cuban music genres. However, the majority of these publications place a larger
emphasis on twentieth century popular music rather than the country‟s emerging art music of the
nineteenth century. As a result of this, there is far less information available about composers,
genres and musical activity on the island before the early 1900s. This in turn has created a gap in
the knowledge of art music genres that played a crucial role in the construction of Cuban music.
4
Alejo Carpentier‟s Music in Cuba is the most commonly cited source on the island‟s
music.2 Carpentier gives a chronological account of the genres that developed on the island
amidst significant historical events. The attention that he pays to local performances, publishing
houses, and other musical activity in the nineteenth century is also very useful. The connection to
nationalism and music is also addressed in his chapter on Manuel Saumell, but is not a major
theme in his book. This is also the case with Ned Sublette‟s Cuba and Its Music: From First
Drums to Mambo.3 Sublette provides an excellent historical background that extends to the precolonial era, as well as a useful account of the cultural and economic exchange between Cuba
and the United States. Despite his thorough approach to listing important aspects of Cuban
music, the contradanza is only given brief treatment, providing the background for the twentieth
century popular music that it precedes.
There are a few publications that focus more specifically on the evolution of the Cuban
contradanza as an indigenous genre. For instance, the main content of Peter Manuel‟s Creolizing
Contradance is an extended discussion of the European contradance‟s origins and characteristics,
as well as its development in the Caribbean islands.4 An entire chapter is dedicated to Cuba and
its contradanza, where Manuel addresses the composers of the genre and their works to construct
a chronological development of the salon style danza. However this description is merely used to
achieve Manuel‟s primary objective – to show the connection between the contradance genre and
the development of popular music genres in each Caribbean island. Another scholarly source that
does focus exclusively on the contradanza is Solomon Mikowsky‟s “The Nineteenth Century
2
Alejo Carpentier, Music in Cuba, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001).
Ned Sublette, From First Drums to Mambo, (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2007).
4
Peter Manuel, Creolizing Contradance in the Caribbean, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009).
3
5
Cuban Danza and its Composers, with Particular Attention to Ignacio Cervantes (1847-1905).”5
This doctoral dissertation features a comprehensive account of the creolization of the
contradanza in Cuba, including its transformation from a social dance to a salon-style piano
genre. Mikowsky also provides insight into Ignacio Cervantes‟ life and works, accompanied with
analyses of the composers‟ danzas. However, he does not spend a great deal of time placing
these danzas within the context of nineteenth-century Cuban nationalism in music.
These publications are an example of the treatment of Cuban art music in scholarly
research. Authors have mainly addressed this tradition as a contextual device for the study of the
island‟s twentieth-century pop music, and as such genres such as the contradanza are only given
perfunctory treatment. This imbalance in research may be attributed to the fact that the most
significant parts of Cuba‟s nationalist movement occurred in the twentieth century.
Consequently, it is easier to reach a wider audience by placing the development of a national
popular music within the larger setting of Cuba‟s nationalist movement of this time. The island‟s
first steps towards independence in the 1800s are often only given limited attention in scholarly
research – a fact that in turn restricts the representation of the treatment of the island‟s artistic
expressions in scholarly literature. Nevertheless, it is imperative to recognize the significance of
the movement‟s nineteenth-century roots within the wider context of the island‟s emerging
identity.
Methodology
The information presented in this thesis is based primarily on the analysis of Ignacio
Cervantes‟ danzas, in the context of late nineteenth-century Cuban society. I have used
5
Solomon Mikowsky, “The Nineteenth Century Cuban Danza and Its Composers, With Particular Attention to
Ignacio Cervantes”, (PhD. Diss., Columbia University, 1973).
6
recordings of various interpretations of Cervantes‟ danzas by pianists such as Jorge Luis Prats,
David Cabassi, Juana Zayas, Alvaro Cendoya, and Beatriz Bolan. A number of anthologies
containing different versions of the composer‟s danzas scores also form a crucial part of my
source material. The danzas examined will be those that show his stylistic range and exemplify
his approach to the genre itself. For contextual purposes, I have analysed a selection of the fifty
danzas composed by Manuel Saumell, as Cervantes himself used these as models for his
compositions. Composer Ernesto Lecuona and his Danza Cubanas and Danzas Afro Cubanas
demonstrate the continued evolution of the salon style danza genre in the twentieth century.
Danzas by lesser known composers such as Jose Lino Coca, Tomás Buelta y Flores and
Laureano Fuentes were also referred to during my research. Additionally, I consulted literature
surrounding Ignacio Cervantes' life and works. The wide variety of sources include prefaces in
score collections, newspaper articles from Granma, La Habana and La Prensa, performance
programmes, books, and dissertations that speak to the history and development of Cuba‟s
music.
As part of a broader framework for my analysis, I will pay close attention to literature
concerning history of creolization in Cuba, as well as in Latin America and Caribbean. Carolyn
Allen‟s Questioning Creole explores this cultural phenomenon and its effects on Caribbean
culture. Furthermore, it will be very useful to me to consult writings, which discuss nationalism
in the context of both nineteenth-century Europe and Latin America. The French Revolution in
1789 was the catalyst for a number of insurrections across Europe during the nineteenth century.
6
The upheaval across the continent had significant implications for the ways in which these
countries would define themselves going forward. An important aspect of this was the search for
6
For a comprehensive look at nationalism in Western Europe during the nineteenth century, see Eric Hobsbawm‟s
Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality, (London: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
7
music that expressed their national identities, in the face of growing disillusionment with French,
Italian and German dominance in this area. This construction of a national identity and its
expression in music in nineteenth-century Europe provides excellent context for the development
of Cuban nationalism in music. A brief examination of Spanish musical nationalism is
particularly effective in this regard. Since the island was a Spanish colony, the similarities
between the music cultures of Spain and Cuba are quite significant in a number of ways,.
Thesis Outline
The first chapter of this thesis provides contextual information about the emergence of a
Cuban identity within the island colony‟s socio-political environment in the late nineteenth
century. This includes details about the sugar industry and its effects on the development of
Cuba‟s social, political and economic systems. The Spanish colonization of the island is also
discussed. The process of creolization is explored more fully here, along with its contribution to
the construction of a Cuban identity. A major theme presented here is the island‟s fledgling
nationalist movement - specifically the figureheads, origins, and repercussions of the Ten Years'
War and the War of Independence on Cuba.
A general overview of music performances in Cuba and the development of the local
contradanza comprise the major themes of Chapter 2. The music produced during this time
period shows how the island‟s various ethnic groups facilitated a range of art and popular genres.
It is within this context that the growth in popularity of the Cuban danza is discussed. To
illustrate this evolution, a few of the works of nineteenth century composers in this style are
included. One of these will be Nicolas Espadero (1832-1890), a pianist and composer whose
8
works serve as an example of an approach to the contradanza with slightly less overt Afro-Cuban
musical elements. Manuel Saumell (1817-1870), widely considered the godfather of this genre,
receives special attention in this section. The American composer Louis Moreau Gottschalk
(1829-1869) also played a role in the development of Cuban music. During his tour of the island,
his enthusiasm for the island‟s art and popular music along with his support for Latin American
nationalist movements had a significant impact on the way local composers developed an artistic
style. Gottschalk‟s connections with Saumell, Espadero and Cervantes himself serve as tangible
evidence of this connection.
In the third chapter of this thesis, the emphasis is on Ignacio Cervantes and his
contributions to the Cuban contradanza style. An analysis of a selection from his forty danzas
demonstrates how his treatment of melody, rhythm and thematic material create a variety of
moods within each miniature character piece. The examination of these danzas also highlights
the composer‟s significant contribution to a new art music tradition that was more than a mere
imitation of the Spanish style. Cervantes‟ biographical information illustrates his place within
Cuban society, which adds context to his artistic contributions to the island‟s nationalist
movement. The main aim here is to show the impact Cervantes‟ compositions had on
contradanzas and the developing concept of Cuban art music in the nineteenth century.
Overall, this project will make a significant contribution to existing literature on the
music of Cuba during the 1800s. This thesis will focus on Ignacio Cervantes‟ forty contradanzas
as an early example of Cuban art music, and thus the development of the island‟s cultural and
national identity during the nineteenth century .
9
CHAPTER ONE
“Lo Cubano”: Cuba’s Search for its identity in the Nineteenth Century
During the nineteenth century, Cuba‟s thriving sugar industry situated the island as one of
Spain‟s most important and wealthiest colonies. However, despite this abundant wealth, the
Spanish failed to distribute these profits in a manner beneficial to the island‟s economy. These
diminishing economic returns along with a lack of representation in the country‟s administration
created dissatisfaction among the Cuban creole middle class planters in the eastern provinces of
the island. Contrastingly, the island‟s relationship with the United States strengthened as the
newly independent colony built a strong trading relationship with Cuba. The American
government encouraged the idea of a Cuban independence from Spain, which in turn incited a
number of annexationist movements. These smaller struggles developed into larger-scale wars
against Spain during the latter half of the nineteenth century - most notably the Ten Years‟ War
(1868-1878) and the Cuban War of Independence (1895-1898) - the latter of which became the
Spanish-American War.7
Another driving force behind these insurgences was the desire to establish a new country
that was no longer associated with Spain. The local, creolized culture was becoming an
amalgamation of West African and Western European influences, but was simultaneously
7
There are a number of seminal sources on Cuba‟s history and the development of its national identity. Cuba:
Between Reform and Revolution and On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality, and Culture by Louis Perez are two
of the most comprehensive works on this area. As it relates specifically to Cuban nationalism, C.A.M. Hennessey‟s
“Roots of Cuban Nationalism” discusses how it developed during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, along with
comparisons to similar movements in other Latin American countries.
10
distinct from these parent cultures. This burgeoning culture coupled with growing dissatisfaction
on the island awakened the desire for independence, driven by the development of this unique
national identity.
Figure 1.1: Map of Cuba
1.1 The relationship between Cuba‟s sugar industry and stratification system
Cuba‟s colonization by Spain began formally in 1514, with the establishment of the city
that would become known as Havana. The indigenous Amerindians known as the Arawaks had
inhabited the island prior to this, and waged a three year guerrilla war before ultimately being
defeated. Upon discovering the tobacco on the island, the Spaniards put the indigenous
population on the island to work cultivating these crops. However, continued conflict combined
with overwork and exposure to diseases the Europeans brought with them greatly diminished the
11
number of Arawaks. By the 1550s, there were less than three thousand of them left on the entire
island.8 At this point, the Spaniards began to participate in the slave trade in order to continue the
cultivation of the island‟s crops for export. They brought Africans from the Gold Coast starting
in the 1500s, mainly from the West African countries now known as Benin, Nigeria, Ghana.
Once on the island, the Africans were enslaved and put to work reaping the island‟s sugar,
tobacco, and coffee, as well as processing these raw materials in various factories on the island
on the island for export.9
The Spanish colony‟s economy continued to be driven by the exportation of crops for
manufacture and sale abroad. While coffee and tobacco played a huge role in Cuba‟s economy, it
was its booming sugar industry, started in the 1520s that boosted Cuba‟s wealth well into the
1800s. Initially, the emphasis was on the production of molasses for internal purposes, but rapid
expansion occurred during the 1590s. Additionally, the massive slave uprisings during the
Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) led to the significant decline of Haiti‟s sugar industry. Many of
the French planters fled to Cuba amidst the insurgences, bringing many of their slaves with them.
Consequently, this event not only opened up a new space in the market for Cuban sugar
products, but also further increased the number of slaves available to work on the plantations and
in the sugar mills. These factors, combined with the increased construction of these sugar mills
between 1792 and 1806, led to the crop becoming Cuba‟s main export. It was this industry that
led to improved transportation networks for the transportation of goods across the island,
specifically the island‟s first railway system in 1830. The building of major port cities for export
was also a significant step necessitated by the sugar industry.10
8
Louis Perez, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, (New York City: Oxford University Pfress, 2015), 22.
For further reading on the slave trade in Cuba, see Hans Kohns‟ Slave Society in Cuba, along with Anton Allahar‟s
“Slaves, Slave Merchants, and Slave Owners in Nineteenth Century Cuba.”
10
Perez, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, 58.
9
12
The sugar industry also functioned as another way for Cuba to solidify its relationship
with the United States. The late 1700s saw the expansion of Cuba‟s market into North America,
as the island colony needed more buyers for their product. The cities that were most active in
this respect were Boston, Philadelphia, Savannah, and New Orleans. These active trading
locations in the States reinforced ties with the island, specifically New York and New Orleans.
Additionally, in the 1850s Cuba imported steam-powered machinery from the United States for
more effective production of their sugar – which required trained personnel to operate. Soon,
many Americans acquired their own coffee plantations, sugar estates, tobacco farms, and cattle
ranches on the island.11 Furthermore, their presence led to the development of other businesses
on the island such as brothels, bistros and bars – which further augmented economic activity on
the island. Consequently, the mid 1800s saw Cuba having a far stronger relationship with the
United States, and enjoying a more active trading partnership with this country than with Spain.
In return for sugar, the United States provided imports to Cuba, including lard, flour, corn, salt
and rice. The Americas also sent slaves well after the slave trade was abolished on the island,
ensuring that Cuba‟s dominant sugar industry continued to be profitable. In this way, the sugar
industry was a way for the United States to exert not just material but cultural influence over
Cuba.
The most significant impact of the sugar industry was the plantation system that it
fostered: specifically its influence on the island‟s social landscape. In the case of Cuba and other
colonies in Western hemisphere, the roles that the ethnicities on the island played within the
mode of sugar production corresponded directly to their position in society. This was a system
mostly based on race, (along with subdivisions based on those born on the island and those born
11
Louis Perez, On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality and Culture, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press) 19.
13
in Europe or West Africa). Naturally, West Africans and their descendants were normally slaves
or former slaves, and occupied the lowest rung on the social ladder. The freed slaves or mulattos
often became artisans or day labourers. The Spanish ran the plantations and as such were at the
top of the social hierarchy. There was also an unassimilated Spanish middle class mostly
comprised of merchants. Figure 1.2 below shows the population of these racial groups, and their
stratification within Cuban society.
Race
White Spaniards (planters)
White Spaniard (unassimilated middle class)
Cubans of Spanish descent
Free Mulattos
Enslaved Mulattos
West African descent (free)
West Africans (slaves)
Population
793,484
232,433
370,553
Figure 1.2 Stratification of Cuba‟s ethnic groups in 186212
Another deciding factor was an individual‟s location on the island. The flatness of the island‟s
western provinces was ideal for sugar cane production and thus contained most of the
plantations. On the other hand, tobacco was produced in the more hilly terrain of the eastern
provinces. Given that the sugar was the most valuable crop at the time, the planters on the
western side of the island were wealthier, due to the fact that more of the sugar was cultivated
and processed here. Havana in particular was a significant port city and provided a connection to
Cadiz, the Spanish city at which most of the Cuban products arrived in the European country.
12
The figures in this table were compiled from various sources by historian Louis A Perez in Cuba: Between Reform
and Revolution, 66.
14
The rigidity of this stratification system persisted after slavery ended in 1886. By the end
of the nineteenth century, the social hierarchy was still divided and ranked based on colour and
economic status. Those who were former slaves, along with their descendants remained in the
lowest classes. Meanwhile those with a greater amount of European heritage enjoyed higher
social status, and the advantages it came with. Due to the difficulty of social mobility, this
unspoken system remained in place in Cuba and affected the availability of property, occupations
and standard of living amongst those on the island.
1.2 Creolization
The regional, racial and social divisions among the island‟s population complicated the
development of the singular Cuban identity as a rallying point for a nationalist movement on the
island.13 However, the island‟s various ethnic groups ended playing a crucial role in how this
identity would be constructed. The Spanish settlers, West African slaves, and their descendants
were inevitably exposed to each other on the island, and the merging of their practises and
perspectives created new cultural elements that were neither purely African nor Spanish in
nature. The result of this blending of cultures is typical of a process called creolization – the
combination of various elements of the Old World that created new identities and practises in the
Americas14. Creolization is a phenomenon often referred to by theorists when examining the
13
Cuba‟s nationalist movements occurred much later than in other Latin American countries such as Mexico,
Argentina and Brazil. Unlike these nations, the extinction of the island‟s indigenous population left the country
without a mythology that was indisputably Cuban rather than simply a replica of West African or Spanish
influences. For more information, see C.A.M. Hennessey, “The Roots of Cuban Nationalism,” International Affairs
39, (1963): 346-347.
14
Carolyn Allen, “Creole: The Problem of Definition,” in Questioning Creole: Creolisation Discourses in
Caribbean Culture, (London: James Currey Publishers, 2002) 48
15
history, culture and society of the Caribbean region. Nevertheless, the specific definitions of
creolization and creole are often disputed. In the Caribbean context, it is understood to be the
mixing of various elements of the cultures from the Old World - mainly West Africa and Europe
- to form the more homogenous cultures those found in the various islands of the region today.
The origin of the word is also disputed. Carolyn Allen‟s chapter in Questioning Creole:
Creolization Discourses in Caribbean Culture looks at some of the possible explanations for the
use of “creole”. Some scholars suggest that it is a derivative of the Spanish word “criar”, which
means to create or to develop. Others argue it comes from the word “criollo” (literally, creole)
which referred specifically to persons of Spanish descent born in the Spanish colonies of the
Caribbean. However, the word “creole” has also been described as having an African specifically Kikoongo - root. In this context, the word refers to “outsiders” or those who were of
African descent but born in the New World.15 Given the population on the island at the time,
these definitions are all valid within a nineteenth-century Cuban context. The most contemporary
use of the word creole is to describe the culture of those who were born, bred and naturalized in
the Caribbean.16 For the purposes of this thesis, this particular definition, along with the Spanish
“criollo” may be applied to the term.
Tangible examples of creolization in Cuba can be seen in the religious practice known as
Santería. Santería is a combination of different elements of Yoruban mythology brought by the
slaves with the Roman Catholicism that they were introduced to by the Spaniards. The language
associated with this practise is Lucumí, which was derived from the original Yoruban language
but was also a dialect distinct from its original language. In this way, Lucumí culture was created
from Western European and West African elements, but ultimately distinct from both.
15
Ibid., 49.
In a Cuban context, there was a small, unassimilated Spanish middle class that did not consider themselves to be
Cuban despite having lived on the island for some time.
16
16
It is of note that all European colonies in the Western hemisphere developed their new
nationalist identities through similar processes of creolization. In Cuba however, this process was
affected by the island‟s significantly larger group of Europeans and those of European descent.
By 1861, there had been a significant increase in the number of persons of West African descent,
but still 56% of the persons on the island were of European descent. Comparatively speaking,
during the same time period, Jamaica had a slave to planter ratio of 10:1.17 These demographics
have implications for the Cuba‟s social hierarchy and its citizens‟ artistic expressions. The
resulting mixture on the island had a stronger European presence than other Caribbean islands.
Evidence of this can be in the infrastructure put in place, the genetic mixture of the island‟s
inhabitants themselves, and the cultural activities common on the island. Within these
amalgamations, the practises and people closest to Spanish were held in the highest esteem. The
increasingly creole nature of the cultural practises on the island proved crucial to the
development of a Cuban identity that was distinct from Spain. Consequently, it served as a
rallying point during the nationalist movement in the latter part of the nineteenth century.
1.3 Ten Years‟ War: Grito de Yara to the Pact of Zanjón (1868-1878)
During the nineteenth century, the Cuban creoles began to experience some
dissatisfaction with their sociopolitical power on the island. The colonial administration made a
lot of money that was not re-invested in the island, Furthermore, a tiny Spanish population on
the island controlled most of the colony‟s wealth. On the other hand, Cubans had no role within
the exclusively Spanish Parliament or any significant citizen rights.18 Thus, despite their
17
Kamau Brathwaite, The Development of Creole Society in Jamaica 1770-1820, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971):
152.
17
perceived status near the top of the social hierarchy, they did not wield any significant political
power within Cuba‟s socio-political systems. In May 1865, Cuban creole elites formed the
Reformist Party, and demanded tariff reform, Cuban representation in Parliament, judicial
equality with Spaniards, and the full enforcement of slave trade ban. This and other similar
efforts were unsuccessful.
A significant response to these frustrations was the establishment of the Revolutionary
Committee of Bayamo in 1861, formed by the town‟s mayor, Francisco Vicente Aguilera (18211877) in Eastern Cuba. It is important to note that that in the east, manumission did not operate
the same way as in Havana or other provinces in the west.19 Once freed, it was harder for these
persons of African descent to gain employment as there were fewer job opportunities available to
them. In the nineteenth century, the majority of the island‟s plantations were located in the east,
which had far more farmable soil than that found in the western provinces - and thus also was
where most of the slaves and wealthy plantation owners dwelled. Amongst these planters were
an emerging creole class, whose members were of Spanish descent but had been born and raised
on the colony. They were not considered to be part of the unassimilated Spanish middle class
(made up primarily of planters and other small business owners), but still held considerable
status on the island.20
Landowner and lawyer Carlos Manuel de Céspedes (1819-1874) was a member of this
creole class. On October 10, 1868, Céspedes publicly called for Cuban independence, in what is
known as the Grito de Yara. To this end, he freed his slaves in order for them to join the fight
19
Manumission refers to the process by which a slave owner freed his slaves. In North America and the Caribbean,
this was done with the slave paying a specified amount to his master, or performing a certain amount of work
deemed satisfactory by their owners. For more information on this, see Peter Kolchin‟s American Slavery, 16191877.
20
C.A.M Hennessey, “The Roots of Cuban Nationalism”, International Affairs: Royal Institute of International
Affairs 1944-. 39, 3 (1962): 347
18
against the Spanish regime. The war was mostly confined to the eastern provinces of Camaguey,
Santa Clara and Santiago de Cuba and the fighters consisted of tobacco farmers, mulattos, and
slaves. However, the uprising was not supported in Havana, Pinar de Rio or Matanzas in the
west. In contrast to the population of the eastern provinces, the west was mostly inhabited by the
Spanish elite. A new independent state would mean that their status would likely be
compromised as upward mobility would become more available for people in lower classes. The
consequences of this limited participation meant that the efforts of the Ten Years‟ War were easy
for the Spanish to contain.21 At the conclusion of the war, the Pact of Zanjón was established in
1878. This proved to be a solution that was more of a truce than a real resolution of the war.
Although the rebels and their allies were pardoned, independence was not granted to the colony,
and slavery continued on the island. Nevertheless, it was the first collective, definitive step that
the locals took towards independence.
1.4 Cuban War of Independence and the Spanish-American War (1895-1898)
The Ten Years‟ War was followed by a brief period of peace, marked only by the shortlived Petit War (1889-1890), which was quickly contained by the Spanish military forces.
During this time, the island‟s sugar industry collapsed and the full abolition of slavery finally
took effect in 1886. These events served as the catalyst for a dramatic shift in the island‟s social
21
Perez, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, 94-95.
19
hierarchy. Many freed slaves subsequently joined farmers and the working class, while the creole
class lost a great portion of their wealth and consequently became part of the middle class. As
their status was lowered, the creoles struggled to come to terms with their loss of power within
Cuban society.
José Martí and “El Patria”
The poet and writer José Martí (1853-1895) played a crucial role in the Cuban War of
Independence. Born in Cuba to a Valencian father, and mother from the Canary Islands, the
family moved from Havana to Valencia, before settling in a Santa Clara neighbourhood when
Jose was four. By his teenage years, Martí became involved with the Cuban nationalist
movement, joining clubs in support of the separatist cause. During the Ten Years‟ War, he
already demonstrated the ability to use his writing skills to express his nationalist ideologies. He
wrote poems about his vision of an independent Cuba, published his first political writings in
1869 in the newspaper El Diablo Cojuelo. Young Martí also published a patriotic drama in his
own newspaper the La Patria Libre (which he founded that year) along with a sonnet “10 de
octubre” which was published in 1869 in El Siboney. That same year, Martí and his friend
Fermín Valdéz sent a letter that reproached their mutual friend for joining the Spanish military.
This was viewed as an act of treason, and the two were arrested and jailed. He was then exiled to
Spain between 1871 and 1874, and was sent to Madrid by the Spanish authorities on the island in
order to continue his studies in law. This was done with the hope that studying there would foster
an allegiance to Spain, but Martí continued to circulate papers that promoted Cuban
20
independence. Despite his admiration for Spanish culture, the young writer believed that the
European nation had no intention of willingly giving the island its independence. 22
After finishing school in 1874 and spending some time in Paris, Martí began his
extensive travels throughout the Americas – a series of journeys that occurred between 1875 and
1894. First he spent time in Mexico and Guatemala, before going to Venezuela, the United
States, and other Central American and West Indian countries. The writer continued to found
newsletters and magazines promoting nationalist sentiments in these locations. However the
most significant aspect of his time in these places was the exposure to different brands of
nationalism in Latin America, that in turn influenced his contributions to Cuba‟s fight for
independence. Most notable were his observations about both American and Guatemalan culture
and society, which coloured his views on the United States‟ dominance. Martí‟s contact with the
indigenous people there led him to believe that they were significant to the development of the
identity of Latin American nations. In his view, the advantages to the United States‟ democratic
government were mitigated by the complete marginalization of its indigenous population. 23
Jose Martí‟s fight for Cuban independence also involved unconventional views about
race. In the colonial Cuban context marred by slavery, he pushed for the unity of local
inhabitants on the island across racial and social divisions. Additionally, he promoted the same
level of unity among the diaspora, which in itself was also divided. Cuban tobacco workers of
West African descent in Tampa, Florida, were seen as inferior to the more elite middle class
exiles in New York.24 However Martí‟s Cuban Revolutionary Party (formed in 1892) served as
the political group that united these exiles despite their differences. Martí also spoke out against
the growing economic relationship that the colony was developing with the United States in its
22
Hennessey, “The Roots of Cuban Nationalism”, 348-9.
Ibid., 349.
24
Ibid.
23
21
quest for annexation. He predicted the transference of colonial power from Spain to United
States, as opposed to Cuba actually gaining complete independence.25 Consequently, Martí
supported a form of Pan Americanism that emphasized Cuban and Latin American independence
instead of a movement dominated by the United States.
The Cuban War of Independence began February 24, 1895, and it was here that Martí
made his most important contribution to the nationalist movement. He wrote a proposal titled
“Manifesto de Montecristi”, which he presented a month after the beginning of the war. This
proposal immediately addressed the biggest shortcomings of the previous Ten Years‟ War. Martí
suggested that both black and white people should fight together, and emphasized that the
participation of all blacks was necessary. Nevertheless, he also promoted the sparing of
Spaniards who did not object to this nationalist cause. Additionally, he emphasized that private
rural properties shouldn‟t be damaged in the struggle, ensuring some level of economic stability
in the aftermath of the war. Ultimately, the activist believed that this war should achieve what the
Ten Years‟ War did not: substantial economic development on the island that would benefit the
local inhabitants. In his mind, Cuba‟s independence was dependant on not only political but
economic stability. José Martí promoted a unity that transcended class and race. For him
morality was the most important factor in the struggle for independence, and everything must be
done for the good of the country – “el patria” – and its population.26
Similarly to the Ten Years‟ War, much of the insurgence activity was centred in the
eastern provinces such as Santiago, Guantanamo, El Cobre, and San Luis. Those in the central
Cuban provinces were poorly organized and initially failed. Meanwhile, the battles in the
western provinces either failed (such as Havana) or were not immediately successful (Pinar del
25
26
Ibid.
Ibid., 356.
22
Rio). However, the insurrection was far more organized than Ten Years‟ War. For example, this
time the fighters were able to infiltrate the westernmost provinces. Nevertheless the local forces
still had to contend with a dearth of weapons and ammunition, which made it difficult for them
to match the larger group of Spanish fighters.
Spanish American War: From the Teller Amendment to the Platt Amendment
The United States had become involved in the war, providing fighters and weapons to the
Cubans. However in 1898, circumstances led to the North American country having a more
active involvement in the outcome of the war. In January of that year, the USS Maine was sent to
Havana in response to riots caused by local Spanish loyalists who were in disagreement with the
colony‟s current autonomous government. A month later, an onboard explosion sunk the ship in
the Havana harbour. At the time, the Americans believed that the Spanish forces were
responsible. As a result, the already negative American public opinion of Spain further
intensified. Despite his opposition to the war, US President McKinley was forced by growing
public outrage to send a war message on April 11, 1898. This message called for the use of
American land and naval forces to aid in the efforts to remove Cuba from Spain‟s authority. The
main objective of this was to achieve Cuba‟s independence from Spain, including the withdrawal
of Spanish military from the island and its surrounding waters. Senator Henry M Teller
proposed what became known as the Teller Amendment – a calculated attempt to alleviate
23
concerns about a potential American annexation of Cuba. This amendment was established with
the promise that US would not exercise judiciary control over Cuba.27
With the signing of the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898, Spain lost control of not
only Cuba, but Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Guam and their other territories. Following this, the
Platt Amendment was enacted 1902, which authorized the withdrawal of American troops from
the island. Nevertheless this withdrawal came with seven conditions that ensured that the United
States retained a fair amount of control over the island. For instance, the United States were
given the right to intervene with the Cuban government in order to preserve the island‟s
independence, and land on the island was to be sold or leased to the North American country for
naval bases. Consequently, many Cubans saw this as the exchange of one master for another,
with the United States taking the place of the Spanish.
1.5 Cubanidad: Effects of nineteenth century insurgence on the development of Cuban national
identity
Starting with the arrival of the Spaniards in 1492 until well into the twentieth century,
Cuban history was mired by severe social conflict. According to Louis Perez in Cuba: Between
Revolution and Reform, the island‟s development was highly related to its hegemonial
relationship with the Spanish colonial administration. Perez states that, “… the desire for social
and political change greatly affected how Cubans adjusted to dependent relations, and their
27
Benjamin R. Beede, The War of 1898, and US Interventions, 1898-1934: An Encyclopedia. (Milton Park: Taylor
and Francis Group, 1994), 119-21.
24
efforts to revise the terms of dependency.”28 This constant dependence on Spain and then the
United States led to the ubiquitous presence of external forces in the island‟s daily life. Political
disputes in Cuba were not resolved in a way that practically considered the needs of the
inhabitants. The local political elites remained dependent on external powers, and thus often
acted on behalf of the Spanish so as to keep their elevated status. In that way, challenging the
local powers invariably meant challenging the external forces that the elite class was aligned
with.29
Nevertheless, Cuba‟s eventual independence and its fledgling identity also came from
this elite class – albeit a different segment. The intellectuals (known as “Lo intellectual‟)
consisted of Cuba‟s scholars, professionals, and artistes - all of whom supported the country‟s
independence from Spain. Carlos Manuel de Céspedes and José Martí, along with many of those
who played key roles in the struggle for independence, were considered part of this group. Their
social status combined with their extensive education gave them the ability to organize and lead
cohesive movements. However, these persons were not Spanish but were members of the creole
class, and were automatically considered to be socially inferior to those who hailed directly from
Spain. This inequality and an affinity with local creole cultural practises provided both the
motivation and a cause to spearhead the independence movement. Consequently, the wars and
their accompanying social upheaval described here had a profound effect on the development of
Cuba‟s identity. The desire to break away from Spain and obtain better standards of living led to
the temporary dissolution of divisions characterized by class and race. In its place, the island‟s
citizens rallied behind a unified identity built around their creolized culture.
28
29
Louis Perez, Cuba: Between Revolution and Reform, (New York City: Oxford University Press, 2012), xiii
Ibid.
25
As discussed above, despite its vital role in the development of this Spanish colony‟s
economy, the social divisions created within the sugar industry had negative but enduring
repercussions. The earliest efforts failed because of the divisions between the wealthier planters
and the poorer ones, those in the west and those on the east, and slaves and creoles on the island.
It was the combination of smaller movements such as these, as well as the growing discontent
with Spanish colonial rule that really drove the push for independence among local elites. In
other words, Cuban nationalism arose from those members of society whose search for political
change caused them to examine their relationship with their Spanish colonizers.
26
CHAPTER TWO
Cuban Music in the Late 1800s
In this chapter I will describe the state of Cuban music around the time of the Ten Years‟
War (1868-78), including performances, schools, and the most ubiquitous genres on the island at
the time. The contradanza, danzón, son and guajira will be defined and discussed here. Within
this context, the development of the contradanza will be outlined, using the interpretations of the
genre composed by Cuban composers Louis Moreau Gottschalk, Nicolas Espadero, and Manuel
Saumell.
Popular music in Cuba played a crucial role in the development of the island‟s art music
tradition. The two that are most associated with the contradanza and danzón are the guajira and
son. Although it became far more defined in the twentieth century, the guajira has its roots in the
previous century. The genre evolved from the décima, a creolized version of the Spanish song
from characterized by ten line stanzas. It also has strong connections to the punto cubano, and
the cancion criolla.30 The guajira‟s lyrics contain rural imagery, and often employed triple meter.
Meanwhile the son is regarded is one of Cuba‟s most popular genres to date – a testament to its
longevity. Although it encompasses a wide range of musical structures, ethnomusicologist Peter
Manuel defines it as being a type of dance song with creole voice and accompaniment. He
narrowed down the characteristics to a finite list including a clave ostinato with tresillo rhythms,
as well as a bipartite song structure often marked with antiphony.31
30
The punto cubano and cancion criolla had very close ties to the décima form as well. For more information on
these and the guajira, see Peter Manuel‟s journal article “The Guajira Between Cuba and Spain”, along with Natalio
Galan‟s book Cuba Y Sus Sones.
31
Peter Manuel, “From Contradanza to Son,” Latin American Music Review 30 (2009): 185-6.
27
Nevertheless, Cuban art music was also developing simultaneously with its popular
music. The contradanza exemplifies this, as it transformed from the musical accompaniment for
the Spanish dance of the same name to miniature piano pieces that retained the basic structure of
its European predecessor but contained more West African rhythms. This art music tradition
continued with the danzón genre, widely considered as the successor of the contradanza genre. It
retained the rondo format that had begun to appear in the contradanza during the 1860s.
Danzónes normally contained a slow introduction, followed by a balanced 16-measure melody
that would be alternated with one or two other sections (ABAC, or ABACA). It too had a prima
and a contrasting, more rhythmic segunda section. Despite its clearly classical roots, composers
of the genre would often incorporate popular songs and rhythms from other parts of the island.
Where danza had relied on the habanera rhythm, the danzón‟s segunda featured a great emphasis
on the Haitian-derived cinquillo. Miguel Faílde (1852-1921) popularized the form with his piece
Las Alturas de Simpson which was written in 1877 and premiered two years later.
By late 1800s, the contradanza‟s popularity had diminished greatly, and the guajira,
danzón, and bolero genres were more popular across the island. This may be attributed to the
contradanza‟s close ties to European music in its most recent form: intimate salon style character
pieces with only a mild creole flavour. As such it was mainly enjoyed by members of the island‟s
upper class and no longer resonated strongly with the local population that was establishing an
identity separate from its colonizers. This in turn affected the reception of the contradanza by the
Cuban population. Nevertheless, as the nineteenth century wore on, the genre became more
Cuban even while confined to a relatively small audience among the country‟s elites. By the turn
of the century, the genre was experiencing a brief revival that contained the strongest AfroCuban influence yet, and was instrumental to the development of Cuban art music.
28
2.1 Music performances and schools during the Ten Years‟ War
The Ten Years‟ War did not yield favourable conditions for musicians at the time. Salon
musicians had to align themselves with Spanish government or face exile. This in turn had an
effect on the modes of artistic expression that were most accepted and thus the dominant forms
on the island. Naturally, the social hierarchy on the island at the time further affected modes of
artistic expression, with the affluent upper classes strongly promoting the Western European art
music above all else. Despite this, most of the professional musicians between 1800-1840 were
black, and their interpretations of art music played a crucial role in the development of music and
musical performances in Cuba. 32
The few musical performances that were mounted in those days were often operas, with
only the occasional performances of instrumental music presented at this time. However, it was
in stage productions known as bufos that many of the local creole elements of music were
highlighted the most. The Spanish had brought their version of the Italian buffo or comic opera to
the island in the early 1800s. The characters were representative of Spanish society at the time,
often including the Catalan, the Gallego or Galician, the moor and the gypsy. However over time
on the island, these characters were replaced by the negrita (black woman), the gallego aplantado
(assimilated Galician), the mulata (mulatto woman), and the catedrático or the “cultured
negro”.33 In addition to containing these characters and storylines that reflected Afro-Cuban
culture, these stage productions frequently included popular music genres from different parts of
the island – the contradanza among them. The combination of these elements made these
productions inherently anti-Spanish, making it an ideal vehicle for the promotion of cultural and
political autonomy. Consequently, this form‟s display of patriotism came to head at the
32
33
Serafín Ramirez, La Habana Artistica, (Havana: Impresario del E.M de la Capitanía General,1891), 157.
Ned Sublette, Cuba and its Music: From the First Drums to the Mambo, (Chicago: Chicago Press, 2007), 146.
29
Villanueva theatre in 1869. The small band known as Flor de Cuba was performing in a
creolized bufo, which depicted revolutionary themes and sentiments that challenged the Spanish
regime. During this performance, ten patrons who vocally cheered in support of these images
were killed by members of the Spanish voluntario (volunteer military). Meanwhile the
performers and composers in this production were subsequently imprisoned. This is one example
of the effect that the war had on local musicians. Under these conditions, many of them left the
island by choice or force, which in turn had a significant impact on the island‟s musical
landscape.34
One of the most common ways that popular music was disseminated throughout the
island was through the medium of print. Only publications with anti-Cuban propaganda were
allowed during the Ten Years‟ War. Nevertheless, a few edited danzas and published them
regularly. According to Becali, this may have been done with the intention of distracting the
Cuban public from the war itself. However the danzas were also in demand, being the most
popular genre on the island. This in and of itself was odd, given that they were not considered
proper Cuban music because of the strong African influence that had firmly become a part of the
genre in the nineteenth century.35 Nevertheless, this was one of the main ways in which the
public had access to the printed form of the creolized contradanzas.
In 1877, members of Cubans “intellectual” class (discussed in Chapter 1) attempted to
revive science, arts and literature magazines. Their most successful effort in this category was La
Revista de Cuba, a publication that focused on the critique of these intellectual pursuits rather
than politics and religion. After 1878, music critiques were absorbed into lifestyle publications
such as En El Hogar (1880) and La Familia (1878). In these, the popular genres of the day were
34
35
Zoila Lapique Becali, Musica Colonial Tomo 1(1812-1900), (La Habana: Editorial Letras Cubanas,1979): 43.
Ibid., 46.
30
often published: contradanzas, waltzes, and canciones (songs). Another important point about
these publications in the 1880s is that composers and musicians made a conscious attempt to
imitate the American style of press publications and announcements. Although there is very little
imitation in the music itself, it is an indication of the continued influence of American culture on
Cuba.36 Among the critics associated with these publications, Serafín Ramirez was the most
prolific. The music historian often contextualized his various reviews of performances and
composers within the framework of Cuba‟s musical history. His writings done during the 1890s
are noteworthy, as he focused on the influence of the folk music of Santiago de Cuba in popular
and art music. Such an emphasis within the context of insurgence and nationalist sentiments
occurring at the time makes Ramirez‟s contributions even more significant.
Following the end of the Ten Years‟ War, the 1880s saw a moderate increase in public
concerts across the island. Open- air concerts were particularly popular, as Cubans were still
trying to imitate the cosmopolitan Parisian atmosphere. On Sunday afternoons, a concert society
put on various events featuring performances of works by Chopin and Rubinstein. Meanwhile
local composer Modesto Julian conducted pieces by Verdi, Rossini, Meyerbeer, as well as
movements from Beethoven‟s works. These performances featured students of the music schools
there, as well as members of philharmonic bands, who occasionally played alongside Spanish
military.37
As it relates to music education, classes began to be offered outside of Havana during this
decade. In Puerto Príncipe, La Sociedad Popular de Santa Cecilia offered basic theory and
solfège, along with wind instrument training. The students and teachers of this school formed
36
Musicians travelled regularly between Havana and New Orleans in the 1840s. It is said that the roots of ragtime
can be found in the Cuban contradanza‟s distinct rhythmic patterns. For more information on this, see “Cuban
Influences on New Orleans Music” by Jack Stewart.
37
Becali, Musica Colonial, 47-48.
31
small bands and performed a wide variety of repertoire in the streets. The most popular genres at
this time reflected the island‟s strong operatic tradition: overtures and zarzuela excerpts, as well
as Italian and French operettas, were staples. However Cuban popular genres such as danzas,
danzones and zapateos were also very commonly heard. These schools and performances were a
reflection of the music that was dominant on the island at the time. Indeed in Santiago de Cuba,
the street performances of the Cuban genres were performed with very strong rhythmic
influences from the Afro-Haitian refugees.38
2.2 Creolization and the Evolution of the Cuban Danza
Country Dance: European History and Origins
The origins of the contradance can be traced back to Europe in the sixteenth century. At
the time, the country dance, an English folk dance had begun to replace the minuet among the
upper and middle classes. The publication of the Dancing Master in 1650 increased the dance
form‟s popularity, with both masters and servants dancing it at the court during Queen
Elizabeth‟s reign. As a predominantly vernacular, instrumental idiom, it contrasted sharply with
its stately, ceremonious aristocratic predecessor. Indeed it may be considered the transitional
dance genre that popularized independent couple dancing, with partners embracing loosely in
ballroom style around 1800.39
The original country dance has two choreographic structures: the round and the longway.
As its name suggests, the round form has basis in a circle, with men and women standing
alternately. The longway form consists of double file with men and women facing each other.
38
Ibid.., 48.
Solomon Mikowsky, “The Nineteenth Century Cuban Danza and its composers, with particular attention to
Ignacio Cervantes”, (PhD. Diss. Columbia University:1973), 29.
39
32
These groups performed figures led by caller or by a lead couple. Both versions became popular
in France, where it became known as the contredanse during the court of Louis XIV. The dance
genre swept the continent around 1700, becoming popular in Holland around 1685. France‟s
strong cultural influence on Spain resulted in the introduction of the dance genre there by 1714,
where it was called the contradanza.40 By the time of the French Revolution, this dance had also
replaced the minuet as the opening dances of balls for the queen. The round version became
known as cotillion, even as that version became less popular in England.
The music accompanying the dance is similarly simple and standardized in form – meant
to serve as a guide for the dancers. Usually in a major key, the average contradance featured
largely diatonic melodies, structured in two even eight-bar phrases along with a consistent twoquaver rhythm. A typical contradance would be in repeated binary form (AB or AABB), with
the repetitions corresponding to the dancers‟ performance of the figures with different partners.
For the most part this genre remained within the dance salons rather than in the concert hall, and
only enjoyed a brief spell of popularity in the late eighteenth century. However, on the other side
of the Atlantic the contradanza continued to enjoy increased popularity for the better part of the
nineteenth century.
2.3 The Creolized Danza as Cuban Music
The Cuban contradanza is the island‟s creolized version of the music accompanying the
European seventeenth century contradance. It was brought to the island initially by the Spanish
planters who were familiar with the French form on the continent, but it was further popularized
by the French planters, mulattos and Afro-Haitian slaves who fled to Cuba during the Haitian
40
Ibid., 29.
33
Revolution of the late 1700s. The new creole form combines the form, tonality, and harmonic
progressions of the European dance genre with West African derived folk rhythms, along with
Cuban folk and popular song. It retains the genre‟s binary form, even phrasing and duple meter –
2/4, 6/8 or 2/2 time. Added to these basic features were polyrhythms such as the tresillo,
amphibrach, and the cinquillo. The latter rhythm is of Afro-Haitian origins, and became more
popular in the latter part of the nineteenth century. Figure 2.1 illustrates these rhythms, as well
as how they often appeared together as polyrhythms in contradanza compositions. These rhythms
were often layered over a steady habanera rhythm in the bass. From this information we can
discern that although this new creolized contradanza was a combination of Western European
and West African elements, it was the African features that truly distinguished it as a Cuban
form.
San Pascual Bailon (seen in figure 2.2) is believed to be the first contradanza published
in Cuba, and displayed some of the characteristics typical of the early nineteenth-century
creolized form. Although there is not an abundance of creole rhythms throughout the short
composition, there is a distinct habanera pattern in the segunda section.
34
Figure 2.1 Cuban Rhythmic Patterns41
41
Glenda del Monte Escalante, “Cuban Piano Music:Contradanza,” (Masters Thes., York University, 2009): 17.
35
Figure 2.2 San Pascual Bailon (1803)
36
From Contradanza to Danza: Change in Nomenclature
By the 1830s, journalists, artistes, and audiences were debating the increasing distinctions
between the contradanza and danza, with many arguments centering on terminology. In his work
Cuba Y Sus Sones, Cuban historian Natalio Galan states that these disagreements were so
prominent at the time that they often appeared in local newspaper articles. The debate was
inspired by the stylistic changes occurring in the composition of the genre, particularly in the
segunda or B section. The slight modifications in rhythm and character reflected local musical
styles, and resulted in a generally more jovial style than the A sections. These changes
corresponded directly with changes within the dance at the same time, which include increased
improvisation, and many more rhythmic accents.42
Galan quotes an exchange between writers Esteban Pichardo and Countess Merlin during
the 1840s on the specificities of these changes. Pichardo explains that the changes are hard to
describe, but that they partly came about as the then current generation tried to separate
themselves from older generations. According to him, it was not the music that had changed as
much as the society that produced it.43 Although not explicitly stated, one may conclude that this
societal change no doubt reflected the increasing creolization of cultural practises on the island.
During the 1860s, composers of the Cuban danza began to incorporate a rondo structure with
more improvisation in the form. By the following decade, the danza had evolved fully into a
Cuban version of its European predecessor. The bipartite form and the melodic and harmonic
possibilities of the European import within it had been exhausted by many composers.
42
43
Natalio Galan, Cuba Y Sus Sones, (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press): 135.
Ibid., 137.
37
Consequently, by the late 1870s, the danzón and son were far more popular than danzas in Cuba.
However the genre still continued to evolve during the first part of the twentieth century. Unlike
those danzas by Manuel Saumell and even Cervantes himself, these character pieces had far
more evidence of a nationalist character – possibly a conscious addition on the part of the
composers.44 This may be contrasted with the images of Cuba that Cervantes conjured within a
largely romantic style.
Interestingly, around this time the Cuban danza had influenced a number of other musical
genres. The strongest example of this is the sung habanera in Spain whose sound would become
immortalized in the bipartite structure found in the theatrical form of the guajira, and canciones
set against danza accompaniment. The name “habanera” was more popularly used in Spain,
literally meaning from Havana. It is likely that the habanera itself came to Spain through the
persons stationed in Cuba that travelled back and forth between the two countries. However, the
clearest connection between Cuban habaneras and Spain can be seen in the Basque composer,
Sebastian Yradier (1809-1865). The composer was associated mainly with canciones
popularistas (popular songs that are still regarded as art music) and he published several
collections of these between 1840 and 1856. However, a tour of countries across the Atlantic in
the late 1850s would later lend a distinct quality to his work in a way that would change the
reception of his compositions in this genre. In 1857 Yradier paid a visit to Cuba, where his
compositions were performed by soprano Adelini Patti and pianist Gottschalk.45 There he
became exposed to the Cuban habanera, which was quite popular at the time on the island. After
44
Peter Manuel, Creolizing Contradance in the Caribbean, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009), 89.
Suzanne Rhodes Draayer, “Canciones de España- Art Song Composers of Nineteenth-Century Spain, Part 1”
Journal of Singing 60 no.2(2003):140.
45
38
returning to Spain, he composed a number of songs in that style, which added a new dimension
to his canciones popularistas.
Figure 2.3 Sebastian Yradier El Arreglito, mms 5-9
The most important example of Yradier‟s foray into the habanera genre was El Arreglito.
(1863), seen above in figure 2.3. A conversation between a man and a woman is depicted
through the song, with the former trying to convince the woman of his love for her. The song has
many characteristics of the Spanish cancion. There is much alternation between D major and
minor, with the two modes being equally played against each other throughout the piece.
Additionally, the melody is ornamented with triplets during the more emotionally charged
phrases of the song – another typically Spanish trait. However the accompaniment contains the
habanera bass pattern contrasted against the amphibrach rhythm, and tresillos dominate the
melodic rhythm of the vocal part. In this way, the characteristics of the Cuban style were shown
to be compatible with the Spanish style, and non-Spanish Europeans accepted this Cuban music
as Spanish as a result.
This is exemplified in the 1875 opera Carmen, for which George Bizet composed the
music. It became immensely popular amongst audiences, as it further satisfied Paris‟ penchant
39
for exoticizing Spain in a particular manner. Carmen, the title character, is arguably the most
famous depiction of the sensual Spanish gypsy in nineteenth century opera. Arguably the most
popular piece from the opera was the title character‟s aria, “Habanera”, pictured below in figure
2.4. The aria is based largely on El Arreglito, as Bizet found the habanera in a Parisian library
during his search for Spanish music to incorporate into the opera. It is noteworthy that the French
composer assumed that it was a Spanish folk song because of the musical elements described
above, despite the fact that it was entirely Yradier‟s invention. 46 Nevertheless, the Cuban
rhythmic elements described in El Arreglito are carried over into “Habanera”, and with the lyrics
is a perfect example of the newest incarnation of the contradanza form.
Figure 2.4 George Bizet, “Habanera” from Carmen, mms 5-8
From this, we can establish that the contradanza became the danza for two reasons. One,
the prefix “contra” or “contre” referred specifically to the dance itself. As the genre moved away
from the dance hall into the concert hall or salon, the use of that prefix became quite
unnecessary. Furthermore, the term contradanza was too close to the genre‟s European origins,
46
Theodor Baker and Julian Tiersot. “Bizet and Spanish Music.” The Musical Quarterly 13, no.4 (1927): 567.
40
and the use of the word danza seemed more appropriately Cuban to nineteenth century musicians
on the island. Ultimately, the change in nomenclature surrounding the contradanza occurred
because of the changing face of the colony, and reflected the effects of creolization on the island.
Although the contradanza genre was popular for much of the nineteenth century, initially
its creolized version was not accepted as truly Cuban. The West African-derived polyrhythms in
these short pieces were not readily accepted within a social hierarchy with those of West African
descent at the lowest level. Serafín Ramirez addresses this issue in La Habana Artistica. The
historian comments on how the contradanza in its current form (around 1890) had very little
connection to its earlier form, as well as to other dance forms from the peninsula. Nevertheless
he points out that the new creolized contradanza was mostly accepted amongst people of colour
and creole on the island, and he attributes to white supremacy on the island at the time.47 This
serves as evidence that the musical style of the late seventeenth-century danza was completely
superseded by the creolized version of the form, and was never resurrected. By the end of the
nineteenth century the genre was no longer considered a West African deviation, but a genuinely
Cuban form of music.
47
Serafín Ramirez, La Habana Artistica, (Havana: Impresario del E..M.de la Capitanía General, 1891), 157.
41
2.4 Composers of the Cuban danza and their Contribution to the Island‟s Nationalism
The Pan-Americanism of Gottschalk in the context of Cuban music
Despite his American origins, composer Louis Moreau Gottschalk (1829-1869) had a
profound influence on the idea and subsequent status of Cuban music. Born in New Orleans to a
French creole mother and a Jewish father (of English origin), Gottschalk grew up strongly
influenced by the different cultural backgrounds around him. Nevertheless, he thought the best
way to promote the superiority of American music and culture was to do it abroad, as Germanstyle music had a strong foothold in the US.48 The Spanish and French colonies in the Western
Hemisphere were his main destinations based on this strategy.
Notably, Gottschalk‟s own music was not considered truly American enough by
American music critics and audiences because of its Louisiana creole elements. The strong
influence of Africans and creoles in that state resulted in music that had many ostinatos,
antiphony and a heavy rhythmic component – much like music of the Caribbean. Due to the
pervasive racism against African-Americans during this pre-civil war area, these features were as
African and not American. The lack of acceptance of these features by American audiences is
reflective both of an idolization of conservative standards of Western European art music at the
time, coupled with the general disdain for those of African descent and their cultural practices.49
Gottschalk also supported abolitionist causes, a stance in line with his views on equal access to
education. Such a viewpoint not only informed his interest in creole and West African derived
musical traditions, but also became critical in his approach to composition. Nevertheless,
48
49
Douglas Shadle, ““Louis Gottschalk‟s Pan-American Symphonic Ideal,” American Music 29, 4 (2011): 444.
Ibid., 445.
42
prevailing views among Americans about non-whites and Latin American colonies heavily
influenced these efforts. The heavy emphasis on “education” really was seen as a way to civilize
these “lesser” societies, with the intention of counteracting “boorish activities” with “good”
symphonic and other genres of Western European derived art music.50
Gottschalk‟s fascination and eventual visits to Cuba must be framed within the
relationship between the Spanish colony and the United States at the time. The strong trade
relationship described in Chapter 1 led to a strong cultural influence that was mutual. This
strengthening reinforced the desire of many Cubans to break away from Spain. Not only was the
large country widely seen as arbitrators of taste, but the similar colonial backgrounds made their
culture seem more relatable and attainable to Latin Americans. The pianist was famous for
composing large pieces that pleased audiences in his host countries, mainly sin the Spanish
colonies in the Western hemisphere. That being said, he still carefully incorporated American
patriotic thematic material into these works, in a subliminal way to promote his ideas of a
hemispheric identity with the United States at the head.51
Gottschalk spent much of his life touring various Caribbean islands (notably Puerto Rico
and Martinique). However, he developed a particularly strong connection to Cuban culture and
its people. The composer made three trips to the island: 1854 to 1855, a quick stop there during a
tour of Caribbean islands 1857-1859, and then finally from 1859-1862. It is during this final visit
that he premiered a number of significant pieces, most notably Symphony No 1: A Night in the
Tropics. 52 This is not only the composer‟s most significant orchestral piece, but is considered
one of the earliest American symphonies. The fact that it was premiered in Havana is in and of
itself a huge contribution to the island‟s place in Western European art music history. It also is
50
Ibid., 450.
51
Ibid., 447.
Libby Rubin, “Gottschalk and Cuba”, (PhD Diss., 1975): 85-88.
52
43
representative of Gottschalk‟s ideas concerning a hemispheric identity. The real significance of
this premiere lies in Gottschalk‟s choice of musicians for the premiere. Predictably, the
composer used many piano students and established performers from Havana. However, he also
got Afro-Cuban percussionists/drummers from Santiago de Cuba to participate in the
performance. This variety in musicians is indicative of Gottschalk‟s desire to create an orchestral
arrangement that reflected the complexity of Cuba‟s people and music. It highlighted not only art
music on the island, but the Afro-Cuban elements that would become a staple in both art and
popular music going forward.
Figure 2.5 Louis Gottschalk‟s Danza, mms 10-21
One of Gottschalk‟s more notable forays into the contradanza genre was his short piece
Danza (Opus 33), composed in 1857. He retained the basic creole rhythms that were common at
the time, Nevertheless, it was far more expansive than the average danza being composed by
44
Cubans, or even other works he composed within the danza style. Figure 2.5 illustrates the end of
the first theme in measure 17 and the beginning of the danza‟s second theme in measure 18. This
secondary theme is not only more lyrical, but contains the polyrhythmic combination of the
amphibrach with the habanera. Additionally, the music was not contained within a simple
bipartite or sonata-like form, but instead consisted of variations on the two main themes
presented in the first part of the piece. There is also a foregrounding of virtuosity, seen mostly in
the technique needed to execute the various melodic themes throughout the piece. Gottschalk‟s
chromatic approach to modulations and indeed his overall more complex harmonies were quite
different from the simplistic dance melodies that were being composed locally.53
Perhaps the most direct contribution Gottschalk made to Cuban music was his
interactions with the composers who remain the most important figures in this regard during the
nineteenth century. He was a close friend of Nicolas Ruiz Espadero, and influenced his
compositional style. Meanwhile Manuel Saumell‟s danzas were used as templates for
Gottschalk‟s own danzas and other Cuban-influenced compositions. Each of these relationships,
coupled with his performances highlighting local musicians and works allowed the American
musician to truly legitimize the idea of Cuban art music in the nineteenth century.
53
Peter Manuel, Creolizing Contradance in the Caribbean (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009), 83.
45
Nicolas Espadero (1832-1890)
Of the composers on the island, Nicolas Espadero (1832-1890) was the one who
interacted with Gottschalk the most. The two met during the New Orleans composer‟s first visit
to the island and formed a fast friendship. Gottschalk not only acted as a mentor to Espadero but
also gave him publicity across the island. The American allowed the young Cuban to perform
alongside him in salon settings and also reviewed his works in local publications.54 This
exposure was quite important for Espadero as the composer never left the island. The introverted
pianist was home-schooled growing up and was rather eccentric.
Despite the company that Espadero kept and the time period he composed most of his
works, the pianist did not often incorporate overt Cuban melodies and rhythms in his work in
more than a perfunctory manner. Instead he was more drawn to the flamboyant virtuosity that
was characteristic in romantic piano music at the time. The contradanza Ay! Un Poquito Mas is
an example of one of the few occasions that he imbued his work with local musical elements. He
competently handles the contrast between the prima and segunda sections, opting to use a tresillo
in the B section rather than a habanera pattern.55
Manuel Saumell and his 50 Danzas
The most direct predecessor to Cervantes is Manuel Saumell Robredo (1817/8 - 1870).
Born into poverty, he was the son of Spanish parents. Saumell taught himself the basics of music
at a very young age, but was not able to have formal music lessons until 1836, at the age of
nineteen. His first teacher was pianist Jean Federico Edelmann, a native of Alsace in France who
54
55
Rubin, “Gottschalk”, 35-6.
See Appendix 1 for this score.
46
had settled in Havana in 1832. The expatriate made extremely important contributions to the
development of art music in Cuba. He opened the first major publishing house and music store in
Havana, on Calle de Obrapia, and was also the director of the St Cecilia Orchestra.56 However,
his most significant contribution to the island‟s music was his approach to teaching piano.
Edelmann popularized the combination of European art music with local Cuban musical styles –
and given his status as a European man in Cuba, he was one of the first to legitimize this method.
Saumell continued his training with the director of the Italian opera, Mauricio Pyke, who
would enhance the young pianist‟s knowledge of music theory. Under his tutelage, Saumell
learnt the basics of instrumentation, harmony, fugue and counterpoint. However his education
and his compositional output were limited by his involvement in numerous activities. Although
also an organist and cellist, Manuel Saumell was mostly known in his lifetime as a pianist and
later composer. He performed at church, salons, and at various benefit concerts in Havana.
However in addition to being an active performer, Saumell also made contributions to musical
life in Cuba as an orchestrator, teacher, and conductor. Most notably, he acted as the president of
the Saint Cecilia Philharmonic Society.
At the age of 22, Saumell encountered Mikhail Glinka‟s A Life for the Tsar, which
inspired to create a Cuban opera. The composer planned to draw his libretto from the novel titled
Antonelli, written by author José Antonio Echevarría. Set in1590, the story of unrequited love
took place in a sugar mill, and highlighted issues arising from class and race that accurately
depicted the islands socio-political state at the time.57 The most significant thing here is that
Saumell‟s opera would have been based on a Cuban story, in a Cuban setting, and most
importantly told through Cuban music. This attempt was ultimately unsuccessful, as La Sociedad
56
57
Alejo Carpentier, Music in Cuba, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), 186.
Ibid., 187-8.
47
Económica de Amigos del País considered the idea of a local setting to be absurd and
impractical.58 Nevertheless, this endeavour is one of the main reasons Saumell is considered the
godfather of Cuban nationalist music. His vision of a musical, dramatic representation of Cuban
life and history through Cuban music was in keeping with the nationalist music movements in
European countries that arose during the nineteenth century.
By the time Manuel Saumell began composing contradanzas, the genre had already
become an amalgamation of West African, French and Spanish influences. Nevertheless, his
many contributions to this specific mode of contradanza composition act as an intermediary
between art and popular music. His approach to this music further legitimized and standardized
it, even as he incorporated popular styles in his work – albeit in a refined manner. This fusion
enabled his works to appeal to a wider audience that transcended class divisions. For this he is
widely considered the father of the “contradanza-estudio”, or the salon style of the genre.59
Saumell‟s contradanzas adhered to the genre‟s main characteristics, featuring bipartite
form with balanced phrases and mostly diatonic harmonies throughout. However, the segundas
or B sections of his danzas heavily featured Cuban rhythms, reworked in ways not previously
seen. The composer also often used variations of the tresillo and cinquillo rhythmic cells. He
composed a fair number of pieces in 6/8 times – a significant point since this is a meter that was
at the time more associated with creolized music than European forms. Indeed, Carpentier
suggests that Saumell‟s danzas serve as a template for Gottschalk‟s foray into the genre.60 The
connection to Gottschalk was manifested in La Luisiana (Louisiana) which Saumell dedicated to
the American composer. The danza is indicative of Saumell‟s signature style, with a largely
58
La Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País was established on the island by the Spanish in 1792, as a means to
financially support the devlopment of Cuba‟s economy, education, society, and culture.
59
Manuel, Creolizing Contradance, 80
60
Carpentier, Music in Cuba, 189.
48
homophonic prima section free of any Cuban rhythms, contrasted by the thirds in the cantabile
melodic part, and a tresillo pattern
By contrast, the prima and segunda sections of Los Ojos de Pepa‟s (Pepa‟s eyes) prima
and segunda sections are not particularly distinct in character, with the segunda functioning more
as a continuation of the A section. Additionally, the cinquillo rhythm in the melody is combined
with the habanera accompaniment throughout. Despite the uncertainty surrounding its
compositional date, perhaps these factors indicate that this could be the composer‟s later works.
Figure 2.6 Manuel Saumell La Quejosita (mms 10-14) – B section
Figure 2.6 features La Quejosita (The Complaining Woman), which is an example of Saumell
taking on a more overtly creole style in his contradanzas. Notably, the work is in 6/8 time which
is the contradanza meter more associated with the new creolized form of the genre. What is even
more significant however is the presence of guajira patterns in the melody throughout the piece –
particularly in measures 10-11 of this segunda section. This is arguably an example of the
relationship between the salon style contradanza and popular music forms present on the island
at the time.
49
Although the idea of a Cuban nation was still emerging in the 1800s, by then local
creolized music had a distinct presence on the island. The Ten Years‟ War had a negative effect
on artistic activity in the 1800s, but its role as the catalyst for nationalist movements provided
context for the development of local forms. The creolized musical forms on the island were soon
supplemented by the development of local Cuban music, and a thriving performance culture.
Louis Gottschalk‟s visits to Cuba and his compositions within the contradanza genre legitimized
these creole forms, and by extension made audiences aware of a type of art music that contained
strong local elements. It was within this context that Manuel Saumell began to conceive of a
form of art music that was distinctly Cuban. Although he failed to realize his ultimate dream of
mounting the first Cuban opera, his contribution to the creolized contradanza form still serves as
the main predecessor for Ignacio Cervantes‟ works.
50
CHAPTER 3
Ignacio Cervantes and his Cuban danzas
By the mid-1800s, the salon-style Cuban contradanza was quite firmly established, and many
local composers had contributed significantly to the genre. In that respect, Ignacio Cervantes‟
danzas were simply the latest in a well-established musical tradition, and the composer even
modelled his works after Manuel Saumell‟s. Nevertheless it is Cervantes‟ danzas that have
enjoyed the most longevity. This chapter will explore the life of Ignacio Cervantes, with special
attention to his upbringing, musical training and his exile in New York. An examination of his
danzas is crucial here, not only because of their contribution to the contradanza genre, but in
terms of the development of an art music style that was more Cuban than Spanish.
3.1 Early Years and Musical Training
Ignacio Cervantes Kawangh was born July 31, 1847 into an upper middle class
household. His father, Don Pedro Cervantes was the nephew of Leonel Cervantes Carvajal who
arrived in Cuba from Mexico in the 1600s to act as a bishop of Santiago de Cuba. For his part,
Pedro Cervantes had distinguished careers as a Camagueyan lawyer and later as mayor of San
Antion de los Baños, and secretary of the University of Havana. Meanwhile, his mother Maria
Soledad Kawanagh was the daughter of a German baron and a Cuban woman. This meant that
Cervantes started his musical training at the age of three, first learning solfège and music theory
from his father and then piano studies under Juan Miguel Joval. In 1859, Cervantes entered into
51
the tutelage of Nicholas Espadero, who introduced the young Cervantes to the music of Dussek,
Alkan, Henselt, Moscheles, Cramer, Kalkbrenner, and Clementi. Later on as he gained more
experience, Cervantes broadened his studies by adding the music of classical and romantic
composers such as Beethoven, Chopin, Lizst, and Gottschalk to his repertoire.
In 1865, the eighteen year old Cervantes entered the Imperial Conservatory in Paris, with
a recommendation from pianist and composer Antoine Francois Marmontel. Under the tutelage
of Marmontel and composer Charles-Valentin Alkan, the pianist won the grand prize in piano in
1866, playing Henri Herz‟s Fifth Concerto. It was during this time that he began composing
fugues and theme variations. Carpentier believes these exercises influenced the compositional
techniques the composer often used in his danzas.61 After his studies at the Conservatory,
Cervantes spent time performing both in Paris and in Madrid before returning to Cuba in 1870.
This in itself is quite notable because he returned despite the potential of a career as a touring
pianist in Europe. Upon his return, he began teaching piano lessons, playing in churches and
holding small recitals – activities that were beneath his newly minted stature. Mikowsky suggests
that the uncertainties of life as a performer in an unstable, Parisian atmosphere (due to the
Franco-Prussian War) made the return to Cuba more appealing to Cervantes. However his return
may also be attributed to the obligation he may have felt to his homeland, especially in the wake
of the Ten Years‟ War.62
61
62
Carpentier, Music in Cuba, .
Mikowsky, Nineteenth Century Danza, 142-3.
52
3.2 The 1870s: Cervantes and Musical life in Cuba , Exile in New York
During the 1870s, opera dominated the music performances held on the island.
Conversely, very few concerts featured instrumental classical repertoire.63 It was here that
Cervantes made his first essential contribution, giving numerous recitals that featured
performances of Beethoven sonatas, Mendelssohn, Chopin, Lizst and Bach fugues. Although he
did not play many of his own compositions, these concerts not only showcased his talent and
extensive training, but also enriched concert music life in Cuba. On December 8 1872, the
composer married María Amparo Sánchez Richeaux. They had eleven children, with only four of
them surviving to maturity.
In the midst of the tension generated by the Ten Years‟ War, Cervantes and violinist Jose
White held concerts in order to raise money for the separatist cause in Cuba. These efforts were
soon discovered, leading them to be exiled from the island. General Balmaseda was the person in
charge of these expulsions, but, as he was a fan of Cervantes‟ work, he allowed the composer to
choose where he wanted to go. Cervantes chose to go to New York and help the insurgents‟
cause from there with money raised from concerts. It was here that he and White would live in
exile between 1875-1879. The two went on to achieve moderate success in New York. Thanks to
Luis Beralt‟s La Sociedad para la Cultura Armonica, Cervantes was able to perform in biweekly
concerts alongside other Cuban expatriates involved in the arts. Cervantes also composed the
majority of his forty danzas during his time in New York, including three for four hands: Los
delirios de Rosita, La Camagueyana, and Los Muñecos.
While the composer was enjoying moderate success in the United States, Cervantes‟
father fell ill, and the pianist was forced to return to Cuba in 1879 or 1880. Upon his return, he
63
Solomon Mikowky, The Nineteenth Century Cuban Danza and its Composers, with particular attention to
Ignacio Cervantes, (PhD Diss, 1973): 205.
53
found that the arts in Cuba were flourishing in the aftermath of the Ten Years‟ War – a marked
contrast to the period he returned to the island from Europe in the previous decade.. The pianist
once more took on students, such as Eduardo Sanchez de Fuentes (1874-1944) who became one
of Cuba‟s most prominent musicians and music historians in the twentieth century. He also
continued to put on concerts, with much of the proceeds benefitting the nationalist cause in
various ways. Notably, Cervantes and violinist Jose White also attempted to establish music
schools to train young musicians. However their proposals were rejected by the Sociedad
Economica each time.64 Perhaps this had something to do with the reasons for his previous
exile….support of the nationalist movement. These rejections may also be associated with
Cervantes‟ position as a creole, one that held less status than that of a European.
Despite these setbacks, Cervantes enjoyed some measure of success during his next few years
living in Cuba. The pianist‟s status in the island as a musician was celebrated with a tribute
concert in 1887, put on by Circulo Habanero. The repertoire performed included Cervantes‟
Hectograph waltz, Symphony in C minor, and his Scherzo Capriosso.65 Cervantes himself
performed his Serenata Cubana, along with his piano transcriptions of themes from Verdi‟s La
Traviata. During this period, Cervantes also worked on his zarzuela Exposicion o El Submarino
Peral which premiered in Oct 26, 1889 by the Palou Company to lukewarm response.
64
The Sociedad Economica was an organization that was formed with the intention of fostering economic
development of the country. For more information, see
http://www.ecured.cu/Sociedad_Econ%C3%B3mica_de_Amigos_del_Pa%C3%ADs
65
Mikowsky, Nineteenth Century Danza, 153-4.
54
3.3 Cervantes‟ Last Tours and Final Years
In 1891, Cervantes and violinist Diaz Albertini toured the island, but the extent of this
tour is uncertain as shortly after this they are reported to have given a concert at the National
Theatre in Mexico.66 According to Serafín Ramírez, Cervantes performed his danzas there, in
addition to works by Mendelssohn, Chopin, Rubinstein, and Lizst. After this trip to Mexico,
Cervantes and Albertini embarked on a tour of the United States, with stops in Charleston,
Georgia, and New York. It is arguably his time in Florida that has the greatest evidence of the
composer‟s nationalist motivations. In 1892, Cervantes performed at the Ibor Theatre in Tampa
Florida. The theatre was actually an auditorium set up in a tobacco factory owned by Spanish
cigar manufacturer Vicente Ibor. Jose Martí gave a glowing report on the event for his paper,
Patria.67
The pianist gave a benefit concert in the Tacón theatre later that year, and the next year a
chamber concert at the Lopez Salon. However by 1894, Cervantes had returned to Cuba, where
he promptly began a tour of the island with a performance in Havana during Fiesta de San
Rafael.68 By 1899, Cervantes had been appointed professor of piano for the Havana Normal
School. That year, the composer continued his philanthropy by participating in a musical festival
to fund women‟s corps. He also conducted his Symphony in C Minor and Valverde‟s zarzuela in
honour of the veterans of War of Independence. He also wrote Los Saltimbanquis, his second
zarzuela, but this work was never to be premiered by any orchestra.
66
Mikowsky, “Nineteenth Century Cuban Danza”, 154
Ibid., 155.
68
Ibid.
67
55
Ignacio Cervantes‟ health began to decline during the first few years of the twentieth
century. In May 20 1902, when the Republic of Cuba inaugurated, Cervantes was actually at the
Cuban Pavilion at an exposition in Charleston, South Carolina. Notably, he was offered a
contract while touring some other states (listed above) but turned it down because of his wife‟s
elderly parents. Due to his illness, the composer‟s last concert given June 1902 in Cuba. His son
took him to New York in 1904 to seek treatment, but that effort did little to improve the
composer‟s condition. His daughter Maria spoke of an instance where Cervantes went to the
piano and tried to compose a danza, however he was unable to complete it. His daughter Maria
later finished it and gave it the title Fusion de Almas. Ignacio Cervantes died April 29, 1905 in
Havana from a nervous disorder.
3.4 Cervantes as a Nationalist Composer
There is no question that Cervantes‟ upper middle class upbringing contributed greatly to
his career as a musician and composer. The composer was of the localized creole class, as both
of his parents were from Spain and he had strong Spanish heritage. This social background
provided him with many of the opportunities he took to advance his career as a pianist. The
breadth of his training in Cuba and his success in Paris was important for formation of his
compositional style, as well as the genres he chose to compose in. Additionally amongst the
many privileges he enjoyed was the experience of growing up in an environment where civics
and intellectual pursuits were valued most.
However as someone born in Cuba, Cervantes was not considered Spanish – therefore he
was not afforded the same privileges as that elite upper class. These two factors contributed
greatly to his support of Cuban independence. The composer appeared to have been pro-Cuban
56
in a way that disregarded class, which was a dangerous stance to take at the time. This is in line
with social tendencies characteristic of the nationalist movement; Cubans realized that they had
to overcome social and racial divisions in order to achieve a singular Cuban identity. A good
example of his alignment with this policy is the pride he took in playing for the Cuban tobacco
factory workers in Tampa. Cervantes himself stated that being able to perform at this expatriate
refuge was one of the things he was proud of, in addition to being born in Cuba and his success
at the Conservatory in Paris.69 This is quite notable because the Tampa audience was made up of
less educated, poorer Cuban expatriates. Despite Cervantes‟ class origins and its effect on the
development of his artistic style, he was still sympathetic towards this audience.
In the nineteenth century, large works such as operas and symphonies played significant
roles in the nationalist movements of European countries, and were thus the goals of like-minded
Cuban composers. Both Saumell and Cervantes tried to compose operas with this in mind.
Additionally, Gottschalk‟s visit to the island and his premiere of La Nuit des Tropiques further
stimulated the idea of writing grandiose works as musical representations of Cuban national
identity. These attempts were symptomatic of a collective aspiration to European standards of
musical nationalism, as well as notion of composer and performer in the 1800s.
Within this context it is not surprising that Cervantes did not take his shorter danza
compositions seriously, mostly improvising them for friends at social gatherings. Nevertheless,
these are his longest lasting legacy in the context of Cuban nationalist music. This is arguably a
testament to the wide appeal these compositions held due to their place within the worlds of both
popular and art music. Perhaps art music at the time was associated mostly with Europe, and
while Cervantes‟ music was certainly of this tradition, the popular elements that he incorporated
into his work made these pieces palatable for a wider audience.
69
Jose Marti, Quoted in Mikowsky “Nineteenth Century Cuban Danza”, 155
57
It is arguably for these reasons that during his lifetime, Cervantes was known mainly as a
pianist and not a composer. Even in nineteenth-century Cuba, the idea of nationalist music was
still largely centered on larger works such as operas and symphonies, and Cervantes‟ forays into
this area were largely unsuccessful. Of his two operettas, only one was premiered, and did not
become very popular.70 Additionally, although his danzas did receive some recognition during
his lifetime, he very rarely performed them himself. It is possible that his own disregard for these
miniature works affected their status, since it was his presence as a performer that was more
dominant.
3.5 Compositional Output
At the time that Ignacio Cervantes composed the bulk of his works, many composers
were drawn to the virtuosic style that was in vogue during the late romantic period, including one
of his teachers Nicolas Espadero. However, Alejo Carpentier says that Cervantes did not follow
his peers in this regard, often avoiding the excessive use of heavy ornamentation and
embellishments in the melodies of his danzas.71 This is a reflection of the composers that
inspired him, particularly Chopin. Despite that preference, Cervantes composed a vast number of
piano pieces that still displayed his well-developed technique. His piano compositions also
included numerous piano arrangements of small sections of operatic and orchestral works. As
stated above, Cervantes also composed two operettas: Exposicion o El Submarino Peral, and Los
Saltimbiquis. Exposicion o El Submarino Peral only received a lukewarm response on its
70
71
Mikowsky, “Nineteenth-Century Cuban Danza”, 153.
Alejo Carpentier, Music In Cuba, 204.
58
premiere and was not played widely. His only foray into orchestral music may be found in a
Symphony in C minor. Nevertheless the majority of his works are of the miniature variety.
3.6 The 40 Danzas
Problematic Publication History – Compilations of Cervantes Work
Although the danzas are Cervantes‟ most popular compositions, it is extremely difficult
to find a wide variety of sources about when and how they were created. To this day, scholars
have been unable to arrange all forty pieces in chronological order. Nevertheless, from the
information available it is clear that the majority of Cervantes‟ 40 danzas were composed in the
1870s and 1880s, or during his exile in New York. It is possible that his exile away from home
during the Ten Years‟ War would have inspired increased feelings of patriotism in the composer.
This experience may be compared to Chopin‟s compositions of mazurkas during his exile in
France.
The most comprehensive and widely-used collection is Cervantes‟ 40 Danzas, compiled
by Gloria Hernandez and Olga Blanck between 1949 and 1959. To compensate for the lack of
knowledge concerning publication, the danzas are compiled according to style rather than by
date. Nonetheless, in their arrangement of the danzas, they attempt to create a chronology that
reflects the evolution of his style between his first danza in 1859 and his last in 1902.
Additionally, the compilation features a comprehensive biography on the composer by music
historian Orlando Martinez. Roughly twenty years later, he compiled his own collection of
Cervantes‟ danzas titled Ignacio Cervantes: A Highlight Compilation of His Best-Loved Original
59
Work . Published in 1976 in New York, this contains almost all of Cervantes‟ danzas, excluding
those for four hands. 72
Evolution of Cervantes‟ Compositional Style
Cervantes‟ earliest danzas were quite simplistic in nature, and similar in style to those composed
before him. The composer did not deviate much from the established bipartite format, sequential
melodies and simple harmonies. Additionally, tied habanera patterns are also a staple of his
compositions, often appearing without much rhythmic variation.
Figure 3.1 Ignacio Cervantes‟ La Soledad (mms 1-9)73
Cervantes‟ first danza, La Soledad was written when he was ten years old in 1857. At this
early stage of his training, it is not surprising that the composition is not complex. As illustrated
in Figure 3.1, the main theme is quite simple, developing in a sequential manner in the A section
72
73
See Appendix 2 for the complete list of all forty danzas.
Gisela Hernandez and Olga Blanck, Cervantes‟ 40 Danzas, (Havana: Ediciones de Blanck,1959), 26.
60
and being inverted/reversed in the B section. From a tonal perspective, Cervantes remains in D
major throughout with only a brief reference to the dominant key at cadential points. This
simplicity is further demonstrated in the danza‟s rhythmic foundation. The tresillo (formed here
by a tied habanera pattern) is constant throughout the prima and segunda sections with very little
embellishment. Despite its simplicity, there are hints of certain devices that would become
staples in Cervantes‟ danzas. The combined rhythm of a cinquillo juxtaposed against a tied
habanera pattern (or tresillo) appears immediately in the first bar, as well as the use of thirds to
create a more lyrical feel in the segunda section. Another staple is seen in the emphasis on the
dominant during the transition between the A and B section (m 8).This is emphasized mostly by
the removal of the left hand habanera rhythm, along with the use of chromatic notes to turn.
No Me Toques or No Me Toques El Ojo Malo was composed just before his exile in New
York in the early 1870s. Maria Cervantes (his daughter) told of a story in which the family was
invited to the house of a friend named Pancho Diaz Piedra one Christmas season. During one of
the hosts‟ nightly gatherings, Cervantes tripped over Pancho while waltzing with another female
guest, and struck him in the eye in the process. After ascertaining that Pancho was ok, he
composed this melopea.74 Similarly to La Soledad, this danza‟s composition is quite simplistic.
The danza begins in F major and shifts to the subdominant key of Bb major (or the subdominant)
in the segunda section. The main thematic idea is driven by a modified cinquillo played in thirds
over a habanera bass that has the first note tied.
74
Edmundo Lopez, Ignacio Cervantes: A Highlight Collection of His Best-Loved Original Works, (New York:
Shattinger International Music Corp, 1976), 6.
61
In contrast to these, Cervantes also composed other slower, more expressive danzas –
mostly borne from personal experience. Melancholy can be heard in Adios a Cuba while Vuelta
a Hogar is one that elicits a more jovial emotion from the listener. As the title suggests, Adios a
Cuba is representative of the sadness and nostalgia that the composer feels at leaving Cuba.
Composed in 1876, Cervantes‟ more mature style is also on display in this work. Figure 3.2
below illustrates the heavier use of chromaticism, pedal points, and more rhythmic complexity
facilitated by combinations of tresillo, habanera, and cinquillo-amphibrach variations. However,
because the danza itself is set at a slower tempo, these features are not as distinctive as they are
in his other works. The doubling of the melody in both hands, played a 6th apart, is a technique
that is characteristic of Cervantes‟ more lyrical compositional style.
Another notable aspect of Adios a Cuba is Cervantes‟ approach to the bipartite format of
the Cuban danza. The piece features prima and segunda sections that are not particularly distinct
from each other from a thematic standpoint. Also, Cervantes favoured major keys and his pieces
set in a minor key often ended in its relative or parallel major. Adios a Cuba is set in A flat
minor (a stark contrast from his usual use of major modes), and features none of the composer‟s
customary modulation to the parallel major. The result is a danza that is a continuous lament
with no joy to balance the mood. Additionally the piece is mostly performed at a slower tempo,
with the use of more rubato for added emotional effect.
62
Figure 3.2 Ignacio Cervantes‟ Adios a Cuba (prima)
63
Figure 2.2 (cont‟d) Adios a Cuba (segunda)75
75
Orlando Martinez, Ignacio Cervantes: A Highlight Collection of His Best Loved Original Works, (New York:
Shattinger International Music Corp, 1976) 30-31.
64
The prima (measures 1-16 above) begins with a chromatic swell that encompasses both
staves, sweeping an octave from A flat below middle C ending on E flat which it pedals as the
inner right hand and the left hand go down chromatically forming a diminished chord. The
composer‟s use of the sustained E flat pedal combined with the chromaticism results in chords
that evoke anguish in the listeners. In the melody, grace notes are added to the sequential
pattern– a technique that adds to the lamenting nature of the danza. Also worth mentioning is the
absence of musical material in the lower register which further highlights these features in the
melody.
The segunda of this piece does not contain a standard change to the parallel major of Ab. Instead,
the main contrast here is found in the more marked presence of the lower register that intensifies
the emotion conveyed in the prima. This is achieved by the consistent arpeggiation that sweeps
the low to mid registers of the piano‟s range, acting as a firmer statement of the swelling, scalar
figure that marks the beginning of each phrase in the A section.
Additionally, the appearance of the habanera in the bass provides a momentum that
signals forward momentum, after a more nostalgic look towards the past in the prima. Of note is
that the arpeggiated figure in the left hand is actually a habanera variation with the standard
dotted quaver-semiquaver paired with four semiquavers rather than two more quavers. It
alternates with the right hand which also plays a number of syncopated figures – mainly tied
cinquillos. The semiquaver is accented so that there is still an emphasis on the offbeat, making
the syncopation quite prominent. Nevertheless, the sweeping arpeggiation, combined with a right
hand melody comprised mainly of thirds prolongs the lamenting, lyrical theme of the prima.
65
Figure 3.3: Cervantes‟ Vuelta a Hogar (mms 1-10)76
When Cervantes‟ father fell ill, he returned to Cuba, leaving behind a more promising
career as a concert pianist in New York. Despite this, Cervantes seemed to be happy with his
decision – a fact demonstrated in his choice of title for this danza Vuelta a Hogar (Return to the
Hearth/Home). Although Cervantes composed other danzas while in New York, certain
compositional characteristics of this danza suggest that Vuelta a Hogar may serve as the sequel
to Adios a Cuba. Firstly, Vuelta a Hogar begins and ends in A flat minor, although unlike Adios
a Cuba features a brief excursion in the relative major key. As shown in Figure 3.3, the turns in
the main melodic motif found in the right hand part are very similar to the turns around the
dominant in the inner part of the B section in Adios a Cuba. Now in the foreground, this stylistic
device is more playful than mournful. Rhythmically, the left hand part features more variations
of the tresillo rather than relying solely on the habanera pattern. These included tying the second
76
Martinez, 40 Danzas, 33.
66
and third notes of the habanera rhythm, or the breaking of the second half of the pattern into
sixteenth notes. More of Cervantes‟ emerging style can be heard in the rhythmic motif consisting
of an amphibrach in the first two measures in B section, which is a common rhythmic motif
characteristic of the composer. Cervantes reserves the use of more lyrical thirds in his melodic
themes for the B section.. In this way, he creates a lighter mood in this danza rather than the
lamentation found in Adios a Cuba. The piece ends as it starts in the pick up to bar 28,
fragmenting the first bar of the initial motif. This neat conclusion is also typical of Cervantes,
and indicative of his preference for a more compact compositional style.
Meanwhile, La Encantadora stands as an example of one of his more abstract character
pieces.77 Although this is often performed at a slower tempo, the piece seems more abstract than
emotional. The prima section features heavy chromaticism, with the use of double sharps and the
augmentation of some notes, as well as chromatic thirds. The right hand and left hand parts are
seamlessly combined to create ascending and descending scalar passages– a reference to the
mysterious nature of a charmer. The spell-casting theme continues in the segunda section, where
more of the familiar rhythmic components are present. A chromatic figure centred on F sharp
(bar 10) found in the inner voice continues the character set in the prima section. However, it is
placed against the accented second beat of the tresillo bass, along with a consistent third (D and
F#) above it in the right hand. The placement of the figure here gives it an offbeat, syncopated
character, distinct from its first appearance in the prima. The result is the seamless incorporation
of the spell-casting elements of the prima into the more rhythmic segunda section.
77
See Annex3 for the full score.
67
Figure 3.4 Cervantes‟ Improvisada (mms 1-9) 78
Cervantes‟ proficiency at the piano was a testament not only to his raw talent but his very
extensive training. It is no surprise then that some of his danzas would contain etude-like
qualities, in emulation of his idol Chopin. The danza Improvisada is a prime example of this.
The title itself may be meant to correspond with the impromptu tradition popularized by Chopin
during the nineteenth century. As seen in figure 3.4 above, the A section features an etude-like,
scalar passage that alternates between the dominant and tonic of A flat major. This figure is
consistent right throughout the prima section, calling for a certain amount of dexterity on the
performer‟s part. However, this figure is combined with a tresillo bass in the left hand – a result
78
Martinez, Ignacio Cervantes, 14.
68
of the tied second and third notes of a habanera pattern. Once more, the accent that falls on these
tied notes creates a dominant syncopation throughout the piece.
In the segunda section, the melody has a lyrical theme in thirds, firmly rooted in the
tonic key with brief excursions into the dominant and subdominant. The steady rhythm of this
more melodic theme is punctuated by a cinquillo and tied habaneras. Meanwhile, the arpeggiated
chords in the left hand part take the form of a variant of a habanera which is similar to a cinquillo
– a quaver followed by four semiquavers, ending with a quaver. The overall effect is a slightly
more homophonic segunda section that contrasts somewhat with the lighter textures of the prima
section. Nevertheless the distinction between the two is not emphasized, as the lyrical theme
itself is rather short and not clearly developed. Furthermore, the rhythmic patterns found in this
B section complete the common rhythmic thread that runs throughout the part. In that way, the
piece itself functions as a short, simple piece that features slightly virtuosic material for the
performer.
In all of these subtypes of the Cervantian danza, one common element can be found;
musical features associated with an emerging Cuban identity are present in a more meaningful
way than the danzas of predecessors. The most striking example of this can be seen in his danzas
La Camagueyana, Los delirios de Rosita, and Los Muñecos. Composed during his exile in New
York, each of these dances were composed as piano duets for four hands. Works of this nature
allowed composers to generate a more orchestral sound in the absence of an instrumental
ensemble – a distinct advantage in Cuba, given the limited musical instruments on the island.
However, the use of four hands in this manner had the added benefit of creating more harmonic
possibilities, louder sounds, and even more complex rhythms.
69
Figure 3.5 Cervantes‟ La Camagueyana (mms 10-14)79
Cervantes took advantage of these possibilities by using more rhythms from towns
outside of Havana. In this way, the composer further developed the local danza, not just as a
creolized version of the European form, but as pieces that incorporated extra-musical influences
drawn from Cuban culture. For instance, the title of the danza La Camagueyana refers to a
woman from Camaguey, located in the north eastern region of the island. This town happened to
be one of the central locations of the Ten Years‟ War, which took place during Cervantes‟ exile.
Due to the higher number of West Africans and Haitian slaves here, the musical rhythms from
this part of the island were in this particular danza (see Figure 3.5). Another notable aspect of
this danza is the reversal of the standard prima and segunda characteristics, with the latter section
having a more identifiable melodic component than the A section. While indicative of his more
mature style, this treatment gives the piece a verse-refrain structure, reminiscent of a popular
music style.
Given of the fragmented, rhythmic nature of the theme, the prima ends up sounding more
like the introduction to the danza. Rather than being a predictable sequential melody, there is a
great deal of chordal statements with both hands, along with chromatic passages used for an
unorthodox form of modulation. It is the segunda that contains a more coherent lyrical theme in
79
Mikowsky, Nineteenth Century Danzas, 313.
70
thirds, along with the typical tresillos and tied habaneras rhythms in the left hand contrasted with
cinquillos in the right.
3.7 Cervantes‟ Danzas: Dance Music, Salon Music and Cuban Character Pieces
Cervantes‟ danzas are a continuation of a salon-style danza tradition carefully cultivated
by Manuel Saumell, Louis Gottschalk and a host of art music composers of the 1850s and 1860s.
Although the genre had been well established before his time, Cervantes‟ forty miniature pieces
have been proven to have the most longevity. This can be attributed to a number of factors.
First, the pianist had the best formal musical training among his contemporaries. His danzas
showcase his high level of technique, particularly in his treatment of theme, form and harmony.
Cervantes also had a number of other experiences as a musician that may have influenced his
approach to composition. For instance, in addition to his exposure to composers such as Mozart,
his work accompanying singers may contribute to the cantabile nature of the melodic themes
found in his compositions. The result of this training is a distinct, nuanced compositional style.
This has enabled historians to organize them based on stylistic qualities, rather than a
chronological arrangement which is almost impossible. Cervantes made an important
contribution to the development of “danza-estudio” with his refined character piece because of
how his training affected his approach to the standard features of the genre.
71
Stylistically, Ignacio Cervantes‟ danzas fit within the Western European art music
tradition of miniature character pieces: short descriptive works that evoke a certain mood,
atmosphere or illusion in the listener. Although this was already common in the piano-estudio
version of danza genre, Cervantes improved upon this by expanding his musical references.
Danzas such as La Encantadora, Los delirios de Rosita, and El Velorio stand as obvious
examples of this style.80 However, some danzas also had elements of a burgeoning Cuban
culture such as La Camagueyana. This is further solidified with his continued incorporation of
Cuban rhythms and modes in these pieces. Additionally, danzas such as La Soledad and No Me
Toques are examples of personal experiences pervading his work.
Cervantes‟ training and all his compositions are certainly situated within the broader
genre of art music. Nevertheless, elements of popular music can be identified in the easilydigested but distinctive melodies. Furthermore, his creative use of syncopated Cuban rhythms,
and the packaging in miniature, bipartite forms are typical features of his music. The distribution
and performance context of his danzas also add credibility to this theory. Quite a few of his
danzas were published in newspapers, while his performances of them at parties and public
concerts aimed at wider audiences. An example of this can be seen in how some of danzas were
actually melopeas, improvised at the piano as a form of entertainment for Cervantes‟ friends,
while the pianist added words or dialogue in time with the music that he was playing. In this way
perhaps he was partially responsible for the increased popularity of the danza-habanera style.
80
See Annexes 3 and 4 for these scores.
72
Conclusion
The development of Cuban music has been analyzed primarily through a twentieth
century, popular genre perspective. This is largely due to the dramatic socio-political events of
this period that had more obvious connotations for the development of Cuban national identity.
However, this does not diminish the importance of the Cuban danza, nor the nineteenth-century
context within which it developed. My study has focused on the emergence of the nineteenthcentury danza, because it is an excellent example of the island‟s creolized culture, which was
instrumental for the development of its national identity. Additionally, it was one of the main
vehicles for the development of Cuban art music.
The preceding chapters have focused heavily on the development of Cuban nationalism
in the nineteenth century. The Ten Years‟ War and the Cuban War for Independence disrupted
the country‟s established socio-political structures s, and fostered the promotion of a new
collective identity. Creolization and its effect on the people and their culture ended up playing a
significant role in this separation from Spain, as well as general dissatisfaction with Spanish
government and its economic policies. This cultural phenomenon also contributed heavily to the
creation of music that was explicitly Cuban. The contradanza reflected this shift, as it evolved
from an imitation of a Spanish genre to a perfect amalgamation of Afro-Cuban rhythms and
Spanish form.
Ignacio Cervantes was a figure in the nineteenth century that not only represented a new
Cuban creole class, but contributed heavily to the Cuban danza. His forty compositions added
vitality to the century-old genre, and incorporated Afro-Cuban rhythms into these works in a
sophisticated manner. The composer‟s danzas are still widely regarded as one of the earliest
73
contributions to Cuban art music, because their evocation of the island‟s culture and people was
particularly poignant amidst the insurgency against Spain in the late nineteenth century.
The danza continued to change within the context of the twentieth century. Starting in
the 1930s, the afrocubanismo movement was the new reiteration of nineteenth-century
“Cubanidad”. This new phenomenon featured a stronger emphasis on the Afro-Cuban aspects of
the country‟s culture and in its various artistic expressions – particularly in literature, the visual
arts, and music. Ernesto Lecuona (1895-1963) was the next significant composer within this
genre and his Danzas Afro-Cubanas in particular stand as the most overtly creolized form of the
danza. Further research may examine the connection between Lecuona‟s danzas with those of
Saumell and Cervantes, as well as how his contribution to the genre incorporated more popular
elements into the art music genre. Nevertheless, it is Cervantes‟ danzas that represent the roots of
a Cuban art music tradition.
74
APPENDIX 1
75
APPENDIX 2
List of Ignacio Cervantes‟ 40 Danzas
1. La Soledad
2. No Me Toques
3. Un recuerdo
4. La Celosa
5. Almendares
6. El Velorio
7. La glorieta
8. La encantadora
9. Mensaje
10. Duchas frías
11. Zigs-Zags
12. Amistad
13. No bailes mas!
14. Cri-crí
15. Improvisada
16. Picotazos
17. Decisión
18. Pst!
19. Tiene que ser
20. Adios a Cuba
21. Vuelta a Hogar
76
22. Ilusiones perdidadas
23. Los tres golpes
24. Siempre sí
25. Se fue y no vuelve más
26. Homenaje
27. Gran señora
28. Amén!
29. No llores más
30. Por qué, eh?
31. Interrumpida
32. Invitación
33. Lejos de tí!
34. Te Quiero Tanto!
35. La Carcajada
36. Cortesana
37. Intima
38. La camagueyana
39. Los delirious de Rosita
40. Los muñecos
77
APPENDIX 3
78
APPENDIX 4
79
APPENDIX 5a
Los Delirios de Rosita (accompaniment)
80
APPENDIX 5b
Los Delirios de Rosita (melody)
81
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