CITY COMMISSION AGENDA MEMO
November 2, 2011
FROM:
Lance Evans, AICP, Senior Planner
Karen Davis, AICP, Director of
Development
Community
MEETING:
November 8, 2011
SUBJECT:
African-American Cultural Resources Project
PRESENTERS: Karen Davis, AICP, Director of Community
Development
Deon Wolfenbarger, Three Gables Preservation
BACKGROUND
In June 2010, the City of Manhattan was awarded a grant from the Kansas State
Historical Society to develop a Multiple Property Documentation Form (MPDF) for
“African-American Cultural Resources in Manhattan.” The project also included the
nomination of one property, the Bethel AME Church, 401 Yuma Street, to the National
Register of Historic Places.
On November 16, 2011, the City Commission approved a contract with Three Gables
Preservation, from Nederland, Colorado, for consulting services to prepare the Multiple
Property Document Form as described above, and a National Register nomination for the
Bethel AME Church. During the early phases of the project, it was determined that a
second National Register nomination of the Pilgrim Baptist Church, 831 Yuma Street,
could be accommodated within the existing budget and the initial contract scope was
modified to allow for this change. Members of the Church have indicated their interest in
pursuing such a nomination.
The Multiple Property Document Form (MPDF) creates a mechanism to nominate
numerous local properties to the National Register of Historic Places in a two step
process. The MPDF Cover Document defines historic context and architectural integrity
required for nomination to the National Register of Historic Places. Subsequent
individual property or district nominations need only provide the physical description and
history of the resource(s) being nominated and reference the contexts, property types, and
registration requirements outlined in the Cover Document. This makes the nomination
process significantly easier, quicker, and more cost-effective, and property owners can
initiate the second part of the process and nominate local properties to the National
Register with less time and effort.
Page 2
DISCUSSION
On July 25, 2011, the consultant presented the draft MPDF and National Register
nominations to the Historic Resources Board and public for review and comment. The
documents were well received, with the public expressing their appreciation for the
compilation of the history of the African-American community in Manhattan. Acting as
the Certified Local Government, the Board unanimously recommended approval of the
documents to the State Historic Preservation Office.
Per the contract, the nominations have been submitted to the State Historic Preservation
Office and are scheduled for the Kansas Historic Sites Board of Review meeting on
February 18, 2012. The State will provide formal notice to the Bethel and Pilgrim
Churches as property owners, and the City, as state and federal requirements.
Upon
approval by the Board of Review, the MPDF and nominations will be submitted to the
Keeper of the National Register at the National Park Service, after which 45 days are
allowed to list the properties on the Register.
FINANCING
Total cost of the project is $25,000, with $8,800 provided by the City and $16,200
provided through a grant from the State Historic Preservation Fund.
ALTERNATIVES
This is a work session to familiarize the City Commission with the African-American
Cultural Resources in Manhattan project. No formal action is necessary at this time.
RECOMMENDATION
City Administration and the Historic Resources Board recommend that the City
Commission receive a report from Deon Wolfenbarger, with Three Gables Preservation,
regarding the African-American Cultural Resources in Manhattan project.
POSSIBLE MOTION
No motion is necessary as this is a work session.
Enclosures:
1. “African-American Resources in Manhattan” MPDF
2. National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form – Bethel AME Church
3. National Register of Historic Places Nomination Form – Pilgrim Baptist Church
NPS Form 10-900-b (Rev. 01/2009)
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service
DRAFT 9-21-2011
National Register of Historic Places Multiple Property Documentation Form
This form is used for documenting property groups relating to one or several historic contexts. See instructions in National Register Bulletin How to
Complete the Multiple Property Documentation Form (formerly 16B). Complete each item by entering the requested information. For additional space,
use continuation sheets (Form 10-900-a). Use a typewriter, word processor, or computer to complete all items
x
New Submission
Amended Submission
A. Name of Multiple Property Listing
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
B. Associated Historic Contexts
(Name each associated historic context, identifying theme, geographical area, and chronological period for each.)
I.
“On to Canaan” – Manhattan’s Early African American Community: 1865-1903
II.
“We were all like family” – African Americans in Manhattan’s South Side Neighborhood: 1903-1954
III.
“Maybe someday . . . “ – Change comes slowly for Manhattan’s African Americans: 1954-1972
C. Form Prepared by
name/title
Deon Wolfenbarger
organization Three Gables Preservation
date September 21, 2011
street & number 320 Pine Glade Road
telephone 303-258-3136
city or town Nederland
state CO
zip code 80466
e-mail
D. Certification
As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this documentation form
meets the National Register documentation standards and sets forth requirements for the listing of related properties consistent with the
National Register criteria. This submission meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR 60 and the Secretary of the
Interior’s Standards and Guidelines for Archeology and Historic Preservation.
(_________ See continuation sheet for additional comments.)
Signature and title of certifying official
Date
Kansas State Historic Preservation Office
State or Federal Agency or Tribal government
I hereby certify that this multiple property documentation form has been approved by the National Register as a basis for evaluating related
properties for listing in the National Register.
Signature of the Keeper
NPS Form 10-900-b (Rev. 01/2009)
Date of Action
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
Kansas
Name of Multiple Property Listing
State
Table of Contents for Written Narrative
Provide the following information on continuation sheets. Cite the letter and title before each section of the narrative. Assign page numbers according to
the instructions for continuation sheets in National Register Bulletin How to Complete the Multiple Property Documentation Form (formerly 16B). Fill in
page numbers for each section in the space below.
E. Statement of Historic Contexts
Page Numbers
1
(if more than one historic context is documented, present them in sequential order.)
I. ““On to Canaan” – Manhattan’s Early African American Community: 1864-1903
II. “We were all like family” – African Americans in Manhattan’s South Side Neighborhood:
1903-1954
III. “Maybe someday . . .” – Change comes slowly for Manhattan’s African American: 1954-1972
F. Associated Property Types
4
16
31
1
(Provide description, significance, and registration requirements.)
I.
African American Residences
5
II.
African American Community Institutions
7
G. Geographical Data
1
H. Summary of Identification and Evaluation Methods
1
(Discuss the methods used in developing the multiple property listing.)
I. Major Bibliographical References
1
(List major written works and primary location of additional documentation: State Historic Preservation Office, other State
agency, Federal agency, local government, university, or other, specifying repository.)
Primary location of additional data:
[ ] State Historic Preservation Office
[ ] Other State Agency
[ ] Federal Agency
[X] Local Government
[X] University
[X] Other
Name of repository:
Manhattan Public Library; University Archives at Kansas State University;
Riley County Museum; Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas
Additional Documentation
Appendices A-
Paperwork Reduction Act Statement: This information is being collected for applications to the National Register of Historic Places to nominate
properties for listing or determine eligibility for listing, to list properties, and to amend existing listings. Response to this request is required to obtain a
benefit in accordance with the National Historic Preservation Act, as amended (16 U.S.C.460 et seq.).
Estimated Burden Statement: Public reporting burden for this form is estimated to average 18 hours per response including time for reviewing
instructions, gathering and maintaining data, and completing and reviewing the form. Direct comments regarding this burden estimate or any aspect of
this form to the Chief, Administrative Services Division, National Park Service, PO Box 37127, Washington, DC 20013-7127; and the Office of
Management and Budget, Paperwork Reductions Project (1024-0018), Washington, DC 20503.
NPS Form 10-900-a (Rev. 8/2002)
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5-31-2012)
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Page 1
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
STATEMENT OF HISTORIC CONTEXTS
The multiple property listing African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas is organized around the
historic resources that are associated with African Americans in Manhattan, Kansas. This multiple
property submission provides a context for understanding the conditions that encouraged, hindered, or
were associated with African Americans in Manhattan, as well as a basis for evaluating those physical
resources that resulted from these activities and associations. It covers extant resources dating from
1865 through 1972 that are located within the current incorporated city limits of Manhattan, and is based
in part on previous field surveys. Some of the historic contexts listed below may not be fully explored,
either because too few resources remain, or the associated resources have yet to be surveyed. The
historic contexts prepared for this Multiple Property Documentation Form (MPDF) cover three major
historic themes of African American history in Manhattan. “On to Canaan” – Manhattan’s Early
African American Community: 1865-1903 covers the period from the earliest recorded African
American residents in Manhattan, through the influx of Exodusters from the South and on into the
twentieth century. At this point, the African American population peaked as a percentage of the total
population of Manhattan, and the community enjoyed some political power as shown by representation
on the city council and school board. Although life was far from the “promised land” that many of these
emigrants had envisioned, their children were able to attend the same schools as the white residents of
Manhattan. In 1903, however, discussions about school segregation were renewed, and this time the
school board decided to build a separate elementary school for black children. The context “We were all
like family” – African Americans in Manhattan’s South Side: 1903-1954 covers the small but tight-knit
community that developed around Manhattan’s Douglass School and the nearby churches. Douglass
Elementary was completed in 1904, and would serve as an important center of the black community in
Manhattan for nearly sixty years. The black churches also thrived during this period, and provided
important social, educational, and spiritual support. Segregation and discrimination, however, was a
part of daily life in Manhattan during this period. The 1950s were an era of change, brought about by
many factors. Veterans returning from World War II, or military men stationed at nearby Fort Riley,
returned from the war less inclined to accept the status quo. There were increasing numbers of African
American students at Kansas State University, particularly black athletes that helped increase visibility.
The landmark Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka in 1954 was definitely
noticed in nearby Manhattan, even if the local school segregation did not change immediately. Several
events in the context “Maybe someday . . .” – Change comes slowly for Manhattan’s African
Americans: 1954-1972 came together to eventually break down the barriers of segregation associated
with public accommodations, shopping, restaurants, and finally, with housing. The period of
significance for this context extends from 1954, the date of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, to
1972, when urban renewal projects were begun in the neighborhood. Although specific dates and
events are associated with the starting and ending dates of each context’s period of significance, in
reality, there is more ambiguity. Change came slowly in Manhattan, and a single event was not
sufficient in itself to mark the end of any period in the city’s African American history.
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Page 2
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
Background
The establishment of the Kansas Territory had its roots in the slavery conflict of the United States. The
passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854 allowed residents of each territory to vote on whether they
would allow slavery, effectively repealing the Missouri Compromise of 1820 that prohibited slavery in
the former Louisiana Territory north of the parallel 36°30' north. As a result, the struggle between the
southern and northern states for power in Congress was in the hands of a few thousand voters on the
edge of the United States. This struggle led to violence between free-staters and slavery proponents.
Militant bands of free-state guerrilla fighters were known as “Jayhawkers,” while their counterpart proslavery forces were “Border Ruffians.” The violence escalated through the years leading up the Civil
War, with one side retaliating for events attributing to the opposing forces. Among the events that
resulted in the territory earning the moniker “Bleeding Kansas” was the Pottawatomie Massacre in late
May 1856, led by abolitionist John Brown. In retaliation for the May 21, 1856 raid on Lawrence by proslavery forces, Brown led an expedition that killed five pro-slavery settlers in the Pottawatomie Creek
area of Franklin County. This was a precursor to his unsuccessful raid on Harper’s Ferry 1859, and is
cited as one of the key events leading up to the Civil War.
Kansas was admitted as to the union as a free state on January 29, 1861, just a few months before the
start of the Civil War. Prior to the Civil War, the number of African Americans in Kansas was
extremely small, but that changed during and after the end of that conflict. Kansas was the first northern
state to enroll African Americans in the military, and its First Kansas Colored Infantry was also the first
such regiment to see action. In 1866, Congress authorized the establishment of African American
regiments in the West, and some were assigned to Kansas to fight in the military campaigns during the
Indian Wars. The U.S. Tenth Cavalry Regiment formed at Fort Leavenworth was the first to be called
“Buffalo Soldiers,” a name given to them by the Native Americans. Also, about one-quarter of the cattle
drovers working the cattle trails between Texas and the trail heads in Kansas and Nebraska were African
Americans during the open range period. Both the African American soldiers and the cattle drovers
were common sights in some Kansas towns in the period following the Civil War.
While the overall number of Kansans tripled from 1860 to 1870, the number of black Kansans increased
over twenty-seven times in the same period, from 627 to 17,108. At first, the numbers arriving were
minimal, and before 1880, most took up residence in eastern Kansas near the Missouri River, where they
either worked small farms or lived in towns. 1 There were also some African American settlements or
colonies throughout the state. Although the best known was Nicodemus, founded in 1877 in
northwestern Kansas, the idea for African American settlement in the west was promoted earlier by
Benjamin Singleton, who asserted “I am the whole cause of the Kansas immigration!” A former slave
from Tennessee, Benjamin "Pap" Singleton, believed that the only way to economic equality for the
southern Negro was to emigrate to the West. Singleton visited Kansas as early as 1873, and returned
1
Robert G. Athearn, In Search of Canaan: Black Migration to Kansas, 1879-80 (Lawrence, KS: Regents Press of Kansas, 1978) 75.
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Page 3
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
again in 1877 to inspected possible locations for a colony. 2 That year he started Baxter Springs in
Cherokee County in southeastern Kansas, and in 1878, founded Dunlap Colony southwest of Topeka. 3
Although Singleton took credit for the emigration to Kansas, his colonies did not produce large numbers
of new residents. In sheer numbers, the most substantial growth of the state’s African American
population occurred during the Kansas Exodus of 1879. When Democrats returned to power in the
South and reversed the gains made by Southern blacks during Reconstruction, the new repressive laws
reduced many blacks to landlessness. Unlike the colonists, who often came with money or equipment
ready to farm, many of the Exodusters were destitute. The majority ended up in the eastern towns of
Kansas, such as Atchison, Lawrence, Topeka and Leavenworth, which were easily accessible by river
and railroad. Eventually, somewhere between 6,000 to over 9,000 African Americans moved to Kansas
as part of this movement. 4 As part of the overall Kansas population, however, the Exodus movement
did not raise the percentage of African Americans in the state between 1870 and 1880, when they
dropped from 4.7 percent to 4.3 percent (see Table 1).
Table 1: African American Population in Kansas: 1860-1990 5
2
Year
Total
Population
1860
1870
1880
1890
1900
1910
1920
1930
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
107,206
364,399
996,096
1,428,108
1,470,4951
1,690,949
1,769,257
1,880,999
1,801,028
1,905,299
2,178,611
2,246,578
2,363,679
2,477,574
African
American
population
627
17,108
43,107
49,710
52,003
54,030
57,925
66,344
65,138
73,158
91,445
106,977
126,127
143,076
Percent African
American
.6
4.7
4.3
3.5
3.5
3.2
3.3
3.5
3.6
3.8
4.2
4.8
5.3
5.8
Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1976) 108.
Athearn, 76-77.
4
Accurate figures of the numbers that actually made it to Kansas are in dispute. It was estimated that over 20,000 arrived in St. Louis,
the first stop along the journey, in 1879-1880.
5
Gibson, Campbell and Kay Jung.
3
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Page 4
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
After the early 1880s, most of the growth in Kansas’ black population was due to natural increase, rather
than continued migration from the South. There was also some outward migration in the 1880s and
1890s, primarily to Nebraska and Oklahoma. 6 At the beginning of the twentieth century, blacks in
Kansas were generally more prosperous and experienced less discrimination than African Americans in
the South. However, in spite of its creation as a free state, Kansas did not prove to be the Canaan of the
Exoduster’s dreams. Discrimination in Kansas proved to be less direct, but nonetheless present. Still,
because of its history as a free state and as a state that would be less prone to violence over pending
changes, Kansas was in the forefront of civil rights events in the United States. 7 The state’s active
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) chapter played a key role in the
advancement of civil rights in the 1950s. It was the 1954 landmark Supreme Court decision Brown v.
Board of Education of Topeka that set in motion the desegregation of schools in this country, while a
lesser recognized but certainly no less significant Wichita lunch counter sit-in at the Dockum’s drugstore
in July 1958 was the first of its kind in the nation. Much as the events of the 1850s and early 1860s in
Kansas led up to the Civil War, certain events in the nation’s heartland were key to the nation’s civil
rights movement.
I. “On to Canaan” – Manhattan’s Early African American Community: 1865-1903
When the Kansas Territory opened for settlement after the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854,
residents of the North decided take advantage of the popular sovereignty measures of the act that
allowed residents of newly admitted states to vote on whether it would be a free or slave state. Eli
Thayer, a congressman from Massachusetts, and others formed a company that encouraged abolitionists
to immigrate to the newly formed Kansas Territory. This company, eventually reorganized as the New
England Emigrant Aid Company, created the towns of Manhattan and Lawrence, and played a key role
in founding Topeka and Osawatomie. Manhattan was located in Riley County, which was on the
western edge of the thirty-three original counties established by the Kansas Territorial Legislature. As
Riley County originally stretched across the Kansas Territory into present-day Colorado, the town of
Manhattan was in the eastern portion of the original county. Located on a level plane near the junction
of the Big Blue and Kansas rivers, Manhattan was an important river landing for steamboats during the
territorial period. The town was formed in 1855 by members of the New England Emigrant Aid
Company, as well as other New Englanders and Midwesterners that arrived in the spring and early
summer of that year. During territorial elections in 1855, the political sentiment of residents in the area
was clear, as the free-state candidates received a heavy majority of votes.
6
Painter, 259.
In 1956, high-ranking officials of the NAACP concluded that the deep South as well as the more moderate areas of the upper south
were not yet viable settings for nonviolent direct action. According historians Meir and Rudwick, it was the border states in the late
1950s that provided the best conditions for successful tactics that would later prove successful in the deep South in the early 1960s.
August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, Along the Color Line: Explorations in the Black Experience (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois
Press, 1976) 370, 372-373.
7
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
A. African American Population in Manhattan
Although the territorial census of 1855 shows that thirteen blacks and mulattoes lived in a vast area
covering Riley, Pottawatomie, Clay, Marshall, and Washington counties, the 1860 U.S. census did not
record any blacks in Manhattan. 8 It was not until the Kansas Agricultural Census of 1865 that any
African Americans were documented as living in Manhattan. At that time, Manhattan’s total population
was 328 and only nine of those residents were African Americans – about 2.7 percent of the total
population. There were two families: Oliver and Eliza Simms, and Edom and Amanda Thomas, with
children M., B. and Abraham Lincoln. There were also two males: ten year J. Henry, and sixteen year
old J. S. Thomas (not related to the Thomas family). 9 The two single males were living in other
households, possibly as laborers, but the Simms family arrived with sufficient funds that Oliver Simms
was able to purchase a house at the present location of 130 Yuma Street for $300 in 1864. 10 While local
historian Patricia O’Brien cites this purchase to suggest that Oliver Simms was the founder of
Manhattan’ black community, an account of early African Americans in Manhattan by pioneer resident
Nellie Pillsbury Martin stated that Edom Thomas was the first black in Manhattan. 11
Both the number and percentage of African Americans grew significantly after the end of the Civil War.
In 1870, there were sixty-five blacks living in Manhattan, nearly six percent of the city’s residents.
Within this African American population were thirteen families. Not all of the newly arrived residents
were former slaves; thirty-eight of the sixty-four settlers were born in slave states. Of the southern
families, five had young children who had been born in Kansas, indicating they arrived in the state in the
mid- to late-1860s. Not all of the new arrivals to Manhattan were from slave states however; twentyfive were born in free states and one man, Richard Thomas age 33, is identified as a black stone mason
who was born in Wales. He was the head of a family containing John Thomas (who may have been his
brother or other relative), a 17-year old girl named Lucy Thomas and a one-year-old boy, Walter
Thomas. Lucy and Walter were born in Kansas. There was one inter-racial marriage, which was highly
unusual for the time - Charles and Mary Mathews. Charles (32, black) was born in Georgia, and Mary
(32, white) was born in Indiana. Their five children, also born in Indiana, ranged in age from one to
eight years and were classified as mulatto in the 1870 census. 12
In addition to the families, nine men and three women were single; some of these were listed as under
one household. With occupations such as cooks, porters, livery stable help, farm workers, and domestic
servants, this suggests that they were domiciled at their places of employment. The majority of jobs for
this early group of African American settlers in Manhattan was manual labor, although nine men were
skilled laborers. They included barbers (three in the same family), one brick mason and two stone
masons, a hotel cook, and a butcher. Laborers included fifteen men working as day laborers, the above8
Nupur Chaudhuri, "We All Seem Like Brothers and Sisters: The African American Community in Manhattan, Kansas, 1865-1940"
Kansas History 14 (Winter 1991/92) 272.
9
Ibid; and Geraldine Baker Walton, 140 Years of soul: A History of African Americans in Manhattan, Kansas 1860-2005 (Manhattan,
KS: KS Publishing Inc., 2008) 1-2.
10
Patricia J. O’Brien, “The First Blacks in Manhattan – Riley County, Kansas,” 2.
11
Nellie Pillsbury Martin, “Early Resident Relates History of Negro Pioneers in City,” Manhattan Tribune-News, 19 March 1950.
12
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Page 6
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
mentioned livery stable attendant, two hotel porters, three farm hands and one farmer. The majority of
women were itemized as “keeping house,” which in those times would have been equal to manual labor.
Twenty-one children were “at home;” one girl, age nine and one boy, age ten were in school. 13
By 1875, the number of blacks in Manhattan grew to about one hundred (about 5.7% of the population),
but the greatest growth was to be near the end of the decade. 14 In 1879, there was a mass migration of
southern blacks who were looking to escape the aftermath of the post-Reconstruction years. They left
for the promised land of Canaan – the land of John Brown and freedom. Called the “Great Exodus,”
blacks leaving the oppression of the South headed towards Kansas in the hopes of a better life. With
little money and no further plans other than to get to Kansas, they first arrived in overwhelming numbers
in St. Louis, followed next by stopping points in the Kansas City area. The town of Wyandotte, Kansas
was much preferred to stopping on the Missouri side, as the residents of Kansas City were less than
hospitable to the new arrivals. Wyandotte was a relatively small town of five thousand residents,
though, and was unprepared for the onslaught of people that were largely destitute. By early April 1879,
there were nearly two thousand refugees camped at Wyandotte. Possibly in reaction to local sentiment,
the mayor issued a proclamation on April 18 that threatened legal action against any transportation
companies that imported “destitute persons to our shores.” 15 Thus when the steamboat Durfee arrived
with 240 Exodusters on April 21, 1879, an official delegation refused to allow the Captain to land. He
decided to move to the shores of Kansas City, where although the refugees were unwelcome, the city did
not have a municipal ordinance preventing their landing. The residents of that city quickly raised
money, and as a result, the entire group except for one family was transported to Manhattan, Kansas a
few days later. 16
Likely alarmed at this sudden influx of people, town leaders of Manhattan met on April 25, 1879 in the
offices of local merchant George Higginbothom “to consider what steps should be taken in reference to
colored refugees from the South, now seeking homes in Kansas.” Dr. Patee offered to treat the sick free,
and to furnish the needed medications without charge if the druggists of town would not do so. The
group appointed various committees to deal with the situation, and adopted a resolution that gives some
insight into the feelings of the white town leaders.
WHEREAS, A portion of the white citizens of the south have, for years systematically
treated the colored people in their midst in an infamous manner, . . .
AND WHEREAS, In consequence of this state of things, the victims of oppression and
cruelty are now seeking homes where equal and exact justice is meted out to all; therefore
Resolved, That we would be untrue to our former history and the dictates of humanity, if
we did not extend to them a cordial welcome to the free soil of Kansas, and pledge ourselves as
far as we are able, to relieve their distress and aid them in finding employment and homes. . .
13
14
Chaudhuri, 273.
Athearn, 37-38, 42.
16
Ibid., 42.
15
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
Resolved further, . . . we still feel it our duty to say that, in our judgement, when fairly
treated and protected in their rights, the colored people will be more happy and prosperous in the
South than in the North. 17
As soon as it became known last Thursday that two carloads of Exodites had reached this place,
they were visited by a large number of citizens of both sexes, all ages and colors. Being entirely
destitute, active measures were at once taken for their relief. The whole number were removed
to the old paper mill, where they are at present. The accommodations are not great, but there is
good shelter from the weather. The city took charge of the commissary department and Marsh is
overseer. 18
There were 104 persons put off at this point. One has since died and several more are quite sick.
Of the 104 who came here about seventy have found work and are taking care of themselves, and
probably by this time there will not be any subsisting on the town. But for the large number of
small children attached to every man and woman there would have been little difficulty in
getting places for them. Many of our farmers need cheap hands yet do not feel able to build a
shanty to accommodate the mother and children. The first few days after the arrival of the
Exodusters it costs some $15 per day to feed them. This has dwindled down until it costs only
$5 per day. 19
The refugees continued to be in the local news for the next few weeks. There were more new arrivals to
town, although none of the later groups was as large at the one that arrived on April 24, 1879.
Compared to reports in other Kansas towns, such as Wyandotte and Atchison, these notices were
generally favorable, or at the least, less inflammatory. Two brief notes in the May 16, 1879 The
Nationalist addressed the worries about whether the newcomers would be able to work. “Thirty more
exodites arrive today. They are a more able bodied set than the first lot. Those wanting help should
apply immediately.” Another report of “’Black yer boots and make ‘em sing, and on’y charge yer half a
dime,’ is the melodious racket of an enterprising “exodite” on our streets.” 20 A week later, the same
paper noted the number of refugees traveling on trains, both in and out of Manhattan. “It must be the
exodites have taken away many of the K. P.’s passenger cars. For on its regular trains, many passengers
have to stand up.” 21 Further indication that there were several carloads of refugees that just passed
through town was the account in the same newspaper that a black man, who was left behind due to
illness, was found dead.
Records from April 1879 to July 1880 of J. P. Peckham, a trustee of the Manhattan Township, not only
listed all the names of the refugees, but also the amount of assistance they received and with the name of
the benefactor. In the first month after their arrival, $74.65 had been spent for provisions, fuel, and
17
“Colored Refugees,” The Nationalist, May 2, 1897.
Manhattan Enterprise, 2 May 1879.
19
“The Exodites: Beginning to take care of themselves,” Manhattan Enterprise, 2 May 1879, 1.
20
The Nationalist, 16 May 1879.
21
The Nationalist, 23 May 1879.
18
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
cooking utensils. 22 A history of Black Manhattan notes that many of the refugees arrived with only
given names, and residents organized an effort to choose surnames. 23
Although aid was given to the refugees upon their arrival, most wanted to begin settling into their lives
in their new community. Some moved in with nearby farmers to work in agriculture, while others
settled near the foot of Bluemont Hill. White residents also helped set up a colony outside of Manhattan
with the assistance of the Kansas Freedman’s Relief Association with a request for assistance. As a
result, 1,280 acres were bought near the foot of Bluemont Hill. Called Wabaunsee Colony, it was
divided among thirty-one families who were given nineteen years to pay for the land. In addition to
providing rations, horses, and farm implements, the funds helped construct barrack-type buildings. 24
Thus the new “community” of African Americans in this portion of Kansas extended beyond the
immediate vicinity of Manhattan. During the 1880s and on into the twentieth century, interactions and
connections between black residents of Manhattan and the surrounding communities were common, and
provided a means of support for the small population of African Americans in rural northeastern Kansas.
By 1880, the largest wave of new settlers from the Exodus movement had arrived. According to the
U.S. census of that year, the African American family structure adapted and grew, continuing to do so
through the 1890s. Households were larger, in part due to births of children but also because of a an
increase in extended families. As the original Black community members established a presence, others
arrived – some bringing relatives who came to live with them. Heads of households often had their own
children plus step-children, nieces and nephews, or a parent living with them. It was very common for
grown children to be living with their spouses and children under their parents’ roofs. Many households
also took in boarders, either indicating a lack of available housing, or a necessity to earn money from
renters, or simply to extend hospitality to those who needed it. 25
In general, Manhattan had an agricultural economic base, but it was also the county seat, the location of
the Kansas State Agricultural College, and was close to the military Fort Riley. There are also job
opportunities connected with either the railroad. Many of the jobs held by African Americans in this
period were unskilled labor associated with these fields for the men, and homemaking for the women.
By 1890 skilled labor jobs were still in the minority but included barber, stone mason, butcher,
carpenter, hotel cook, traveling salesman, laundress, dressmaker and Richard H. Sample was a mail
carrier. The persons who had attained some degree of professional training were Robert H. Watson,
Lincoln H. Crawford, Isaiah I. Wilson (minister); Eli C. Freeman and Miss Hattie Jones (teacher). 26
Also, 21-year old Miss Minnie Howell was attending college.
22
Chaudhuri, 275.
James Butler, “A Black History of Manhattan,” Flint (21 February 1979): 9, Vertical File: City of Manhattan African American
Community, Kansas State University Archives, Manhattan, Kansas.
24
Ibid.
23
25
26
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
Although the numbers of Exodusters were greater in other Kansas towns and counties, Manhattan did
experience a significant increase in the percentage of black residents, and as a result, Manhattan had a
higher proportion of African American residents in the decades from 1870 to 1900 when compared to
the rest of the state. Whereas the rest of the state saw a decrease in percentage from 1870 to 1890
(although an overall increase in the number of black residents), Manhattan’s African American
population grew both in numbers and percentage from 1870 through 1880, and still had comprised nine
percent of the city’s population in 1900 (see Table 2).
Table 2: African American Population in Manhattan & Kansas 1860 – 1900 27
Date
Total
population
1865
1870
1880
1890
1900
328 28
1,173 30
2,105
3004
3,438
Manhattan
African
American
population
10 29
65
289
307 31
301 32
Percent of
Manhattan
population
3%
6%
14%
10%
9%
Total
population
107,206
364,399
996,096
1,428,108
1,470,495
Kansas
African
American
population
Percent of
Kansas
population
627
17,108
43,107
49,710
54,176
.05%
5%
4%
3%
4%
B. Settlement Patterns
The locations of the residences for Manhattan’s pioneer African American residents are generally not
recorded, since the earliest census records did not include addresses. In 1864, Oliver Simms purchased
a house on lot 64-1 (130 Yuma Street). According to records of a fire in 1866, it appears he rented the
house to another black family. 33 In 1868, he purchased a lot on the south side of Colorado Street in the
middle of the 100 block. The valuation of the property in 1869 indicates he built a house soon after the
purchase. 34 In 1879, when a number of refugees from former slave states came to Manhattan as part of
the Exodus movement, local residents helped several families settle on 1,280 acres purchased near the
foot of Bluemont Hill. 35 Oral interviews with local residents confirm that one of the earliest areas of
settlement was “up north” (as compared to the present “south side” neighborhood), and personal
27
All population data presented in this chart was obtained from electronic sources at www.census.gov, the official website of the U.S
Census Bureau unless otherwise referenced by footnote. Accessed May 2011.
28
Total population, Manhattan 1865: Kansas Agricultural Census 1865 http://mapserver.lib.virginia.edu/. Accessed Feb 2011.
29
Black population, Manhattan 1860: http://mapserver.lib.virginia.edu/. Accessed Feb 2011.
30
William G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas, “Population by Federal Census”. Chicago: A.T. Andreas. 1883.
31
State Data Center, State Library of Kansas, 300 SW 10th Avenue, Topeka, KS 66612.
32
State Data Center, State Library of Kansas.
33
O’Brien, 2.
34
Ibid., 3.
35
Butler, 9.
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histories of early settlers, such as Dr. J. W. Evans who moved to Manhattan in 1880, recall that “a few
of the Negroes settled at the foot of Bluemont Hill.” 36
At some point, and for reasons not confirmed, blacks started buying houses and living south of Poyntz
Avenue; more specifically, south of California Street. Local black residents speak of land fraud
schemes which resulted in forcing some families to move south, coupled with unwritten segregation
practices. However, several African Americans had jobs with the railroad or associated businesses, and
this area was close to their jobs. 37 Previous studies have speculated on the reasons for the settlement of
the south side by African Americans, particularly since the Wabaunsee Colony for the Exodusters was
located north near Bluemont Hill. However, the earliest and most significant African-American
community institutions – the churches – were located in the south side of town. The Second Methodist
Episcopal Church was built in 1866 at the corner of Sixth and El Paso Streets; the Bethel African
Methodist Episcopal (A.M.E.) Church was organized in 1879, and built a frame structure at Fourth and
Yuma; and the Second Baptist Church, organized in 1880, built their first frame church building at Ninth
and Yuma in 1882. These important institutions likely had a significant impact on residential locations
as well. Once established, residents likely chose a neighborhood within walking distance of the
churches. In a period when transportation was limited, it is possible that the selection of housing may
have been by choice, but that that later segregation practices formalized the existing housing patterns.
Furthermore, with the sudden influx of new residents in 1879 and 1880, houses were built where there
was available land. According to the Manhattan Nationalist at the start of 1880, “at the rate the colored
people are building in the southwest part of town, they will soon have to have a separate city
government. New houses are going up all the time.” 38
As noted, the 1870 census did not list residents with their street addresses, so it is not known exactly
where they lived. Over the next twenty years, however, Manhattan’s organization of streets and
addresses was improved to the point that the U.S. Census enumerators were better able to catalog
Manhattan’s African American residents by street addresses. In the Tenth U.S. Census (1880) some
houses were identified on the streets where they were located and although there were no address
numbers, it is the first evidence of where the black community was living. Yuma and Riley Streets are
dominant in the listings. 39 Due to the small size of the town, most houses were probably between
Wyandotte Avenue and Juliette Street. Manhattan was widely platted in 1881, but the lots were not
nearly filled and houses were scattered. 40
The 1880 census list nine African American families living on Poyntz. This corresponds to the 1883
report by historian William G. Cutler that described the ten original houses that were shipped by boat in
36
Dr. J. W. Evans Remembers Manhattan of Early Days”. Electronic resource from Kansas State University Archives and
Manuscripts, http://www.lib.k-state.edu/depts/spec/exhibits/howell/chronicle.html
37
Butler, 9.
38
Nationalist, 9 January 1880. The “southwest” portion of Manhattan in 1880 would today correspond to the “southeast” part of
town.
39
40
1881 Plat Book of Riley County Kansas. Figure 3, “Bluemont-Goodnow Neighborhood”
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1855 to Manhattan from Cincinnati, that “One of the Cincinnati buildings that was shipped on the
Hartford now stands at the north foot of Poyntz Avenue, near the railroad track, and with its nine rooms
is occupied by several colored families.” 41 The Eleventh U.S. Census of 1900 provides a clearer picture
of the African American neighborhood, as a few of the residents are listed with street addresses. This
neighborhood generally included the 700 and 800 blocks of Yuma, El Paso, Riley, and Pottawatomie
Streets and likely extended to the east and west along the railroad tracks. The neighborhood was not
exclusively black, however, and also included whites and Hispanics.
By 1900, this neighborhood was adjacent to the commercial and industrial center in the southern part of
the city. This became more defined after the Civil War, with the arrival of several rail lines, causing
commercial and industrial development to shift to the southeast near the rails and move outwards in a
northwesterly direction. 42 In 1902, the Union Pacific Depot was built at the corner of Wyandotte
Avenue and Yuma, leading to the relocation of the Purcell stockyards and the erection of the electric
power company at 209 Yuma Street. Construction of single-family housing occurred in the area at the
same time. 43
C. Community institutions and organizations
The earliest community-wide institution that was organized either by or for the benefit of African
Americans living in Manhattan was the Second Methodist Episcopal Church. Organized in 1866 as a
mission church, by the end of the year it boasted a frame church building and fifteen members. As
Manhattan had so few black residents at the time, the congregation was likely supported by other
African Americans living in Riley County. By the time of the arrival of the Exodusters in 1879,
however, there were approximately one hundred African Americans living in Manhattan; undoubtedly
they represented other denominations. Historical accounts record that some white churches had sections
reserved for black members. According to white pioneer Nellie Ellsworth Martin, Sallie Breakbill and
her children attended the same Baptist Church, and sat in a separate part called the “Amen Corner.” 44
Almost immediately after the great Exodus from the South, there was a greater urgency for establishing
their own places of worship and support. Coinciding with the arrival of the Exodusters, the Bethel
A.M.E. Church was organized in 1879; several of its founding members were former slaves. A year
later in March 1880, the Second Baptist Church (now Pilgrim Baptist) was formed. In 1890, continued
growth of the black population of Manhattan and surrounding areas supported the establishment of a
second Baptist congregation. The Mount Zion Baptist Church was organized with Rev. H. W. White
serving as the first pastor.
Along with the Second Methodist Episcopal Church, these three churches formed the center of
Manhattan’s African American community before the turn of the nineteenth century, and on into the
twentieth century. They served not only as the heart of religious life, but cultural, social and civic life as
41
42
“Cultural Resource Survey: Wards 1 and 2 Manhattan, Kansas,” Historic Preservation Services, LLC, June 2004, 34.
Ibid., 41.
44
Martin, 2.
43
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
well. Nationally, churches were one of the first types of institutions organized and owned by blacks, and
were places where they could be free to express themselves. As one of the few organizations where
African Americans served in positions of authority, churches also provided key training for future
leaders in the community; the pastors were certainly among the most respected men in the African
American arena. They sponsored choirs, fellowship and charitable groups, educational classes, and
literary societies. At times, smaller congregations struggled to raise funds to build their structures or
meet the needs of their congregation. Nonetheless, even with limited personal resources due to the
limited economic opportunities in Manhattans for blacks, the ability to build even modest structures
indicates the strong commitment that African Americans had to their church. The location of
Manhattan’s African American churches was intrinsically tied to the black neighborhood; in fact, the
location of the original churches may have precipitated the move to the south side.
In larger Kansas cities like Wichita and Topeka, black-owned businesses and newspapers were other key
components in the development of the sense of community. In nineteenth century Manhattan, neither of
these was present. Junction City to the west would eventually support several black-owned businesses
and churches, and Topeka to the east had a thriving black community; the latter city had over thirty
black newspapers throughout the years, not including a separate newspaper for North Topeka. In fact,
the first African American newspaper in the greater plains region was the Herald of Freedom, published
in Wakarusa, Kansas on October 21, 1854, only twenty-seven years after the first black newspaper in the
country, Freedom’s Journal, was founded in New York in 1827 (Wishart 2004, 7). As white
newspapers typically under-reported or ignored activities in black neighborhoods, the lack of a locallyowned black newspaper in Manhattan limits the sources of documentation for this period.
Social and fraternal organizations and charitable groups were other key community-building institutions.
As noted, most of the African American organizations and events were rarely covered by white
mainstream newspapers, so the extent of these social organizations is unknown. However, there were
African American fraternal organizations at least as early as 1880, just after the arrival of the
Exodusters. On July 16, 1880, the Manhattan Enterprise noted that “The colored fraternity are making
great preparations to have a grand celebration on Emancipation Day, the 2nd of August.” 45
Emancipation Day festivities were important yearly celebrations throughout much of Manhattan’s black
history, and were celebrated at least as early as 1880, where the turnout was noteworthy enough that it
was covered by the white newspaper.
The celebration of the colored people of this community . . . was a grand success. The
procession formed at colored Methodist church, and, headed by the Band, marched through
Poyntz Avenue to the grove across the Kansas, making a good showing. On the grounds, a
speaker’s stand had been erected, long tables arranged and several stands were in full blast.
After listening to several pieces by the Band, the people were called to order by the President,
Joe. Mitchell, about 12 o’clock, and prayer was offered by a reverend colored gentleman from
abroad. Rev Lynch, of Topeka, was the principal speaker. His remarks were more particularly
addressed to new comers concerning present situation, and was full of sound, practical sense.
45
Manhattan Enterprise, 16 July 1880, 1.
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Prof. Ward was called to the stand and made some pertinent remarks after which dinner was
announced, and there was a rush in that direction. After dinner the Juveniles made their
appearance and treated the crowd to some music. Rev. A. B. Campbell’s lecture on temperance
we did not hear, but understand that it was excellent. After the program at the grove was carried
out, they repaired to the County hall, where they danced till morning. 46
Around the turn of the twentieth century, there were other clubs that appear to have held political
activities, although little documentation remains about their membership or purpose. The Afro Blue
Light McKinley Club organized a large rally of voters in September 1900. The president of the club
was Rev. I. S. Wilson, and the other primary organizer was Rev. J. A. C. Wade of the Second M.E.
Church. The voters rally and picnic started with a parade that formed at the A.M.E. church, where a
ladies band from Emporia led the march to Sarber’s Grove. 47 A music program was followed with
speeches by attorney D. E. Henderson of Emporia and Prof. W. T. Vernon, president of Quindaro
College, on disenfranchisement and the role of African Americans in politics and government. It was
estimated that over 2,000 blacks from around the region attended. 48 This illustrates the leadership roles
and the importance of the black ministers, as they not only organized the event, but were officers in the
McKinley Club. The Americus Club was another organization that was active by the turn of the
century.
Although Manhattan’s African American community established its own churches and some social or
fraternal organizations, prior to the turn of the century, the public schools were integrated – at least, to
some extent. Kansas enacted its first compulsory school attendance law in 1874, requiring all children
between the ages of eight and fourteen, including African Americans, to attend at least twelve
consecutive weeks of school every year. With such a small number of black students in Manhattan,
however, not only was the idea of a separate school for African Americans unwarranted, but in Kansas,
it was against the law. However, in 1879 the state of Kansas granted permission for, but did not require,
school districts to maintain separate elementary schools for black and white students in first class cities
(populations over 15,000). 49 This did not extend to high schools, except in the case of Sumner High
School, when Kansas City, Kansas was allowed to establish in 1905 the only “Negro” high school in the
state. The passage of this 1879 law coincided with the influx of refugees fleeing the postReconstruction South. As a result, the school board first took up the issue of separate schools in August
1879.
Quite a spirited discussion occurred at the school meeting, last week, as to the feasibility of
having a separate school for the colored pupils, as the new school house is found insufficient to
accommodate all the children. 50
46
Nationalist, 5 August 1880.
In 2011, Sarber Lane is located within the city limits of Manhattan, east of Tuttle Creek Boulevard in Pottawatomie County, where
the Sarber family was recorded residing in the 1900 Census.
48
“A Grand Rally of Colored Voters,” Manhattan Nationalist, 20 September 1900, 3.
49
John D. Bright, Kansas: the First Century (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc., 1956) 369.
50
Nationalist, 22 August 1879.
47
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
As the black community settled into Manhattan, many children were able to attend school. Riley
County school records show a relatively substantial number in attendance that correlates with the
population data for African Americans living in Manhattan at the time. In 1880, African Americans
comprised fourteen percent of the city’s total population, their highest rate in history. In 1890 their rate
had dropped to ten percent, but school records show that African American children represented a
corresponding ten percent of students in Manhattan city schools, and that attendance remained constant
in the next seven years. By 1900 the African American community population was at nine percent and
their corresponding student school attendance rate held steady at ten percent (see Table 2). This high
attendance rate spoke to the beliefs of the African American community about the importance of
education. Of the children under age eighteen who were not attending school, these were usually boys,
age sixteen, who were already employed, and girls, age seventeen, who were staying at home to help
with the households. There was, however, a sharp drop in enrolled black students from 1901 to 1903,
when the number dropped from 137 to 107 pupils. 51
Table 2: Ratio of white to black student enrollment 1891-1903 52
Year
1891
1895
1897
1900
1903
White students
1,072
963
1,107
1,012
1,195
Black students
124
134
139
113
107
% blacks enrolled
10%
12%
11%
10%
9%
The discussion about separate schools for the races continued in the press for a few years until 1884,
when it was decided that black students would attend separate classes in the same building as whites.
The Avenue School was a four room building. Two rooms were set aside for the white 7th and 8th
grades, while the other two rooms contained the primary grades (one through four) and the grammar
department (five through eight) for African Americans. 53 That year, Selina Wilson was the teacher for
the black students, with W. J. Mitchell serving as her assistant. 54 By 1886, Wilson was the principal,
and Eli Freeman had been hired as the second teacher. 55 There is also a record of a separate “select”
school held at the Second Baptist Church; Edmonia Alexander served as a teacher for one year. 56
Higher education was a part of Manhattan’s history as well, although the opportunities for blacks to take
advantage of this were extremely limited in the late 1800s. The Kansas State Agricultural College in
Manhattan (now Kansas State University) was founded in 1863 during the Civil War, and claims to be
51
“School enumeration.” The Nationalist (3 August 1903).
52
53
“150 Years of Education in Manhattan,” Manhattan Free Press Vol 14, No. 3 (14 July 2005).
The Mercury (16 July 1884).
55
The Mercury (16 June 1886).
56
Kansas Kin, Vol. 25:1 ( February 1987) 6.
54
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
the first newly created land-grant college under the Morrill Act. Equal opportunity was a part of its
founding; when it opened, it was only the third public university that admitted both men and women. It
would take over thirty years before it matriculated its first black student. George Washington Owens
from Alma, Kansas was the first black student to enroll and graduate at the college. He enrolled in
January 1896 and graduated in less than four years in 1899 with a bachelor’s degree in General
Science. 57 Minnie Howell Champe, a graduate of the Manhattan public school system, also enrolled in
1896, and graduated in 1901 with a Bachelor of Science in Domestic Science. 58 A few other early black
residents of Manhattan received education beyond high school, including Randall Keele, who studied at
Baker University in Baldwin, Kansas. 59
Available documentation makes it difficult to accurately assess the lives of Manhattan’s African
Americans, and previously recorded histories are sometimes inaccurate. For example, when Murt Hanks
Jr. was elected in 1969, he was cited as the “first black elected to public office in Manhattan’s 125 year
history.” 60 However, J. M. T. Howell, a stone mason and father of the first female black graduate of
Kansas State University, “served as member of the city council from his ward and did good service for
the city. . .” before his death in 1897. 61 Howell was elected to a one-year term to the city council in
April 1888. During this term, he served on the Cemetery and Health committees. 62 Later in 1891, 1893,
and 1895, he was elected as one of two city constables. 63 In March 1894 and 1895, the Manhattan City
Counil appointed him as an election judge for Ward 4 (note: Ward 4 was on the south side during this
period). 64 In addition to his political power in Manhattan, Howell was also a successful contractor; in
May 1894 and October 1895, he was awarded contracts by the city to lay brick sidewalks. 65 Also
around the turn of the nineteenth century, Randall Keele was the first black to serve on the city’s school
board. 66
These early instances of African American representation in Manhattan politics are rare, and blacks in
Manhattan would not see similar power for almost a century. However, it does correlate to the period
when the black population in Manhattan was the largest in history, as a percentage of the overall
population. It is also possible that these early political leaders resulted from the beliefs of the towns
early settlers. Founded as an abolitionist town, it is safe to assume that at least initially, Manhattan’s
57
“George Washington Owens Papers,” University Archives & Manuscripts – Collection Guides, Kansas State University, 7 August
2008 <http://www.lib.k-state.edu/depts/spec/findaids/pc1988-18.html> Accessed 13 January 2011. The University of Kansas in
Lawrence began accepting blacks in the 1870s, and the first black graduated there in 1885.
58
“Minnie Howell Champe: Chronology,” University Archives & Manuscripts – Exhibits, Kansas State University, 6 August 2008,
<http://www.lib.k-state.edu/depts/spec/exhibits/howell/chronology.html> Accessed 13 January 2011.
59
James E. Butler, “Narratives of Ebony: Manhattan, Kansas 1988 Calendar.” N.P. [2008].
60
“Panel Recalls Manhattan’s Early Civil Rights Movement,” Alliance [1987]: 8, Vertical File: City of Manhattan African American
Community, Kansas State University Archives, Manhattan, Kansas..
61
The Nationalist (3 December 1897) 6.
62
Manhattan City Council Minute Books (beginning in 1882), 154-156.
63
Ibid., (beginning in 1882), 347, 428; (beginning in 1894) 41.
64
Ibid., (beginning in 1882), 470; (beginning in 1894) 39.
65
Ibid., (beginning in 1894), 6, 61.
66
“150 Years of Education in Manhattan.”
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
residents had a more open mind towards African Americans than some other communities. When
around fifty Exodusters arrived in Wichita in July 1879, for example, the town quarantined some and
shipped them back to Topeka. 67 Confronted with over a hundred refugees from the South in April 1879,
Manhattan’s leaders at least made an effort to house and care for them, providing rough shelter, food,
and medical care. Jobs were quickly found, and assistance came from the Kansas Freedman’s Relief
Association in the form of loans for small farms, equipment, and shelter for the newly arrived blacks on
the edge of town. Furthermore, black youth were initially included in the public classrooms. In Kansas
and especially throughout the nation, however, attitudes were changing regarding equality among the
races. In 1879, Kansas allowed segregated schools in cities of the first class. Beginning in the 1880s,
the U.S. Supreme Court through its decisions began moving toward increasing segregation of the races.
The Plessy v. Ferguson case in 1896 upheld the constitutionality of separate railway coaches. Three
years later, the separate-but-equal doctrine was incorporated into education in the Cummings v. County
Board of Education case. On September 10, 1901, the president of Manhattan’s School Board
appointed a committee of three to canvas the feelings of the city’s African Americans about the issue of
a separate school. 68 Segregation would soon be the order of the day, sometimes as the matter of custom,
and other times enforced with the sanctity of the courts.
The period of significance for this context extends from 1865, when a census first recorded African
Americans living in Manhattan, through 1903, when the school board voted to build a separate school
for black students. The turn of the century also symbolized a peak, as least in percentage of overall
population, of African Americans in Manhattan. Representing fourteen percent of the city’s population
in 1880, and ten and nine percent in 1890 and 1900 respectively, this era would be the peak of African
Americans political power for another half century. This era thus possibly represents a period of
relatively less discrimination than Manhattan’s blacks would face in the upcoming twentieth century.
II. “We were all like family.” African Americans in Manhattan’s South Side Neighborhood: 19031954
The Progressive movement in the industrial twentieth century was a period of social activism and reform
lasting from the 1870s to the 1920s. In Kansas, progressives worked to pass a laws regulating the hours
of work for railroad employees, curbing the economic and political power of big businesses, and
enacting civil services laws. 69 Unfortunately, the social activism of the movement, which extended to
women’s suffrage, did not generally include white Kansans working for the rights for African
Americans. Manhattan in 1903 bore proof that the era of equal rights for all residents was decades
away. On May 29, 1903, a major flood occurred along river banks bordering Manhattan. These floods
were so severe that they changed the course of the Kansas River. The most affected area was east of 5th
Street in southeast part of the city. 70 This flood highlighted the disparity of treatment between the black
67
Craig Miner, Wichita: The Early Years, 1865-80 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1982) 164.
“150 Years of Education in Manhattan.”
69
“Progressive Movement,” Kansapedia, Kansas Historical Society, February 2011 http://www.kshs.org/kansapedia/progressivemovement/14522 Accessed 25 May 2011.
70
The First One Hundred Years: A History of the City of Manhattan, Kansas 1855-1955 (Manhattan: The Manhattan Centennial, Inc.,
n.d.)
68
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and white residents, as white victims were temporarily housed in university buildings, while blacks had
to find shelter in barns.
Manhattan, in spite of its early abolitionist history, was swept up in the growing nationwide movement
of segregation of the races. As noted, the 1896 Supreme Court decision in the Plessy v. Ferguson case,
which upheld the constitutionality of separate railway coaches, was only the beginning of a string of
legal decisions which upheld the separate-but-equal doctrine. Attitudes regarding the separation of
races were adopted by Manhattan white residents and eventually institutionalized. The most notable
event establishing segregation was the 1903 vote of the city’s school board to establish a separate
elementary school for black students, although other measures were less obvious, such as the
establishment of the south side neighborhood for African Americans through real estate practices.
Kansas witnessed the brief resurrection of the Ku Klux Klan during the early part of the twentieth
century. In 1921, the Klan arrived in Kansas as part of the nationwide effort to revive the organization.
Focusing first on the southeastern and south-central parts of the state, as well as Wichita and Kansas
City, the organization eventually spread across the entire state. Although many were opposed to the
Klan, most notably Governor Allen and newspaper publisher William Allen White, there were many
incidents, including an assault on the Catholic mayor of Liberty and threats to Kansas residents.
Deciding to work within the courts, Governor Allen started investigations against the organizations that
resulted in Kansas legally ousting the Klan from the state in 1925 – the first state in the nation to takes
such actions. 71
Manhattan saw the rising power of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s, but just as other racial
demonstrations were relatively peaceful throughout much of the community’s history, the documented
influence of the Klan in the city were minimal and the opposition peaceful. There are records of Klan
meetings at Harrison Hall in August 1922, City Park in June 1924, Bluemont Hill later that same month,
and a Klan funeral procession in March 1925, although none of these ever appeared in the local
newspaper. 72 The most notable Klan event in Manhattan occurred on October 3, 1923, which
purportedly attracted between 3,000 to 5,000 people at the City Park (Manhattan’s population in 1920
was almost 8,000). The Klan originally intended to meet at the community house, but city officials
refused. Subsequently, the Klan passed out handbills announcing their meeting in the park. In answer,
Mayor Barber announced in the newspaper on the day of the rally that he would close the city park at
6:00 p.m. and stationed guards to prevent people from entering for the meeting. that he “opposed to the
klan lectures because of their tendency to stir up religious and racial hatred and that he does not intend
to ‘let the park be used as a place of assembly at which strife between races or religious creed is stirred
up.’ The order for closing the park was in the interest for peace and for the welfare of this
community.” 73 His attempts were unsuccessful, however; even though a few guards were stationed at
71
Charles William Sloan, Jr. , “Kansas Battles the Invisible Empire: The Legal Ouster of the KKK From Kansas, 1922-1927,” Kansas
Historical Quarterly Vol. 40, No. 3 (Fall 1974).
72
Reporter, Manhattan Tribune, handwritten notes, 17 August 1992, 12 June 1924, 24 June 1924, 12 February 1925, Riley County
Historical Museum, Manhattan, Kansas.
73
“Closes City Park: Mayor Barber takes Steps to Prevent Park Meeting of Ku Klux Klan set for Tonight,” Manhattan Daily
Nationalist (2 October 1923) 1.
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
the park entrance, the meeting went ahead as planned even though the city refused to turn on the park
lights. The newspaper reported that the Klan held “one of the largest crowds of the season . . .
consisting of students and citizens.” 74 The newspaper further noted, however, that most of the
attendees came out of curiosity. No further recording of Klan events made their way into the local
newspapers, and the group’s minimal influence in Manhattan apparently waned when the organization
was outlawed in Kansas.
African American enrollment at Kansas State University remained low up through the mid-twentieth
century, but the introduction of the first black athlete in the late 1940s foretold of the upcoming changes
in segregation that would occur in the second half of the century. In 1953, the Kansas legislature passed
an anti-discrimination law in Kansas, making it illegal to discriminate “by reason of their race, religion,
color, sex, disability, national origin, or ancestry” in any place of public accommodation. 75 With little
enforcement measures to support this new law, there were actually few immediate changes seen in either
Kansas or Manhattan.
A. African American Population in Manhattan
After 1900, Manhattan’s African American population held steady, ranging from 304 in 1910 to 338 in
1930. However, the population of Manhattan was slowly growing, so while blacks comprised nine
percent of the city’s residents in 1900, they dropped to three percent by 1930. The black population
increased in 1940 to 413, or four percent of the population. Over a hundred African Americans were
added to the population by 1950, but due to a greater overall increase in number of Manhattan residents,
blacks once again comprised only three percent of the population. Except for the first two decades of
the century, though, Manhattan’s African American population mirrored that of the state’s in terms of
percentage of total population (see Table 3).
Table 3: African American Population in Manhattan & Kansas: 1900 - 1950
74
Date
Total
population
1900
1910
1920
1930
1940
1950
3,438
5,722
7,989
10,136
11,659
19,056
Manhattan
African
American
population
301 76
345
289
332
413
539
Percent of
Manhattan
population
9%
6%
4%
3%
4%
3%
Total
population
1,470,495
1,690,949
1,769,257
1,880,999
1,801,028
1,905,299
Kansas
African
American
population
Percent of
Kansas
population
54,176
54,030
57,925
66,344
65,138
73,158
4%
3%
3%
4%
4%
4%
KKKlan Meeting: Public Meeting by Knights of Ku Klux Klan held at City Park was attended by Thousands,” Manhattan Daily
Nationalist (3 October 1923) 1.
75
Kansas Statutes. 19 June 2011. http://kansasstatutes.lesterama.org/Chapter_44/Article_10/.
76
State Data Center, State Library of Kansas.
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
At the turn of the nineteenth century, a new era of prosperity was ushered in following the severe
depression of 1893-1897 – a prosperity for some Americans, that is. Although Manhattan’s economy
provided for a growing white middle class, there were only slightly improved job opportunities for the
city’s African American residents. It was necessary for most families to have both husband and wife
working outside the household. In 1910, most women found employment as laundresses, housekeepers
and cooks for white families and fraternities at Kansas Agricultural College. Beulah Bryant and Perry
Maxwell were employed as servants in the household of College President Henry J. Waters, while others
did ironing at home for college students. 77 Many black men were still confined to unskilled labor in odd
jobs or as teamsters, railroad and city streets workers, while others worked as porters in shoe shine
parlors, barber shops, department stores and hotels. A few men such as Robert H. Jackson were skilled
at stone masonry and promoted themselves as contractors. 78 A significant milestone was achieved in
1915 when Giles Cooper was hired as the first black policeman for the city. 79 F. W. Kirk, an Oklahoma
college graduate, was appointed by the government around 1916 as a community instructor in
gardening, hog and poultry raising, fruit growing and canning, and was cooperating with the agricultural
department for the Kansas State Agricultural College. 80
These general employment trends continued into the 1930s, when the federal census revealed that most
women worked as domestics or cooks. Lorraine Alexander ran the movie projector at the Wareham
Theater in the 1930s and 1940s, and George Giles played professional baseball in the National Negro
League with the Kansas City Monarchs and other clubs. 81 The Depression was especially hard on black
families, not only in Manhattan but across the country. Rosa Murray Hickman reported that although
they were poor, neighbors helped each other in difficult times. The Murrays always had a garden, they
canned fruit and vegetables, and they kept chickens for eggs. Rosa’s mother, Deborah Mitchell Murray
died in 1931 leaving her husband Moses E. Murray, Sr. to raise their five children. 82
A snapshot of both socio-economic and living conditions in the late 1930s comes from the work of
Geraldine Jones Hurd. Hurd interviewed one hundred families in Manhattan’s African American
neighborhood in 1937 for her Master of Science thesis. While a student at Kansas State of Agriculture
and Applied Science, Hurd accepted the position of Housemother to a group of African American
women in Manhattan who were enrolled in the Home Economics program at the college. Due to
segregation in campus housing, black students had to not only live off-campus, but were forced find
77
“Thirteenth U.S. Census”, Manhattan, Kansas (1910). Electronic resource, www.ancestry.com. Accessed Feb 2011; Chaudhuri,
288.
78
79
Chaudhuri, 287. This milestone, much like the first black council person and school board member, was soon forgotten, as a
newspaper article from 1952 noted that “Las Year, for the first time, a Negro was hired on the Manhattan police force.” “City
Progresses in Civil Rights,” in Riley County black history files, 9 March 1952.
80
81
82
Chaudhuri, 288.
Rosa Murray Hickman, interview by Barbara Hammond, Manhattan, Kansas (10 February 2011).
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housing accommodations in the south side neighborhood. According to the Manhattan telephone
directories, Geraldine managed the group home at 1015 Colorado Street in 1937 and 1938. 83
Many of the families in the survey had established themselves in Manhattan as early as the mid-1880s,
and reported that they had always lived in the southeast section of the city’s Ward 1. A typical
household in Hurd’s report was comprised of a husband and wife plus grown sons or daughters and
often, grandchildren. Twenty of the homes also had one or more roomers which contributed to
overcrowding in the small houses. Eleven roomers in the study were college students. The college
administration required those families who lodged students to have their homes approved. 84 As of 1937
the population in the neighborhood was aging; most of the families did not have young children at home,
and only one-third had children less than 10 years of age. 85
Compared to the white population of Manhattan, the African American community was not only small
but disadvantaged as well. There were very few with professional occupations: three women were
teachers, and seven men were ministers. Others with training included soldiers, a barber, a tailor, a
professional baseball player, and a “Director, PWA.” Approximately seventy-five percent of the
residents were employed as skilled or unskilled laborers. As the survey was conducted during the Great
Depression with the advent of federal relief programs, six percent received income in the form of
government relief. 86 African American women in Manhattan earned substantially less than African
American men, with the latter averaging $656 per year, while women and employed children’s wages
combined averaged $317 per year. 87 Although the cost of living in Kansas was lower than that of other
parts of the country, the average combined incomes for black families in Manhattan were certainly
below a sustenance level. 88
Nearly fifteen years later, the employment situation had not changed much for the city’s black residents.
A report by the Manhattan Civil Rights committee in 1952 noted that there were still few blacks
employed in professional jobs, with most having semi-skilled jobs. The committee noted an important
first occurring a year earlier, though, when an African American was hired on the Manhattan police
force in 1951 (overlooking J. M. T. Howell’s election as constable in 1891). 89 Nevertheless, the lack of
decent paying jobs compelled many of Manhattan’s young blacks to leave town. Those that remained in
83
84
Geraldine Jones Hurd, “Negro Housing in Manhattan, Kansas,” (Thesis for the degree of Master of Science, Department of
Household Economics, Kansas State College of Agriculture and Applied Science, 1938): 21-22
85
Ibid., 51.
86
Ibid., 23
87
Ibid., 26.
88
Roy Lubove, “Economic Security and Social Conflict in America,” Journal of Social History, Vol. 1 (1967-68), pp. 61-87 and 32550, http://www.jstor.org . Accessed May 2011.
89
“City Progresses in Civil Rights,” 9 March 1952, Black History Files, Riley County Historical Museum, Manhattan, Kansas. Full
census records with individual data were not available from 1940 and later.
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town found themselves relegated to an income level that partly dictated where they could afford to
live. 90
The ratio of black students at Kansas State University was also slow to change during the first half of the
twentieth century. When Frank Marshall Davis started in 1924 as the first black journalism student, he
was one of only twenty-six blacks attending. Later a famous poet and journalist, the university gave
him freedom to cover controversial subjects regarding racial discrimination when he wrote for the
university newspaper. In 1931, Matilda Amelia Saxton Winn was the only black graduate, but
recollected that she generally felt accepted on campus. James Butler’s experience in the late 1940s was
different, however, when he was a Kansas State student on the GI bill. Butler recalled that there were
only thirty blacks at the university and no interaction between the races. 91
A turning point at the university was the admission in 1948 of the first black athlete to play for the
Kansas State football team – Harold Robinson. The seeds for this event were planted a few years
earlier. In May 1946, a campus petition was circulated by students who felt that interracial participation
in conference sports should be allowed. Conference officials then ruled that “Kansas State may use
Negro athletes if it wants to” except against schools having state or local laws prohibiting black
participation – at this period, Oklahoma or Missouri. 92
A Manhattan native and the grandson of Randall Keele (the first black to serve on the school board),
Robinson was supported in his dream to play football by university coach Ralph Graham. Graham
then K-state president Milton Eisenhower, brother of President Dwight Eisenhower, to consult with him
regarding the addition of Robinson to the team. Both men agreed, and Robinson became the first black
scholarship athlete in the Big Seven Conference (later the Big 8, now the Big 12). Harold Robinson
received a congratulatory note for this triumph from Jackie Robinson, the baseball player credited for
breaking the nation’s color barrier. In 1950, Robinson received all-conference honors for the 1950
season. 93
Because of Robinson’s success on the field and the notoriety associated with his scholarship, this event
is usually accorded greater recognition for breaking color barriers on campus rather than the other
African American students who attended in relatively anonymity. Although Robinson and other early
black athletes at Kansas State University experienced discrimination, it was more often when the teams
travelled to other colleges for games, rather than on campus. Veryl Switzer, who came to the university
from Nicodemus, Kansas to join the football team in 1950. By this time, the university allowed him to
live on campus with a white roommate, and Switzer recalls receiving preferential treatment compared to
90
George Vohs, “Young colored people leave here because of no opportunity for good jobs, Prof. Abby L. Marlatt, RCC adviser,
says,” Kansas State Collegian (13 April 1956).
91
“Butler” K-Stater in Two Eras,” Kansas State University Alliance (February 1981) 1-2.
92
“K-State may Use Negroes on Team,” Kansas State Collegian (29 May 1946).
93
Marshall Ice, “I Just Wanted to Play Football,” Kansas State Collegian (19 September 2003). From “Vertical File: City of
Manhattan, African American Community,” University Archives at Kansas State University, Manhattan, KS.
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
the other black students on campus. 94 Bob Boozer, the only black basketball play in the late 1950s, was
named “Favorite Man on Campus” in 1958-1959 school year. Other prominent black athletes at Kansas
State University during this period included Manhattan native Earl Woods. Although more recognized
today as the father of professional golfer Tiger Woods, Earl broke another color barrier in the Big Seven
conference as the first black baseball player.
B. The South Side neighborhood
A devastating flood in 1903 covered all of low lying areas in Manhattan east of 5th Street, as well as
lower portions of the west. Although there were both white and black victims of the flood, the
predominantly black neighborhood was hard hit. According to the census data from 1900, the African
American population was centered between South 5th and South 10th Streets to the east and west and
between Colorado and Pottawatomi streets on the north and south – often called the “south side.”
Within these general boundaries, the majority of African American households were located in the 700800 blocks of El Paso, Riley, and Pottawatomie Streets, or on Yuma Street between the 200 and 900
blocks. 95 Within their neighborhood the residents referred to the area to the south side near the river Riley and Pottawatomie Streets - as “the Bottoms.” 96
While the boundaries of the traditional African American neighborhood in Manhattan remained
basically the same over the next two decades, more blacks moved into the neighborhood and by 1930
the population density was higher. 97 At that time the distribution was heaviest on Yuma, Riley, and
Pottawatomi. Exceptions to this over the years were a few African Americans who lived outside the
boundaries of this small neighborhood. Usually they are recorded in the censuses as residing at their
places of employment, such as hotel servants and porters or housekeepers for individual families. For
instance, in 1900 Minnie Downey (age 24) was noted as living [in the home of a white merchant] on
Houston and Ora Keeler (age 32) lived and worked as servant in a hotel noted as 402 Houston. 98 In
1920 Harry Morris (age 59) and Arthur Cottry (age 31) lived at a hotel [owned by a white family]
addressed as 412 Houston. Morris and Cottry were employed there as the fireman and dishwasher,
respectively. Several white employees also lived and worked at the hotel. 99
In the 1940s and 1950s, some expansion to the neighborhood occurred when a few blacks found
residences slightly to the west. However, Rosa Hickman and Don Slater concur that it was not the
norm. Rosa Murray Hickman grew up on Riley Street in the 1930s, married and has lived on Yuma
Street since 1942. As she commented, “No blacks lived west beyond 13th on Pottawatomie and 11th on
94
“Sports: Bridge Between Black and White,” Alliance (February 1981): 1,Vertical File, Alumni, Minority, University Archives,
Kansas State University.
95
Forty-six households were not identified by street address, but assumptions are most lived within the general vicinity.
96
Don Slater, interview by Kerry Davis, Manhattan, Kansas, 1 April 2011.
97
Twelfth – Fifteenth U.S. Censuses (1900 – 1930). Electronic resource http//:www.ancestry.com. Accessed Feb 2011
98
Twelfth U.S. Census (1900). Electronic resource http//:www.ancestry.com. Accessed Feb 2011
99
Fourteen U.S. Census (1920). Electronic resource http//:www.ancestry.com. Accessed Feb 2011
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Yuma.” Poyntz was a very strong social dividing line – no blacks ever expected to move north of Poyntz
due to social pressures from the greater Manhattan white community. 100
Although local customs were part of the segregated housing patterns in Manhattan, many of these
practices were well established throughout the United States. The Supreme Court’s sanction of the
“separate but equal” policy provided a legal basis for white residents to consider residential separation
of the races. Nationwide, changes in urban neighborhoods gave rise to methods of residential control as
early as the 1920s. Prior to the adoption of zoning, there were unwritten “gentlemen’s” agreements
against selling or renting in certain parts of a city to persons other than those that typically occupied the
neighborhood. This also pertained to other minorities, including Hispanics. In addition to the unwritten
agreements, there were also restrictive covenants appearing in the title of properties for specific
subdivisions.
Typical of other communities, black in Manhattan were restricted to a specific area of town that was
generally less desirable. Typically it is difficult to compose a snapshot of neighborhood and housing
conditions in traditional African American neighborhoods because usual sources, such as Sanborn fire
insurance maps, tend to overlook black residential districts. Fortunately a snapshot of housing
conditions in 1938 was provided by Geraldine Jones Hurd’s thesis. As a student of Home Economics,
she chose to examine housing conditions of blacks living in Manhattan’s southeast quadrant as her focus
of study. Her detailed account of living conditions covered the houses on the five neighborhood streets
running east/west (Pottawatomie, Riley Land, El Paso, Yuma, and Colorado) and twelve north/south
streets (Second to Thirteenth). Her findings establish the earliest guidelines for assessing and comparing
the standard of living for Manhattan’s African Americans in later decades.
Hurd’s conclusion was that housing conditions in Manhattan’s African Americans neighborhood were
very poor, with most houses needing repair. As this low-lying section of Manhattan was susceptible to
periodic flooding, considerable damage had occurred to the homes over the years. Furthermore, the
Union Pacific and Rock Island Railroads were located on Riley and El Paso Streets, placing the tracks
“at the front or back doors of many of these families’ homes; no family was further than two blocks
from the tracks.” The commercial concerns and railroad-related storage facilities situated on the tracks
created an unpleasant atmosphere and the frequency of tramps was a constant annoyance for
residents. 101
Yuma Street was the primary residential street within the traditional African American neighborhood.
Unlike Riley or El Paso Streets, it did not run along the railroad tracks and there were no industrial
businesses. Yuma was paved, but only on the eastern end of the street from Wyandotte Avenue to South
Fifth Street; Yuma and El Paso between South Fifth and South Eleventh Streets were unpaved. 102 In
100
Rosa Murray Hickman, interview by Kerry Davis, Manhattan, Kansas, 1 April 2011.
Hurd, 19
102
Digital Sanborn Maps, 1930, ProQuest Information and Learning Company, © 2001 by The Sanborn Map Company, Sanborn
Library, LLC, Kansas City, MO Public Library <http://80-sanborn.umi.com.proxy.kclibrary.org/> Accessed 19 May 2011.
101
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
fact, approximately half of the houses in the survey had paved streets in front of the homes. 103 The
1947 Sanborn Map shows that seventeen years later these street conditions had not been improved.
Hurd described the houses “quite old,” noting that only four had been built in the preceding ten years
(1927 – 1937). However, since the preceding decade covered much of the Great Depression, this was
not necessarily unusual; new housing construction was down for all economic sectors. Thirty-eight
houses were of good construction, but not all were in good condition; sixteen were of “very cheap
construction,” twenty-five were very poorly constructed and in very poor condition, ten were less than
ten years old, and one stone English Cottage was new. 104 Forty-one families owned property outright
and fifteen were purchasing on contract, which accounts for over half of the families in the study.
Thirty-eight families lived in houses for which they paid monthly rent. Three families lived in
parsonages; one family lived in a home as compensation for working as a watchman of another property;
and one family inherited a house. 105
Some of the renters in the study were likely university students. Denied accommodations on campus
until the 1950s, and from renting apartments in other parts of Manhattan, African American students had
to live over a mile away in the traditional black neighborhood. Some found individual rooms in houses,
but in a few rare instances, students would form group housing. In 1917, the Delta Chapter of the Phi
Beta Sigma fraternity was founded by Charles I. Brown. Brown was one of three founders of the
national chapter in 1914 when he was a student at Howard University. Having moved to Topeka in
1914 to teach, he decided to form a chapter at the Kansas State Agricultural Chapter. The “Dangerous”
Delta Chapter was the first chapter of Phi Beta Sigma at an integrated campus west of the Mississippi
River. The chapter was housed in at least three buildings in the neighborhood: one at 8th and Yuma; a
larger building at 618 Yuma; and finally at 1020 Colorado, originally a two story house with basement
and attic. 106 The fraternity members maintained the house, although most worked in service jobs that
provided meals. A housemother visited only a few times a year. 107 The house saw its greatest
membership during the 1920s, but eventually the chapter disbanded and they lost the chapter house.
Although Rosa Murray Hickman’s family owned their house at 909 Riley Street, Rosa described it as a
“shack,” saying that her father shoveled dirt on the roof so it would not leak. The house had no
electricity until she was of elementary school age (c. 1930). The family used wood and coal for cooking
and heating. 108 This supports the findings in Hurd’s survey, which noted that only seventeen houses out
of one hundred had central furnaces, and eighty-five families used stoves to burn coal and wood for
heat. City water was piped into sixty-three homes, six relied on a pump for water, and three families had
no water – they carried it from a neighbor’s house. Of the sixty-three houses that had plumbing, only
103
104
Hurd 51
Ibid., 36. Note: The author does not account for the condition of all 100 houses.
105
106
“Manhattan, Kansas: The Schools,” The Advocate [Topeka] (25 May 1917).
“Delta Chapter, 1917-1935: Chapter House,” University Archives & Manuscripts – Exhibits 19 June 2001 http://www.lib.kstate.edu/depts/spec/exhibits/pbs/house.html 5 January 2011.
108
Hickman, interview by Hammond.
107
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
twenty-seven had hot and cold water. Ninety-six homes had connections to city sewage but only half
the houses had indoor flush toilets. The remainder has outdoor flush privies with the exception of three
old-fashioned privies. One house had no toilet facilities at all. Electricity was in eighty-eight houses,
and twelve families were still using kerosene or gasoline lamps for lighting. 109
The conditions recorded by Hurd in 1937 may have resulted from a number of factors, including the
economic circumstances of the residents, as well as the fact they were restricted to an older section of
Manhattan. This is the only known housing survey that was conducted in the African American
neighborhood during the first half of the twentieth century; it wasn’t until urban renewal and
development projects of the 1960s through the 1980s that anyone would once again examine the housing
conditions of the south side neighborhood.
As the city entered the 1950s, the unwritten housing practices in Manhattan were beginning to be
questions. The 1952 Civil Rights committee noted that, although there was no city law restricting
housing location, blacks in Manhattan had historically lived south of Colorado Street. In the upcoming
decades, citizens would soon begin questioning the practices that had restricted African Americans to
homes on the south side.
C. Community institutions and organizations
No other community institution was more important to Manhattan’s African American community than
the church. The churches in Manhattan gave African Americans their first leadership and organizational
experience. They were the location of important social and political gatherings. Cultural events and
entertainments were held in churches, especially the congregations with active choral groups. The
church was the center of nearly all aspects of the African American community, serving not only
religious, but the social, cultural and political needs of its members. Most churches also served not only
the welfare needs of their members, but the wider community as well. Some churches played a
significant role in the education of African Americans, holding both secular and Sabbath school classes.
Manhattan’s African American churches founded in the previous century continued to flourish, with
several undertaking major construction projects in the first two decades of the twentieth century. The
1903 flood caused major damage to the Second Methodist Church; as a result, the original frame
building was moved to Tenth and Yuma streets in 1904, and was replaced by a stone building in
1916. 110 The Second Baptist Church started raising funds in 1911 for a new brick building that was
completed in 1917. Rev. Bruce, pastor of the Mount Zion Baptist church, led the movement to
consolidate the Mount Zion Baptist Church with the Second Baptist; as a result, the two churches
merged and it was named Pilgrim Baptist. 111 The Bethel A.M.E. Church built a new frame structure in
109
Hurd, 42
Geraldine Walton, “A History of Shepard Chapel, Manhattan, Kansas, 1866-1967,” Religion and Race Commission of First United
Methodist Church, Manhattan, 1.
111
Ruth Bayard, “History of Pilgrim Baptist Church,” Ruth Bayard Collection, Kansas Collection, RH MS P792, Kenneth Spencer
Research Library, University of Kansas Libraries, Lawrence, Kansas, 2.
110
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1916, and replaced that building a decade later with a larger brick church in 1927. 112 The flourish of
construction activity during the 1910s indicates that the churches had not only reached a stage of
stability, but as these examples show, a period of some prosperity as the earlier small frame buildings
were replaced by new masonry churches. In addition to construction of new buildings for existing
congregations, there were new African American congregations organized in the early twentieth century.
The Church of God was founded in 1920 and was located at 512 S. Eighth Street. Even in 1932 during
the Depression, the Yuma Street Church of God in Christ was organized, housed at 916 Yuma (later
renamed the Mt. Zion Church of God in Christ). 113
Sunday at Manhattan’s black churches was an all-day affair. In addition to worship services, there were
Sunday School classes for both youth and adults, as well as meetings for various church
organizations. 114 Other events were held during the week; some church related, but at other times, the
churches provided venues for other cultural or social occasions. Many churches held annual picnics and
reunions, drawing large crowds and visitors from out-of-town.
Although many social events and organizations were arranged by or held at the black churches, there
were other settings for recreational or cultural events in Manhattan’s black community. In 1919, the
Yuma Athletic Club was formed with over thirty men, including both soldiers and civilians. The club’s
headquarters were in the “colored community house” at 311 S. Ninth Street. Likely organized due to the
lack of recreational venues for African Americans, a newspaper article reporting on the club nonetheless
noted that the men played one night each week at the Y.M.C.A. The club was organized by S. E. Cary,
who was also in charge of the community house, although “Director McPherson” was in charge of
athletics at the club. 115
Manhattan’s African American Progressive Literary Society was active in the early decades of the
twentieth century. The Kansas City Advocate printed a report of an oratorical contest sponsored by the
society at which Miss Edlena Oneal won first prize of $3.00 for her speech on “The Evolution of the
Home.” The same article also reviewed a lecture given to “the colored parents at Douglass school” on
the subject of “The Care of Children.” 116 Celebrations for Emancipation Day were held on August 4th
each year through the 1930s. The large and thriving black population in Topeka also offered many
events and a variety of entertainments. As the Topeka newspaper noted, “Manhattan was well
represented at the emancipation celebration at Alma on August 1st. The colored population of
Manhattan is considering moving to Topeka during the State Fair.” 117
The Negro National League (NNL) was established in 1920 at a Kansas City YMCA. It was organized
for the benefit of cities with large black populations. More geographically isolated Midwest towns had
112
Manhattan Republic (12 May 1927).
Walton, 140 Years of Soul, 100.
114
Billy D. and Linnetta Hill, interview by Deon Wolfenbarger, Manhattan, Kansas, 11 February 2011.
115
“Colored Athletic League,” Manhattan Republic, 22 May 1919, 1.
116
Advocate [Kansas City] (1 June 1917).
113
117
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to organize their own leagues. The Western League of Professional Baseball Teams (Colored Western
League) was a nine-team league that included Oklahoma City, Tulsa, Omaha, St. Joseph, Coffeyville,
Topeka, Independence, Kansas City (Kansas) and Wichita. 118 Manhattan had an even smaller
population, but historic photographs indicate that the city boasted of its own black baseball team for a
while (possibly a city league). George Giles of Manhattan started playing baseball around Manhattan
when he was thirteen years old. He even traveled to Salina to play, and was receiving a salary around
fifteen dollars a week. At age sixteen, he traveled to Kansas City in 1925 to try out for the team, and
was originally signed to play first base for Kansas City at $120 a month. Throughout his productive
career, he played for the Kansas City Royal Giants, Gilkerson Union Giants, Kansas City Monarchs, St.
Louis Stars, Philadelphia Stars, Detroit Wolves, Homestead Grays, Baltimore Black Sox, Brooklyn
Eagles, New York Black Yankees, Pittsburgh Crawfords, and Satchel Paige's All-Stars. The St. Louis
Stars, where Giles played from 1929 through 1931, were considered one of the Negro Leagues' greatest
teams. All-star Ted "Double Duty" Radcliffe called Giles "the best colored first baseman I ever saw. .
." 119 Giles recalled playing games in Manhattan, and team members having to be farmed out to various
houses as there were no accommodations for blacks in town. 120
During World War II, a social center for black soldiers was built at 900 Yuma, providing entertainment
for the soldiers stationed at nearby Fort Riley. Due to the rising number of black soldiers stationed there
during the war, and as entertainment venues were already restricted for blacks in Manhattan, it was
decided to build a separate facility. Although sources list varying construction dates (1939, 1942), the
Army Corp of Engineers built the structure for use as a United Service Organization center (U.S.O.).
During its years of operation as a U.S.O., several notable African Americans, either enlisted men or
entertainers, visited the center, including Joe Louis, Jackie Robinson and Lena Horne. After the war,
the city purchased the building from the federal government and dedicated them to public uses. It was
renovated in 1947 and used as a community center. 121 The building contains a gymnasium in addition
to several other rooms.
As there were fewer than four hundred black residents of Manhattan for most of the first half of the
twentieth century, it was difficult to support many black-owned businesses that catered solely to local
African Americans. With Fort Riley located immediately adjacent to Junction City, the latter town
supported more black businesses, and Manhattan’s residents likely frequented those. However, several
small businesses, some lasting a short time, operated in the early twentieth century and helped
encourage a sense of pride and independence in Manhattan’s black community. The most successful
118
Jason Pendleton, "Jim Crow Strikes Out: Interracial Baseball in Wichita, Kansas, 1920-1935," in John E. Dreifort , Baseball
History from Outside the Lines: a Reader (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2001): 147.
119
“George Giles,” Negro League Baseball Players Association. C. 2000-2007. http://www.nlbpa.com/giles__goerge.html Accessed
11 May 2011.
120
Denise R. Harvey, “A Baseball Memoir – George Giles: A Young Man’s Dream, a Nation’s Shame,” The Manhattan Mercury, D1.
121
Lori Goodson, “WWII: During and After,” The Manhattan Mercury (17 June 1999) C1. “Douglass Community Center,” Parks
and Recreation, City of Manhattan, Kansas. http://www.ci.manhattan.ks.us/Parks_rec/Douglass.asp Accessed 10 June 2003, in
Vertical File, City of Manhattan African-American Community, Kansas State University Archives, Manhattan, Kansas.
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businesses were usually those that accommodated personal services that were denied to blacks by white
business owners, such as barbers, beauticians and restaurants.
Most of black-owned businesses were located in or near the traditional south side neighborhood, such as
the grocery store run by the retired Rev. C. S. Gordon at the corner of Ninth and Pottawatomie streets,
although Ben Gilbert’s barber shop was “in the heart of the principal business section of the city.” 122
The Rev. Gordon first operated the store out of his private residence, but after two years, he built a new
store building next door. In 1910 Margret Ballou was the proprietor of a restaurant at 617 S. Eighth
Street and her neighbor Adda Cruise worked as her waitress. 123 Frances Cooper owned a restaurant in
1920 and employed her cousin Bessie Posten as a waitress; they lived together at 603 S. Third Street.
The location may have been opportune to attract business from railroad workers. Similarly, Charity
Gibson kept a rooming house at 316 S. Sixth Street while neighbors Emma Dawson and Rhoda Brown
worked as cooks at a boarding house, location unknown. It may or may not have been the one owned by
Ida Martin at 826 Yuma Street. Nearby, Harry J. Wilson operated his own barber shop, Billy I. Fox had
a cobbler shop at 1003 Yuma, and Charles S. Gordon was a merchant of groceries at 914
Pottawatomie. 124 Another black-owned grocery store was located on the northwest corner of 9th and
Yuma streets; this was the site of the later U.S.O. building. Mrs. M. E. Smith opened the Smith Café
around 1915 on S. Fourth Street, and offered the “squarest meals one can buy for 25 cents anywhere.” 125
George Giles’ grandmother and mother owned a restaurant at 615 S. Ninth Street, while at the same time
working as cooks at the mess halls at Fort Riley. 126
Second only to the churches in importance, and for the black youth of Manhattan, possibly equal in
importance, was the Douglass School located at the corner of Ninth and Yuma Streets. In the late
nineteenth century, black students in Manhattan attended elementary school with white students: at first,
in the same classrooms, but later in the same building in separate rooms. The 1879 Kansas law that
granted permission for school districts to maintain separate elementary schools for black and white
students applied only to first class cities, which Manhattan was not. Nonetheless, in other Kansas towns
during the late nineteenth century, separate schools were either being established, or their residents were
exploring the possibility. In 1890, residents of Independence requested segregated schools, but a Kansas
court ruled that the city, which had second-class status, did not have the authority to maintain separate
facilities. In 1905 the State of Kansas provided justification for separate schools when the State
Superintendent of Public Instruction released a lengthy argument defending segregation of the races.
In Manhattan, the earliest discussion of separate schools occurred in 1879, coinciding with the influx of
refugees during the Great Exodus. Although there were various dialogues on the subject noted in the
newspapers over the years, the school board did not take up the matter again until 1901, when a survey
122
123
124
“Thirteenth U.S. Census”, Manhattan, Kansas (1910). Electronic resource, www.ancestry.com. Accessed Feb 2011
“Fourteenth U.S. Census”, Manhattan, Kansas (1920) Electronic resource www.ancestry.com. Accessed Feb 2011
125
126
Chaudhuri, 288.
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was commissioned to ascertain the feelings of the city’s black residents. The next discussion of the
subject at a school board meeting occurred on July 6, 1903, when two black men representing the
Americus Club, Eli C. Freeman and Elis Cruise, presented the views of that club regarding separate
schools. At the same time, they also presented a petition requesting free use of the room for a night
school for African Americans. The next week, President Brock of the School Board called a special
meeting to consider the matter of building a two-room building for black students of Manhattan.
Several members of the Americus Club were present. The Board voted to circulate petitions among
black residents “with a view to ascertaining their desire regarding the new building.” 127 Three days
later, a delegation of residents came before the board and represented both sides of the issue, with many
opposing the idea of separate schools. The board passed on the decision until the next meeting on
August 3rd. At that time, the motion to build a separate school lost on the first vote, but won on the
second. Randall Keele, the only African American on the school board, voted to approve the measure
on both calls. 128
As a member of the Americus Club and formerly the teacher at the Grammar Department of the existing
school, Eli C. Freeman was clearly in favor of the new school. He wrote a column in the July 23, 1903
Manhattan Nationalist “Regarding a Colored School.”
. . . the board of education has held its extra meeting to consider the question of erecting on a
suitable location a neat two room school building with all modern conveniences, for the
accommodation of colored children below certain grades. I was told by the president of the
board that a kindergarten for colored children was one of the special features that could be added
in the near future. The sentiment of the majority of the colored people is in favor of this project.
They see no evil omen in the plan or tendency to go backward. . . . I am in favor of the
proposition and it is hard for me to understand how any colored person can, consistently, oppose
a measure out of which is bound to come so much good for his race. 129
The remainder of the article seems to imply that the primary benefit of such a school would be to
provide jobs for young black graduates, leading to a belief by some long-term residents that the
establishment of the school benefited Eli Freeman more than the students. 130
Scores of colored young men and women graduate, every year, from the various institutions of
learning in this state (two such young ladies whose homes are here in Manhattan). By far the
majority of these who wish to follow an educational pursuit must go out of the state to find such
work to do, when by a different and wiser plan they could be given employment at home, thus
making more certain their continuance to the state’s population. There being no other source
from which our negro educators can expect such work save among their own people, every
measure should be considered favoring this idea. 131
127
“Douglass Grade School Reunion, June 17-18, 1994,” in Vertical File, City of Manhattan African-American Community, Kansas
State University Archives, Manhattan, Kansas.
128
Ibid.
129
“Regarding a Colored School,” Manhattan Nationalist (23 July 1903).
130
Chaudhuri, 284.
131
“Regarding a Colored School.”
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On September 7, 1903, a committee of local African Americans presented a formal protest against the
construction of a separate school building. Nonetheless, the Board of Education met in a special session
a week later and approved the building “according to specifications,” and awarded the contract to Smith
and Correll. The speed in which the plans, bids and contracts were awarded gives credence to the
possibility that discussions may have been underway for some time. Eli C. Freeman was chosen as
teacher of the new school at a salary of $50.00 per month. 132 In spited of the disagreement among the
black community over establishing a separate school, local residents went before the Board again on
November 2, 1903 and requested that the school be named after Frederick Douglass. The Board agreed,
but unfortunately misspelled the name as “Douglas” for several years. School opened in January 1904,
and selected Miss Jones as a teacher; Freeman served as principal. 133
Increasing enrollment at Douglass School through the 1920s and into 1930 led to discussions of
enlarging the building, particularly after the kindergarten class was organized in 1930-31. The total
enrollment was forty-five pupils during the 1924-25 school year; fifty-five in 1929-30; seventy in 193031, and eighty in 1931-32. When the number increased to ninety-two pupils in 1933-34, the building’s
resources were seriously strained. As a result, two classes were taught at the junior high school
building. 134 However, the increase in enrollment occurred just as the nation and Kansas were suffering
from the effects of the Depression, and the city’s school district could not raise the funds necessary for
new construction. Thus on September 2, 1935 the Board of Education decided to submit plans with the
Works Progress Administration (WPA). Two days later they changed their minds, and decided instead
to apply to the Public Works Administration (PWA). In the spring of 1936, the Board heard that their
application was not granted, so they went back to the WPA. On August 19, 1936, the WPA approved
the grant, and a large addition was ready by the time school opened in September 1937. The addition
was built in native stone to match the original (both the addition and original school are extant). The
building now contained four classrooms, separate toilets, a library, kitchen, cloak rooms and principal’s
office. The two west rooms had a partition and one featured a stage, so they could be combined into an
auditorium. In 1939, the cement building in the back of the school was used for a Nursery School, a
WPA funded program. The property for the nursery school was obtained through a quitclaim deed from
Randall Keele, “as long as he lives there or moves from there.” 135
A lengthy article in a local Manhattan newspaper in 1942 provides insight into the school’s daily
operations during this period. The principal, Fred Wilhoite, Jr., also taught fifth and sixth grades, and
was joined by Naola Warren, kindergarten teacher; Emma Kennedy, first and second grade teacher; and
Hattie Bell Woods, third and fourth grade teacher. Fourth through sixth graders participated in the
school band, and the P.T.A. sponsored a penny carnival each year to raise money for various projects,
including new playground equipment. The school sponsored extra-curricular activities as well,
132
“Douglass Grade School Reunion,” 1.
Ibid.,” 2.
134
“Start Douglas Work at Once,” Manhattan Chronicle (12 August 1936).
135
“Douglass Grade School Reunion.”
133
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including the Brownies, Intermediate Brownies, and the Junior Red Cross. Every six weeks, a room (i.e.
one of the combined grades classrooms) put on an assembly. Programs for parents included the yearly
Christmas program, and alternating every other year, either physical education demonstrations or
operettas. Promoting racial identity, the school taught a course in “Negro history” for fifth and sixth
graders, where they read books and poetry by black authors, and studied the contributions to science, art
and education made by African Americans. In order to prepare students for the abrupt change from
segregation in sixth grade to an integrated junior high, there were joint activities among the elementary
schools. Sports events, such as track meets and softball and baseball games, as well as exchange
assemblies were planned by the school district. In 1942, the newspaper noted that keeping separate
schools was costlier in some areas, such as maintenance. Furthermore, the Douglass school teachers had
to prepare lesson plans for more than one grade. 136 Although residents may have felt something was
wrong about the segregation in Manhattan’s elementary level, graduates still recall the school fondly.
As Geraldine Walton stated, it was part of the larger black community, where teachers lived in the
neighborhood, attended church with them, and played cards with their parents. 137
As Douglass School neared its fiftieth anniversary, the United States Supreme Court was hearing a case
from nearby Topeka regarding the constitutionality of separate schools for blacks and whites.
Discussing the possible outcome of the case supporting integration, the newspaper noted that “probably
the vast majority of Negro pupils would continue to go there. There are some white pupils within the
area who would logically attend Douglass School if the building were integrated into the system.” The
article further asserts that:
There is no special Douglass district—the school handbook merely says that all Negro pupils
from kindergarten to and including sixth graders, shall attend Douglass School. 138
Although separation of the races in Manhattan’s public school system would not end immediately after
the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, there were other small
changes that were signaling a new era. A few businesses were now allowing African American patrons.
For the first half of the twentieth century, white-owned and operated businesses were off limits to
Manhattan’s black residents. By 1952, though, a report of the Manhattan Civil Rights Committee noted
that “within the last three years, all theatres have offered all seats open to everyone . . .” and “an increase
during the last year in the number of restaurants in Aggieville and downtown which serve Negroes.” 139
Even though the 1950s did not immediately usher in equal rights for all Manhattan’s citizens, it was
beginning of a time of change.
136
Roving Reporter, “65 Children of Douglas School Enjoy Classwork, Art and Music,” The Tribune News (6 May 1942): 11.
Leah Fliter “Pre-Brown School Days,” The Manhattan Mercury (14 May 2004): 3.
138
“Douglass 50 Years Old Soon: 82 at Negro School Here,” Manhattan Nationalist (8 December 1953).
139
“City Progresses in Civil Rights,” 9 March 1952, in Black History Files, Riley County Historical Museum, Manhattan, Kansas.
137
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III. “Maybe someday . . . “ Change comes slowly to Manhattan: 1954 - 1972
As a child growing up in Manhattan in the 1950s, Linnetta Hill recalls asking her mother if they could
go to a certain restaurant. “Maybe someday” was her mother’s answer. At the park, whenever she
would get thirsty or need to use the restroom, her father would suddenly remark, “It’s time to go
home.” 140 Thus as a child, she was largely shielded from the ugly truth of segregation and
discrimination. Indeed, because of the close family-like atmosphere in the south side neighborhood
where they grew up, many blacks in Manhattan were unaware of segregation until they began attending
the only junior high school in town with white students. This abrupt change was difficult for many
black youth, according to Manhattan native Rosa Hickman. 141
The disparity between Kansas’ early history as a free state, and the discrimination experienced by
Manhattan’s black citizens every day, must have been hard to reconcile. In the 1870s, Kansas was one
of only three states in the country that had passed legislation on civil rights. When the Kansas
Legislature enacted the Civil Rights Act of 1874, it prohibited “any distinction on account of race, color,
or previous condition of servitude.” Violation of this was a misdemeanor and would result in a
substantial fine. Although this established a guarantee to legal freedom, historian James Leiker notes
the state’s contradictory position throughout its history with a lack of commitment to political and social
equality for blacks. 142 This lack of commitment was seen from the very beginning, as the 1870s antidiscrimination law was weak and never enforced. It was not until the 1950s and 1960s that the state
finally passed legislation that truly addressed discrimination. In 1953, the state legislature passed a bill
enacting fair employment legislation. 143 Another bill was introduced in 1959 that amended the Kansas
Anti-Discrimination Act, expanding it to include hotels, motels, and other public places. A version of
this bill did not pass until 1963, though, two years after the state passed the Kansas Act against
Discrimination in May 1961. Finally, the new Kansas Act Against Discrimination created a Kansas
Commission on Civil Rights (KCCR) that had enforcement powers.
Also contradictory to the state’s early history was the 1879 act that legalized education segregation at
the elementary level in cities of the first class. Nonetheless, it may have been the more tolerant attitude
of white Kansans towards blacks, where they rejected racial inferiority and actually believed the
“separate-but-equal” doctrine, that led the plaintiffs in the Supreme Court case of Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka to believe they had a chance of success. 144 A few years after the Supreme Court’s
decision, the nation’s first sustained successful sit-ins were organized in 1958 in Wichita at Dockum’s
lunch counter by the youth chapter of the NAACP of Wichita. Again, part of reason for the significant
achievements in civil rights by Kansas African Americans may lie in state’s location on the central
plains of the United States, away from the violence associated with the movement in the South.
140
Billy D. and Linnetta Hill.
Hickman, interview by Davis.
142
James N. Leiker, “Race Relations in the Sunflower State: A Review Essay,” Kansas History. Vol. 25 (Autumn 2002): 221.
143
Joseph P. Doherty, Civil Rights in Kansas: Past, Present, and Future ( Topeka: Kansas Commission on Civil Rights, 1972): 8-10,
13-14.
144
Leiker, 225-226.
141
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The period of significance for this context extends from 1954, the year of the Supreme Court decision in
the case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, to 1972, when urban renewal projects were started
in the neighborhood, changing its historic character and resulting in the demolition of several resources.
A. Civil rights movement in Manhattan
It is possible that Manhattan was ready for change in the 1950s for a number of reasons not associated
with the 1954 Supreme Court decision. Returning World War II veterans stationed at nearby Fort Riley
were not prepared to go back to the pre-war days of segregation. After experiencing newly integrated
U.S. military forces, and then fighting and dying for the rights of all American citizens, many returned
home with a renewed since of purpose. Change was also slowly occurring at Kansas State University,
and in some instances, civil rights activities initiated at the university extended into the larger
community. One incident in particular is frequently notes. In 1964, a black assistant engineering
professor, Dr. Delon Hampton, was refused service at a barber shop in Aggieville, a small commercial
area located on the edge of the campus. This event sent shockwaves through much of the community, as
University President McCain noted the incident was an “inexcusable indignity” and “un-American
behavior.” 145
As a direct result of this incident, a local chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality (C.O.R.E.) was
formed in the spring of 1964. The organization’s goal was to eliminate racial inequality throughout the
city by negotiation rather than by direct confrontation. Deciding to first focus on barber shops, a
C.O.R.E. survey found that out of fifteen shops in the city, seven would not serve African Americans.
The group next trained their members in picketing and how to cope with hecklers without violence. 146
In May 1964, however, while picketing two barber shops, their demonstration was interrupted by the
burning of a cross in the front yard of Rev. Warren Rempel, a C.O.R.E. member. 147
Following this, the city passed an ordinance creating a Human Relations Board. In a newspaper article
about the new board, although then Mayor Richard D. Rogers questioned whether picketing was helpful
to the cause, he noted that “Fort Riley and Kansas State University bring diverse nationalities to our
community and we must measure up to the responsibilities of a truly international city even though we
are 2,000 miles from seaports. . . Provincialism is a thing of the past . . .” 148
Changing attitudes towards racial equality at Kansas State University were partly the result of the efforts
of the university administration. Starting with university President Milton Eisenhower (serving from
1943 to 1950), but particularly with President James McCain (1950 to 1975), these administrators set the
tone for easing Kansas State University out of its discriminatory segregation practices towards racial
equality. Some of the discriminatory practices were halted due to their direct actions, but at other times,
145
“Race Issue Shocks President McCain,” Kansas State Collegian (17 February 1964).
Jan Jernigan, “C.O.R.E. Negotiations Substitute for Sit-Ins,” Kansas State Collegian (23 April 1964): 1,3.
147
“Cross Burning Incident Mars Otherwise Quiet Picketing,” Kansas State Collegian,( 11 May 1964): 1.
148
“Human Relations Board Sets Rules,” in Black History Files, Riley County Historical Museum, Manhattan, Kansas.
146
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President McCain’s open attitude toward change and equality led him to accept initiatives led by
students.
During McCain’s tenure, Kansas State determined that it would no longer support any off-campus
housing listings from landlords that discriminated, requiring them in 1967 to sign a pledge. 149
In 1968, the Kansas State student senate passed a bill requesting an increase in African American
faculty. 150 That was followed by rules aimed at preventing fraternities and sororities from
discrimination. 151 After Paula Blair was elected the first African American homecoming queen in 1968,
a “racial disturbance” led to campus debates about the event and the administration’s response. In
response, the Black Student Union was formed a year later. In 1970, the group presented President
McCain a list of grievances, primarily covering the racism they felt present at the University, but also
concerns about the support for minority students. 152
One key turning point for the university was bringing back alumnus Veryl Switzer in 1969, the same
year that the recruitment phase for minorities began at Kansas State. Switzer would eventually serve as
the Associate Dean and Assistant Vice-President for university minority affairs from 1973 to 1988.
During his first year, minority student enrollment increased by forty-eight students (only ten were
athletes) for a total of 175 minority students. By 1972, the number of minority students had almost
doubled to 300. 153 Between Switzer’s and McCain’s efforts, most of the campus protests at Kansas
State University were peaceful, particularly when contrasted with events on campuses around the nation.
Even at the University of Kansas in Lawrence, often considered one of the more liberal cities in the
state, racial tensions were much higher than in Manhattan. Lawrence saw a particularly violent riot by
the Black Student Union after the Lawrence police killed a young black man. 154
Not only was the African American student body growing at the university campus, the African
American population of the city also finally began increasing after 1950. After holding steady with
between 300 to 400 black residents for the first fifty years of the twentieth century, by 1950, there were
now 539 African Americans in Manhattan. Although the percentages of blacks to whites remained
about the same during the latter half of the twentieth century (around three to four percent), there were
finally more voices when change was demanded. Table 4 shows that the city’s black population also
remained steady when compared to the overall percentage of Kansas residents.
149
John Chalmers, “K.S.U. During the Vietnam Years,” (Speech, Manhattan Rotary Club, Manhattan, 17 July 1995) in Vertical File:
Campus Unrest. University Archives, Kansas State University.
150
Loren Kruse, “Senate Bill Asks Boost in K-State Negro Jobs,” Kansas State Collegian ( 21 February 1968).
151
Chalmers.
152
Kansas State Collegian (26 February 1970).
153
JEM, Office of University news, Manhattan Kansas (September 1 1972), in Vertical File: Alumni, Minority, University Archives,
Kansas State University.
154
Craig Miner, Kansas: The History of the Sunflower State, 1854-2000, (Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2002) 346.
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Table 4: African American Population 1950 – 2010 155
Date
1950
1960
1970
2010
Total
population
19,056
22,993
27,575
52,281
Manhattan
African
American
population
539
814 156
731
2,179
Percent of
Manhattan
population
3%
4%
3%
4%
Total
population
1,905,299
2,178,611
2,246,578
2,853,118
Kansas
African
American
population
Percent of
Kansas
population
73,158
91,445
106,977
154,198
4%
4%
5%
5%
Just as the students at Kansas State University started to question the status quo in regards to racial
discrimination, local citizens were changing their attitudes, leading some to turn to political activism in
order to alter long held traditions and customs regarding the separation of races in Manhattan. James
Butler is an example of an African American that decided to make changes in Manhattan. Butler moved
to the community from Kansas City, Kansas in 1928. Although he felt that the discrimination he
experienced in Kansas City was “bad,” that city was larger (possibly inferring more opportunities) and
“at least it had paved streets.” 157 Ironically, it was the issue of unpaved streets in the traditional black
neighborhood, long a sore point with local residents, that would be used as the springboard for civil
rights activism in Manhattan. It was a seemingly small issue – a street lighting project along Juliette
Street proposed to end at the intersection of Colorado Street (i.e., the traditional black neighborhood) –
that finally forced black residents to realize the inequities in most aspects of their lives. Later Butler
would compare this issue to Rosa Parks experiencing what others might consider a small indignity. 158
The street lighting project was the spark that led a group of activists to turn their attention to the general
conditions of the neighborhood. Butler, Madaline Sullinger, and others petitioned the city to clean up
the neighborhood and to finally pave the streets, or as Butler called the efforts – “Round 1 – unpaved
streets issue.” Although they were successful in getting Yuma Street paved, there were no other
substantial improvements until Murt Hanks Jr. was elected to the city commission in the late 1960s. 159
His election came about with a realization that no substantial improvements or action in the housing and
infrastructure situation would take place unless African Americans directly participated in local politics.
Thus in 1968, a group of six African Americans, including Hanks, James Butler, and Jesse Baker, Jr.,
decided to enter the political arena. With a coalition that included church groups, black and white
citizens, Kansas State University faculty, and university student Human Relations teams, they succeeded
155
All population data presented in this chart was obtained from electronic sources at www.census.gov, the official website of the U.S
Census Bureau unless otherwise referenced by footnote. Accessed May 2011.
156
In 1960, African Americans were grouped with “Non-Whites”. Oblinger-Smith determined that 71.8% of Manhattan’s non- white
population were African Americans, which is the number shown in this chart.
157
“Panel Recalls Manhattan’s Early Civil Rights Movement,” 1.
158
Ibid., 8.
159
Ibid., 8.
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in electing Hanks in 1969. 160 Hanks was re-elected in 1973, and served as mayor in 1973 and 1975.
James Butler went on to serve key positions statewide, including president of the Kansas chapter of the
NAACP as well as chairman of the Kansas Civil Rights Commission.
In addition to segregatory housing practicies, there was also racial discrimination at public facilities and
private establishments. In some instances, practices that were unwritten but in place for over half a
century were quietly abolished when questioned. In the summer of 1956, Robert Robinson was a
graduate student in bacteriology. When he tried to swim in the city pool with student friends, he was
told he would not be admitted, and that there was “another pool free of charge for him to swim in.”
Upon questioning the city about this practice, he found that “Colored foreign students have full access to
the pool but the pool attendants had been instructed to direct American Negroes to the Douglas Center
pool.” Robinson then worte to the City Commission for clarification. The city decided that Robinson
could swim in the city pool, if he presented the letter with this decision to the pool manager. 161 This
certainly was not a clear victory, but it was drastically reversed the policy experienced for decades by
black residents; the only time they had been allowed to use the pool in the past was during the
Emancipation Day celebration, and the city disgracefully emptied the pool the day after their use. A
panel later recalling the civil rights movement in Manhattan noted that the several changes at the
university was even less controversial. At one point, someone called the University adminstration to
complain that “blacks are swimming in our pool.” The admintrator’s response was, “So what?” 162
The events in Manhattan contrasted with those in other parts of the nation, where the civil rights
movement was met with increasing violence in the mid-1960s, especially as it moved into the deep
South. Malcolm X, the Muslim spokesperson, was assassinated February 21, 1968. A black veteran
was murdered by a state trooper in Selma at the end of the month, and on March 7, 1965 – “Bloody
Sunday” – white police officers violently beat black marchers there. However, the 1960s also brought
federal legislation that provided a legal basis for equal rights. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy
issued Executive Order 10925 requiring government contractors to "take affirmative action to ensure
that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their
race, creed, color, or national origin." The order established the President's Committee on Equal
Employment Opportunity. This committee would later become the Equal Employment Opportunity
Commissione (EEOC) in 1964 after the Civil Rights Act was passed. That landmark legislation
outlawed racial segregation in schools, at work, and public accommodations, and also prohibited the
unequal application of voter registration requirements.
An important event in this era was the speech given by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. at Kansas State
University on January 19, 1968 as part of the convocation lecture series. Although it was not without
controversy, the lecture was attended by over 7,000 students and led to many discussions on campus.
After the speech and a lunch with university administration, Dr. King asked to visit the traditional black
160
Although Hanks is credited as the first black elected to public office, J. M. T. Howell served sometime prior to his death in 1897.
George Vohs, “Unwritten City Policy Prohibits Negro Use of Play Facilities,” Kansas State Collegian (19 July 1956) 2.
162
“Panel Recalls Manhattan’s Early Civil Rights Movement,” 8.
161
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neighborhood in Manhattan. While there, he gave an impromptu speech at Pilgrim Baptist Church. 163
This visit would be Dr. King’s last speech on a college campus, occurring only two and a half months
before his assassination. At the time of his death, he still had notes from his KSU visit in his pocket. A
few days after his death, a peaceful march was organized in Manhattan, starting at City Park and ending
at Pilgrim Baptist Church where a memorial service was held.
Besides the obvious significance of hosting Dr. King, the city’s black churches played crucial roles in
Manhattan’s civil rights activities, not only by providing locations for meetings but by sponsoring or
participating in race relations studies or civil rights committees in Manhattan. A Civil Rights Panel
noted that local civil rights action groups started in Manhattan’s churches. Individual Social Concern
Boards within each of the churches organized a multi-church Council on Human Relations. These
boards possibly had their start in the regular fellowship and study meetings of the Manhattan Ministerial
Association, a group where pastors and reverends from most of the area churches would get together. It
was here that some pastors, such as Rev. Ben Duerfeldt of the First Christian Church (white) and Rev.
L.E. Madison of the Pilgrim Baptist Church (black) became friends. These two ministers often met
outside of the Ministerial Alliance and decided to start exchanges between the two churches. Their first
exchange was in 1970, and they became somewhat of an annual event (or even more frequent) for a few
years. 164
As both the nation and Manhattan progressed into the 1970s, the character of the civil rights movement
changed. Richard Nixon was reelected president of the United States in 1972, and he began eliminating
Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty programs as a concession to southern states. Attention within the
movement shifted away from enacting new legislation which enabled basic rights and more towards
enforcing those rights that were established in the previous decade.
B. The South Side neighborhood
Even though there were no formal ordinances restricting housing, unwritten custom and real estate
practices restricted blacks in Manhattan to a very small area of town, generally located between South
Third Street on the east and South Thirteenth Street on the west. The north/south boundaries were
Colorado on the north and Pottawatomie on the south; however on Colorado, blacks generally resided in
the 900 and 1000 blocks. From around 1900 and later, Yuma was generally considered the northern
limit. African Americans lived primarily between South Fourth Street on the east and South Thirteenth
Street on the west (see map in Appendix A).
The great flood of 1951 temporarily changed the landscape in the northeast and southeast quadrants of
Manhattan, flooded over two hundred city blocks, and resulted in six to eight feet of water running in the
streets downtown. 165 The flood caused twenty million dollars in damage to the city, including many
properties on Yuma, El Paso, Riley, and Pottawatomie streets. During the flood, all Manhattan residents
163
Billy D. and Linnetta Hill, interview with DeonWolfenbarger, Manhattan, Kansas, 25 July 2011.
Rev. Ben Duerfeldt, interview with Kerry Davis, Manhattan, Kansas, 19 September 2011.
165
Kansas Water Science Center, US Geological Survey online database http://ks.water.usgs.gov. Accessed May 2, 2011
164
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who were affected and needed housing were evacuated to temporary shelter in the Field House and West
Stadium at Kansas State University. Most residents in the black neighborhood were able to repair their
houses after the flood including adding indoor plumbing for those south of Yuma who had not
previously had water and sewer connections. 166
Other conditions in the neighborhood had not changed noticeably as area moved into the early 1960s.
The southern portion of the area on El Paso, Riley, and Pottawatomie streets still flanked the rail yards
and tracks. Due to the nature of businesses that needed access to rail transportation, the area contained
grain elevators, cold storage warehouses, lumber and coal yards, assorted machinery storage, a gas
generating plant, Kansas Power and Light Company, aluminum products manufacturing company and
bulk oil storage plants, and the city zoning on these streets was “Heavy Industrial.” 167 , 168 Living
conditions were somewhat better on Yuma Street between 5th and 11th Streets, which was zoned
“Second Dwelling House” (Two-family Residential), ” while west of 11th Street on Yuma was zoned
“First Dwelling House” (Single Family Residential). 169
African American families wishing to move out of the south side neighborhood had few choices in the
1950s and 1960s, as real estate agents (in a practice known as “steering”) would not show properties to
blacks looking to settle in another part of town. Furthermore, as in other parts of the country, some
properties or developments in Manhattan promoted segregation with restrictions, deed covenants, and
even group pressure on white residents to practice racial exclusions – practices that were common
through the United States. 170 The unwritten practices, sometimes referred to as “gentlemen’s
agreements,” were prevalent throughout the country for decades. As early as 1924, the National
Association of Real Estate Boards established a “code of ethics,” which prohibited realtors from
introducing members of any race to a neighborhood that would threaten property values; this code
remained until the late 1950s. Finally, the federal government itself reinforced segregation beginning
with the Home Owners Loan Corporation in 1933 and the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) in
1934. The former started an appraisal system for loans by rating neighborhoods using a raciallydetermined ranking as one of its key criteria. Nationwide, black and other minority neighborhoods were
assigned to the lowest or “red” ratings, originating the term “redlining.” This appraisal system was
subsequently adopted by the FHA.
In spite of the restrictions placed on housing choices, many older African Americans had a fondness for
the historic neighborhood. By the 1960s, though, they were tired of the poor condition of the streets
and public utilities in their neighborhood. When the Manhattan Council on Human Relations was
organized in 1961, it worked on several projects from small to large, with several focusing on
neighborhood conditions, such as petitions to pave streets, enclose the junk yard, and fair housing.
166
Don Slater, interview by Barbara Hammond, Manhattan, Kansas, 10 February 2011.
Sanborn Maps 1923, 1930, 1947
168
City of Manhattan. The Planning Process: Long Range Objectives. 1954:zoning map
169
Oblinger-Smith, Neighborhood Analysis, Manhattan Kansas (1968):19
170
Arnold R. Hirsch, "With or Without Jim Crow: Black Residential Segregation in the United States," in Urban Policy in Twentieth
Century America, by Arnold R. and Raymond A. Mohl Hirchs (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1993)
167
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After being generally ignored by the City of Manhattan for decades in the area of public improvements,
the southeast section of the city was finally a focus of planning efforts by the city beginning in the
1950s. By this time, the City of Manhattan was initiating city-wide planning, and as a result, housing
conditions in the southeast neighborhood of Manhattan were well documented between 1954 and 1981,
either by the city or by graduate students at Kansas State University. 171 Although each study used
slightly different boundaries, they focused on an area that lay between Poyntz Avenue and Pottawatomie
Street on the north and south, and South Third Street and South Seventeenth Street on the east and west
[note: the traditional African American neighborhood was a smaller area within these study areas as
seen on the map in Appendix A].
A 1968 report highlighted the segregated housing practices by relaying statistics that showing that, in
1960, nearly all of the black population (797 out of 814) resided in the study area. Furthermore, the
report found that the neighborhood contained 234 dilapidated, uninhabitable housing units; although this
was only three percent of the total housing units in the city, because they were so concentrated, they
represented nearly one-fourth of the houses within a small area. Combined with the number of houses
rated “Poor”, a good two-thirds of housing inhabited by African Americans in Manhattan was
considered by the authors to be substandard in quality. 172 Although the facts gathered for the numerous
studies were important, the changes were still slow in coming for the residents of Manhattan’s African
American neighborhood. As a result, when a 1973 study of southeast Manhattan attempted to interview
residents, the authors were rebuffed; residents refused to participate in the survey because they felt that
nothing had come of many other such surveys, and they were tired of just talking about what needed to
be done. In the end, three community leaders came forward to take part in the discussion: Murt Hanks,
then current Mayor of Manhattan, Tommy Starnes, a graduate student at Kansas State University and
Assistant Director of the Douglass Community Center, and Marvin Butler, a graduate student at the
university and Assistant Director of Manhattan Urban Renewal Agency. 173
Although residents expressed a desire to stay in the community and preserve it, they emphasized its need
for improvement. Residents were still discouraged after years of requests to the City for public
improvements. As of 1973, three streets in Southeast Manhattan were still not paved and portions of
South Ninth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Streets were still in need of improvement. Yuma Street had become
a heavily-traveled truck route. 174 The neighborhood would eventually become part of various urban
renewal projects in Manhattan. Urban renewal as first set in motion with the Title One of the Housing
171
Oblinger-Smith, 1968. Oblinger-Smith. Housing and Population Data Handbook for City of Manhattan. 1977. Wilbur Smith &
Associates. Transit Development Program for City of Manhattan, Kansas. 1976. Kansas College of Agriculture and Applied Science.
The Planning Process – Long Range Objectives of the City of Manhattan, Kansas. 1954. William A. Porter, Jr. Analysis of the
Residential Structure of Underprivileged Black Neighborhoods: A Case Study in Manhattan, Kansas. Thesis for Master of Arts,
Kansas State University. 1973. Gary M. Lane. An Advisory Report and Evaluation for the Development of the Community of South
Manhattan. Non-Thesis Project for Master of Science. Kansas State University. 1973.
172
173
174
Lane, 1
Ibid., 17
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Act of 1949, although the phase "Urban renewal" was later popularized with the passage of the 1954
Housing Act. This latter legislation hoped that, through massive demolition, slum clearance, and
rehabilitation, that neighborhoods would again become viable. The Housing Act also provided
federally-subsidized home mortgages for veterans, which in turn produced “white flight” to the suburbs.
This migration, in addition to prohibitive “redlining” practices, left low-income African Americans and
Hispanics to be relocated to inner city public housing projects in bigger population centers. Ultimately
such comprehensive, aggressive programs proved controversial around the country because they often
destroyed the social cohesion and quality of life of residential neighborhoods. The large-scale
destruction that occurred, especially in large urban areas, eventually resulted in preservation legislation
found in the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966. 175
Manhattan’s Urban Renewal Agency proposed public improvements in the African American
neighborhood in the form of new sidewalks, additional street lighting, and realignment of Pottawatomie
Street. Manhattan completed projects using acquisition, demolition, rehabilitation, and relocation to
carry out improvements in housing for residents despite the fact that affordable living conditions for
displaced residents, particularly those with large families, were scarce. Urban Renewal was a two-part
program: 1971 and 1972 were spent on survey and planning, and 1972 through 1975 was the execution
phase. The Community Development Program followed in 1976. 176
The demographics of the study area in 1970 revealed a heavy concentration of elderly persons, femaleheaded households, young, low-income two-parent families, and a minority population, predominately
black. These groups coincidentally demonstrated the greatest need for low-cost housing in
Manhattan. 177 During the second phase of projects from 1972 to 1975, Urban Renewal funded
construction of new units for public and elderly housing. Nearly 150 single-family and multi-family
units were demolished and new construction resulted in 273 living units within thirty-five new
structures. 178 Several of the buildings demolished, and the subsequent new construction, occurred
within the traditional African American neighborhood. Community resident Don Slater owns a house
that was built as part of these government programs. In 1975 Slater’s mother’s house on Yuma Street
was demolished and his present house replaced it on the site. 179 Federal funding during this period also
developed public areas in the traditional black neighborhood, such as Sojourner Truth Park. The Urban
Renewal Agency purchased the land in 1972 for community improvements. 180 Now equipped with a
shelter and picnic areas, the park is located in the southwest corner of the neighborhood on
Pottawatomie between South Manhattan and South Eleventh Streets
175
David Rusk, Inside Game Outside Game ( Brookings Institution, 1999): 90.
Juanette L. Foster, “An Impact Analysis of Housing Programs for the Southeast Quadrant: Manhattan, Kansas,” Thesis for Master
of Arts, Kansas State University (1981):22.
177
Ibid., citing Oblinger-Smith, 1977
178
Ibid., 22
179
Slater, interview with Hammond.
176
180
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C. Douglass School – end of an era
Although the United States Supreme Court decision in the case of Brown v. Board of Education of
Topeka in 1954 made it unconstitutional to establish separate schools for black and white students, in
Kansas cities that already had separate schools, most boards of education simply changed their policies
and opened schools to all children based on their places of residence. In practice, with most cities
having concentrations of blacks in segregated neighborhoods, African American students continued to
attend the same largely segregated school. 181 In the 1950s, however, while the Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka case was under consideration before the Supreme Court, the Manhattan Board of
Education began to move away from its previous segregation policy – in words, that is. Immediately
after the ruling by the Supreme Court, the school board was ready with a response. According to board
president Harvey Langford and Superintendent F. V. Bergman, there was never any legal segregation in
Manhattan. “No white child has ever been refused permission to attend Douglas [sic] school, and no
colored child ever applied to be admitted to another school,” according to Bergman. Langford noted at
this time that Manhattan’s situation was “different” in that African Americans were concentrated in the
Douglass School area. They did not think if they lived in another area of town, they would have been
refused entrance. As a matter of policy, the board had been considering for some time making a
statement “on the record that segregation does not exist in Manhattan,” but action had been deferred
until a new superintendent arrived. Bergman finally concluded by stating that “members of the colored
community had asked for their own school.” 182
These statements were contradicted by the fact that although there were white and Hispanic residents in
the neighborhood, and other white elementary schools nearby, Douglass School alone had an all black
student enrollment. Even after the school board’s public statement, nothing changed for a few years.
Douglass School saw one of its highest enrollments in 1957-58, with 131 pupils. There continued to be
four teachers, including the principal who also taught grades five and six for many years. However,
knowing that the school would soon be closing, Geraldine Walton decided to send her daughter to
kindergarten at Theodore Roosevelt in 1960. 183 By 1961-62, there were only thirty-eight students
enrolled, and just two teachers remaining – Mrs. Marjorie Johnson and Mrs. DeGrate. 184 The drop in
enrollment indicates that other parents may have followed Walton’s lead, by enrolling their younger
children as they came of age at the formerly white elementary schools, while the black students that
were already enrolled at Douglass after 1954 likely remained there.
Douglass School was closed after the end of the 1961-62 school year. After the school closure, the
school district continued to use the building for the Maintenance Department, and a shop was added
south of the school in 1962. 185 The Douglass School building was purchased by the city in 1974. Initial
plans for its used in conjunction with the Douglass Center (former U.S.O. building) began in 1970 when
181
Bright, 369-370.
“Small Effect on Schools in City,” Manhattan Republic (19 May 1954)
183
Fliter, 3.
184
Claire Crumbaker, Clerk of Board of Education of USD #383, May 3, 1973. Taken from Official Board of Education minutes filed
at the Education Center, 2031 Poyntz, 3.
185
“150 Years of Education in Manhattan.”
182
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Marvin Butler was in charge of the center. When federal revenue sharing funds were made available to
the city, approximately $40,000 was set aside. 186 Although the original intent was to turn it into a
museum of black culture, today it is part of the Douglass Community Center within Manhattan’s Parks
and Recreation Department. The school building was renamed the Douglass Center Annex in 1981, and
contains the administrative offices for the Center. 187 The rear of the property is currently used by
Flinthills Breadbasket. Across the street, the former U.S.O. building serves as the main building for the
Douglass Community Center, containing a gym and several rooms for athletic and meetings; the local
NAACP held meetings in the building for several years. 188
186
“Douglass School Building Sale Okayed,” Manhattan Mercury ( 20 January 1974).
“Douglass Grade School Reunion,” preface.
188
Charle Sioux Charleton, “Douglass Centers around Community,” in Vertical File: City of Manhattan African American
Community, University Archives, Kansas State University, Manhattan, Kansas.
187
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Page 1
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
ASSOCIATED PROPERTY TYPES
The property type related to the historic contexts covered in African American Resources in Manhattan,
Kansas include buildings, structures, objects, sites or districts associated with African Americans in
Manhattan, Kansas. The period of significance extends from the first records of blacks in Manhattan in
1865 through 1972, when urban renewal projects began changing the physical character of the
neighborhood. This project was based in part on previous reconnaissance-level historic and architectural
surveys, as well as windshield surveys of areas not yet inventoried in order to determine the types of
resources that one might expect to find in future surveys. As such, information about historic resources
was limited. Future surveys in Manhattan may add to or alter what is known about the property types
that follow, or may reveal information about new property types.
Due to the extremely limited number of extant historic resources associated with African Americans in
Manhattan, only two property types based on historic association were developed – residences and
community institutions. While there may remain fifty to one hundred residences associated with one of
the contexts, there are less than ten extant examples of the other property type, which includes churches,
businesses, and a school. 189 However, when evaluating African American resources in Manhattan, it is
preferable to first determine if there is a potential historic district. As Manhattan’s history includes a
long period of housing segregation, the vast majority of historic resources are located within a specific
area of Manhattan. Due to demolition, urban renewal and transportation projects, as well as alterations
to extant buildings, the likelihood of a large district is low. There may, however, be small
concentrations of buildings that could be considered as a district. Sometimes, buildings within a
potential district may not possess individual significance or they may exhibit a slightly lesser degree of
integrity, yet they may still contribute to a larger concentration of resources that convey significant
aspects of Manhattan’s African American history. Under Criterion A in the area of ethnic heritage,
African American districts represent the conditions and places where Manhattan blacks lived and
worked during the period of significance. These districts provide important information of the
settlement patterns of Manhattan’s African American population, and where they were, and were not,
able to move to as their population grew. The districts may thus also be significant in the area of
community planning and development. Even after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against restrictive
housing covenants in 1948, it would take longer for blacks to be free to move out of the south side
neighborhood; even today, a large number of black residents remain in this neighborhood
While representatives of each separate property type will vary in physical appearance from another
property type, all of the resources share at least a few common attributes, particularly in the areas of
significance and, in some instances, registration requirements. In the interest of preventing repetition,
the common attributes are discussed first.
189
An intensive level historic resource survey has not been conducted in Manhattan’s historic black neighborhood. A survey may
reveal more, or less, resources.
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African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
Significance – General
The resources are significant under Criterion A in the area of ethnic heritage for their association with
historic African American activities and development in Manhattan. These resources may have been
built for or by African Americans, or they may have originally been built for another ethnic group. If
African Americans leased or owned the property during the period of significance, the property has the
potential to be eligible. The property types may represent some aspect of racial discrimination, such as
segregation in housing or education, or an achievement of an individual African American, such as in
the establishment of a successful business. They may be associated with community or social
organizations, where the welfare of the African American community was provided for in the absence of
opportunities found in other parts of Manhattan. In some instances, there are very few extant or intact
representatives of these property types left in Manhattan. The relative scarcity of a particular property
type should be taken into account when evaluating its significance in ethnic heritage, particularly if the
scarcity itself is a result of racial barriers.
Manhattan’s African American resources may also be significant in other areas, such as
exploration/settlement, community planning and development, commerce, education, or social
history. The only school built for African Americans is still extant, and is significant in the area of
ethnic heritage as well as education. It stands as a physical reminder of decades of segregation, yet also
demonstrates the importance of education to blacks in Manhattan. Since the construction of the school,
as well as virtually every other building associated with African Americans ,was tied to the historic
locations of Manhattan’s black neighborhood, examples of this property type may also be significant in
the context of community planning and development. Most of these other areas of historic associations
will generally require evaluation on an individual basis.
African American resources in Manhattan may also be eligible under Criterion C in the area of
architecture. In the area of architecture, African American resources may be significant for a
distinctive design, form, or construction characteristics that are associated with the building’s original
use. The resources may possess high artistic values or may be good examples of typical types or styles
of popular architecture of the period. The resources, craftsmanship, materials, construction methods
may sometimes reflect the ethnic background or socio-economic status of the owners, designers, or
craftsmen who were African American. The involvement of African American craftsmen in the
construction of a building, whether general contractors, carpenters, or masons, in the construction of a
resource contributes to their significance no matter the stylistic influence. Some of these buildings may
have been constructed for white clients, or were public projects funded by the city or the University.
African American resources may also be eligible under Criterion B if associated with significant
individuals. In these instances, the resource must be associated with African Americans who provided
leadership within the community or in the civil rights movement, or who excelled in some area such as
education, sports, commerce, politics or entertainment. The accomplishments of these individuals
should have occurred during the period of significance, as well as be associated with the property being
considered, which may vary from residences, commercial buildings or churches, depending upon the
area of significance. If there are no other extant properties associated with a significant individual, their
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childhood home may be eligible. Properties of citizens of other races may also be eligible if they were
associated with African Americans, such as those who were involved in civil rights activities. The
property should retain integrity from the period when the significant individual either lived or worked
there.
A few properties may also be significant under Criterion D if they have the potential to yield important
information that contributes to the understanding of African American history in Manhattan. While
Criterion D is often applied to archeological sites, it can also be applied to buildings or structures if they
are the principal source of the important information which is being sought, such as the dating of certain
property types, construction expertise which affected the evolution of a local building technique, local
availability of materials, use or ethnic associations. The areas of association might be
exploration/settlement, education, architecture, commerce, ethnic heritage, or social history.
Registration Requirements – General
To be eligible under Criterion A in the area of ethnic heritage, the resources must have been used or
built for or by African Americans in Manhattan during the period of significance. Exceptions to this
association are those properties that are significant for the role they played in the civil rights movement.
In rare instances, a property may not generally be associated with African Americans throughout its
history, but was the site of a significant civil rights event. Those resources with a strong association to
African Americans in Manhattan may be eligible under Criterion A if they retain sufficient integrity,
particularly in the areas of location, setting, feeling and association. Original location is important,
although setting is less critical for those properties where it may have been altered in some respect due
to encroachment of commercial or industrial uses or loss of buildings through demolition. Therefore,
some degree of integrity loss in this area is acceptable, as long as the feeling and association with ethnic
heritage and the period of significance can be ascertained. While integrity of feeling and association are
more intangible and difficult to measure, they are generally present when other areas of integrity are
high, such as location and setting. Design is an important aspect of integrity, to the extent that the form
of the resource nearly always indicates the historic function, although some alterations are acceptable
under Criterion A as long as the original use of the building is indicated. Integrity of workmanship may
not be as critical, at least for those resources eligible under Criterion A. For those eligible under
Criterion C, however, workmanship would likely reveal important aspects of construction for those built
by African Americans.
To be eligible under Criterion B in the area of ethnic heritage, the resources must have a close
association with individuals who made significant contributions in Manhattan’s African American
heritage, as well as being associated with that person during the time of their contribution. For ethnic
heritage, the person must have played an important leadership role within Manhattan’s African
American community, or have made a significant local contribution to the betterment of the race, as in
the area of civil rights. The residences that were purchased by families or individuals that broke the
racial barrier by purchasing homes in white neighborhoods may be additional examples of a property
with significance in civil rights, as they were located on what was the “other side” of the invisible
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boundaries separating neighborhoods. The properties may also be associated with another area of
significance, depending upon the contribution or area of specialty of the individual.
Under Criterion C, all eligible resources must retain integrity of key character-defining elements in order
to convey integrity of design. Typical key elements include: mass, form, plan and structural elements.
Mass and form may be affected by additions to a building or changes to the roof shape. The latter would
significantly reduce integrity of original design, but other additions may not seriously lessen integrity if
they are not on the primary elevation, are set back from the primary elevation on a side, or are located to
the rear. Furthermore, some resources typically underwent alterations, particularly since Manhattan’s
African Americans were restricted to a relatively small area of the town. As their choices for “moving
up or moving out” were so limited, African Americans often made changes or built additions to their
residences or business buildings. These alterations may have achieved “significance over time” when
they are evaluated in this context, as they not only represent phases of a property’s history, but the
cultural limitations of Manhattan’s African Americans. Later additions outside the period of
significance should not overwhelm the resource’s massing from the period of significance. This is
generally interpreted as the additions being smaller in mass and height, or being situated in such a
manner as not to be noticeable from the public right-of-way. While wall cladding materials also reflect
the historic design intent, these too have often changed over time, particularly on the main residence.
Changes in wall material should be considered on a case-by-case basis, if the non-original material can
be placed and evaluated in a historic context. Any other features that are considered character-defining
or that indicate the building’s historic function should be reasonably intact. For example, if a residence
is an example of a Craftsman bungalow, it should retain its character-defining porch, porch supports,
overhanging eaves and roof brackets – any elements which help define that particular architectural style.
The design elements that distinguish the building’s historic use are especially critical, even if the
function no longer exists. For example, if a building served as a residence during its period of
significance, it should still be distinguishable as a residence.
In evaluating integrity for individual buildings, particularly when the economic ability of property
owners may be restricted as far as upkeep and maintenance is concerned, it is important to understand
the difference between integrity and existing physical conditions. While integrity is the authenticity of a
resource's historic identity, existing conditions can be defined as the current physical state of its features.
For example, the integrity of an abandoned building is based on its extant form, features, and materials –
i.e., it retains its original floor plan, fenestration, and roof – but the existing conditions of the actual
materials and features may be deteriorated due to neglect or deferred maintenance. A deteriorated
building may therefore still retain integrity even if its present condition is poor.
While moved buildings are generally not considered eligible for the National Register unless they meet
Criterion Consideration B, if moved to other sites within the historic black neighborhood during the
period of significance, would be contributing to a potential historic district if they retain other areas of
integrity, as they reflect not only the history of development in the neighborhood, but the financial
means of their owners.
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Under Criterion D, the assessment of integrity (and therefore, the registration requirements) will depend
upon the data that is required for the information sought. Thus a property eligible under D does not need
to visually represent the historic period, but must sufficiently contain the information in a manner that
can yield the expected information. Examples of this in Manhattan are unlikely, however.
NAME OF PROPERTY TYPE: African American Residences
Description
Although African American residences in Manhattan resemble other houses built in the south side
neighborhood during the period of significance, as the name implies, they served as the residence for
either African American owners or renters. In addition to serving as domiciles, these buildings may also
have functioned as places of work for those who washed clothes or operated small restaurants or other
businesses. Some of the residences do not necessarily possess stylistic elements or even quality
workmanship or materials. Many were simply built, with function dictating the form.
Generally one-story and frame construction, this property type represents forms and styles which reflect
the popular or vernacular trends of the period in which they were constructed. Those constructed in the
late nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth century were generally examples of National Folk
forms. 190 Most of the pyramidal family houses are one-story, such as the house at 816 Yuma with
original siding and a three-quarter width porch with simple square columns. There are a few two-story
examples, however, which in appearance are more commonly categorized as Foursquares. There are
several examples of gable-front residences, including one- and two-story examples. Some, like the
house at 822 Yuma, feature Craftsman-influenced features, such as the typical 3/1 double-hung windows
and the 7/8’s width gable-front porch with wide, square paneled columns. Gable-front-and-wing
residences are either one-story, one-and-a-half, or two-story examples. Many of these have additions or
alterations, such as enclosed front porches within the ell. 929 Yuma is a one-story example that retains a
high degree of integrity. Its late Victorian detailings, such as fishscale shingles and gable end returns on
the gable-front wing, and slender turned porch columns, are indicative of its turn-of-the nineteenth
century construction. There are very few houses in the historic neighborhood that date from the postWorld War II era; most are small, simple Minimal Traditional houses.
The vast majority of African American residences in Manhattan are located in the south side
neighborhood (see Appendix A), although a few residences are located in historically white
neighborhoods, and were among the first purchased by African Americans outside of the south side.
190
A term popularized by Virginia & Lee McAlester in A Field Guide to American Houses(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984) 89.
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Significance
In addition to the significance in ethnic heritage under Criterion A noted in the general requirements,
these residences may be eligible under Criterion C in the area of architecture. They may be good
examples of a type or method of construction that reflect the conditions of the period, or may be typical
representatives of popular residential architecture. The vast majority of extant African American
residences are examples of National Folk housing, and are typical of other modest residences built
across the country during this period. In many instances, the buildings lack architectural embellishment.
Residences reflected nationwide trends, and appear similar to those found throughout Manhattan in other
neighborhoods of similar income level. The involvement of African American craftsmen in the
construction of a building in the construction of these buildings contributes to their significance no
matter the stylistic influence. Most of the known black craftsmen in Manhattan were stone masons,
however, while the majority of houses owned by African Americans were frame. The relatively few
stylistic references tend to reflect twentieth century architectural trends, such as stylistic features from
Twentieth-Century Revival and American Movement Houses, with some examples from the Prairie and
Craftsman styles.
Due to the limited opportunities for professional jobs in Manhattan and the reduced economic
opportunities for African Americans, it was common within the black community to update the
appearance of their existing residences instead of “moving up” to a larger house. Furthermore,
Manhattan’s African Americans could not move out the traditional black neighborhood due to the
unwritten real estate restrictions that existed in the community. For much of the period of significance,
it was virtually impossible to obtain financing to purchase a new home. Alterations to an earlier existing
home, if present during the historic period of significance and associated with African American
residents, should be reviewed on a case-by-case basis as they may have achieved their own significance
over time. In part because of the small African American population during the historic period of
significance, but also due to periodic damage from flooding and demolition during urban renewal
projects, there are few unchanged African American. Therefore, the rare intact examples that are a good
representation of a particular style or type may be significant under Criterion C.
Under Criterion A, several residences built as single-family houses were used by black students at
Kansas State University. Denied on-campus housing and refused rooms at other rental units throughout
the city, the students were forced to rent in the traditional black neighborhood and had to walk greater
distances to class than their white counterparts. Most of these rental units were rooms within a singlefamily house, but in a few very rare instances, students or organizations banded together to rent or
purchase an entire building. The Delta Chapter of Phi Beta Sigma used at least three different buildings
as their chapter building from 1917 through the 1930s. Another off-campus housing arrangement during
the 1930s was the residence for a group of African American women who were enrolled in the Home
Economics program at the college; the housemother was Geraldine Hurd, who was working on her
Masters degree. While the rare extant examples of these group homes are especially significant, the
other residences that rented rooms to African American students are also are also significant as
examples of the discriminatory housing practices that existed at the university up to the 1950s.
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As noted in the general registration requirements, single-family residences may also be eligible under
Criterion B for their association with historically significant African Americans. The residence may
have housed one of the few professionally trained individuals, such as a teacher or principal at Douglass
School, a minister, or one of the first African American professors at Kansas State University. Other
residences of African Americans that achieved “firsts” would be Randall Keele, the first black member
of the school board; individuals that were elected to local public offices such as Murt Hanks, Jr.; or
those who worked in civil rights or neighborhood issues, such as James Butler or Madaline Sullinger.
Finally, some of the individuals whose residences may be eligible under Criterion B may be better
recognized within the African American community rather than through city-wide accomplishments.
Registration Requirements
In addition to the previously noted general registration requirements for associations with ethnic
heritage, a residence may also be eligible under Criterion C in the area of architecture. In these
instances, the building must retain integrity in the areas of design, materials and often workmanship.
For those originally modest buildings, facade alterations or loss of key character-defining features would
have a negative impact on integrity. The historic floor plan should be evident, although small additions
to the rear do not seriously lessen integrity. Historic fenestration, facade symmetry (or asymmetry) and
exterior finishes should also be intact. The historic plan and mass of the front porch should also be
intact. However, it is an African American house in Manhattan to have survived to the present time
without alteration. Replacement of window or roof materials is common. It is also common to find
houses with additions made over the years, particularly to the rear. In some instances, alterations and
additions may have drastically altered the historic appearance of the house, rendering it incapable of
conveying its original architectural significance; these examples would not be eligible under Criterion C.
NAME OF PROPERTY TYPE: African American Community Institutions
Description
This property type includes churches, the school and community buildings, buildings housing fraternal,
social or civic groups, and businesses. This is a broad category or sub-type, but in general it represents
those resources that provided a space for social, cultural, recreational, political or religious functions
within Manhattan’s African American community. They may be buildings or sites that provided either
public or private meeting places for a variety of reasons. If buildings, they were generally larger and
more substantial than residences, such as churches or the school. One or two stories high, several were
brick or masonry. These buildings were all located in the historic south side neighborhood. Due to the
limited means of most of the organizations, they may be modestly designed.
Churches were likely the first buildings in Manhattan to provide a private meeting place for African
Americans. The historic examples are brick or stone; all are located in Manhattan’s traditional black
neighborhood, and share associations of setting and location. Other community buildings include the
Douglass School and U.S.O. building (later a recreation center).
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African American commercial buildings are extremely rare in Manhattan. They were generally simpler
in design and materials than other commercial buildings in Manhattan, representing the means of their
owners. Many were located in the homes of the owners, and therefore are residential in appearance.
The only African American school is a simple one-story building, constructed of native stone that is
found on many buildings in Manhattan.
Significance
Community institution buildings represent the supportive community environment developed by
Manhattan’s African Americans in the face of racial discrimination. They were the places where
African Americans could safely associate with friends, celebrate milestones, worship, receive an
education, or plan for civic engagement. They were critical to the development of community character.
Barred from much of the rest of Manhattan’s society, examples of this property type allowed African
Americans to work within their own society and thus have some measure of control over their lives.
These buildings and sites were important training grounds for future leaders in the black community and
the city at large. Since there were so few commercial buildings in Manhattan during the historic period
of significance, and even fewer extant examples, the remaining buildings take on a greater significance.
No other community institution was more important to the African American community than the
church. The earliest churches in Manhattan gave African Americans their first leadership and
organizational experience. In addition to meeting the religious needs of their congregation, they were
also centers of cultural, social and political activities. Most churches had welfare committees for their
members in need. Manhattan’s black churches were also the site of the first organized efforts for civil
rights in the community. Finally, most churches played a significant role in the education of African
Americans, holding both secular and Sabbath school classes.
Commercial buildings owned or operated by African Americans provided entrepreneurial opportunities
that were otherwise denied to them in Manhattan. These black-owned businesses also provided
important services to the African American community, where they could be served or entertained in an
environment free of racial discrimination. African Americans were either excluded from restaurants, or
restricted to certain areas in theaters, or treated as second-class citizens in stores. Businesses that were
owned by African Americans filled an important need in the community. As African Americans
generally made less than their white counterparts, many blacks in Manhattan opened a small business as
a secondary source of income. George Giles’ mother and grandmother were both cooks at Fort Riley,
but also operated a restaurant catering to the Hispanics working on the railroads.
Registration requirements
For church buildings to be eligible, they need to first satisfy National Register Criteria Consideration A
which states that religious properties must derive their primary significance from architectural
distinction or historic importance. A religious property must also meet either Criterion A or C, or both.
To meet Criterion A, religious properties should be associated with other secular activities, or have
played a role in the social, cultural or political history of the African American community.
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GEOGRAPHICAL DATA
The geographical area covered by this MPDF encompasses all of incorporated city of Manhattan, Riley
County, Kansas. A majority of the known and potential historic resources associated with African
Americans are located primarily in south side neighborhood bounded by Colorado Street on the north
and Pottawatomie Street on the south; South Third Street on the east and South Twelfth Street on the
west.
However, there are a few historical instances where an African American family broke the color barrier
in Manhattan and moved into a previously white neighborhood. When the significant date for these
buildings has reached at least fifty years of age, these may also be eligible.
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SUMMARY OF IDENTIFICATION AND EVALUATION METHODS
The Multiple Property Documentation Form for African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas was
developed to provide a broad context for evaluating the extant built resources associated with African
American activities in Manhattan, Kansas. The geographic area covers the 2011 incorporated city
limits.
The project began with archival research about African Americans in Manhattan and Kansas. This
information, used to develop the historic contexts and property types, was based on a study of both
primary and secondary sources. These sources include census records, Sanborn maps, previous surveys,
city and county histories, historic newspapers, city government records, private publications and
resources, and historic photographs. These sources were found at local libraries, local museums or
historical societies, and local governments. After preliminary background research, existing
reconnaissance-level surveys of the neighborhood were reviewed. Next, a windshield survey was
conducted in the historic African American neighborhood. Past historic surveys in Manhattan were
reconnaissance-level only, and beyond noting the general area where blacks lived, did not note which
properties were associated with African Americans.
Based on the background information gathered through both archival and field research, the historic
contexts represent the major temporal periods of African American development in Manhattan. Due to
the small African American population during the period of significance established for the temporalbased contexts, the associated historic resources are extremely rare. Nonetheless, it is recommended
that an intensive-level survey be conducted, in order to determine the eligibility of the extant resources.
The single property type and registration requirements were based on the low number of extant
resources that were reviewed during the reconnaissance windshield survey. Such a survey may result in
revised recommendations for registration requirements, but it is unlikely that the historic contexts will
require major revisions.
The MPDF was partially funded by Federal funds from the Historic Preservation Fund administered by
the National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior and for the Kansas State Historical Society.
Deon Wolfenbarger, historic preservation consultant for Three Gables Preservation, prepared the
document. Research team members were Barbara Hammond, and Kerry Davis of Preservation
Solutions LLC. Project coordinators for City of Manhattan were Lance Evans and Cameron Moeller.
Certified Local Government Coordinator for Kansas was Katrina Ringler, and project coordinator for the
Kansas State Historic Preservation Office was Sarah Martin, National Register Coordinator. Donna Rae
Pearson of the Kansas Historical Society reviewed Section E. All meet federal standards 36 CFR-61 for
historic preservation consultants, with the areas of landscape architecture, history, and historic
preservation represented.
Local residents (past and present) shared their stories in oral interviews and provided access to personal
documents. These included: Don Slater, Rosa Hickman, Pat Patton, Mrs. Arlene Cole, James Boyer,
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Billy D. and Linnetta Hill, Geraldine Walton, Rev. Ben Duerfeldt, Dr. Tracy DeWitt, Sr., Rev. Rachel
Williams-Glenn, and Nancy and Page Twiss. Kansas State University professors James and Bonnie
Sherow also provided access to student papers on local history conducted over the years. Some of these
students conducted oral interviews with local residents, now deceased. Significant assistance with
research at various local repositories was provided by Linda Glasgow, Riley County Museum; Pat
Patton, Kansas State University Archives; and Susan Withee, Manhattan Public Library
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Athearn, Robert G. In Search of Canaan: Black Migration to Kansas, 1879-80. Lawrence, KS:
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Bright, John D. Kansas: the First Century. New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc.,
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“Butler” K-Stater in Two Eras.” Kansas State University Alliance. February 1981: 1-2.
Butler, James E. “Narratives of Ebony: Manhattan, Kansas 1988 Calendar.” N.P. [2008].
Chaudhuri, Nupur. "`We All Seem Like Brothers and Sisters': The African American Community in
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“Closes City Park: Mayor Barber takes Steps to Prevent Park Meeting of Ku Klux Klan set for Tonight.”
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“Colored Athletic League.” Manhattan Republic. 22 May 1919.
“Colored Refugees.” The Nationalist. May 2, 1897.
“Cross Burning Incident Mars Otherwise Quiet Picketing.” Kansas State Collegian. 11 May 1964.
Cutler, William G. History of the State of Kansas. Chicago: A. T. Andreas, 1883.
“Delta Chapter, 1917-1935: Chapter House.” University Archives & Manuscripts – Exhibits. 19 June
2001. http://www.lib.k-state.edu/depts/spec/exhibits/pbs/house.html 5 January 2011.
Digital Sanborn Maps, 1885-1930/1947. ProQuest Information and Learning Company, © 2001 by The
Sanborn Map Company, Sanborn Library, LLC. Kansas City, MO Public Library. <http://80sanborn.umi.com.proxy.kclibrary.org/>.
Doherty, Joseph P. Civil Rights in Kansas: Past, Present, and Future. Topeka: Kansas Commission on
Civil Rights, 1972.
“Douglass 50 Years Old Soon: 82 at Negro School Here.” Manhattan Nationalist. 8 December 1953.
“Douglass School Building Sale Okayed.” Manhattan Mercury. 20 January 1974.
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Duerfeldt, Rev. Ben. Interview with Kerry Davis. Manhattan, Kansas. 19 September 2011.
Entz, Gary R. "Image and Reality on the Kansas Prairie: 'Pap' Singleton's Cherokee County Colony."
Kansas History 19 (Summer 1996): 124-139.
“The Exodites: Beginning to take care of themselves.” Manhattan Enterprise. 2 May 1879, 1.
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Fliter, Leah. “Pre-Brown School Days.” The Manhattan Mercury. 14 May 2004.
Foster, Juanette L. “An Impact Analysis of Housing Programs for the Southeast Quadrant: Manhattan,
Kansas.” Thesis for Master of Arts, Kansas State University, 1981.
“George Washington Owens Papers.” University Archives & Manuscripts – Collection Guides. Kansas
State University. 7 August 2008 <http://www.lib.k-state.edu/depts/spec/findaids/pc198818.html> Accessed 13 January 2011.
Gibson, Campbell and Kay Jung. “Historical Census Statistics on Population Totals By Race, 1790 to
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Census Bureau. Washington, D.C. September 2002.
“George Giles.” Negro League Baseball Players Association. 2000-2007.
http://www.nlbpa.com/giles__goerge.html Accessed 11 May 2011.
Goodson, Lori. “WWII: During and After.” The Manhattan Mercury. 17 June 1999.
Harvey, Denise R. “A Baseball Memoir – George Giles: A Young Man’s Dream, a Nation’s Shame.”
The Manhattan Mercury, D1.
Heidrick, Jeri. “Student Studies Campus’ Black History.” Kansas State Collegian. 5 December 1984: 3.
Hickman, Rosa Murray. Interview by Barbara Hammond. Manhattan, Kansas. 10 February 2011.
Hickman, Rosa Murray. Interview by Kerry Davis. Manhattan, Kansas. 1 April 2011.
Hill, Billy D. and Linnetta. Interview by Deon Wolfenbarger. Manhattan, Kansas. 11 February 2011.
NPS Form 10-900-a (Rev. 8/2002)
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Hirsch, Arnold R. "With or Without Jim Crow: Black Residential Segregation in the United States." In
Urban Policy in Twentieth Century America, by Arnold R. and Raymond A. Mohl Hirchs. New
Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1993.
Historic Preservation Services, LLC. “Cultural Resource Survey: Wards 1 and 2 Manhattan, Kansas.”
June 2004.
Hurd, Geraldine Jones. “Negro Housing in Manhattan, Kansas.” Thesis for the degree of Master of
Science, Kansas State College of Agriculture and Applied Science, 1938.
Ice, Marshall. “I Just Wanted to Play Football.” Kansas State Collegian. 19 September 2003. From
“Vertical File: Manhattan, City of, African American Community.” University Archives at
Kansas State University, Manhattan, KS.
Jernigan, Jan. “C.O.R.E. Negotiations Substitute for Sit-Ins.” Kansas State Collegian. 23 April 1964.
Junne, George H. Jr. Blacks in the American West and Beyond—America, Canada, and Mexico: A
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Thousands.” Manhattan Daily Nationalist. 3 October 1923: 1.
Kruse, Loren. “Senate Bill Asks Boost in K-State Negro Jobs.” Kansas State Collegian. 21 February
1968.
“K-State may Use Negroes on Team.” Kansas State Collegian. 29 May 1946.
Lane, Gary M. An Advisory Report and Evaluation for the Development of the Community of South
Manhattan. Non-Thesis Project for Master of Science. Kansas State University. 1973.
Lawrence, Kansas. Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas Libraries. Ruth Bayard
Collection, Kansas Collection, RH MS P792. Bayard, Ruth. “History of Pilgrim Baptist Church.”
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Leiker, James N. “Race Relations in the Sunflower State: A Review Essay.” Kansas History.25,
Autumn 2002: 214-236.
Lubove, Roy. “Economic Security and Social Conflict in America.” Journal of Social History. Vol. 1
(1967-68) http://www.jstor.org Accessed May 2011.
McAlester, Virginia and Lee. A Field Guide to American Houses. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984.
Manhattan, Kansas. Kansas State University Archives. Vertical Files: Alumni: Minority. Campus
Unrest. City of Manhattan African American Community. Minority.
Manhattan, Kansas. Riley County Historical Museum. Black History Files. Reporter, Manhattan
Tribune, handwritten notes. 17 August 1992, 12 June 1924, 24 June 1924, 12 February 1925.
Manhattan City Council Minute Books. Manhattan, Kansas.
Manhattan Enterprise. 2 May 1879. 16 July 1880.
Manhattan Republic. 12 May 1927.
“Manhattan, Kansas: The Schools.” The Advocate [Topeka]. 25 May 1917.
Martin, Nellie Pillsbury. “Early Resident Relates History of Negro Pioneers in City.” Manhattan
Tribune-News. 19 March 1950.
Meier, August and Elliot Rudwick. Along the Color Line: Explorations in the Black Experience. Urbana,
IL: University of Illinois Press, 1976.
The Mercury. 16 July 1884. 16 June 1886.
Miner, Craig. Kansas: The History of the Sunflower State. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2002.
—. Wichita: The Early Years , 1865-80. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1982.
“Minnie Howell Champe: Chronology.” University Archives & Manuscripts – Exhibits. Kansas State
University. 6 August2008. <http://www.lib.kstate.edu/depts/spec/exhibits/howell/chronology.html> Accessed 13 January 2011.
The Nationalist. 16 May 1879. 23 May 1879. 22 August 1879. 9 January 1880. 5 August 1880. 3
December 1897. 20 September 1900. 3 August 1903.
Oblinger-Smith. Housing and Population Data Handbook for City of Manhattan. 1977.
O’Brien, Patricia J. “The First Blacks in Manhattan – Riley County, Kansas.” N.p., n.d.
NPS Form 10-900-a (Rev. 8/2002)
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5-31-2012)
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service
National Register of Historic Places
Multiple Property Documentation Form
Continuation Sheet
Section number
I
Page 5
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
“150 Years of Education in Manhattan.” Manhattan Free Press. Vol 14, No. 3. 14 July 2005.
Painter, Nell Irvin. Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction. New York: W. W.
Norton & Company, 1976.
Pendleton, Jason. "Jim Crow Strikes Out: Interracial Baseball in Wichita, Kansas, 1920-1935." In
Baseball History from Outside the Lines: a Reader, by John E. Dreifort, 142-159. Lincoln, NE:
University of Nebraska Press, 2001.
Plotkin, Wendy. “Restrictive Covenants.” In David Goldfield, ed. Encyclopedia of American Urban
History, vol. 2. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2007.
Porter, William A. Jr. Analysis of the Residential Structure of Underprivileged Black Neighborhoods: A
Case Study in Manhattan, Kansas. Thesis for Master of Arts, Kansas State University. 1973.
“Progressive Movement.” Kansapedia. Kansas Historical Society. February 2011
<http://www.kshs.org/kansapedia/progressive-movement/14522> Accessed 25 May 2011.
“Race Issue Shocks President McCain.” Kansas State Collegian. 17 February 1964.
“Regarding a Colored School.” Manhattan Nationalist. 23 July 1903.
Roving Reporter. “65 Children of Douglas School Enjoy Classwork, Art and Music.” The Tribune News.
6 May 1942.
Rusk, David. Inside Game Outside Game. Brookings Institution, 1999.
Savage, William Sherman. Blacks in the West. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1976.
Slater, Don. Interview by Barbara Hammond. Manhattan, Kansas. 10 February 2011.
Slater, Don. Interview by Kerry Davis. Manhattan, Kansas. 1 April 2011.
Sloan, Charles William Jr. “Kansas Battles the Invisible Empire: The Legal Ouster of the KKK From
Kansas, 1922-1927.” Kansas Historical Quarterly Vol. 40, No. 3 (Fall 1974): 393-409.
“Small Effect on Schools in City.” Manhattan Republic. 19 May 1954.
Smith, Wilbur & Associates. Transit Development Program for City of Manhattan, Kansas. 1976.
“Start Douglas Work at Once.” Manhattan Chronicle. 12 August 1936.
NPS Form 10-900-a (Rev. 8/2002)
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5-31-2012)
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service
National Register of Historic Places
Multiple Property Documentation Form
Continuation Sheet
Section number
I
Page 6
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
State of Kansas. General Laws of the State of Kansas. Lawrence, KS: Kansas State Journal. 1913: 82.
Vohs, George. “Unwritten City Policy Prohibits Negro Use of Play Facilities.” Kansas State Collegian.
19 July 1956.
—. “Young colored people leave here because of no opportunity for good jobs, Prof. Abby L. Marlatt,
RCC adviser, says.” Kansas State Collegian. 13 April 1956.
Walton, Geraldine. “A History of Shepard Chapel, Manhattan, Kansas, 1866-1967.” Religion and Race
Commission of First United Methodist Church, Manhattan. N.p., n.d.
Walton, Geraldine Baker. 140 Years of soul: A History of African Americans in Manhattan, Kansas
1860-2005. Manhattan, KS: KS Publishing Inc., 2008.
Wishart, David J., ed. Encylopedia of the Great Plains. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press,
2004.
Mapping credits:
Barbara Hammond
Additional Documentation
Appendix A
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
Additional Documentation
African American Resources in Manhattan, Kansas
Appendix B:
The following Manhattan properties may be eligible for the National Register of Historic Places under
the registration requirements listed in this MDPF:
Douglass Elementary School
901 Yuma Street
Shepard Chapel
928 Yuma Street
U.S.O. Building (Douglass Community Center)
900 Yuma Street
George Giles residence
826 Yuma Street
In addition to serving as the residence of the Giles family, several famous African Americans statyed
there while passing through, including Jackie Robinson, Satchel Paige, Buck O’Neil, Lena Horne,
Marian Anderson, Duke Ellington, and others who played at the Douglass U.S.O. in the 1940s.
George Giles Motel
605 S. 9th Street
Minnie Howell Champs residence
618 Yuma Street
Phi Beta Sigma House
1020 Colorado Street
Miles Woods residence
1015 Yuma Street
Dawson residence
1010 Yuma Street
NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service
DRAFT
National Register of Historic Places
Registration Form
This form is for use in nominating or requesting determinations for individual properties and districts. See instructions in National Register Bulletin, How
to Complete the National Register of Historic Places Registration Form. If any item does not apply to the property being documented, enter "N/A" for
"not applicable." For functions, architectural classification, materials, and areas of significance, enter only categories and subcategories from the
instructions. Place additional certification comments, entries, and narrative items on continuation sheets if needed (NPS Form 10-900a).
1. Name of Property
historic name
Bethel A.M.E. Church
other names/site number
African Methodist Episcopal (A.M.E.) Church; 161-3490-00158
2. Location
street & number
city or town
state
401 Yuma Street
not for publication
Manhattan
vicinity
Kansas
code
KS
county
Riley
code
161
zip code
66502
3. State/Federal Agency Certification
As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act, as amended,
I hereby certify that this X nomination _ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards
for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional
requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60.
In my opinion, the property X_ meets _ does not meet the National Register Criteria. I recommend that this property
be considered significant at the following level(s) of significance:
national
statewide
X local
Signature of certifying official/Title
Date
State or Federal agency/bureau or Tribal Government
In my opinion, the property
meets
does not meet the National Register criteria.
Signature of commenting official
Date
Title
State or Federal agency/bureau or Tribal Government
4. National Park Service Certification
I hereby certify that this property is:
entered in the National Register
determined eligible for the National Register
determined not eligible for the National Register
removed from the National Register
other (explain:)
_________________
Signature of the Keeper
Date of Action
1
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
5. Classification
Ownership of Property
Category of Property
Number of Resources within Property
(Check as many boxes as apply.)
(Check only one box.)
(Do not include previously listed resources in the count.)
X private
public - Local
public - State
public - Federal
X building(s)
district
site
structure
Contributing
1
(Enter "N/A" if property is not part of a multiple property listing)
buildings
sites
structures
objects
Total
1
object
Name of related multiple property listing
Noncontributing
Number of contributing resources previously
listed in the National Register
African American Resources in Manhattan,
Kansas
N/A
6. Function or Use
Historic Functions
Current Functions
(Enter categories from instructions.)
(Enter categories from instructions.)
RELIGION: religious facility/church
RELIGION: religious facility/church
7. Description
Architectural Classification
Materials
(Enter categories from instructions.)
(Enter categories from instructions.)
OTHER
foundation:
walls:
STONE/Limestone
BRICK
WOOD/Shingle
roof:
SYNTHETICS
other:
2
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Narrative Description
Summary Paragraph
The Bethel A.M.E. Church (1927) is a one-story brick cross-plan building with cross-gable roofs and a shed-roof rear
portion. Set within the northeast ell is the front entry and the one-story remains of what was formerly a square tower.
The entry door is on the north side of the former tower and faces onto Yuma Street. The building sits on a high limestone
foundation which has several basement level windows with stone lintels. The remaining windows are simple 1/1 double
hung wood with brick sills and lintels. The building is located on the southwest corner of Yuma and 4th streets in the
historic African American neighborhood in southeast Manhattan. New commercial construction is being built across the
street to the east, but the majority of buildings to the west along Yuma Street are residential. The primary alteration to the
historic church building is the removal of the upper portion of the tower; otherwise, the floorplan and exterior retain its
integrity of design. The remainder of the building retains a very high degree of integrity in location, association, feeling,
materials and workmanship. Integrity of setting to the east has been compromised by the new commercial construction,
although it remains mostly intact along Yuma to the west.
Narrative Description
The Bethel A.M.E. Church property contains two buildings, but only the portion of the lot which contains the church is
being nominated. The historic church is on the northern portion of the lot, located at the southwest corner of Yuma and
4th streets. The red paver sidewalks have a grass median on the north, but extend to the curb on the east boundary. The
sidewalk widens on the southeast side of the building, featuring two metal benches and a sign board. A wood cross and
sign with the church name, founding date, and time of services is on the east side of the building. There is a small grass
strip separating the building from the east sidewalk, and a grass lawn on the south and west sides.
The church is a modified cross plan building, featuring a centered gable-front on Yuma Street, with a cross gable section
running east/west, and a rear section with a shed roof. The moderately pitched gable roofs have open overhanging eaves.
The entry is set within the northeast ell, which includes the one-story bay that remains from the original square tower; this
extends west beyond the elevation of the main building. A shed roof extends to cover both an entry deck and the onestory tower base. The double wood slab entry doors are on the north side of the tower, and are reached by new concrete
stairs with metal rails from both Yuma and 4th streets. All of the windows on the first level are 1/1 double-hung wood; all
are tall, except for two small square windows centered on the rear (south).
The attic level of the building has square cut wood shingles, while the first floor is clad in red vari-colored brick walls set
in stretcher bond. The high foundation is regularly coursed quarry-faced ashlar limestone, with a sill of slightly darker
quarry-faced limestone. The sill is interrupted by basement windows which extend higher than the sill, but have lintels of
the same quarry-faced limestone as the basement sill; the wood basement windows are either 1/1 double-hung or foursash. The rear (south) section of the cross plan has a moderately steep shed roof. There is an interior chimney as well as
entries on both the east and west elevations of this south section; another interior chimney is on the north slope of the west
cross gable section. The west entry is on the first floor, and is reached by concrete stairs with wood railings, while the
east wood paneled door is set at ground level on the east wall.
The entry foyer, located within the former tower base, leads into the main sanctuary located in the east/west cross gable
portion of the building. A door from the foyer also leads into the gable front section, which contains overflow seating. A
large rectangular opening between the main sanctuary and the overflow seating has folding wood dividers. At the south
end is a raised dais or pulpit platform, with a rectangular opening leading into the wood paneled apse recessed within the
south shed roof section of the building. On either side of the apse are small offices, including the pastor’s study. The
pastor’s study has a door from the sanctuary, while the other office is reached from the apse. The sanctuary has plaster
walls and ceilings, and the floors are carpeted. The basement has men’s and women’s restrooms with five-paneled wood
doors, a kitchen with fiberboard interior walls, and seating for banquets and meetings. The basement floor is linoleum tile
and walls are plaster.
3
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
The Bethel A.M.E. Church building meets the property type description and registration requirements as defined in
Section F of the related multiple property listing “African American Resources of Manhattan, Kansas” for the African
American Community Institutions property type. The registration requirements state that examples of this property type
were located in the historic south side neighborhood, in the southeast quadrant of the city. Integrity of location is critical,
as all of the associated resources were located in the historic African American district. The church is located on Yuma
Street, which was the main street in the historic African American neighborhood, and the location of all of the large black
churches in Manhattan. As a result, this building retains integrity not only in this area, but in setting, feeling and
association as well. Integrity of key character-defining features is retained in the modified cross plan, windows openings
and materials, and masonry construction. Non-original doors do not detract from the historic sense of time and place.
Although the loss of the upper portion of the tower impacts integrity of design, the building is being nominated for its
historic associations as the oldest operating African American congregation in Manhattan rather than its architecture. The
economic means of the church members impacted the ability of the congregation to raise funds to repair the tower, which
reflects the limited opportunities available historically for African Americans in Manhattan.
4
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
8. Statement of Significance
Applicable National Register Criteria
(Mark "x" in one or more boxes for the criteria qualifying the property
for National Register listing.)
Areas of Significance
(Enter categories from instructions.)
ETHNIC HERITAGE: black
X
A
Property is associated with events that have made a
significant contribution to the broad patterns of our
history.
B
Property is associated with the lives of persons
significant in our past.
C
Property embodies the distinctive characteristics
of a type, period, or method of construction or
represents the work of a master, or possesses high
artistic values, or represents a significant
and distinguishable entity whose components lack
individual distinction.
D
Property has yielded, or is likely to yield, information
important in prehistory or history.
Period of Significance
1927 - 1961
Significant Dates
1927
Criteria Considerations
(Mark "x" in all the boxes that apply.)
Property is:
A
Owned by a religious institution or used for religious
purposes.
B
removed from its original location.
C
a birthplace or grave.
D
a cemetery.
E
a reconstructed building, object, or structure.
F
a commemorative property.
G
less than 50 years old or achieving significance
within the past 50 years.
X
Significant Person
(Complete only if Criterion B is marked above.)
N/A
Cultural Affiliation
N/A
Architect/Builder
unknown
Period of Significance (justification)
The period of significance extends from the date of the building’s construction in 1927 through 1961, which is the
accepted fifty-year cut-off date established by the National Park Service to provide sufficient passage of time for objective
evaluation of the historic resource.
Criteria Considerations (explanation, if necessary): The Bethel A.M.E. Church meets Criteria Consideration A
because its primary significance is its historical importance in the area of ethnic heritage: black for its role in the
development of the historic African American community in Manhattan.
5
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Statement of Significance Summary Paragraph
The Bethel African Methodist Episcopal A.M.E. Church building is significant under criterion A in the area of ethnic
heritage: black for its role in the development of the African American community in Manhattan. The historic
importance of churches in African American neighborhoods nationwide is well documented, and the A.M.E. Church was
one of the key community organizations in Manhattan, serving not only the religious needs of its members, but also the
greater community by hosting education, social and charitable activities. The original congregation was organized in
1879, the same year that a number of African American refugees arrived in Manhattan as part of the Great Exodus from
former Southern slave states. As the congregation grew in size and prominence, they built a second frame church in 1916,
and a decade later were able to build this substantial brick building in 1927. The church is historically significant as the
oldest existing African American congregation in Manhattan, Kansas. It was one of the key anchors in Manhattan’s
African American community, and was a center of social, economic, welfare, and civil rights events, in addition to
religious. In cooperation with Manhattan’s other black churches, members of Bethel took leadership roles in civil rights
activities in the community. Although membership dwindled to as low as five members in the late twentieth century, the
determination of those remaining members have kept the congregation and church in operation through today.
Narrative Statement of Significance
The African Methodist Episcopal Church (AMEC) evolved from the Free African Society (FAS), which was organized in
1787 by Richard Allen, Absalom Jones and others who were worshiping at St. George’s Methodist Episcopal Church in
Philadelphia. After experiencing racial discrimination in that church, they decided to transform the mutual aid society
into an African religious congregation. Allen led a group that decided to remain Methodists, and in 1794, Bethel A.M.E.
was dedicated. With other black Methodist congregations in the East also facing racism, Allen called a meeting in
Philadelphia in 1816 for the purpose of forming an autonomous denomination, the African Methodist Episcopal Church.1
It was the first African American denomination incorporated in the United States, which organized because of racial
discrimination rather than theological differences. The church worships under the Methodist doctrine and worship
services, but operates under an episcopal form of government with bishops serving as church leaders. There are currently
forty African Methodist Episcopal congregations in Kansas.
The Bethel A.M.E. Church is often noted as the oldest African American church in Manhattan. 2 Although it is the oldest
in existence, the first black church was the Second Methodist Episcopal Church (later the Shepard Chapel Church). This
congregation grew out of the First Methodist Episcopal Church (white) and was organized in 1866 as a mission church.
Later that same year, they built a frame church at the corner of Sixth and El Paso streets, and in 1918, built a new stone
church on Yuma Street. In 1964, however, members of the church transferred their membership to the First United
Methodist Church and the congregation closed its doors. 3
The Bethel A.M.E. Church was organized in October 1879, just a few months after former slaves arrived in Manhattan.
Although the town was organized in 1855 by abolitionists under the New England Emigrant Aid Company, it wasn’t until
the 1865 Kansas Agricultural Census that any African Americans were recorded as living in Manhattan – at that time,
they comprised a little less than three percent of the population. Their numbers increased after the end of the Civil War,
and grew to almost six percent of the population in 1875 with nearly one hundred living in town. That number would
grow substantially in 1879, when a mass migration of African Americans from former slave states in the south, called the
“Great Exodus,” resulting in thousands of blacks arriving in Kansas. In late April 1879, over one hundred refugees came
to Manhattan looking for a better life.4 Others continued to arrive throughout the summer, and by 1880, Manhattans
1
AMEC, “About Us - Our History,” AMEC- African Methodist Episcopal Church, 7 June 2011, http://www.amechurch.com/about-us/history.php.
2
“Manhattan Bethel A.M.E. Church Recognition Day,” City of Manhattan, Kansas Proclamation (7 November 2006).
Geraldine Walton, 140 Years of Souls: A History of African-Americans in Manhattan, Kansas 1865-2005 (Manhattan, KS: KS
Publishing Inc., 2008) 102-105.
4
Deon Wolfenbarger, “African American Resources of Manhattan, Kansas,” National Register of Historic Places Multiple Property
Documentation Form, 2011.
6
3
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
African American population rose to fourteen percent. These new residents brought their own religious practices, and
after only a few months in town, the African Methodist Episcopal Church was organized in October 1879. 5 The church
charter was filed in March 22, 1880, where the “object of consideration is the support of religious worship in accordance
with the custom, usage, and doctrines of the African Methodist Episcopal Church of the United States.” The charter noted
that it would exist in “perpetuary,” [sic] and recorded the names of the three newly-elected Trustees: Edmund Williams,
George W. Wisley, and John Williams, all of Manhattan. The document was signed by the trustees, as well as George
Berry (his “x”) and Nick Holbert. 6
On April 5, 1880, the congregation purchased lot 425 at the corner of Fourth (then Third Street) and Yuma Streets from
Alice M. Vattier for $20.00. The Grantees were George W. Wesley, Edmund Williams, and John Williams, Trustees of
the African Methodist Episcopal Church of Manhattan “and their successors in office.” 7 The congregation began
construction of a small frame church that same year. 8 In December 29, 1880, a mortgage was taken out by Oscar Haskins,
John Williams, Jno. Anderson, J.N. Berry, Henry McDaniel, Edward Williams, Charles Mathews (his X), and Nick
Holbert for consideration of $169.00 to N. A. Adams. This mortgage was released on March 15, 1884. 9
William G. Cutler's History of the State of Kansas from 1883 lists ten churches in Manhattan; three of these were African
American, representing thirty percent of the congregations in town. The black churches had fewer members, however,
and the recorded value of the church properties was lower as well; this reflects the reduced economic opportunities that
were available to blacks in Kansas during this period, in spite of their recent escape from post-Reconstruction oppression
in the South. The A.M.E. Church had an estimated value in 1883 of $700.00, and provided seating for 150 people. There
were twenty-five members at this time, making it the smallest of the three black congregations in town.10 In April 1895,
the adjoining lot on the west (Lot 426) was purchased from George S. Green for $40.00. 11
Although the African American neighborhoods were not recorded in the Sanborn maps until later years, this church
building is individually noted in the Sanborn map starting in 1897; it is the only African American community building
recorded this early, a possible indication of the prominent role it played in the community. In May 1897, it is a one-story,
simple rectangular frame building located on the north end of lot 425 at the southwest corner of Yuma and S. 3rd streets,
and is labeled “Am. Episc’l Church.” 12 Lot 426, also owned by the congregation at this time, contained an ell-shaped
dwelling. By 1905, a small porch had been added to the front of the “A.M.E. Church” building, and it had stove heating
and electric lights. The frame church building was fourteen feet to the eaves, and addressed as 401 Yuma Street. 13 In
1912, the church building retained the same footprint, although the Sanborn now listed the height at sixteen feet to the
eaves. The dwelling on lot 426 had been replaced with a larger T-shaped building. 14
5
Candice Lewis, “Local Church has Varied History that Dates Back 128 Years,” Kansas State Collegian (16 November 2007) 7.
“Charter of the African Methodist Episcopal Church of Manhattan,” Files of the Bethel A.M.E. Church (22 March 1880).
7
“Abstract of Title to Lots 425 and 426, in Ward 1, in the City of Manhattan, Riley County, Kansas.” Charlson and Wilson Bonded
Abstracters. Files of the Bethel A.M.E. Church.
8
Walton, 98.
9
“Abstract of Title to Lots 425 and 426, in Ward 1, in the City of Manhattan, Riley County, Kansas.”
10
William G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas (Chicago, IL.: A. T. Andreas, 1883) 19 February 2011
http://www.kancoll.org/books/cutler/riley/riley-co-p5.html
11
“General Warranty Deed from Geo. S. Green to AME Church,” Files of the Bethel A.M.E. Church, 29 April 1895.
12
Sanborn Map Company, “Manhattan, Kansas: 1897,” Kansas Collection, Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas,
25 May 2011, http://luna.ku.edu:8180/luna/servlet/detail/kuluna01kui~12~12~2261400~260536:Manhattan,-Kansas--1897?sort=Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassification&qvq=q:manhattan;sort:Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassificat
ion;lc:kuluna01kui~12~12&mi=6&trs=30
13
Sanborn Map Company, “Manhattan, Kansas: 1905,” Kansas Collection, Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas,
25 May 2011, http://luna.ku.edu:8180/luna/servlet/detail/kuluna01kui~12~12~2261554~260547:Manhattan,-Kansas--1905?sort=Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassification&qvq=q:manhattan;sort:Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassificat
ion;lc:kuluna01kui~12~12&mi=17&trs=30
14
Sanborn Map Company, “Manhattan, Kansas: 1912,” Kansas Collection, Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas,
25 May 2011, http://luna.ku.edu:8180/luna/servlet/detail/kuluna01kui~12~12~2261722~260559:Manhattan,-Kansas--7
6
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
In 1916, a second church building was constructed for $4,500; this is reflected in the 1923 Sanborn map, which shows the
church in the center of lot 425, with the front oriented to the east and addressed as 506 Fourth Street.15 Just south of the
church, on the same lot, was a one-story frame store. The church building had a similar configuration as those represented
in the earlier maps, with a rectangular footprint and a small front porch. The scant church histories do not record the
construction of the second sanctuary, and in fact, generally report that the 1880 building was “improved” in 1927.
However, Sanborn maps and newspapers record that a third sanctuary was built in 1927. The Manhattan Republic from
May 12, 1927 notes:
Next Sunday May 15 has been set aside as the date for laying the cornerstone of the new A.M.E. church
at Fourth and Yuma streets. Dr. J.G.N. Sloanes of Kansas City, Kansas, grand master of Bluemont Lodge
No 87, A.F. and A.M., is helping to lay the corner stone. A rally will be put on in which it is hoped to
raise enough money to finance the new structure. The finance committee is composed of the Rev. J.R.
Ransom, pastor of St. Johns A.M.E. church, Topeka; The Rev. J.P. Jockinson, pastor of the First
Congregational Church, Manhattan, and the Rev. J.D. Arnold, Pastor of the First Christian Church,
Manhattan. 16
The church, under Trustees B. Gilbert, R. E. Pryor, Mrs. E. Alexander, Pete May, and Wm. Kaiser, took out a mortgage of
$2500.00 from the Home Building and Loan Association on July 1, 1927, undoubtedly to pay for the construction of the
new brick building. 17 At the time of its construction, the building was modern in every respect, including a furnace for
heating and electric lights. There was a twenty-six foot tower in the northeast ell of the cross-plan church.
Unfortunately, records of early church activities are scarce. The regular columns in the Manhattan newspapers on church
news did not feature the African American churches, and Manhattan did not have a large enough population to support a
black-owned newspaper. Nearby Topeka, however, had a larger African American population, and black newspapers in
that town sometimes covered events in Manhattan. The Topeka Plaindealer, for example, often carried a column on
African American happenings in nearby communities. These news items did not just cover church events, but as an
indication of the importance of churches to the social fabric of the black community, most of the columns contained
events and news from the various churches. These newspaper articles often recorded ecumenical activities, related to
religious activities of its members or the congregation as a whole. For example, the Bethel A.M.E. church often hosted
the Topeka District conference of the A.M.E. church. Bishop Handy of the Fifth Episcopal District, a noted speaker and
later as the author of a history of the national A.M.E.C, came to Manhattan in May 1895 when the Topeka District
Conference was held at the Bethel A.M.E. church. As an indication of his national prominence, during his visit he also
preached at the First M.E. Church (white). 18 Rev. W. H. Taylor started revival meetings in April 1913, and in June of that
same year, Manhattan’s Bethel A.M.E. Church once again hosted the A. M. E. District Conference. The featured speaker,
Rev. H. S. Henrie, was expected to make it “one of the most wide-awake assemblys ever met in Manhattan.” 19 In 1917,
Bethel members attended the Topeka District Conference, with Mrs. Lillian Carter and Mrs. Birtie Bush representing the
Sunday school, and Mr. J. L. Campbell and Miss Clarinda Alexander representing the A. C. E. League. 20
1912?sort=Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassification&qvq=q:manhattan;sort:Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassificat
ion;lc:kuluna01kui~12~12&mi=29&trs=30
15
Manhattan Mercury, (4 May 1916) 1. Sanborn Map Company, “Sanborn Maps, 1867-1970,” Kansas City Public Library, 25 May
2011,
http://sanborn.umi.com.proxy.kclibrary.org/image/view?state=ks&reelid=reel11&lcid=3025&imagename=00040&mapname=Manhat
tan%20Mar.%201923,%20Sheet%2010&CCSI=121n
16
Manhattan Republic, 12 May 1927.
17
“Abstract of Title to Lots 425 and 426, in Ward 1, in the City of Manhattan, Riley County, Kansas.” Charlson and Wilson Bonded
Abstracters. Files of the Bethel A.M.E. Church.
18
Manhattan Nationalist, 10 May 1895.
19
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Topeka Plaindealer (11 April 1913); “Manhattan, Kansas,” Topeka Plaindealer (6 June 1913.)
20
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Kansas City Advocate (22 June 1917).
8
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
There were several church-related organizations at Bethel, sponsoring activities geared towards members of all ages.
Starting with Sunday School in the morning, the sermon was then followed by several meetings; it was not uncommon for
events to last all through Sunday. Sometimes there were special events, such as the church-sponsored “Children’s day” in
the early twentieth century. 21 However, the Bethel A.M.E. Church served as more than a religious home for its members.
The building hosted other community-wide social and entertainment events, in part because other venues were not
generally open to African Americans. Music recitals were common affairs. A baritone soloist and violinist from Mexico,
Missouri, Mr. A. E. Bodine, traveled to Manhattan to present a concert to an audience “that was appreciative of classical
music.” 22 The Progressive Literary Society met at the A. M. E. Church, and in 1917 held an oratorical contest with
students competing from Kansas City, Missouri; Lawrence, Kansas; Middleton, Texas; as well as Mr. R. Keel of
Manhattan. The newspaper noted that there it “was graced with extraordinary attendance despite door fee.”23
Besides cultural events, sometimes practical demonstrations geared towards all of the African American community were
held at the church. A vegetable canning demonstration was presented at Bethel in 1917 for the “benefit of our women.”
It was offered by Mr. F. W. Kirk, a recent arrival to Manhattan and newly appointed community instructor in “gardening,
hog raising, poultry raising, fruit growing, canning, etc.” 24 Kirk worked with the agricultural department of the Kansas
State Agricultural College (now Kansas State University) to give presentations and form clubs. 25
As demonstration of not only the importance of the church to the broader African American community in Manhattan, but
also the prominent positions that the leaders of those organizations held in the community, on November 19, 1926, the
retiring pastor of the Bethel A.M.E. Church, Rev. B. M. Hattan, was given “one of the biggest, proud parties ever given a
colored minister in Manhattan.” The party was attended by not only members of the Bethel A.M.E. church, but also by
the congregations of Shepard’s Chapel M.E. Church, Pilgrim Baptist Church, and Church of God. As a show of support
and good will towards the pastor, community members donated food, household sundries, and cash. The newspaper
recorded all the names of the donors and their gifts; most of the gifts were canned goods, and ranged from one jar of
peaches, a pound of butter, twenty cents cash, and three cakes of soap. 26
Not only was the church a significant part of the daily lives of its local members, but since Manhattan was home to a
transient population represented by both the university and nearby Fort Riley, it was a welcome refuge for students and
military families alike. Particularly for military families that moved frequently, the church provided comfort and stability
in a strange town that was not otherwise welcoming to new African American residents. 27 James Butler joined the
congregation in 1948, when he was both a young married soldier at Fort Riley and student at K-State. He stated he found
solidarity among the congregation, which helped its members work towards self-sufficiency in segregated Manhattan.
Butler was able to learn from the lessons and support he received at Bethel A.M.E. Church, going on to become a member
of Manhattan’s Human Rights and Services Board, and then chairman of the Kansas Commission on Civil Rights. 28
Like Butler, other Bethel church members were community activists, working for representation on the USD 383 school
board, county commission, city council, by encouraging the community to vote count in local elections. Arlene Cole, a
member of Bethel A.M.E. since moving to Manhattan in 1946, recalls one important event in Manhattan’s civil rights era
when the Bethel pastor organized a march from the Douglass Center to the train station in the early 1950s, during which
the marchers sang “We Shall Overcome.” 29 James Boyer, who came to Kansas State University in 1971 as the first black
21
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Topeka Plaindealer (16 May 1902)
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Kansas City Advocate (25 May 1917) 2.
23
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Kansas City Advocate (1 June 1917).
24
Due to the extensive coverage of Mr. Kirk and his family in the Advocate article, it is assumed that he was African American.
25
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Kansas City Advocate (25 May 1917) 2.
26
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Topeka Plaindealer (26 November 1926).
27
Shelia Ellis, “Black History in the Church: AME Church Provides Comfort to Members,” Kansas State Collegian (2 February
2006).
28
Whitney Hodgin, “Congregation has faith that church will be added to historic register,” Manhattan Mercury (20 June 2010) C1.
29
Kerry Davis, oral interview with Mrs. Arlene Cole, 1 April 2011.
9
22
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
teaching professor, believes that since Manhattan’s African American community was never large enough to have a truly
separate black community or commercial center, such as 18th & Vine in Kansas City, Missouri, the black churches were
the main institutions for community interaction. As he and other historians have noted, it was the only institution that
blacks controlled; within the black church, members could say and do things without fear. 30 Thus due to the small
number of black businesses and other community institutions, the black churches in Manhattan served an even more
prominent role as the social, economic and political heart of the neighborhood. The churches were the first groups to
organize local action groups in the early years of the civil rights movement, which later evolved to Social Concern
Boards. Like the A.M.E.C. nationwide, Bethel was part of the fight for equal rights for African Americans in Manhattan,
joining a citywide multi-church council on Human Relations. 31 The success in gaining equal rights may have contributed
a small part to an eventual decline in the neighborhood, as African Americans eventually changed the housing practices in
town and were able to move into other neighborhoods. The Urban Renewal projects of the 1970s and later, however, also
significantly affected the neighborhood, with extensive demolition occurring east of 4th Street and south of El Paso. Some
African American congregations have disbanded, and others have moved out of the historic African American
neighborhood in the southeastern. Bethel A.M.E. has survived periods in the late twentieth century when there was not
enough money to pay the church’s utility bills, and members dug into their own pockets to cover the operating expenses.
It was a lack of funds that led the church to remove the deteriorating square tower on the northeast corner of the
building. 32 The deterioration may have been partly worsened by the 1951 flood that engulfed much of the low-lying
African American neighborhood. As noted in the 25 July 1951 Manhattan Mercury Chronicle:
The Bethel A.M.E. Church at Fourth and Yuma, which became a refuge for three flood families
Wednesday , June 11, was itself flooded to a depth of more than two feet in the nave before the crest was
reached the following Friday, Rev. John L. Reeves, Pastor, said.
The Pastor had attempted to carry out articles stored in the basement that Wednesday through knee-deep
water but the swift rise of the water interrupted him . . . The church pulpit floated from the south end of
the church to the door at the north. All the benches and the furniture of the refugees was overturned and
strewn about by the water. 33
The eventual removal of the deteriorating tower after 1985 was due to the lack of funds for repair and the size of the
congregation. Arlene Cole does not believe that the other African American churches in Manhattan have “had the
struggles we’ve had,” but that even when the church was down to only five members, it survived because of the
dedication of its members to keep it going. 34 Currently there are over twenty members on the role, and the church
building serves as a key visual landmark on Yuma Street at the entry of the eastern edge of Manhattan’s historic African
American neighborhood.
30
Kerry Davis, oral interview with James Boyer, 20 April 2011.
Wolfenbarger, MPDF
32
Arlene Cole believed this occurred sometime in the 1950s, but inventory forms filed with the Kansas Historical Society show
photos of the tower in 1985. Kerry Davis, oral interview with Mrs. Arlene Cole, 1 April 2011.
33
Manhattan Chronicle (5 November 1961).
34
Lacey Storer, “Strength in community,” Kansas State Collegian (23 August 2004).
10
31
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
9. Major Bibliographical References
Bibliography (Cite the books, articles, and other sources used in preparing this form.)
“Abstract of Title to Lots 425 and 426, in Ward 1, in the City of Manhattan, Riley County, Kansas.” Charlson and
Wilson Bonded Abstracters. Files of the Bethel A.M.E. Church.
AMEC. “About Us - Our History.” AMEC- African Methodist Episcopal Church. 7 June 2011. http://www.amechurch.com/about-us/history.php.
“Charter of the African Methodist Episcopal Church of Manhattan.” Files of the Bethel A.M.E. Church. 22 March 1880.
Cutler, William G. History of the State of Kansas. Chicago, IL.: A. T. Andreas, 1883. 19 February 2011
http://www.kancoll.org/books/cutler/riley/riley-co-p5.html
Davis, Kerry. Oral interview with James Boyer. 20 April 2011.
Davis, Kerry. Oral interview with Mrs. Arlene Cole. 1 April 2011.
Digital Sanborn Maps, 1897-1935/1947. ProQuest Information and Learning Company, © 2001 by The Sanborn Map
Company, Sanborn Library, LLC. Kansas City, Mo Public Library. <http://80-sanborn.umi.com.proxy.
kclibrary.org/>.
Ellis, Shelia. “Black History in the Church: AME Church Provides Comfort to Members.” Kansas State Collegian. 2
February 2006.
“General Warranty Deed from Geo. S. Green to AME Church.” Files of the Bethel A.M.E. Church. 29 April 1895.
Hodgin, Whitney. “Congregation has faith that church will be added to historic register.” Manhattan Mercury. 20 June
2010.
Candice Lewis, Candice. “Local Church has Varied History that Dates Back 128 Years.” Kansas State Collegian. 16
November 2007.
“Manhattan Bethel A.M.E. Church Recognition Day.” City of Manhattan, Kansas Proclamation. 7 November 2006.
Manhattan Chronicle. 5 November 1961.
“Manhattan, Kansas.” Kansas City Advocate. 25 May 1917.
“Manhattan, Kansas.” Kansas City Advocate. 1 June 1917.
“Manhattan, Kansas.” Kansas City Advocate. 22 June 1917.
“Manhattan, Kansas.” Topeka Plaindealer. 16 May 1902.
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Topeka Plaindealer (11 April 1913);
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Topeka Plaindealer (6 June 1913.)
“Manhattan, Kansas.” Topeka Plaindealer. 26 November 1926.
11
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Manhattan Mercury. 4 May 1916, p. 1.
Manhattan Nationalist. 10 May 1895.
Manhattan Republic. 12 May 1927.
Sanborn Map Company. “Manhattan, Kansas: 1897.” Kansas Collection, Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University
of Kansas. 25 May 2011
http://luna.ku.edu:8180/luna/servlet/detail/kuluna01kui~12~12~2261400~260536:Manhattan,-Kansas--1897?sort=Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassification&qvq=q:manhattan;sort:Identifier%2CArea%2CCit
ation%2CClassification;lc:kuluna01kui~12~12&mi=6&trs=30
Sanborn Map Company. “Manhattan, Kansas: 1905.” Kansas Collection, Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University
of Kansas. 25 May 2011.
http://luna.ku.edu:8180/luna/servlet/detail/kuluna01kui~12~12~2261554~260547:Manhattan,-Kansas--1905?sort=Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassification&qvq=q:manhattan;sort:Identifier%2CArea%2CCit
ation%2CClassification;lc:kuluna01kui~12~12&mi=17&trs=30
Sanborn Map Company. “Manhattan, Kansas: 1912.” Kansas Collection, Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University
of Kansas, 25 May 2011.
http://luna.ku.edu:8180/luna/servlet/detail/kuluna01kui~12~12~2261722~260559:Manhattan,-Kansas--1912?sort=Identifier%2CArea%2CCitation%2CClassification&qvq=q:manhattan;sort:Identifier%2CArea%2CCit
ation%2CClassification;lc:kuluna01kui~12~12&mi=29&trs=30
Sanborn Map Company. “Sanborn Maps, 1867-1970.” Kansas City Public Library, 25 May 2011.
http://sanborn.umi.com.proxy.kclibrary.org/image/view?state=ks&reelid=reel11&lcid=3025&imagename=00040
&mapname=Manhattan%20Mar.%201923,%20Sheet%2010&CCSI=121n
Sanborn Map Company. “Sanborn Maps, 1867-1970.” Kansas City Public Library, 25 May 2011.
http://sanborn.umi.com.proxy.kclibrary.org/image/view?state=ks&reelid=reel11&lcid=3025&imagename=00059
&mapname=Manhattan%20Jan.%201930,%20Sheet%2013&CCSI=121n
Storer, Lacey. “Strength in community.” Kansas State Collegian. 23 August 2004.
Walton, Geraldine. 140 Years of Souls: A History of African-Americans in Manhattan, Kansas 1865-2005. Manhattan,
KS: KS Publishing Inc., 2008.
Wolfenbarger, Deon. “African American Resources of Manhattan, Kansas.” National Register of Historic Places
Multiple Property Documentation Form. 2011.
12
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Previous documentation on file (NPS):
Primary location of additional data:
preliminary determination of individual listing (36 CFR 67 has been
requested)
previously listed in the National Register
previously determined eligible by the National Register
designated a National Historic Landmark
recorded by Historic American Buildings Survey #____________
recorded by Historic American Engineering Record # __________
recorded by Historic American Landscape Survey # ___________
Historic Resources Survey Number (if
assigned):
X State Historic Preservation Office
Other State agency
Federal agency
X Local government
University
Other
Name of repository: Kansas Historical Society; City of Manhattan,
KS, Community Development Department
N/A
10. Geographical Data
Acreage of Property
Less than one acre
(Do not include previously listed resource acreage.)
UTM References
(Place additional UTM references on a continuation sheet.)
1
14
Zone
710594
Easting
4339025
Northing
Zone
Easting
Northing
2
3
Zone
Easting
Northing
Zone
Easting
Northing
4
Verbal Boundary Description (Describe the boundaries of the property.)
The north seventy-five (75) feet of lot 425, Ward 1, less beg SE corner lot 425 then W15', N59', E5', N25', E10', S84' to
point of beginning (Plat Book/Page A /54 Deed Book/Page 0840/8432 0840/8434).
Boundary Justification (Explain why the boundaries were selected.)
The historic church building is located in the north half of lot 425, Ward 1. The south half of lot 425 (not included)
contains a residential building that was moved to the location within the last twenty years, and is not historically
associated with the church.
13
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
11. Form Prepared By
name/title
Deon Wolfenbarger, Historic Preservation Consultant
organization Three Gables Preservation
date June 24, 2011
street & number 320 Pine Glade Road
telephone 303-258-3136
city or town Nederland
state CO
e-mail
zip code 80466
[email protected]
Property Owner:
(Complete this item at the request of the SHPO or FPO.)
name
Rev. Rachel Williams-Glenn, Pastor; Bethel AME Church
street & number 401 Yuma Street
telephone 785-539-5897
city or town Manhattan
state
KS
zip code
66502
Paperwork Reduction Act Statement: This information is being collected for applications to the National Register of Historic Places to nominate
properties for listing or determine eligibility for listing, to list properties, and to amend existing listings. Response to this request is required to obtain a
benefit in accordance with the National Historic Preservation Act, as amended (16 U.S.C.460 et seq.).
Estimated Burden Statement: Public reporting burden for this form is estimated to average 18 hours per response including time for reviewing
instructions, gathering and maintaining data, and completing and reviewing the form. Direct comments regarding this burden estimate or any aspect of
this form to the Office of Planning and Performance Management. U.S. Dept. of the Interior, 1849 C. Street, NW, Washington, DC.
14
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Additional Documentation: Photographs
Name of Property:
City or Vicinity:
County:
State:
Name of Photographer:
Date of Photographs:
Location of Original Digital Files:
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Manhattan
Riley County
KS
Deon Wolfenbarger
June 3, 2011 (photos 1-5); July 26, 2011 (photos 6-7); February 11, 2011 (photos
8-14).
City of Manhattan, KS Community Development Department
Photo #1 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0001)
North façade (right) and east elevation (left), camera facing southwest.
Photo #2 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0002)
East elevation, camera facing west.
Photo #3 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0003)
East elevation and south elevation (left), camera facing northwest.
Photo #4 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0004)
West elevation (left) and south elevation (right), camera facing north/northeast.
Photo #5 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0005)
North façade (left) and west elevation (left), camera facing southeast.
Photo #6 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0006)
North façade (left) and west elevation (left), camera facing south/southeast.
Photo #7 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0007)
North elevation, camera facing south.
Photo #8 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0008)
Interior, view towards dais, taken from entry, camera facing southwest.
Photo #9 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0009)
Interior, view towards dais, taken from overflow seating, camera facing south.
Photo #10 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0010)
Interior, view towards pastor’s office, camera facing southeast.
Photo #11 (KS_ RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0011)
Interior, view towards dais, camera facing southeast.
Photo #12 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0012)
Interior, view towards entry and overflow seating area, taken from dais, camera facing northeast.
Photo #13 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0013)
Interior, view into overflow seating area, taken from dais, camera facing northwest.
15
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Photo #14 (KS_RileyCounty_BethelAMEChurch_0014)
Interior, basement, camera facing southwest.
16
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Additional Documentation: Appendices
Appendix A: Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps
1897 Sanborn [note: 4th Street is called 3rd Street at this time]
1905 Sanborn [note: an entry porch added to the original frame building]
17
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Appendix A (continued)
1912 Sanborn [no changes to the building]
1923 Sanborn [second frame building, in a different location on the same lot]
18
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Appendix A (continued)
1930 Sanborn [the present building]
19
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Appendix B: Historic Photographs
From Kansas Historic Resources Inventory Form 161-3490-00158
Looking southwest, date unknown.
20
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Appendix B (continued)
Looking southwest, 1985.
21
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Appendix B (continued)
Looking southeast, 1985.
22
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Appendix B (continued)
Looking north/northwest, 1985.
23
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Appendix C: Charter of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1880
From the files of the Bethel A.M.E. Church, Manhattan, Kansas
24
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
DRAFT
NPS Form 10-900
(Expires 5/31/2012)
OMB No. 1024-0018
Bethel A.M.E. Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Appendix C (continued)
25
NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service
DRAFT
National Register of Historic Places
Registration Form
This form is for use in nominating or requesting determinations for individual properties and districts. See instructions in National Register Bulletin, How
to Complete the National Register of Historic Places Registration Form. If any item does not apply to the property being documented, enter "N/A" for
"not applicable." For functions, architectural classification, materials, and areas of significance, enter only categories and subcategories from the
instructions. Place additional certification comments, entries, and narrative items on continuation sheets if needed (NPS Form 10-900a).
1. Name of Property
historic name
Second Baptist Church
other names/site number
Pilgrim Baptist Church; KHRI# 161-3490-00141
2. Location
street & number
city or town
state
831 Yuma Street
not for publication
Manhattan
vicinity
Kansas
code
KS
county
Riley
code
161
zip code
66502
3. State/Federal Agency Certification
As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act, as amended,
I hereby certify that this X nomination _ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards
for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional
requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60.
In my opinion, the property X _ meets _ does not meet the National Register Criteria. I recommend that this property
be considered significant at the following level(s) of significance:
national
statewide
X local
Signature of certifying official/Title
Date
State or Federal agency/bureau or Tribal Government
In my opinion, the property
meets
does not meet the National Register criteria.
Signature of commenting official
Date
Title
State or Federal agency/bureau or Tribal Government
4. National Park Service Certification
I hereby certify that this property is:
entered in the National Register
determined eligible for the National Register
determined not eligible for the National Register
removed from the National Register
other (explain:)
_________________
Signature of the Keeper
Date of Action
1
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
5. Classification
Ownership of Property
Category of Property
Number of Resources within Property
(Check as many boxes as apply.)
(Check only one box.)
(Do not include previously listed resources in the count.)
X private
public - Local
public - State
public - Federal
X building(s)
district
site
structure
Contributing
1
Noncontributing
1
1
1
objects
object
Name of related multiple property listing
(Enter "N/A" if property is not part of a multiple property listing)
buildings
sites
structures
Total
Number of contributing resources previously
listed in the National Register
African American Resources in Manhattan,
Kansas
N/A
6. Function or Use
Historic Functions
Current Functions
(Enter categories from instructions.)
(Enter categories from instructions.)
RELIGION: religious facility/church
RELIGION: religious facility/church
7. Description
Architectural Classification
Materials
(Enter categories from instructions.)
(Enter categories from instructions.)
OTHER
foundation:
walls:
CONCRETE
BRICK
SYNTHETICS
roof:
SYNTHETICS
other:
2
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
DRAFT
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Narrative Description
Summary Paragraph
The Second Baptist Church (1917) is a one-and-a-half story brick rectangular building with a gable-front
roof and a square two-story tower entry on the northwest corner. The entry door is on the east side of
the tower, and both basement and main level windows have semi-circular arched openings. The
building sits on a high foundation, and concrete steps with a brick balustrade lead up to the raised entry
door. A non-historic, two-story brick sanctuary (1982) is located behind the historic church, on the
south side of the lot. The property is located on Yuma Street in the historic African American
neighborhood in southeast Manhattan. The majority of houses in the neighborhood face either north or
south west along the named streets. This building is located at the southeast corner of the intersection of
Ninth and Yuma streets. The intersection also contains two other significant historic buildings
associated with the African American community: Douglass School, located west of the church, and the
former black U.S.O. building, located northwest. The historic church building has had few alterations
since its time of construction, and retains a very high degree of integrity in design, feeling, location,
association, materials and workmanship. There have been some changes over the years to the
neighborhood as a whole, partially lessening the integrity in setting, but Yuma Street still retains its
neighborhood character for several blocks east and west and has potential for a small historic district.
Narrative Description
The Second Baptist Church property contains two buildings – the historic one-and-a-half story building
(1917) on the front (north) portion of the lot, and a 1982 two-story building at the rear. The historic
church is a rectangular brick one-and-a-half story building with a moderately steep gable-front roof with
very little overhang. There is a square two-story tower with low pitched pyramidal roof at the northwest
corner of the façade; both the tower and the roof of the main building peak at approximately the same
height. The sanctuary building and tower are set on raised foundations, with a row of horizontal brick
stretchers serving as the sill between the basement and first story. The entry door is on the east side of
the tower, and is reached by concrete steps with a low, stepped brick balustrade with concrete coping.
The paneled entry door is non-historic, but has its original simple transom above. A cornerstone on the
northeast corner of the building reads “Second Baptist Church, erected April 1917. Rev. C.A. Raulston,
Pastor.”
Windows on both the main level and basement have double brick, semi-circular radiating voussoir
lintels. The square wood frame windows are 1/1 double hung, and the remainder of the arched opening
is filled with a wood panel. Tall, narrow wood louvered fenestrations are on the second story of the
tower and the attic level of the gable end as well. There is a tall exterior chimney on the east elevation,
and an interior chimney at the rear near the ridge line. Set within the ell formed by the tower and the
building on the northwest corner is an entry leading to the basement. This entry was bricked-in during
the historic period of significance, and has short brick walls, a low-pitched shed roof, and a non-historic
paneled door (similar to the front entry) opening to steps leading to the basement. At the west corner of
the rear elevation, there is another entry with matching non-historic door. This raised entry has a
concrete deck and stairs with an ashlar limestone foundation and simple metal pipe railing. Also
attached on the rear is a small maintenance shed, with shed roof, 1/1 windows, and lap siding. Above
this shed is a small, historic 1/1 double hung window.
Although the ornamentation of the church is minimal, elements referring to the ecclesiastical Gothic
Revival are hinted at with the corner tower, the tall windows on the building, the tall narrow louvered
3
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
DRAFT
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
openings on the tower, and finally with the tall chimney on the east elevation; all of these elements
suggest the design features emphasizing vertically in a high style Gothic Revival church.
A new brick sanctuary (1982) is at the rear of the lot, and is connected to the historic building only by an
open breezeway. This Modern design building has a square plan. The majority of the building is twostories with modified gable roof set on a diagonal to the southwest and northeast corners; here the peaks
of the gables end at the corners of the building, rather than at the middle of an elevation wall. The
southeast and northwest corners of the newer building are one-story with flat roofs. The main entries to
the newer sanctuary are on both ends of the southwest corner, reached by low concrete steps with metal
pipe rails. Small square window openings step up to the gable peak on the southwest corner. The
remaining rectangular fenestrations feature fixed windows. The west and south elevations of this
building are faced with brick, while the east and north elevations have synthetic clapboard siding.
The interior of the historic sanctuary has plaster walls and a drop ceiling composed of wood panels, with
hanging lights featuring circular glass globes (ca. 1940s). The windows have simple wood sills and are
set within recessed plaster openings. The chancel is at the south end, with a raised dais or pulpit
platform featuring a recessed semi-circular arched apse for the choir. A baptistry is beneath the dais.
Behind the apse is a small office for the pastor’s study, which in turn is flanked by two small classrooms
on either side. There are doors leading from the sanctuary to these small offices, as well as two interior
window openings that have been boarded over. At the north end of the sanctuary is the congregation
seating, which is divided into three sections, with carpeted aisles forming a central nave and leading
from the front (north) of the church to the apse. The original wood railing separating the apse from the
congregation seating is no longer extant, although a few wood pews remain. There are stairs at the north
end of the sanctuary leading to the basement featuring a solid wood balustrade. The basement of the
historic church has concrete floors, drop ceilings with fiberboard panels, and inset fluorescent lights.
The basement was originally intended to house the kitchen and dining, but while parishioners were
waiting for the building to be constructed, it also served for a brief time as the sanctuary.
The historic church is set at the northwest corner of the property close to the street edge, with the main
façade facing Yuma Street. The non-historic building is on the southwest corner of the property, with
entry doors facing both west and south. A grassed lawn fills the remainder of the property to the east,
with a small gravel area for parking in the southeast corner. There is a concrete sidewalk, grass median
and concrete curb along both Ninth and Yuma Streets, and large deciduous shade trees on the north and
west edge of the properties. An alley runs along the south side of the property, and an empty lot south
of that (not included in the nomination) provides parking.
The Second Baptist Church meets the property type description and registration requirements as defined
in Section F of the related multiple property listing “African American Resources of Manhattan,
Kansas” for the African American Community Institutions property type. The registration requirements
note that examples of this property type were located in the historic south side neighborhood, in the
southeast quadrant of the city. As noted in the registration requirements, integrity of location is critical,
as all of the associated resources were located in the historic African American district. As a result, this
building retains integrity not only in this area, but in setting, feeling and association as well. Integrity of
key character-defining features is retained in the rectangular plan with corner tower, windows openings
and materials, and brick construction. The new sanctuary, built on the rear/south side of the building, is
not visible from the front elevation. Non-original doors do not detract from the historic sense of time
and place; furthermore, due to their location and size, the doors themselves would not have been
considered key character-defining features.
4
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
8. Statement of Significance
Applicable National Register Criteria
(Mark "x" in one or more boxes for the criteria qualifying the property
for National Register listing.)
Areas of Significance
(Enter categories from instructions.)
ETHNIC HERITAGE: black
X
A
Property is associated with events that have made a
significant contribution to the broad patterns of our
history.
B
Property is associated with the lives of persons
significant in our past.
C
Property embodies the distinctive characteristics
of a type, period, or method of construction or
represents the work of a master, or possesses high
artistic values, or represents a significant
and distinguishable entity whose components lack
individual distinction.
D
Property has yielded, or is likely to yield, information
important in prehistory or history.
Period of Significance
1917 - 1961
Significant Dates
1917
1942
Criteria Considerations
(Mark "x" in all the boxes that apply.)
Property is:
A
Owned by a religious institution or used for religious
purposes.
B
removed from its original location.
C
a birthplace or grave.
D
a cemetery.
E
a reconstructed building, object, or structure.
F
a commemorative property.
G
less than 50 years old or achieving significance
within the past 50 years.
X
Significant Person
(Complete only if Criterion B is marked above.)
N/A
Cultural Affiliation
N/A
Architect/Builder
H. B. Winter/architect (original)
Russell Weisbender Const./contractor (1982)
Period of Significance (justification)
The period of significance extends from the date of the building’s construction in 1917 through 1961, which is
the accepted fifty-year cut-off date established by the National Park Service to provide sufficient passage of
time for objective evaluation of the historic resource. This period includes the merging of two historic African
American congregations – the Second Baptist and the Mount Zion Baptist churches – into the Pilgrim Baptist
Church.
5
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
DRAFT
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Criteria Considerations (explanation, if necessary):
The Second Baptist Church meets Criteria Consideration A because its primary significance is its
historical importance in the area of ethnic heritage: black for its role in the development of the historic
African American community in Manhattan.
Statement of Significance Summary Paragraph
The Second Baptist Church building is significant under criterion A in the area of ethnic heritage: black
for its role in the development of the African American community in Manhattan. The historic
importance of churches in African American neighborhoods is well documented, and Pilgrim Baptist
was one of the key community organizations in Manhattan. The original congregation was organized in
1880, a year after the influx of African American refugees arrived in Manhattan as part of the Great
Exodus from former Southern slave states. As the congregation grew in size and prominence, its
members built this substantial brick building in 1917, replacing the earlier small frame building. It is
located on a prominent corner at the intersection of Ninth and Yuma, across from Douglass School and
the black U.S.O. Building – all significant community organizations in the historic African American
neighborhood. It was not only a center for religious worship, but served the greater community by
hosting education, social and charitable activities.
Narrative Statement of Significance
The Second Baptist Church is a rare extant historic African American community institution building,
located in the traditional black neighborhood of Manhattan, Kansas. Although the town was founded in
1855 by abolitionists from the New England Emigrant Aid Company, there were no blacks recorded as
living in the town in the 1860 census. By 1865, there were only nine living within the town and
township. After the end of the Civil War, however, the numbers of African American residents began to
grow: sixty-five by the 1870 census, and around one hundred by 1875. This increase has been
attributed to both resettlement of blacks from other areas of Kansas, as well as new arrivals from other
states. 1
In April of 1879, a large wave of refugees from former slave states in the South started towards Kansas,
viewing it as a “promised land” of freedom. Stopping first in St. Louis, and then on towards stops in
and around Kansas City, many of the refugees had no plans except to “get to Kansas.” As thousands
soon began arriving on the shores of some towns, a few like Wyandotte, Kansas began refusing landing
to the steamboats. One such boat, the Durfee was turned away from Wyandotte, and had to go back to
Kansas City, Missouri. The citizens there soon raised money to ship the refugees onto Manhattan,
where the first group of over a hundred landed in late April 1879. This group of Exodusters, as the
refugees were called, doubled the existing black population of Manhattan. Other refugees arrived over
the next several months, so by the time of the 1880 census, there were nearly three hundred African
Americans in Manhattan – almost fourteen percent of the population. 2
Although there was already an African American church in Manhattan established over a decade earlier
in 1866, the new residents brought with them a desire to worship in their own denominations. Thus this
Baptist congregation was organized in March 1880, less than a year after the influx of refugees from
1
Deon Wolfenbarger, “African American Resources of Manhattan, Kansas,” Section E, pg. 5; Nupur Chaudhuri, “We All Seem Like
Brothers and Sisters: The African-American Community in Manhattan, Kansas, 1865-1940," Kansas History, Volume 24 (Winter
1991-1992) 273.
2
Ibid.
6
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
DRAFT
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
former slave states. It was the second Baptist church established in Manhattan (hence the name), and
was organized with assistance of the white First Baptist Church. At first services were held in the west
side of the Avenue School, a four room school building. The Avenue School building was soon
condemned, however, and the church had to find a new location. The congregation purchased the
property located at Ninth and Yuma and constructed a new frame building in 1882. 3
A year later, it was listed in William G. Cutler’s 1883 History of the State of Kansas as one of ten
churches in Manhattan, with three of ten churches being African American representing thirty percent of
the congregations in town. The black churches had fewer members, however, and the recorded value of
the church properties were lower as well; this reflects the reduced economic opportunities that were
available to blacks in Kansas during this period. In Cutler’s description of the church in 1883, the
building had value of $500.00, seating room for 125, and forty members.
Colored Baptist. - This organization, now consisting of forty members, was organized on
March, 1880. Its Sunday School numbers seventy-five; superintendent, Lewis Call. The
pastor is Rev. Abraham Cooper. The church edifice, a frame 22x30 feet, was built in 1882.
This is known as the Second Baptist. 4
The Sanborn fire insurance maps of both 1905 and 1912 show that although the original frame Second
Baptist Church building was heated by stove, it did have electric lights. To compare this with other
significant buildings in the neighborhood, Douglass School immediately to the west of the church did
not have electric lights at this time.
Around 1890, there was a congregational division, and the Mount Zion Baptist Church organized as a
separate congregation from the Second Baptist. Meeting at the corner of Juliette and El Paso streets,
Mount Zion was led by Rev. H. W. White of Topeka and had about seventy members. 5 The Second
Baptist Church congregation continued to grow after the turn of the century in spite of the division, and
in 1914, plans for a new church building were prepared by local architect H. B. Winter. Henry B.
Winter was born in Germany in 1883, and grew up in Manhattan, graduating from high school in 1898.
He entered the architecture program at Kansas State Agricultural College in 1905, and was the
program’s twelfth graduate in 1909. Winter and Herbert Meier formed a partnership in 1911, and in
their first year prepared plans for the Bluemont School, the O. W. Holt Building, and the Congregation
Society Church in Manhattan as well as a residence in Wamego, Kansas. His projects were varied, and
throughout his years in Manhattan, he designed a number of residential, commercial, ecclesiastical, and
industrial buildings (see Appendix A). Winter moved to Lincoln, Nebraska in the 1930s, and died there
in 1954. 6
The cost was estimated at $4,500 for a one-story building with basement. 7 Construction started
sometime before 1915, as the Riley County Democrat on March 5, 1915 noted that construction would
resume on the new church as soon as weather permitted. The building was financed by donations from
3
Linnetta Hill, “History of Pilgrim Baptist Church,” Historical Program of the One Hundred Twenty-fifth Anniversary of Pilgrim
Baptist Church (20 March 2005) 6.
4
William G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas. Chicago: A.T.Andreas, 1883.
5
“The Other Side of Manhattan, Kansas: Oral History of the Black Community,” Vertical File: Manhattan, City of, African-American
Community, Kansas State University Archives, Manhattan, Kansas, 19.
6
Historic Preservation Services, LLC, “Cultural Resources Survey Wards 1 and 2 Manhattan, Kansas” (June 2004) 87-89.
7
“Manhattan, Kansas,” C.N. (7 March 1914) 3.
7
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
DRAFT
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
the congregation and friends; some of the donations were money, but in other instances, it was labor and
materials.
When completed it will be modern in every respect, built of brick with furnace heat. The
structure will be 36 by 60 feet in size, and will contain a kitchen, dining room, cloak rooms
and a rest room. The kitchen and dining room will be located in the basement. . . . The
church will be an added attraction and improvement to Manhattan, when it is finished, and
a credit to the congregation erecting it. 8
Due to lack of funds, the project stalled a few times. In 1915, services were conducted by the pastor,
Rev. W. C. Garrett, in a rented hall. 9 Later, the basement for the new building was covered and used as
a meeting place. Rev. C. A. Raulston is credited for seeing the project through to its completion. On
April 23, 1917, the corner stone for the Second Baptist Church was laid in a ceremony that was
conducted by a local black Masons lodge. The address was given by the Grand Master, E. H. Hawkins
of Fort Scott. After the ceremony, a “free will” collection of eighty-five dollars was taken up in order to
pay for the expenses of the ceremony. The Rev. Raulston thanked the people of the city for assisting
with donations. 10 Underway at the same time was a new stone building for the Methodist Episcopal
Church (later Shephard’s Chapel Church), and the city newspaper noted that “when these buildings are
finished they will give the colored population of Manhattan excellent places in which to worship.” 11
By 1918, there was still work to be completed on the building. A plan was formulated to raise money to
finish the church, with the idea of using the basement of the church as a recreation room, and the main
auditorium for concerts and other entertainments and meetings for African American troops stationed at
Fort Riley. As a number of the soldiers had
attained a degree of efficiency in their military work and excellence in conduct that enables
them to leave from camp, and are taking advantage of this opportunity to come to
Manhattan. Up to the present time there is absolutely no place for them, although as
soldiers they are giving the best they have to the country, and they are entitled to a
reasonable degree of consideration. 12
The State Board of the Baptist church offered $200.00 to go towards the construction work needed, and
other voluntary subscriptions from Mrs. Hattie Bowen ($200.00) and Mr. Purcell ($50.00). It was
estimated that $1,000.00 was needed to lay floors, install plumbing and heating, and providing light and
fuel for the winter. 13 A few decades after its completion, the church’s sanctuary was extensively
damaged by fire on January 1, 1942. The exact extent of damage is unknown, but it was significant
enough that services were held in the Church of God until the late spring of 1942, at which time services
were moved to the church basement until repairs were completed in the fall of 1942. 14 During this
period, the parsonage was located to the rear, and is seen in Sanborn maps dating from 1928 through
1947. It was replaced in 1982 when a new sanctuary was built in the same location.
8
“Church to Be Completed,” Riley County Democrat (5 March 1915), 3.
Ibid.
10
“Lay Church Corner Stone,” The Daily Nationalist (23 April 1917) 1.
11
Ibid.
12
“To Amuse Colored Troops,” Manhattan Republic (17 January 1918) 4.
13
Ibid.
14
Ruth Bayard, “History of Pilgrim Baptist Church,” Ruth Bayard Collection, Kansas Collection, RH MS P792, Kenneth Spencer
Research Library, University of Kansas Libraries, Lawrence, Kansas, 2.
8
9
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Records of the early church activities are scarce; the regular columns in the Manhattan newspapers on
church news did not feature the African American churches, and Manhattan did not have a large enough
population to support a black-owned newspaper. Nearby Topeka, however, had a larger African
American population, and black newspapers in that town sometimes covered events in Manhattan. The
Topeka Plaindealer, for example, often carried a column on African American happenings in other
towns in the area. These newspaper articles recorded ecumenical activities, related to religious activities
of its members or the congregation as a whole. The column noted that annual sermons were given to the
order of the U. B. F.s (Unregistered Baptist Fellows) and other Baptist organizations. Other services
held at the Second Baptist Church reached out to a wider, regional African American Baptist
community, with the church welcoming ministers from other communities. District missionary services
were held at the church as well. In celebration of the opening of the new “auditorium” at the church,
Prof. William Carter of the Topeka Industrial Institute delivered a sermon in 1917; on this occasion, one
hundred ten dollars was raised. The newspaper noted that “This beautiful structure on the southeast
corner of Ninth and Yuma streets, is playing its part in beautifying this section of the city which is
largely inhabited by colored people.” 15 In addition to reporting religious activities, the columns also
noted social and community events that were held at the various churches in Manhattan, including
Second Baptist.
Rev. Raulston was succeeded by Rev. Richard Burnside; at the same time, Rev. Bruce was the pastor of
Mt. Zion. Under the leadership of the two men, Second Baptist and Mt. Zion merged in 1920 and
became known as Pilgrim Baptist Church. Rev. Burnside then retired due to ill health, and Rev. Bruce
resigned, and was succeeded by Rev. W.C. Garrett. The church membership grew in numbers during
the 1920s and 1930s, and added its young adult choir for Sunday morning service in the 1930. The
“Pilgrim Travelers” was also organized in this decade. 16 There were numerous other youth and adult
organizations over the years, including the Red Circle, Ruth Circle, B.Y.P.U (later B.T.U.), Ambassador
Choir, Junior Choir, and Youth Sunday School Choir. The church’s annual picnic was a large event
enjoyed by a number of Manhattan’s black community, as the entire neighborhood was invited. Pilgrim
Baptist is also noted for having the first accredited Christian Education program in the Smokey Hill
district. 17 The youth group was also active, and would often travel to Kansas City and Junction City
where they would present productions and plays. 18
The church has held regular celebrations of the anniversary of its founding, as well as other such as the
August 29, 1943 “Celebration Program of Reconstruction of the Church” and the February 25, 1945
“Celebration of the Burning of Our Church Mortgage.” 19 The annual picnic, held at a city park, was a
highly anticipated activity that served as a homecoming for former members that moved away. 20
Various fund-raising events were held over the years, first to help construct the church, then to repair
and pay off the mortgage. These events included dinners, auctions, rummage sales, and pie auctions.
These funds would also be used for the church’s mission department, which would help needy families
in the community. 21
15
“Manhattan, Kansas,” Kansas City Advocate (22 June 1917).
Hill, 6-7.
17
Billy D. and Linnetta Hill, interview with Deon Wolfenbarger, Manhattan, Kansas, 11 February 2011.
18
Rosa Hickman, interview by Kerry Davis, Manhattan, Kansas, 1 April 2011.
19
Hill, 7.
20
Billy D. and Linnetta Hill.
21
Hickman.
16
9
United States Department of the Interior
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NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
DRAFT
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Manhattan’s African American neighborhood was “just like a big family;” as such, longtime Pilgrim
church member Rosa Hickman recalls that sometimes residents would attend a different church on the
weekend; Hickman’s parents, in fact, belonged to different churches. Currently the Mother of the
church, she has held many positions over the years, including secretary, mission department and
treasurer, and benevolent secretary; her father served as deacon. 22 The Hill family recalls that church as
an “all day affair” on Sundays, beginning with Sunday School in the morning, followed by services,
meetings with the various church organizations, and lasting well into the evenings. There were breaks
for meals, and then only if there wasn’t food being served at the church. 23
Due to the transient nature of Manhattan’s population (with soldiers from Fort Riley and students from
KSU), the church also welcomed visitors and served as their church “home away from home” under the
“watchcare” program. Rosa Hickman remembers the church always being full with college and soldier
families. 24 There were some campus organizations with strong ties to the church as well. The Delta
Sigma Theta sorority at KSU initiated the campus-wide United Black Voices choir, with church
members serving as leaders. As a result, the early practices for this choir were held at Pilgrim. 25
The black churches of Manhattan were not only part of the religious lives of its members, but a large
part of their social, cultural and educational lives as well. Even more so in Manhattan, due to the small
number of black businesses and other community institutions, the churches served as the social,
economic and political heart of the neighborhood. The churches were the first groups to organize local
action groups in the early years of the civil rights movement, which later evolved to Social Concern
Boards. Members of Pilgrim Baptist also joined a citywide multi-church council on Human Relations. 26
Other activities were organized by the Race Relations committee of the Manhattan Ministerial
Association. This group, containing representatives from Pilgrim Baptist Church, worked in
conjunction with the city’s Council on Human Relations to provide public discussion on issues of civil
rights. They held a series of conferences with Kansas State University President McCain concerning the
University’s enforcement of its policy for open housing off-campus. In order to provide facts for these
conferences, the Ministerial Association conducted a comprehensive survey on housing in Manhattan.
Resulting from that survey was a panel discussion for annual “Race Relations Sunday” held on February
11, 1962 on “Are There Racial barriers in Manhattan Housing?” The three-member panel featured Rev.
Fred Embry of the Pilgrim Baptist Church. 27
Church members were undoubtedly proud when Kansas State University brought Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr., a Baptist minister, to campus for a Convocation Series Lecture on “The Future of Integration”
January 19, 1968. After his convocation and lunch with university officials, Dr. King asked to visit the
traditional black neighborhood in Manhattan. While touring the neighborhood, he decided to give an
impromptu speech a Pilgrim Baptist Church. Billy D. Hill recalls the honor of getting to shake Dr.
King’s hand and speak a few words with the civil rights leader. 28 This was to be Dr. King’s last speech
at a university, as he was assassinated two and a half months later on April 4, 1968. On Sunday, April 7,
22
Ibid.
Billy D. and Linnetta Hill.
24
Hickman.
25
Billy D. and Linnetta Hill.
26
Wolfenbarger.
27
Rev. Robert Shelton Collection, Kansas Collection, RH MS 188, Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas
Libraries, Lawrence, Kansas.
28
Billy D. and Linnetta Hill, interview with Deon Wolfenbarger, Manhattan, Kansas, 25 July 2011.
23
10
United States Department of the Interior
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NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
1968, two hundred residents of Manhattan met in City Park and marched to a memorial service at
Pilgrim Baptist Church, picking up another one hundred people along the way. 29
Exchanges with other congregations were another area that Pilgrim Baptist Church served as a leader
within the black community. Through their association and meetings with the Manhattan Ministerial
Association, the Rev. Ben Duerfeldt of the First Christian Church (white) and Rev. L.E. Madison of the
Pilgrim Baptist Church became friends. These two ministers often met outside of the Ministerial
Alliance and decided to start exchanges between the two churches. Their first exchange in 1970 was a
pulpit and choir exchange. Rev. Duerfeldt gave the sermon at Pilgrim Baptist and was accompanied by
the choir of the First Christian Church. A few months later, Rev. Madison and the Pilgrim choir
reciprocated at the First Christian Church. These exchanges became somewhat of an annual event (or
even more frequent) for a few years. Rev. Duerfeldt recalls a full congregation exchange on February
14, 1971, when they “locked the doors” of the First Christian Church and the entire congregation went
to Pilgrim Baptist. Members of the Kansas State University black choir provided the singing, and the
day ended with a basket dinner. There were also Sunday evening dialogues held within small group
meetings, with role playing activities and discussions aimed at increasing compassion and
understanding. As an indication of the leadership role that both the Pilgrim Baptist and the First
Christian Churches played during this period, Rev. Duerfeldt noted that he does not recall any of the
other congregations engaging in similar exchanges. 30
The success in gaining equal rights may have contributed a small part to an eventual decline in the
neighborhood, as African Americans were eventually successful in changing the housing practices in
town and several moved into other neighborhoods. The Urban Renewal projects of the 1970s and later
also significantly affected the neighborhood, with extensive demolition occurring east of Fourth Street
and south of El Paso. Some African American congregations have closed, and others have moved out of
the historic African American neighborhood in the southeastern. The Second Baptist Church is one of
the rare intact African American community or institution buildings remaining in this section of
Manhattan.
9. Major Bibliographical References
Bibliography (Cite the books, articles, and other sources used in preparing this form.)
Chaudhuri, Nupur. “We All Seem Like Brothers and Sisters: The African-American Community in Manhattan,
Kansas, 1865-1940." Kansas History. Volume 24, Winter 1991-1992: 270-288.
“Church to Be Completed.” Riley County Democrat. 5 March 1915, p. 3.
Cutler, William G. History of the State of Kansas. Chicago: A. T. Andreas, 1883.
Digital Sanborn Maps, 1885-1930/1947. ProQuest Information and Learning Company, © 2001 by The
Sanborn Map Company, Sanborn Library, LLC. Kansas City, MO Public Library. <http://80sanborn.umi.com.proxy.kclibrary.org/>.
29
30
Stephanie Fuqua, “King’s Death Ignited Riots, Celebration,” Kansas State Collegian (7 April 1993) 10.
Rev. Ben Duerfeldt, interview with Kerry Davis, Manhattan, Kansas, 19 September 2011.
11
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Duerfeldt, Rev. Ben. Interview with Kerry Davis. Manhattan, Kansas. 19 September 2011.
Fuqua, Stephanie. “King’s Death Ignited Riots, Celebration.” Kansas State Collegian. 7 April 1993, pp. 1, 10.
Hickman, Rosa. Interview by Kerry Davis. Manhattan, Kansas. 1 April 2011.
Hill, Billy D. and Linnetta Hill. Interview by Deon Wolfenbarger. Manhattan, Kansas. 11 February 2011.
Hill, Billy D. and Linnetta Hill. Interview by Deon Wolfenbarger. Manhattan, Kansas. 25 July 2011.
Hill, Billy D. and Linnetta. Personal church history collection.
Hill, Linnetta. “History of Pilgrim Baptist Church.” Historical Program of the One Hundred Twenty-fifth
Anniversary of Pilgrim Baptist Church. 20 March 2005.
Historic Preservation Services, LLC. “Cultural Resources Survey Wards 1 and 2 Manhattan, Kansas.” June
2004.
Lawrence, Kansas. Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas Libraries. Rev. Robert Shelton
Collection, Kansas Collection, RH MS 188.
Lawrence, Kansas. Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas Libraries. Ruth Bayard
Collection, Kansas Collection, RH MS P792. Bayard, Ruth. “History of Pilgrim Baptist Church.”
“Lay Church Corner Stone.” The Daily Nationalist. 23 April 1917, p. 3.
“Manhattan, Kansas.” C.N. 7 March 1914.
“Manhattan, Kansas.” Kansas City Advocate. 22 June 1917.
Manhattan, Kansas. Kansas State University Archives. Vertical Files: Manhattan, City of, African-American
Community. “The Other Side of Manhattan, Kansas: Oral History of the Black Community.”
“To Amuse Colored Troops.” Manhattan Republic. 17 January 1918.
Walton, Geraldine Baker. 140 Years of Soul: A History of African-Americans in Manhattan, Kansas 1865 –
2005. Manhattan, KS Publishing Inc., 2008.
Wolfenbarger, Deon. “African American Resources of Manhattan, Kansas.” National Register of Historic
Places Multiple Property Documentation Form. 2011.
12
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Previous documentation on file (NPS):
Primary location of additional data:
preliminary determination of individual listing (36 CFR 67 has been
requested)
previously listed in the National Register
previously determined eligible by the National Register
designated a National Historic Landmark
recorded by Historic American Buildings Survey #____________
recorded by Historic American Engineering Record # __________
State Historic Preservation Office
Other State agency
Federal agency
Local government
X University
X Other
Name of repository: Kansas State University Archives; Kenneth
Spencer Library-University of Kansas; Second
Baptist Church; Riley County Museum
recorded by Historic American Landscape Survey # ___________
Historic Resources Survey Number (if assigned) N/A
10. Geographical Data
Acreage of Property
Less than one acre
(Do not include previously listed resource acreage.)
UTM References
(Place additional UTM references on a continuation sheet.)
1
14
Zone
709914
Easting
4339015
Northing
Zone
Easting
Northing
2
3
Zone
Easting
Northing
Zone
Easting
Northing
4
Verbal Boundary Description (Describe the boundaries of the property.)
Ward 5, Lot 191 & 192 (Plat Book/Page A /54-8 Lot Width: 100.0 Lot Depth: 150.0 Deed Book/Page/01).
Boundary Justification (Explain why the boundaries were selected.)
The boundary includes all of the lots purchased by the congregation and that were originally associated with the
historic church, constructed in 1917. These lots also contain the newer sanctuary building in 1982.
13
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
11. Form Prepared By
name/title
Deon Wolfenbarger, Historic Preservation Consultant
organization Three Gables Preservation
date July 14, 2011
street & number 320 Pine Glade Road
telephone 303-258-3136
city or town Nederland
state CO
e-mail
zip code 80466
[email protected]
Property Owner:
(Complete this item at the request of the SHPO or FPO.)
name
Pilgrim Baptist Church
street & number 831 Yuma Street
telephone
city or town Manhattan
state
KS
zip code 66502
6
Paperwork Reduction Act Statement: This information is being collected for applications to the National Register of Historic Places to nominate
properties for listing or determine eligibility for listing, to list properties, and to amend existing listings. Response to this request is required to obtain a
benefit in accordance with the National Historic Preservation Act, as amended (16 U.S.C.460 et seq.).
Estimated Burden Statement: Public reporting burden for this form is estimated to average 18 hours per response including time for reviewing
instructions, gathering and maintaining data, and completing and reviewing the form. Direct comments regarding this burden estimate or any aspect of
this form to the Office of Planning and Performance Management. U.S. Dept. of the Interior, 1849 C. Street, NW, Washington, DC.
14
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Additional Documentation: Photographs
Name of Property:
City or Vicinity:
County:
State:
Name of Photographer:
Date of Photographs:
Second Baptist Church
Manhattan
Riley County
KS
Deon Wolfenbarger
July 26, 2011 (photo 1); June 3, 2011 (photos 3, 5, 7-9); February 11,
2011 (photos 2, 4, 6, 10-14).
Location of Original Digital Files: City of Manhattan, KS; Community Development Department
Photo #1 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0001)
North façade, camera facing south.
Photo #2 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0002)
Non-historic sanctuary and east elevation (left), north façade, camera facing southwest.
Photo #3 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0003)
North façade and west elevation (right), camera facing southeast.
Photo #4 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0004)
West elevation (left) and south elevation (middle), breezeway connector (right), camera facing northeast.
Photo #5 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0005)
West elevation historic sanctuary (left), breezeway (middle) and west elevation non-historic sanctuary (right),
camera facing east.
Photo #6 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0006)
West and south elevations historic sanctuary (left) and west and south elevations of non-historic building
(right), camera facing northeast.
Photo #7 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0007)
South and east elevations of non-historic building, camera facing northwest.
Photo #8 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0008)
South and east elevations of historic sanctuary, camera facing northwest.
Photo #9 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0009)
North façade, entry tower, camera facing southwest.
Photo #10 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0010)
Interior, view towards dias, taken from historic entry, camera facing south/southeast.
15
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Photo #11 (KS_ RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0011)
Interior, view towards entry, taken from dias, camera facing north.
Photo #12 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0012)
Interior, taken from dias, camera facing northeast.
Photo #13 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0013)
Interior, view from classroom into sanctuary, camera facing northeast.
Photo #14 (KS_RileyCounty_SecondBaptistChurch_0014)
Interior, basement, camera facing southeast.
16
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Additional Documentation: Appendices
Appendix A: Kansas buildings commissioned and designed by Architect H. B. Winter
Sources: Kansas Historic Resources Inventory; Patricia J. O’Brien’s “The Architects of Manhattan,” 2004, as quoted in Historic
Preservation Services, LLC, “Cultural Resources Survey Wards 1 and 2 Manhattan, Kansas,” June 2004.
161-3490-00141
161-2248
053-5940-00010
161-3490-00377
161-3490-00150
027-184
053-5940-00029
161-2090
161-3490-00327
161-3490-00162
161-2064
027-0980-00008
161-3490-00502
161-2306
161-3490-00466
161-2301
161-2317
Second Baptist Church
Walters, B.K., Apartment Building
Wilson Grade School
Winter, Henry B., House
Lyda-Jean apartments & Garage
Morganville School
Old Post Office Building
Orville Huntress Building ( storefront
remodel)
Residence
Leslie A. Fitz House
Bluemont School
Clay Center Carnegie Library
Commerce Barber Building
George Allington Meat Market
Residence
Smith Building
St. Paul’s Episcopal Church (rectory,
addition)
Wareham, William, Residence
Ayres barn
First Baptist Church
O.W. Holt Building
Congregation Society Church
Washington High School
College Hill School District No. 7 (remodel)
Charlotte Swift Hospital
First Presbyterian Church
Manhattan Senior High School
Long Oil Company buildings
IOOF Home
Manhattan Community House
Manhattan Elks Club
Barney Youngcamp Building
Harrison Building
Varney Book Store
Harry Miller complex
Miller Theater
Residence
Residence
Residence
Residence
Residence
Residence
Residence
831 Yuma St.
530 Pierre St.
420 24th St.
501 Bluemont Av.
501 Houston St.
307 Main St.
2520-28 Main Street
300 Poyntz Ave.
Manhattan
Manhattan
Wilson
Manhattan
Manhattan
Morganville
Wilson
Manhattan
418 N. 5th
1014 Houston St.
714 Bluemont Ave
706 6th St.
318-22 Houston St
417 Poyntz Ave
423 Fremont St
406 Poyntz Ave.
601 Poyntz Ave.
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Clay Center
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
824 Leavenworth St.
1029 Leavenworth St.
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Washington
Manhattan
Manhattan
Houston St.
1220-1224 Moro St.
118-1122 Moro St.
623 N. Manhattan
Ave.
716-720 N. Manhattan
Ave.
Moro Street
1027 Houston St.
716 Leavenworth St.
724 Leavenworth St.
814 Osage St.
210 S. 10th St.
418 N. 5th St.
825 Bluemont Av.
1917
1928
1911
1930
1927
1883
(1913)
1915
1911
1912
1909
1908
1909
1870
(1908)
1910
1911
1911
1912
1913
1915
1916
1916
Eureka Lake
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
1917
Manhattan
1924
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
1926
1931
1914
1915
1916
17
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Sexton’s Residence
Brown, Prof. R. H., Residence
Residence
Residence
Residence
Paddleford Apartments
Sunset Cemetery
331 N. 17th St.
831 Bluemont Av.
825 Bluemont Av.
821 Bluemont Av.
513 N. 16th St.
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
Manhattan
1922
18
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Additional Documentation: Appendices
Appendix B: Historic Photographs
Photographs courtesy of the Billy D. and Linnetta Hill personal collection.
Pilgrim Baptist Church Sunday School, early 1960s.
19
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
OMB No. 1024-0018
DRAFT
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
Additional Documentation: Appendices
Appendix B: Historic Photographs (cont.)
Ca. 1960s
December 24, 1954
Appendix C: Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps
20
United States Department of the Interior
National Park Service / National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NPS Form 10-900
DRAFT
OMB No. 1024-0018
(Expires 5/31/2012)
Second Baptist Church
Riley County, Kansas
Name of Property
County and State
1905: Frame church constructed 1882
1923: Present church building
21