S H O RT BA LLO T - PRINC IPLES RIC HAR D S CH ILDS . B OS TON H OUGH T ON NE W ! OR! MIFFLIN COMPA N! attic a m usin g p r ess fl am b ub g e 191 1 TO TH E WITH TH E AMERICAN PEOPLE A SS URAN C E TH A T T H EY NOT T o B LAM E FOR T H E IR M I S G O V ERNMEN T T IS HI S V OLUME LO YALLY D ED I C A T ED P REFA CE H I LE I e n title this b ook Short B allot ” Prin ciples I am aware that it c on ta in s a number of things which are on ly r e m ote ly con n e c te d with the S hort B allot movement S ho r t B allot a dv oc a t e s are justifi ed in asking The Wieldy Dist r ict idea the L eadership P arties and Nom in a tion by F orfeit are the s e Short B allot principles ? N o The title is meant to cover only those chapters which deal with the Short B al lot principle as defined by The Short B allot Or g a n iza ti on ; which is F ir st ! That only those offices should be elective wh ich are important enough to attract ( and deserve ) pub lic examination ; and S econd ! That very few offices should be filled by election at one time so as to perm i t adequate and unconfused public examination of the candidates B ut the Short B allot far reachi ng and im portant as it is will not completely answer “ present difficulties of self government New ” York C ity practically has the Short B allot - - . ’ ’ , ‘ , ’ ’ — . - - , , . , , - . , viii PREFAC E says a doubter ; and I must explain that the mere bigness of the electoral di strict creates a special p r oblem which the Shor t B allot does not answer and that big cities must have the “ ” machine r i ght k in d of S ho r t B allot else the wi l l stay and p r osper S o likewise to answer othe r cr i t ics I must talk of parties and of nomi nation p r ocedur e and get those things into the same pe rspective as the r est of the book B ut these postscr ipts are only my personal answer s and any Shor t B all ot advocate is fr ee to differ and to off er other r easoning of his o w n without impairin g hi s orthodoxy ' R ICH ARD S C HILDS , , . . , - . Ne w ! or k , Fe b r ua r y 1 9 1 1 , . . CONTENT S I . SUPERS TITIONS OUR POLITI CA L A ND TH E S CI ENTIFI C SPIRIT H . D EMO CRA TIC GOV E RNMEN T HAS LIMITA TIONS SH ORT B A LLO T OFFI C E MUS T . TH E NA TUR E . TH E LIMI T V VI A ND RAMS HA C! OF OF BE IMP ORTANT POP ULAR INTERES T DIS TRICT-SI! MIS FIT S LE PA RTIES AND GOVERNMENT WH ! TH E! CA NNOT BIB LE LEA DERS HIP PA RTIES ! I NOMINA TION PROCEDURE . ! II CONCLUS ION . L ENVOI ’ E BE RES P ON 10 S H ORT -B A LLOT P RINCIPLE S C H AP TE R I O UR SUPER STI T I ON S S CI EN TI FI C SPI RI T P OLITICA L A ND TH E M purpose is to present in these pages a View of democratic government from a distance not usually t aken by A merican citi zens a distance so remote from the whole tangle of reasoning as to cast into clearer per s pe c t i ve the meaning and relation of the vari ous par ts I n considering the problems which we have met in the course of our adventure in demo cracy we A mericans have very r arely stopped to take a look at the whole proposition o f popu lar government We have wrestled with func tions instead of causes A s a nation we have never been more than merely superficial in our theories of political science I n fa ct most Americans seem unaware that there i s such a thing as political science Any ! , . , . . . , . S HORT— BALLO T 2 PR INCIPLES sensible lawyer is considered c ompetent to dr aft a plan of government for a city Honesty qual ifies a business man to go to a state consti t ut ion a l convention I n talk in g to miscellane o us audiences on subjects o f this nature I have been repeatedly secretly amused at the easy nonchalance with which men who had never before given a thought to the problems o f governm ental organization would wave aside statements quoted from such men as ex Pr esi dents E liot of Harvar d and Woodrow Wilson of Pr inceton as if the r e could not possibly be any elements in democratic p r oblems that were n ot visible to any ama teu r at a glan c e The only parallel I know of is the profession of a dve r t i s in g Al most any average man thinks him self competent to write good advertisements Without any study or experience and every advertising agent ea rns his commissions ten times over in squelching the foolish pr Op os a ls o f his cli ents And so when a council proves c orrupt our city charter is me r ely amended to transfe r the control of contracts to a n e w board of public works If the state surveyor is untrustworthy we create a n e w official to build the new canal If the county cle r k makes h is offi ce a feeding . . , - , . . , . , . , . O U R POLI T IC AL S U PER S T I TION S 3 trough of patronage we create a civil service board to supply him with an eligible list Ne w Y ork takes the control of franchises away from the aldermen as a measure of reform while C hicago ( as a measure of refor m) is adding to the powers o f its aldermen and in both cases refo r m is for the moment achieved since cor ruption is a plant that often takes more than a moment to grow in new environments So we go on doctoring symptoms instead of lookin g for the disease ! In fact in any tentative exploration in the direction of fundamentals we have been stopped time and again by certain widespread political superstitions among o ur people s u p e r s t it ion s that usually have as their nucleus an ancient catch phrase Propose that a mayor be allowed a seat and vote in the council and the proposal will be heard on i ts merits until “ some one says ! That violates the principle of There you have the s e p a r a ti on of powe r s ” legislative and executive functions united ; and with the advent of the catch phrase it is deemed the duty of the proposer to bow in awed silence as if the argument were ended Propose t o make the state engineer appointive o n the ground that the plan of hav ing him elec - , . , . , , - . , ’ ‘ . - , , . , S H ORT~BALLOT 4 PRINCIPLES tive has worked badly and the word a n de m o ” fal ls like a gavel to end the discussion cr a ti c P lead that a referendum on a technical subject is little bet ter than leavin g the decision to “ chance and the que ry Don t you tr us t the is supposed to reti r e y ou in confusion p e ople ? Robe rt L ouis S tevenson w a s right when he said “ M an shall n ot live by b r ead alone but princi pal l y by catch ph r ases That in o ur pol itical reasoning w e should “ ” be the sl aves o f these glib b r om id io m s is probab l y because the subject is the common pr ope r ty of the mi ll ions Any idea that is t o be wide ly spread and remembe r ed must be c o n d e n s e d t o a catch ph r ase first even if such r e duction means Iopping off many of its vital ramifications and making it false in many of its natural applications A dozen well chosen words can tr avel from mouth t o mouth great distances and keep their alignment unbroken ; but make the phrase longer and it falls apart and stops or only a fr agment of it travels on The power of these catch phrases t o sway men s minds regardless o f reasoning is a fas c in a t in g thing to see The D es M oines plan of city government at this writing is winning favor , . ’ , , . , - . 9 . - , - . , . - ’ , , . OUR S U PE RSTITIONS POL I T ICAL 5 Wi th thousands because they say i t is a busi ” “ n ess form of organization just l ike a ” c orporation w ith its board of dire ctors although in fact it is really like a board of de pa rt m e n t superintendents electe d by the sto ck holders a form of organi zation un k n own in business and never likely to find favor in busi ness practice I f it we r e really like a board of “ ” dire ctors the commission w ould appoint a manager who in turn would hire the de pa r tm e n t al heads reporting regular ly to the commission and submitting to it only b r oad matters of poli cy Yet the catch phrase has conver ted W hole c ities while the fundamental but less catchy reasons for the comparative success of the plan have rarely been mentioned ! I n this v olume I propose to r emain at a point of V iew so distant that the whole network of catch phrases will be lost sight of and we shall see de m o cracy as a whole never getting close enough t o see the details If we can only keep for a while at such a di stance that nothin g but the fun damental features will be visible ! I t will be hard bu t perhaps it will help if I t a ke the libert y of warning you against the greatest ” c at ch phrase o f a ll namely the people “ ” p ronou nced pe e pul ! O r worse yet the , , , . , , — . , - , , . , - , - , , SH ORT 6 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES plain people w h o I believe have certain “ s upernatur al vi r tues not possessed by the people It is lés e m aje s te to all ege that there ar e any limitations to the people in either mor als or lear ning We ar e only beginning to emerge from t h e period when thought on the question of popular gove r nment was simply used to supply the savor and not the sub “ stance for or atory Rounded periods are o ut o f fashion o n every other subject but r he “ this great t or i c a l vaporings still i e n s h r o ud ” peop l e ; and if y o u should have the temerity t o Opine that most o f the people vote for a state t reasur e r b l indly without adequate knowledge o f his qualifications a hundred edito r s ( after h av ing looked up the name of the state t reas ure r themselves to be sure of it ) will exp l ode in par ag r aphs of fury inveighing against your ar istocr atic snee rs I n the same editor ials after exalting the intelligence and vi r tue of the people I have seen them p r oceed to deplore “ the wanton indiffe rence o f the age and the p revailing absence of civic ene rgy An d there w e have another familiar set of “ ” catch words Apathy is a catch ph r ase and I shall show y oulater that the notion that our people are apathetic toward their political in , , , ’ — . . , . , , , , . , , - . - , O U R POL I T ICA L S U PER ST IT IONS 7 and duties is one of our political super s t i t i on s I shall be a l ong way on with you M r C itizen if I can persuade you F i r st that the people are men and women not de migods S econd that the people are men and women not moral delinquents I f we thus concede to the people the faults and merits possessed by men and women we can proceed calmly to consider them as the great underlying force of democratic govern ment with certain well known and so far as we are concerned unalte r able characte r istics to be reckoned with as we erect the political superstructure Think of the people as you would o f water when building a water mill ! ! ou would waste n o time in deploring its lazy tendency to slip down ward through every cre vice in your dam you would admit the fact and build a tight dam ! o u would not plan to have the water flow uphill knowing that you would inevitably be dis a p pom te d If your mill finally failed t o wo rk you wo uld still n ot blame the water but only the mill and would strive to adapt its gearing to the force of the stream Yet you would have j ust as much right to sit by the te r e s ts . , . , , . , . , - , , , . - . . , , . SH OR T 8 — BALLO T PRIN CIPLES motionless mill and curse the characte r istics of water (which consistently fails to fulfi l l your man made r equirements ) as has the Char te r Revision Committee t o devise a city char ter that imposes r equi rements o n the people which amp l e expe r ience demonstr ates that the people wi ll n ot fu l fi l l and t o cu rse the peop l e fo r fail “ ” ure t o live up to these arbit r ar y duties S o in this volume I shall try t o get y ou to ” consider the people in the same scientific spir it in which y o u would conside r the water ascr ibing to them no unnatural virtues no powe r s that have n ot been revealed in p r actice n o halo n o go l den g l o r y ; t o consider them as a phenomenon of nature which in a given set of cir cumstances will d o certain things and will not d o certain othe r things I n the past we have app r oached the people as a pagan approached the waterfall t o w or ship and pee r ar ound fo r nymphs We must t o day approach the people as the mill builder app r oaches the waterfall open eyed unafr aid exp ecting n o miracl e measu r ing its capacity making allowance for its var iations and ir r e v e r e n tly gauging its limitations in o r der that o ur mill shall not exceed them We shall learn “ perhaps that the crystal drops contain a cer - , . , , , ‘ , . . - - , , , , , , . C HAPTE R II DEMO C RA TI C G OV ERNMEN T HAS LI MIT AT I ON S I wi l l suppose that the p r evious chap te r has gotten us into the coldly scientifi c and unsentimental state of mind where we can safely trust our selves to measure and cal cul ate the various e l ements of popular govern ment without danger of either mag nifying or ignoring any of the featu res we see The problem before us is Given the Ame r ican people H ow to organize among them a government which in all no r mal times wi l l be impelled promptly and intelligently to learn their desire and perfor m it This does n ot mean merely that the govern ment will obey on those occasions when the people in a paroxys m proclaim fr om press pulpit and mass meeting that a certain thing must be done (though even that would be sub s t a n t i a l gain in some American communities ) I t means a gove rnment which is s o sensitive to the currents of pub l ic opinion that it will even a n ti c i pa te the popular wish OW . , . , , . . DE MOCRAT IC G O VE RNMENT 11 There is nothing fanciful in such an ideal C ommerce is no less sensitive than that E very taste of the public in food ar t and comfort is catered to without any conscious public in quiry for such satisfaction I t is profitable to our purveyors to please us with new dainties for the table comfortable shoes pretty homes and records of C aruso s voice R arely do we as a people need to express a want for such things the knowledge that we shall l ike them is enough to stimulate their production S o in our ideal democracy w e shall want something “ better than legislatures that say Yes that s a good idea but the r e s no public demand for ” it as if the fact that they had not yet been kicked were satisfactory excuse for inaction ! R ather we want legislatu r es that will even sur p rise us with good things that most of us had not yet had time to hear agitated knowing us and knowing what we like each public serv ant racing to be the most popular and to w in our bestowal o f honor and office by inventing new political delights ! D emocratic government is government con trolled by the people and has three important v ariations of form F irst ! the town meeting where the people . . , , . , , , ’ . . ’ , , ’ , , , , , . PRINCIPLES S H ORT- BALLO T IQ themselves gather in conference and after de bate decide for themselves upon their laws and communal activities The average man will readily agree that this form of democratic gov e r n m e n t is only suitable in a limited field of appli cation and is unpracti c al in large cities or sparsely settled communities of large area or communities where the governmental a ctivities are complex and technical in their nature S ec ond ! the referen dum wherein laws are de vised by some committee official or otherwise a n d submitted for app r oval t o popular v ote The average man wi l l r eadily agree that this form of democratic government a lso has its limits of p r acticability and that fo r instan c e to have a ll the laws of a state made in that f a shion would be quite out of the question Yet what would happen if some limitations of these forms of democ r ati c go ve rnment were ignored ? Suppose C hicago were forced by the terms of an ancient village charter to submit its vast governmental activities to the tender mer cies of an annual publi c meeting o f all the citizens ! Of course all the citizens could not get into a sin gle hall nor Within sound o f a single voice and the fe w thousand who could do so by tri ck or violen ce could gain control and keep i t , , . , , . , , , . , , . , DEMOCRAT IC G O VERNM EN T 13 year af te r year That would be oligarchy the rule of the few although any politician armed with a few carefully selected catch phrases could indignantly argue that i t w a s exactly the same form of government which when used in New E nglan d towns had proven a tri um ph of pure democracy ! I nasmuch as it l ooked as if it ought to be a d emocr acy thousands of citizens would actually believe that it mus t be one and that the tr ue r emedy fo r the r esultant ills of the “ ” “ system lay in mor e civic vi r tue a mor e ” “ militant good citizenship and the education of the people s o that they would n t shout and yell so at the meeting I f you asserted that the overstepping of the limit of practicability in the size of the electorate had been in itse l f s uf fic ie n t to alter the whole princip l e of the plan making it normally and natural l y productive of Violent oligar chy instead of democracy you “ ” would be cal led an academic aristocrat ” “ “ distr ustful of the pee pul o r a dilettante ” w h o disliked to jostle in the r ough m ob ! D oes the pictur e of such stupid opposition seem overdrawn ? Wait I t is actually the p r e s ent condition of Ame r ican political thought except that I have imagined it applied t o the t own meeting form instead of to the third form . , — , - , , , , , ’ . , , , - , . , - , S HORT 14 — BALLO T PRINCIPL ES of democratic government namely gove r n , by e le c te d offi c e r s m en t . Government by elected officers which of cou r se is by far the most import a nt of the th ree typical mechanisms fo r asce rtaining and exe euting popular wi ll is supposed t o wor k as fo l lows I t is known that a certain office in the gove rn ment w i ll on a cer tain day be filled by popul ar vote The ofiic e is made attractive by salar y and honor Several eligible men covet the posi tion and accordingl y g o among the voters seek in g favor If any conside r able section of the vote rs want a ce r tain po l icy adopted in that office either the need of secu r ing their support wi ll l ead candidates to announce concurrence in that desir e or the oppo r tunity to obtain office by means of thei r suppor t wi l l produce n e w candidates who d o concu r in it Thus any im portant demand among the people is automat i c a lly r eflected in the list of candidates whose names appear on the ballot on e l ection day Then the voters g o to the po l ls and knowing which candi date best r epresents their individ ual desires they mark his name on the ballot The officer thus elected is the on e who has suc c e s s fully catered to the wishes of the greatest , , . . . , , . , . , , . DEMOCRAT IC G O VERN MENT 15 n umber The necessity that every elected officer shall thus find favor with the people gives the people ultimate control That is the theor y We are so far from it in practice that it has a str ange look I t is a sound wo rkable theory neve r theless B ut it has its limitations j ust as town meeting democr acy has And if these limitations are overstepped tomatically results o ligarchy a u Some of these limitations ar e me rely mechan ical ; others are rooted in human nature itself The me chanical limitations do not common l y bother us much for they are easy to see and hence are unlikely to be overstepped For i n I f it s tance the polling p lace must be o r derly be unguar ded by the police the oppo r tunity to capture an election by violence will be left open t o any g r oup of r uffia n s and it is a reasonable certainty that some group o f ruf fia n s will sooner or later pe r ceive and gr asp “ ” the opportunity B leeding ! ansas before the C ivil War was the unhappy scene of just The rule of the few (oli s uch occu rr ences garchy ) instead of democr acy the rule of the many is thus the logical normal inevitable resul t of a failure t o observe thi s limita tion of democr acy by election . , . . . . - , . , . . , . — . , , , . . , , , , . , SH ORT 16 — B ALLOT PRINCIPLES The most familiar illustr ation of overstepped mechanical l imitations is in the form of the ballot and the method of mar king it The r ules governing the vote r in the act of voting must be simp l e and easy to comp r ehend T r icky ar rangements of the ballot o r intricate r ules of p r ocedu r e may ope r ate t o disfranchise thou sands of vote r s The ope r ation of voting might easily be made so elabo r ate that the bulk of the people would be ce rtain to violate the rules and lose thei r votes and again government by a small minority woul d resul t automatically Notice that in such cases the failu r e of demo cratic gove rnment to deve l op according t o p r o gramme is only the nor mal to b e expected resul t and implies n o discredit whateve r to the people The people are the same under an un p r actical form of democracy as under a pr a c ti cal o n e It would be easy to invent a thousand ways of p l an n ing an appar ently democratic fo r m of gove rnment that would in all normal conditions result in ol igar chy ! nowing that the people ar e ob l iged by natu r al economic p r essure to work t o thei r maximum e ffi ciency at gainful occupation it is only necessar y somehow t o elaborate electoral processes un til the bulk of . . . , . - , . . . , - SH ORT 18 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES the latter t o r emain in the neighborhood and would tend to be forced out The group of voter s near the poll s would be holding the g o v e r n m e n t in an info r mal t r ust fo r the balance of the e l ectorate A n d since that power woul d be accessible t o any o n e w h o chose t o l ive the r e and would off er l ivelihood and wealth t o corr upt men and nothing but thankless l abor to good men it is inevitable that the t r ust would be betr ayed Would the people be to blame for not pro teeting their o w n inter ests unde r those circum stances ? Could it be fai r ly c l aimed that they ought t o give up p r oductive labo r o n so many days of the year ? I s it n ot cl ear that those of the people who whol e hear ted l y str ove t o ful fi l l these a rbitr ary requirements o f citizenship wou l d su ff er in business competition with those who did n ot ? Should the merchant close his shop so that he coul d g o t o vote leaving his less patr iotic competitor in possession o f the field ? Wou l d n o t the clerk w h o insisted on taking a day off ever y month t o vote be wor th less t o his employer than on e w h o was wi ll ing t o ignor e “ ” such duties ? Woul d n ot the first question “ asked of an applicant for a job be ! D o you ” i nsist on voting ? The conditions would put a . . , , . — , D EMOCRAT IC G O VE RNMENT 19 premium on the neglect of politics None but the independently wealthy or the unemployed could aff ord to be factors in the government without remuneration And it would be no reflection on the people if it were found that only a few we r e in politics rather it would show that they wer e loyal to the higher duty of working as hard as they could to p r ovide home and comfort for thei r fami l ies The whole outcome of a fai l ure to keep with “ ” in this limitation oi convenience of voting c an thus be easily seen to be wholly irrespective “ civi c v irtue of the people It is an out o f the come that would result among peoples which n ow govern themselves with complete success as certainly as among peoples whose self gov e r n m e n t is commonly characte r ized as rotten Now for the rule b ased on this reasoning ( L ook out ! F or if you are s o incautious as t o admit this point I shall have converted you to the major premise of this whole book ) N0 pla n of gove r n m e n t i s a de m oc r a c y un le s s on a c tua l tr i a l i t pr ove s to be on e The fact that those w h o planned it i n te n de d it to be a democracy and could argue that it w ould be one if the pe o ple would only do thus and so p r oves nothing ” “ if it does n t de m oc it is n t democracy ! . . . . , - . . , . . , ’ ’ , SH ORT 20 — B A LLOT PRINCIPLES And I will ask you to agree as a result of thi s chapter of fancies that democracy has limits many limits and that overstep ping some of these limits may result in oli garchy From this point w e will move nearer to our subject and see whether our Am erican form of government has not at some points gone b e yond the limits o f practicab ility , , , . , . C HAPTE R TH E S H ORT III B A LL O T E TTI NG a government that will normally obey the people is a matter of making it feasible for the people to put into public office the men they want ther e and none else This in turn is a matte r of exposing candidates to adequate public examination before elec tion so that when the voters go to the polls they will have had ample i n f or mation to enable them to decide in telligently which man they want as their representative and servant If after the people have seen a man they elect him they m ust stand by thei r ver dict Their only protection is to see what they are getting The only thing that can happen is that they may elect a man they do n ot really want and that sometimes happens The only legitimate protection the people may be given is the full est chance to scrutin ize the candidates A r range for the fullest most intensive scrutiny and you have done all that can be done S c r u tiny a t election is vital to democracy Deny G . , , , . . , . , . . , , . . S H ORT 22 — B ALLO T PRINCIPLES the people the oppor tunity to scr utinize the candidates and y o u have left them fighting b lind ly and futilely in the dark On e method of concea l ing the candidate fr om the public gaze is to have s o many e l ections at o n e time that each candidate is sheltered by the confusion Notice I use the plural elections The ” habit of saying el ection day instead of “ e lections day and election instead of e l ection s has caused m ore trouble than any other idiom of the language When w e fi ll ten offices by popular vote in a singl e day we call “ ” it an election but it is really ten elections When O hio holds for ty seven elections o n o n e day does the ave r age citizen r ead the names casting a str aight Republican ticket only when fin din g that each R epublican candidate is to his l iking ? Or does the average citizen igno r e the individual names fo r the most par t and p l ace his dependence on the party management ? To find this out demand of the average citizen on the evening fo ll owing elections day as he stands befor e the ste reopticon scr een watching “ ” the r etu rns Wh om did y o u vote fo r ? “ Taft for president and H armon for gov e r n or he wi ll answer to , . . . , , . , . , - , , , , , , . TH E SH ORT B ALLO T 23 else ? The R epublican N ational ticket and the ” D emocratic State ticket “ B ut what men ? You voted for forty seven you know and you ve only named two ! Whom did you vote to send to the state legislatur e ? A nd whom did you pick for county cler k ? And for dairy and food commissioner and corone r ? “ O h I don t kn ow I m not in politics I dare say that even the politicians of O hio take most of their ticket on faith in this w a y I n C leveland a certain militant reformer r e lates that he spent most of his time for weeks before one of these elections working as one of a committee to investigate all the candidates and publish recommendations for the guidance of the voters H e had special facil ities he became an expert in the business of citizenship and by election time was on e of the few men in town w h o had studied all the candidates of all parties When he went to vote himself he found to his dismay that he had omitted to bring along his carefully compiled memoranda H e attempted to vote fo r the long list of forty seven offices from memory found himself confused and in doubt at various points and finally cast a ballot Which he later found contained several mistakes Whom . - , ’ , ’ ’ , . . . , , . , , . - , , . SH ORT 24 - BALLOT PRINCIPLES In gi vin g we eks of tim e to politi c al inquiry this man w a s doing n o mor e than every citizen w a s supposed to do I f he needed a m e m o r a n d um to aid hi s memo ry it is reasonable to suppose that every other citizen nee ded on e at least as badly If the citizens knew what they were doing at that election every one of them must have had su ch a memorandum in the polling booth copying the forty seven separate marks the vote must have show n substantial va riations on different offices and the citizens mus t have been exchanging ideas fo r many days before hand ou such subjects as Smith s qualifications for the post of state dai ry and food commis s ion e r and Jones s ideas r egarding the a d ministration of the cor one r s office ! D id they ? O r did the citizens vote without stopping to read the ballot without knowing even the names of al l the o ffices that were to be filled simply rubber stamping without scrutiny the ready made tickets o f the politician s ? And if the politi cians a r e only ten per cent or five per cent or as I suspect less than one per cent of the population is not Ohi o an oligarchy ? When the ball ot is long i e when there are m any offices t o be filled simultaneously by popular vote the people (except i n v illage ele c , . , . , - , , , ’ ’ , ’ , , - , , - , , , , , , . . , SH ORT 26 - BALLO T PRINCIPLES dence that there is such a thing as asking th e people more questions than they will answer car efully In blindly ratifying party nomina tions the people of O hio are doing a much better thing than voting at random or not voting at all The contr olling elements in the par ty have some slight r esponsibility and some desi r e to “ ” make good There is some chance to blame and punish some on e if things g o wrong Let us imagine a typical citizen trying to do better trying to get along without party guidance trying to act as an independent j udge w 1tho ut bias and thinking on l y of the common good H is vital need is for light on the subject H o w is he to get it ? R emember that economic pressu r e is d riving him to his maxi mum e ffic ie n c y in gainful occupation T o do his duty to self and fami ly he must work as har d a s he can If he finds himse l f still fresh at the end o f the day s labor it signifies that he could safely have worked harder or longer to give his wife a better home or his children a better edu cation ! Any un r emunerated labor that b e ex pends displaces profitable labor and can be per formed on l y in small amounts o r for short pe riods S ustained e ff or t in unpaid work whether it be the work of citizenship or some . . . . , , . . . . ’ , . , T H E SH ORT BALLOT 27 thing else is incompatible with his economic efficiency F or the average man pressed by competi tion in mill or shop or office it is sim ply impossible “ To go into politics to become an active and responsible and effective force in a political machine is utterly beyond the powers of the ave r age man because it calls for a very large amount of such sustained unpaid effort F or the most par t the men w h o are active in politics are not unpaid E ither their political acquaint ance is in some way profitable to them or they are ch ronic ofli c e holders who regard political activity as part of their j ob (Young men with energy to spare and no family burdens are also frequently seen in such circles ; but when they marry and begin to feel the economic pressure they soon retire from active work ) “ ” Yet to go into politics impossible as thi s generally is is the only way o ur typical citizen can gain any direct information regarding the men o n whom he is to pass judgment at the polls His newspaper barely mentions the can its limelight flits did a te s fo r minor offices over them fitfully and finding nothi ng pic t ur esque leaves them in darkness C andidates sometimes c ampaign and get elected on the , . , , . , , , . . - . . , , . , , . SH ORT 28 — B ALLOT PRINCIPLES ta il of the ticket wi thout ever getting a line of newspaper publicity They can get no in di vidual hearin g because the public is har dly aware that their little office is bein g contested A candidate for clerk of cou rts who tr ied for to explain to the people the wo rk of his office and the improvements he proposed to install ” would be classed as eccentr ic and his e f forts would be futile This or that audience might lis ten respectfully enough but he could never force the issue to a point where his op F orty p o n e n ts would feel obliged to reply seven elections does not mean forty seven tech n ic a l debates dur ing the campaign by any means The people unable to oversee so many separ ate contests simply allow sets of candi dates to be tied togethe r fo r them in bunches lik e asparagus and then vote them by the bunch A hopeful independent candidacy in Ohio for on e o f these minor offi ces is almost unhear d of An independent contestant would be utterly lost in the shuffle and could not se cure any public attention All the power of public discussion is so wasted by dissipation that our typical citizen is un able to hear enough facts to obtain basis for a judgment I t is no disparagement of the com . . , . , . - , . , , , . . . . T H E SH ORT BALLOT 29 prehension of the average citiz en of O hio to say that he never casts a completely in telligent ballot it is only saying that being a man and not a cat he cannot see in the dark ! Thus the sheer amount of political work thrust on the O hio citizen is so great that he c annot perform it intelligently without the i m possible sacrifice of economic efficiency The typi cal O hi o citizen therefore wisely defaults these excessive political obligations which are thus arbitrarily put upon him leaving the c ontrol in the hands of those few who for on e reason or another can take time and energy for such work A ballot of forty seven offices thus makes citizenship a specialty a pro fe s s i on a thing for experts and not for the people If forty seven places is too long then how m uch shorter must the ballot be ? I f the people are not to rely blindly on ready m ade lists prepared for them they must rely on individual lists of their o wn That fact reduces us to the psychological question ! How many candidates will the average man H OW many separate r emember for himself ? c ontests will he keep c learly defin ed in his memory ? How many mental images or impres , , , . , , , - . . - , , . S H OR T 30 — BALLOT PR INCIPLES sions of contesting candidates will he hold in m ind Without confusion ? F or on election day he is to see thei r names before him o n the bal lo t and to choose for himself on a basis of his kn owledge regarding them E xact determin ation o f the number is not possib l e but the best test is to observe the ” tendency of tickets t o appear when a n on p a rtisan bal l ot is in use We are near enough n o w t o the end o f the problem to establish a rul e ! T o keep a government by elected offi c ers from becom ing an oligarchy , . , . , The ba llot m us t be H ow s hor t ! short ? ( D so that the number of choices to be made by the voters will not be s o g reat as to conceal the in di vidual candidates from a public scrutiny that will b e adequate t o exclude any on e whom the voters do not reall y wa nt S hor t e n ough . C HAPTER IV TH E OFFI C E MUS T BE I MPOR TANT you in the last chapter with a for mula on your hands instead of the answer itse lf My reason w a s that in any examination of facts regardin g the trouble ca used by over long ballots we find the evi den ce inextricably entangled with a second cause of invisibility n amely the un important character of many e lective offi c es W e m ight have a short ballot that covered only one offi ce ; but if that office were that of coroner the people at large would shrug their There ar e s houlders an d pass on in different and ought to be other things more impor tant “ Wh o shall t o the people than the question ” be coroner ? It is no slight thing to ask all the men of a c ity to bestir themselves all at on e tim e regardi ng a n y question The question m ay easily be too trivial The average man s share of interes t in getting the better can di date for c oroner elected is so in fin itesimal as not to wa rr ant the slightest exertion on hi s I LEF T . , , . , . , . ’ . SH ORT 32 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES p ar t The powers of the coroner in a small community a r e insig nificant In a large city the corone r may have a busy office but in p r o portion to the community he is insignificant stil l If n inety pe r cent of the people ar e in di fle r e n t to the issue the remaining ten per cent wi ll have their way in the matter and ther e we have a bit of oligarchy I f the coroner ship wer e the only office to be filled on a cer tain day only a few of the people would go to the polls and the attempt to make the people stand up and be counted on the issue would ther eby be a failure I f the mayor and the coroner were the only two offices to be filled the people would be d r awn to the polls by the mayoralty contest but their votes on the coronership would represent no clear or ade quate inf or mation and wou l d be easily in flu e n c e d by the few citizens w h o we r e interested A full vote for coroner under these circumstances woul d be no more a real ve r di ct of the people than in the other case Probably no city has s n fle r e d so much from ballots that ask fatuous questions as P hila delphi a A fe w years ago I was invited to addr ess a luncheon at the Philadelphi a C ity C lub a political reform association and was . . , . , . , , . , , . . . - , , SH ORT 34 BALLOT PRINCIPLES — relegatin g the whole issue to its prop er posi tion O ne of the elective offices for instance is that of inspector of election the officer w h o is t o count the votes at the po l ling place The incumbent wor ks only one day Ther e ar e 1 1 70 of these posts in P hiladelphia I f all thei r work were concentrated in o n e officer s hands it would n ot even then make a conspicuous office H o w inconspicuous it becomes when subdi vided into 1 170 par ts was r evealed a few ” years a g o when on e Clarence B oyd w h o was “ e l ected by the triumphant ver dict of the people was some time after discove r ed to be n o n exi stent (The man who appeared and performed his duties came from outside the state s o that when wanted later by the cou r ts on account of fr auds which he perpetrated whi l e in office he was n ot obliged to g o to the inconvenience of changing his domicile !) No w this is an ext r eme case t o be su r e but it is a r eal on e and as we can ofttimes c om p r ehend an extreme case mo r e c l earl y than an or dinary on e we will use it as a text f I n theory the peop l e of Clarence B oyd s dis t r i c t should have stu di ed the relative q ua lific a tions of the various candidates and chosen the . , , - . . . ’ , , . , , - . , , , , ’ , . ’ OFFIC E M UST IMPORTANT BE 35 o n e who me t with their appro val In a com munity where no man knew all his n eigh bors however the fact that C larence B oyd did n ot exist was not disco verable by the m ethods of in quiry that are available t o the a verage v o ter The fact that there was absolute si lence on the part of C larence B oyd during the weeks prior to election excited no suspicion C an didates for the office in question never m ake a cam paign for the ample reason that n o one would ever listen if they did N othing but the discovery of a plot for fraud would a t trac t attention t o such a picayune contest N ow the C ommittee of S eventy investigates these li ttle nominations to point out the r e liable candidates M any people when they understand the plan follow these r e c om m e n da tions They will not do so on acc ount of e vi den c e submitted to them but primarily b e c ause the C ommi ttee of Seventy wants them t o and th ey trust the sincerity and the ability The publi c ation of the of that orga nization n am e of the c an didate recommende d un a c c om p a n ie d by evidence is enough for practi c ally This a ll the v oters who accept this leadership is a vi t al point ! O pen eyed accep t an ce of lead e rs hi p is legi t im ate and desir able ; but h ere we . , , . . , . . , . . , , . , , . - SH ORT 36 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES have blin d a cceptance an e ntirely differ ent thi ng for it gives the leaders opportunity to p r ofit by misleading their followers O pen eyed acceptance of leadershi p involves few pe ri l s ; bli nd acceptance invol ves many Wh en the offic e is sufficiently unin teresting it becomes in visible and the popular accept ance of leadership will then be blind The ways in which a ballot may be un in te r estin g are numerous In the Philadelphia in stance just cited the offic e was too miserably insig nificant to stir the multitude to adequate in quiry M an y offi ces lie outside the purifying spot light by reason of their character even when they are of considerable importance Technical oflfic e s for instan c e are habitually in obscurity and the s a m e is true of a n y cle r i cal or purely administ r ative post What for instance c an the c andidate for the post of state treasur er do to demons trate hi s supe r i o r it y over rival c laimants for the position ? H e can c laim that he will be hones t and sys t e m a ti c and intelligent but so c an his rivals If the a cc oun ting system of th e s tate is out of date he c an promise reform but he can t stir the people to strenuous partisanship on his behalf by t alking about book-keepin g Nothin g , . . , , . . , . - , . , , , . , , . ’ . OFFIC E M U ST BE IMPORTAN T 37 he can do can alter the fact that there is littl e or nothing in the state treasurership out of which to make an issue that will fir e the im a g i n a t i on of a mill ion voters There is an in evitable loginess to the mass of the people the si mple in ertia of bigness L et our candi date talk to a quiet little audience of a hun dred and he will w in them L et him talk to an audience of several thousand a n d he will be unable to hold their attention at al l on such a subject His appeal to the mil lion will fall flatter yet ; in fact he will secure no hearin g at all Accordingly such candidates habitually ign ore their own c ontests and con fin e themselves to supporting the head of the ticket and the broad party issues of the c ampaign L ookin g at the matter fr om another angle suppose that the R epublican and Democratic candidates for state t r easurer in New York were noth ing more than respectable politi W ould that fact create opportunity for c ia n s a n expert accountant to run independently for the place ? Would the fact of his superior fit ness be enough to make N ew York s eight millions look his way and make note of him I n fact for ele ction day ? Theoretically yes . . . , , . , . . , . ’ , . , SH ORT 38 — B ALLOT PRINCIPLES n o Independent candidatures for su ch offi ces in states and cities ar e quite unkn own and um hopeful I n a cou rt r oom an interesting c ase obtains fair he a ring fr om the jury be c ause the jury must stay an d listen ; but here are a dvo c ates pleading thei r un i nteresting c ase before a crowd in the market place the crowd being at liberty to dr if t away to the ball game if it chooses ! Th e case w ill be decided by the few oligarchy again ! wh o remain An y office which may properly be c ondu c ted in only one w a y will make an uninteres ting sub je c t for an election contest The people c an not be expected to take sides on a question if it is only a o n e sided question P artisanship c annot be p r ovoked when al l the rival c andi dates promise the same things Unless a con s p i r a c y to misuse the office can be alleged ( and not always then ) the people will n ot de velop a preference among the candidates The di ff er ence in the lives and equipment of candidates will rarely c ome clear ly enough before the millions to make them div ide on these per sonal distin ctions alone The questi on of which man shall draw the salary is not momentous and c annot be made s o Into thi s classification of undebat able offi ces . - . - , . - . . , . . . OFFICE M U ST BE IMPORTANT 39 fall many that are now elective in the United States To retain them on the elective list is undemocratic N othi ng is so undemocratic as government in the dark and to put on the elective list ofli c e s which are naturally and in e vit a b ly invis ible is compelling the people to delegate power to officials cloaked in dark ness The mo r e obscure the office by reason either of its in s ig n ific a n c e or of its undebatable c haracter the weaker is the c ontrol of the people ove r it and the stronger is the control of the politician The net result of all these considerations is to show a need for the elimination from the e lective list of ( 1) all offices that are not large enough in themselves to sti r the people t o take sides ; (2) all ofli c e s that determine no policies large e nough to stir the people to take sides F or if the people won t settle the question you put to them some few self see kers will To shout at the people questions which the people either will not or cannot answer care fully is not doing the people a favo r I t is only maki ng certain that the questions will be a nswered by some one else We must confine the participation of the . . , . , , , . . ’ - . , . , . SH ORT 40 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES people to questions which they want to de cide E a c h e le c ti ve ofii c e m us t be in te r e s ti n g The test t o app l y to an office to asc e r tain ” “ whether it is inte resting is of cou r se to i n quir e whether i t does actually in terest the people Your opin ion or mine as to whether the office of j udge ought to interest the people Doe s it ? is of no impo rtance ; the question is If the bulk of the people are interested enough to divide on the question and stand up and be counted on the issue then the j udge may prope rl y be made elective If only a few o f the people develop opinions clear enough to impel them to take sides in the contest then your plan of having all the people select the j udge has fail ed to work You have created oligarchy instead of democracy You must then make the j udge appointive by some one whom the peop l e did select B y taki ng sides I do not mean me rely that the people must vote Goodness knows the people wi ll vote readily enough without takin g sides ! A full vote for the c ity clerk does not mean that the whole city or any perceptible part of it w a s really interested L ook closel y at the vote and y o u wil l notice that the city treasurer was elected by practically exactly . . , , . , . , . . . , . , , , . SH ORT 42 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES hange the ballot A s the people are too big to be spanked an d since human nature in the mass responds but slowly to prayer it is good sense to change the ball ot D on t forget our major premise if i t ” does n t de m oc it is n t demo cracy ! c . , , . ’ ’ ’ , C HAPTE R TH E V NA T URE OF POPU LA R S I N T ERE T EMO C RA T I C government is government controlled by the people and al l the real rights of the people are served if the govern ment obeys their wishes If the wish of the people is unanimous and if the government a cts in accord therewith wi thout waiting for An election o rders an election is unnecessary is due whenever the people are interested in a question and divided in their opinions A demo cratic government will then arrange to have the people stand up divide and be counted a n d being unable to please all wil l be con tent to please the maj ority F or example it was proposed a few years N ew York S tate to enlarge the E r ie a g o in C anal at a cost of V ast in terests were a fl’e c te d whole cities expected renewed prosperity from it yet the cost w a s enormous The legislature did not know the feeling of the people on the Subject The matter was put before the people by referendum and the ex D , . , . , . , , , , . , , . , . SHORT 44 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES authorized The sele ction of an engineer to construct the canal was not how ever a matter of sufficient in terest to the people to warrant the taki ng of a vote E verybody wanted the work done well e conomically and p r omptly but w a s pe rfectly willing to let the gove rnor appoint the engineer Had the engi neer been made elective the people would have been confronted with a task of the utmost deli cacy not a task where the opinions of the multitude were of value but one which de m a n d e d intensive and intimate in v estigation such as could be conducted only by a very few men I t is no easy task to choose an engi nee r for such a great unde rtaking The task calls for special infor mation rather than the collection of many judgments The appointive way whic h was adopted secured for the people better serv ice than the elective w a y The choice of a good administrator is an even mor e delicate task than the choice of a good engineer An engineer can poin t to definite achievements and evidences of standing in his “ profession He can say ! I bui lt that bridge does not that prove me competent to take charge of public works ? My rival has never built a bridge n or c an he attain in pri v ate prao p e n dit ur e w a s . . , , , . , , , , . . . . . . , NATU RE OF POPU LAR INT EREST 45 tice fees half so large as mine B ut an e xe c u tive must be selected on less tang ible evidence and his work in office is harder to appraise with justice B usin ess corporations pay their biggest salaries to good administrators for ability t o initiate to be just to insp ire loyalty in subordinates to avoid errors to see things in true propo r tion S uccess in such things can not be measured and tabulated Only men close at hand where they can see it can j udge it wisely E ven the stockholders of a corporation do not pledge their directors to suppor t any g iven c andidate for general manager of the company They get better results by leaving the decision to representatives who are in closer touch with the situation than they To reorganize the c or p or a t i on by making the stockho l ders elect the manage r over the heads of the dir ecto r s would n ot add t o the power of the stockholde r s since all the power comes from them anyway and wise stockholders would resist any attempt to unload the responsibility upon them in this fashion I t would not be a privi lege ; it would be denial of privi lege the privilege of holding some one else accountable So too the people w h o are the stockholders of the state are e n . , . , , , , . . , , . . . , , . . , , , , S H ORT 46 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES titled to have the government run as they wa n t it r un without hav ing to leave other duties to take hold a n d r un it themselves ; and a n y a t tempt to th r ow un necessar y burdens of parti c ip a tion upon the electo r ate plays into th e hands of any pub l ic empl oyee who wants to evade r esponsibility T o relieve the people of the bu r den of choos i n g administ r ator s would l iberate public dis e ussions from a mass o f d ull detai l that ob scures greater issues The p r inciples p r oposed by the candidate shoul d n ot be entangled with evidence as to hi s fitness fo r per sonally admin is t e r in g the execution o f those p r inciples The real interest of the people in the gove rn ment is not in administr ative problems but is in maki ng the government obey when they desire to issue an o r der Thei r interest is in policies and usuall y the easiest way to put poli cies into effect is to elect men who are charged with the spi r it o f those policies to positions where they can compel the installation of the new ideas P opu l ar control over policies is not difficult t o provide fo r T h e people may be too big and clumsy t o handle the de l icate task of choosing a dminis tr ative offi cials but there can be no , . . . , . , . . , NA TU RE OF POPU LAR IN TE REST 47 doubt of their ability to sympathize w ith this or that proposed policy and to determine which candidate represents their favorite ideas The candidate w h o thus wins people to his proposal may not be the o n e w h o can best carry them out B ut he may wisely be put whe r e he can issue the mandate and compel obedience I n one of the commission governed cities r e c e n tly a labor union man was elected a member of the C ommission of F ive to govern the town He had two separate duties to r epresent the people w h o elected him and to admin ister the department of parks and public p r operty As a representative of the great labor ing p opula tion he w a s admirable H e could say with real authority ! My people want to have push carts all owed around the factories at noon so that they can buy cheap coffee and fruit for lunch eon and I m against an or dinance to clear the push carts off the streets P ut on extra men to ” clear up if necessary I t was right that labor should thus be r e pr e sented in the high councils o f the city E very important section of the people should be r e presented in its due proportion in the govern ment D emocracy demands it A s adm inistrative head of the department . . . — - . . . - ’ , - . . . . . SH ORT 48 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES of public proper ty however this man wa s Administ r ative work w a s foreign in e fle c t iv e He w a s dis t o his exper ience and abi l ities placed a t the next e l ection in favo r of a business man and his people lost all representation on the C ommission This w a s both wrong and unnecessary The office should have been divided ac cording to its administ r ative and r epresentative functions The administ r ative office should have been appointive the representative policy deter m ining office a l one shou l d have been elective The removal of a ll offices fr om the ballot except those pu r ely rep resentative ones that in te rest the peop l e on account of the b r oad policies whi ch they may dete r mine will take “ us a long w a y towards the inte r esting bal lot we are looking fo r but n o t all the way T o take an exagge r ated case again look at the lower house o f the Philadel phia counci l s I t determines policies and interesting ones t oo B ut it contains 149 membe r s I ts decisions ar e futil e unless app r oved by the other council and by the mayor The choice of a single mem ber of this house is n ot a big enough matter by itself t o excite the interest of the people “ and so Phi ladelphia is called corrupt and con , , ' . . , . . . - , , . , . , , . , . . . , SH ORT 50 BALLO T PRINCIPLES — and scattered so widely that the indi vi dual officers by reason of their unimporta n ce li e outside the bor ders of the spot light C on c e n t r a t e d vi s i ble power is controllable and not dangerous O ur visible elective servants wil l i t is o ur i n never become our monarchs vi sible se rvants w h o o rganize oligarchies and monarchies of bossism ! T o summarize t he l ast th ree chapter s then w e find that the r e are th r ee p r actical methods of concealing public servants f r om thei r mas ters the people and thus causing popular con trol to relax ( a ) B y havin g so many elections s im ult a n e o us ly that each in dividual candidate is lost in the conf usion ; ( b) B y di viding a power among so many petty officers that each one of them escapes sc r utiny by reason of in s ig n ific a n c e ; ( 0 ) B y makin g an office undebatable in char acter so that di scussion regar ding it is dull and unlikely t o attr act attention Condensing this to a catch phrase we e s t a b lis h what we will call the F irst L imitation of Democracy ! E a c h e le c ti ve ofii ce m us t be v i de d , , - . . — , , , , . - , vi s i ble . , C H AP TE R VI TH E LI M IT OF D I S TR I C T - S I! E simplified the work of the people to a point where they need no help from political experts in casting their votes w e have not yet got the power completely into their hands The short interesting ballot is not enough if the only names on that ballot are those nominated by political machines To be sure the fact that the nominations are to be exposed to the searching light of c on c e n t r a t e d public scrutiny will compel the ma chines to be deferential to public opinion Tammany nominates reputable men from out side i ts own ranks even borrowing them from the reformers ticket for the conspicuous oi B ut even if the limitations of demo fic e s cratic government described in the previous chapters were ful ly observed a Tammany Hall would continue to be a necessary part of the government of New York C ity Imagine all the power put in the hands of the boar d of esti mate wi th its three members elected at large A V ING , . , . , . , ’ , . , . , SH ORT 52 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES and one from each borough E ach citizen votes for four members only This means a shor t interesting bal lot that fulfills all the require ments l aid down in the preceding chapte r s each elective office playin g a large part in de Then imagine t e r m i n in g inte resting policies the idea adopted that is in eff ect in C olorado Springs and elsewhere of not only having no party labels on the ballot but making every candidate when filin g his petition swear that he r epresents no political organization or club ! I n the little city of Colorado Sp r ings the requirement works perfectly In the city of Ne w York that plan would limit the candi dates to millionaires None less could finance a campaign designed t o reach voters The expense of hiring halls in all pa rts o f the city drawing the crowds to the meetings a d v e rt is in g in circulars or newspapers and on bill boards would ii this work were adequately done be enormous much greater than it is n o w when the ability of the machines t o throw into the field a vast standing army of well trained volunteers cuts down the money cost A candidate could spend wi thout even making a serious dent in the conscious ness of the big tow n . , . , . , , , . . . , , , , , , . . LIMI T OF DIST RIC T — SI! E 53 M aking the multitude listen m aking the m all think about the same thing is a task that becomes more difficult the larger the multi tude The dis c ouragement of candidates and the consequent serious limitation of possible contestants is not the most serious dis a dv a n tage of big electorates S uppose all the politi cal machines o f N ew York City gracefully re tired from the field leaving al l contestants on an equal footing O ne candidate or another would build up a p e r s on a l machine equipped by experience and funds to w in elections for him The superior effectiveness of such methods in a huge population would put a premium upon evasion of all laws seeking to p r event the existence of political machines These armies of political mercenaries would drift from one leader to another seeking the highest pay and their organized co operation fo r m a l info r mal or secret would be vital to the success of the candidates N0 candidate could build up such an army of political workers at short notice or with genuine volunteers w h o expected no r e ” “ ward ( The volunteers in the present ma chines are really paid by preference in political appointments and city jobs where the hours are short enough to permit steady political work ) , , . . , . . . , , , , , , . . . SH ORT 54 BALLO T PRINCIPLES — All thi s is only sayin g that large electorates are hard of hear ing and they can be so large as t o be almost deaf This deafness of a big elector ate t o all but expert organized political noise makers gives to the political experts an influence which amounts to virtual control T o express it another way an electo r ate may be so la rge that it cannot pe r form even a simple task without organizing for it A com m i t te e can easily do in half an hour the work that a convention of a thousand men can only do in a stormy blundering fashion in a whole day In fact a convention can hardly get any where except with the aid of committees The clumsiness of a convention is nothing to the clumsiness o f a hundr ed thousand men scat t e r e d through a g r eat city ; and if concerted action is required of them the r e must be organiz ation I n huge electo r ates it will have to be a more elaborate and costly organization than w e can ask the candidates to construct ; and if the support of these standing a r mies is essential to the success of candidates it follows logically that these armies ( or the captains o f them ) will hol d an unassailable monopoly of the hopeful n ominations D emocracy requires that there shall be rea , . — . , . , . , . , . , . LIMIT OF DI ST RIC T s on a — SI ! E 55 b ly free competition for elective offices To . give to any set of men power to exclude v a r i o us candidates from the contest may often result in barring out the very men the people would like I t is not possible to suppress per manent political o rganizations when they will be of great help in winning the great p r izes of o fli c e but it i s possible s o to arrange the battle ground that the r e will n ot be enough a dv a n tage in permanent po l itical organizations to encourage thei r existence L et the political unit or district be not so large but that an adequate impromptu organi z a t i on can be put together at short notice Permanent committees or political organiza tions may the n exist without controlling the situation since the threat of opposition if their nominations a r e unsatisfactory wi ll be truly serious I n theory if the parties in New Yo rk C ity both nominated unsatisfactory men new candidates would spring into the field and get elected thus automatically penalizing any failure o f the o ld machi nes to please the people I n fact of course the mere bigness of the task is enough to discourage independent candi dates and the existing machines preserve a safe monopoly over the business of nomination . , . . , , , , . , , . , , , SH OR T 56 — B ALLO T PRINCIPLES oligarchy again ! In the smaller subdivisions of the city such as the Aldermanic and M unici pal C ourt districts independent nominations ar e not infrequent and sometimes succeed de spite the fact that the offices ar e ones which do not natural l y secure public scrutiny The smaller the district and the fewer the voters to be reached by the candidate the weaker is the grip of the machine the easier it is for the political novice to succeed and the less is the advantage of the political specialist “ knows the r opes who E nlarge the district beyond a certain point and the business o f winning an election b e comes a j ob for experts only ; and we get in part at least government by politicians in stead of government by the people Accordingly w e establish the S econd L imita tion of Democr acy ! The di s tr i c t m us t be wi e ldy O ur unwieldy districts are as unique in the ex p e r ie n c e of democrati c countries as are our long j ungle ballots G ranted then that New York City is too large a district what the exact maxi mum is for “ ” the voting population for a Wieldy distr ict can be determined only by the test of prae tice Regarding any e xisting district the ques , , , . , , , . , , . . . , . , SH ORT 58 BAL LOT PRINCIPLES — and their presence in the c ouncil makes log rolling awkward Gerrymander in B ri ti sh cities is preve n ted by having the ward lines adjusted by a remote (parliamentary) a u e n ce s - . t h or i ty . Proportional representation is also offered B y that plan the district or constituency loses i ts boundary so t o speak and all officers are elected at large with this di fle r e n c e t hat the candidates instead of being required to get a plur ality need get only a quota I f ten offices were to be filled in a city of voters for in stance the quota would be 9 091 (since not more than ten candidates could each get that number ) To prevent waste of votes on candidates w h o get more than a quota and on c andidates who prove hopelessly weak the preferential ballot is employed whereon the voter marks a first choice a second choice et c and the ballot in the counting is transferred from c andidate to candidate in accordance with the voter s indi c a t e d w ish until it finds a resting pla c e This is the H are or Ware system used in some of the Br itish colonies I ts sign ifi c an ce here is the fact that the candidate need only se cure a quota instead of a plurality . , , — , . , , . , , , , . , , , ’ - , . . . C H APTE R FIT S A ND VII M I SFI T S H A V E n ow proved I hope that democracy is not a thing of magic wi th infinite capa b ili ti e s but that it has certain limitations which are not moral short comings of but o nly the results of the inevitable clumsiness of that great good hearted and human giant the people A mong these limitations are the following which must be respected to prevent democracy from lapsing into oligarchy 1 The ofii c e m us t be vi s i ble ; that is it must be ( a ) not c r owded out of sight by too many s imultaneous elections ; ( b) not t o o small to be s een ; ( 0 ) not too uninteresting in character to get looked at I , , , - , - , , . , . . , . 2 The di s tr i c t m . us t be wi e ldy . I n our American governments we have almost invariably overstepped these li m i ta tions turned democracy into oligarchy and then found tha t oligarchic conditions furnished to the ruling c lass the politicians opportun i ties too often utilized to plunder the many , , , , , , . 60 SH ORT — B ALLOT PRD ICIPLES Accordingly let us take together a grand tour o f the U nited States to inspect the work ings of o ur s o call ed democratic gove r nments in various places and see how they fit (or fail to fit) within our li m itations , — . T O WN G OVER NM ENTS In small compact communities the offices are visible and the district w ieldy The dis c us s i on in ea r lier chapters regarding the limi t a t i on s o f visibility however does not apply The offices may be numerous and petty in char acter but the fact that candidates are personally known to the voters contr ibutes a unique ki nd of interest that makes up for other deficiencies Accor dingly the American town should be a democrac y or else there must be other limi t a ti on s n ot mentioned And is not the typical American town rela t iv e ly an excellent example of democracy ? T here are po l iticians but they are not in con t r ol a s are their brothers of the cities since any citizen can enter the field and threaten their supremacy as soon as they by failure t o b o w t o public Opinion give provocation Town opini on rules town politics surely promptly and . , . , , . , . , , , , . , , FIT S AND MI SFI T S 61 easily Noti c e how national party symbols fail to hold the people in lin e on local is sues and “ how spontaneous genui ne caucuses and Union P arties take the place of the inflexible un r e s pon s ive mac hi nery of less W ieldy dis t ricts ! That town government is either efficien t or cheap I do not claim I only believe that it conforms very near ly to the civic ideals of the people w h o live un der it and that e very change in those ideals is reflected with reasonable a cc uracy and promptness in the town go v . , , . , e rn m e n t . G A LVE S T ON This ci ty inhabitants ) w a s formerly go verned like most other A meri can cities by a m ayor a c ouncil elected by distri cts and v arious minor elective administrative officials M ost of the offices were not Visible The mem bers of c ouncil indi vidually had so little to do th at it wa s hardly worth the time of the people to both er about them and so a few of the people wh o did bother took control The dis trict in the case of all the officials (including the mayor a n d other ofli c i a ls ele cted at large) w a s Wieldy since the task of reach inhabi tants in g t he v oters in a c ity of , , , , . . , . , , , 62 SH ORT — BALLOT PRINCIPLES is not so colossal as to suppress impromptu political movements And G alveston was badly governed T h e power whi c h the people delegated to their officials was not all kept in the light whe r e the people could easily observe h ow it was used Wh en some misuse of power became known the chance of anybody suffe r ing political punish ment w a s slight All the politics concerning such obscure offices as that of member of council was beyond the Vision of the people I t w a s n o t conspicuous not placed on a pin n a c le o f light where they a ll cou l d see it and make it a target for their cr iticism C ouncil pol itics o r ward pol itics especially was a thing to be searched o ut In the b y ways and shadows of the town I t required special know ledge and acquaintance Who but a political expert would kn ow fo r instance when or over what saloon the little conferences that really settled things would meet ? Wh at ordinary citizen working for his bread and butter in competitive industry could affo r d t o devote to this part of the unpaid work of citizenship enough time and study to keep fr om being outwitted by those other citizens who were stimulated by the hope of tangible pay in . . . , . . . , , - . . , , , , FIT S AND MI SFI TS 63 patronage or boodle ? The failure of Galveston to mak e its elective offices conspicuous had tur ned a large part of its politics into a veri table jungle where none but experts knew the trails A nd so a handful of experts in citizen ship called poli ti cians ruled Galveston Gal v eston was an oligarchy General disgust among the people of Gal veston w ith the coun c il led to a change in the charter by whi ch the council wa s elected at “ large instead of by Wards War d politics was thus to be abolished I t was believed that election at large would wipe out the field for petty manipulations log rolling and cheap poli tics in the council The new plan doubtless did change the rules of the game and demoraliz e the grafters for a time E very su ch change s eems to be a reform for a while ; sin ce cor is a plant of r uption eve n in favorable soil slow growth dependent on the c ontinuity of s urroundin g conditions Under the new plan l The offices were not visible A ll the mem bers of coun cil now appeared on all the ballots instead of singly on the ballots in each dis triet making the ballot mu ch longer and the possibilities for blind voting m an y ti m es g reater . , . , . , . . — , . . , , , . . . , SH ORT 64 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES than before E ach member w a s still only a small f r action of a weak council and hence natur ally inconspicuous 2 T he dist r ict r ema ined wieldy In this new situation the people had no surer g r ip than before Thei r work at the polls con tin n ed to be poorly lighted and they fumbled and fal tered in all e flor ts to protect their in t e r e s t s against the enc r oachments of P rivilege whether it was the privilege of a rich man to get a fr anchise cheap l y or of a poor man to get an easy j ob in the C ity H all The politi three per e ia us continued t o rule the town cent of the peop l e ruling the remaining ninety seven per cent I t w a s ol igarchy the rule of the few ; unstable loosel y and info rmally or It g a n ize d to be sure but still an oligarchy would have been an o l igarchy j ust as surely if “ ” the reformers had been in control giving the people exactly the kind of economical and efficient government that w a s best for them D emocr acy requires that the people themselves get what they want whether in your opinion or mine it be altogether good for them or n o t E ffective citizenship a very di fferent thing “ ” from mere citizenship must be for the masses not simply for political specialists . . . . . , ' . . , , . , , . , . — , SH ORT 66 — B ALLOT PRINCIPLES desirable that for once the superstitions gave “ wa y Galveston adopted the famous C om ” mission Plan by which the entire govern ment of the city was vested in a board of five ele ctive officers who in turn appointed and controlled all the rest of the officials To Am ericans accustomed to ineffi cien cy in publi c Offi c e as contrasted with private enter prise the story oi the achievements of this C ommission reads like a romance Unhampered by Checks and balances and legal red tape the C ommission reorganized the city government restored the city property planned and finan ced and bui l t the great sea wall that now bars out the sea raised the ground level of the city and withal reduced the tax rate and the debt ! The annual r unning expenses of the c ity were decreased one third The new gov ernment displayed foresight intelligence and dispat ch I t appeared sensitive to that public clamor which the average politician c onsiders so need less There w a s a st riking change in the attitude of the public towar d the doings at C ity Hall The people began t o take an interest in their common property t o discuss the doings of the “ C ommission on street corners t o hav e ci vi c , . , . , . - , , , - , , , - , . , , . . . , , AND FITS MISFITS 67 p ride ( since there was n ow at last some thing to be proud of ) to criticise or applaud the work of their servants They seemed to have actually a proprietary interest in the government ! A mid this widespread discussion the influen ce of the poli ti cians of the town w a s swamped and c ounted for only its true numerical strength N ow every American city has its spells of good government the reactions that follow orgies of corruption and scandal and the fact th at the new Galveston government saved money is not in itself sign ificant The V ital difference is that t hese good administrators in “ Gal veston without building up personal ma ” chines or intrenching themselves in power by the usual army like methods of politi cal organization were able to secur e re e lection again and again They won favor by serving all the people well They did their work in the spot light of public scrutiny where every c i t ize n c ould see and appreciate and applaud There is no reward sweeter or more stimulating than well earned public applause Good deeds un der th e old government were frequent no doubt but in the j ungle the doer received no en couragement or glory “ B y serving all the people not by serv , . . , , . , - , . . - , . - . , , . — SH ORT— B ALLOT 68 PRINCIPLES ing a few men w ho occupied strategi c posi tion s in a political ambush ! I n fa ct there was no obscuring ambush to afford Opportunities for strategy The commissioners were getting re e lected and by overwhelming maj orities without any organized aid save the support of the City Club The expense of re e lecting them w a s $ 35 0 for all five ! When the people kn ew fr om their general information exactly what they wanted w hy conduct a big c ampaign ? Why try to build up a standing o rganization o f political workers when the simple govern mental plan left no work for it to do ? Let us apply our two L imi tations o f D emo cracy to the Galveston plan only fi ve to 1 The officers are visible elect all playing a large part in determining interesting policies 2 The dist r ict is wieldy Perfect conformity ! , . , , . , . . , . . . O TH ER C O MMI S S I O N G O VE R NED CITI E S - There g rew up in Galveston the custom of dividing work among the members of the C ommission and letting each of the five special ize in the aff airs of one branch of the govern ment The members did not assume executive . FI TS AND MI SFI TS 69 charge of the departments that work w a s done by hired expert superintendents but simply be c ame fam i liar with the work by Ob servation I n fact the commissioners r e mained in private business and simply gave a few hours a week to the city as needed The public soon anticipated the organizing of the C ommission and the division of the govern ment over which each commissioner would probably be given special oversight became a matter of general knowledge before the election I n copying the Galveston plan other cities Houston for instance made this division fo rmal so that each commissioner became the r e s pon sible active superintendent o f a depart ment giving all his time to it and receiving increased pay accordingly The people thus have thrust upon them a more difficult task than in Galveston namely that of selecting the bes t men t o do a d ministrative work The people have no great relish for this task as is proved by the w a y in which they habitually neglect ele ctive of fic e s which are pur e ly administrative More over it is work for which they have no great ability The opinions of voters on the , , . , . , , . , , , , . — , . , . , . 70 SH OR T — B AL LO T PRINCIPLES question which of the candidates is best fit ted to supervise sewe r age or paving or the city s fiscal operations ar e n ot valuable If you or I were engagi ng a n engineer for a private con tracting firm the fact that one candidate for t he pla ce had secured votes in Houston for a si m ilar position woul d c a rry small weight with us We should recognize that those votes were based on hearsay evidence n ot investi gated for its accuracy by a dozen voters out of that We shoul d recognize that the popular support the candidate secured was b a s ed rather on the fact that he had satisfied those voters that he represented them sym pa thize d with them was like them k n ew What policies they wanted Fo r his qualifications as an engineer we should prefer the report of ,say five responsible investigat ors To confound these two separate issues fit ness t o represent and fitness t o administer in t e r fe r e s with both accu r ate r epresen tation and effi cient administ r ation P e r haps H ouston is electing to superintend its public works a fir s t class engineer w h o has no real intima cy with the people O r perhaps H ouston is ele ctin g a mediocre engineer w h o has the gift of popu la r ity an d broad comprehension of the desires ’ , , . , , . , , , , , . , . , , . . . FI TS AND MISFITS of 71 the people The chance of getting a maxi mum Of both desiderata is remote The r e q uir e m e n t of high administrative ability i n elective offices makes it necessary to confine nominations to the kind of men who earn large salaries in private life and wear ki d gloves I t excludes labor for example which is too little represented in the government of ty pi cal A merican cities O f the two things fitn e s s to r e p r e s e n t will naturally be the dominant factor in electing a man for in that matter there is ample groun d for a debate on policies that will actually stir the people and c ause them to divide I t is policies that make real politics and the most efficient democrac y is that which provides for the freest expression of the demands of the people in r egar d to them L et each elective offi ce therefore not only play a large part in determining interesting policies but also be “ kept free of every other consideration When you want representation elect When you ” want administration appoint The mayor of Houston was elected as a separate officer and was given special powers and duties including the right of veto over the act s of the C ommission . . . , , . , , . , . , , , . . , . , , , . SH ORT 72 — BAL LOT PRINCIPLES Measured by the requirements of visibility thi s featu r e can hard l y be construed as an i m provement on the G alveston plan The mayor s office is made mor e interesting and c on s p i c u o us but the offices of the other four commis The mayor becomes s i o n e r s a r e made less s o all important at the expense o f his associ “ ates w h o play a much smal ler part in deter ” mi nin g interesting pol icies than i n Galveston S o far as H ouston is concerned the elevation of the mayor at the expense o f his associates has done n o harm and may never d o any for the harmony of the C ommi ssion is reported to be s o exce ll ent that the mayor s veto powe r has n o t been used T o a ce r tain extent usage thus far has null ified the e rr o r in the design and the fou r commissione r s ar e regarded as highl y impor tant and get amp l e l imelight at the e l ection t o protect thei r office against capture by men whom the people r eally do n o t want In a certain middle sized E astern city the r e is on foot at p r esent wr iting a plan for adopt ing a new char te r in which the H ouston err or is carr ied t o its l ogical concl usion T h e plan p r ovides for five elective officers namely a mayor and a coun cil of four members The , ’ . , . — “ , . , , ’ . , , . - . , . SH OR T 74 — BALL OT PRINCIPLES cover of the gloom could the people be blamed ? Must they be expected to see in the dark ? , C OLO RA DO S PRING S I n copying the Galveston plan of govern ment C olorado Springs has intr oduced a pro vision in the charter t o the e ff ect that every candidate before hi s petition for a place on the official non pa r tisan ballot can be accepted must file a sworn declaration that he r e pr e sents no political par ty or organization As a temporary expedient to b r eak the grip of the old party machines this p r ovision was appar ently valuable for the la rgest plurality at the fi r st election under the new char ter in thi s normally R ep ub l ican city went t o a Democrat The permanent desirability of the measure is less certain It is interesting however as show ing the practicability of unaided democracy when the Two L imitations are respected The people of Colorado Sp r ings are dealing with their public servants directly w ithout calling for exp ert assistance The can di dates make themselves k nown to the people each in his own way without help fr om anybody save his pe r sonal fol lowing The voters also make up their individual mi nds and vote without help , , - , . , . . , , . . , . . FI TS AND MISFITS 75 The politician in the American sense of that word is a useless spectator with no more in flue n c e than any other citizen of wide a c quaintance He can go to his favorite candi “ date after election and say I helped elect you therefore reward me out of the city treas “ u r y but he cannot say I helped elect you as no other citizen could I was necessar y to you therefore reward me for permitting you ” to be elected The difference is enough to free city officials from the embarrassment of partisan machin e control To those who offer aid before election “ each can say I welcome help but do not r e quire it desperately nor do I need a gr eat deal I can afford to refuse aid from all but those whom I can pay in cash from my o w n pocket o r w h o volunteer unconditionally and I prefer ” S uch a statement to the politicians t o do so under o ld conditions would have foredoomed the candidate t o defeat The political world is full of men w h o have met this situation and c ompromised grudgingly at the ultimate ex pense of the public because nothing else was ” practical , , . , , , . . , , . , , . . , . SH ORT 76 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES B OS T ON In January 1 9 10 B oston put into effect a new charter whi ch aimed t o adapt to a large city the fundamental features of the commis sion plan The charter provides for a very p o w e r ful mayor el ected for four years a council of nine members ( weak and obstructive ) elected for three year te rms three at a time in r o t a t i on and a school board ( administrative ) o f fiv e member s elected on e o r two at a time for three year te rms T h e bal l ot is non partisan al l nominations being by petition There are six pl ac es or less each year to be filled by pop ular vote fr om the whol e city Measuring B oston by ou r L imitations we find that the offices ar e not all visible O nly “ the mayor plays a large part in deciding in te r e s t in g policies The distr ict is n ot wieldy At p resent writing there have been only the first two elections and the plan has n ot had time t o settle down t o what will be its regular pace Cer tain significant facts howeve r stood o ut even at the first election with sufficient clearness to warrant interpretation and a p r e diction , , . , - , , , — - . , . . , . . . , . , . , FI TS AND MI SFITS 77 There were four candidates for mayor w h o s urvived the rather heavy petition require ments namely F itzgerald a Democratic ex mayor under whose former administration there had been much complaint of misgover n ment ; Hibbard a Republican ex mayor ; S tor r o w the nominee of a committee o f reformers rep r esenting the independent good govern ment vote ; and Taylo r apparently rep r esent ing no on e but himself and his prospective constituents Ta ylor was out of the r ace from the star t I t was recognized that his support w a s only personal that he had n o machine at his disposal t o car ry his message t o the voters and that there was no long standing well ” established good wi ll in his favor H ibbard had been t oo rigidly scrupulous a mayor to w i n the admiration and zealous support of the R epublican machine but he recognized that his only hope o f success l ay in getting that sup port and his newspaper adver tisements bid for I t openly and despe r ately in a manner that indicated that he regar ded Republi can s upport as more p r ecious than the good opinion of reflective voters He did not get the Re publican machine support though the Repub li can politicians found it more worth their , , , - , , - , . . , , - , . , , . , SH ORT 78 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES while to be active than they had at firs t ex C ert ain l y the candidates all valued p e c te d their support and man oe uvred for it and the stock of the c andidates rose and fell accord in g to the rumors of the ir success in these flirtatious F itzgerald had the Whole hearted though inform al suppo r t of the D emocratic machine which he had richly befriended in patronage and favor itism when in office b e fo re He was thus able to w i n support at much less expense than S torr o w who spent on his campaign and gather ed almost the e u ti re anti F itzgerald vote H ibbard and Taylor ended with only 18 00 and 600 votes r e s pe c . , - . , . , - . t iv e ly . St o r r o w ’ huge expenses a r e the fruit of the unwieldiness of a district as large as B oston and show how the mere size of the task of winning over a great e l ectorate must operate to narrow the competition to a few men none of whom may be what the public really wants In the future the pol itical organizations of long standing namely the Democratic machine the Republi can mach ine and the organized in d ependents with thei r coterie of ci vi c work e r s and reformers will hold a monopoly of the hopeful nomin ation s A candidate m ust a l s , , . , , , , — . FI T S AND MI SFI TS 79 ways have the support of at least one of them in or der t o win If he can secure the support of two o f them he wi l l be almost invincible To build up de n ovo an impromptu voluntee r or g a n iz a t i on capable of winning the election against the old established organiz ations is hardly a hopeful undertaking The only hope of any such movement in B oston now lies in the increased probability of a division of the party strength by factional disputes when there is no on e of s ufli c ie n t a u t h or ity to stop the fighting E ven this chance seems on reflection somewhat remote F or suppose t w o candidates equally strong among the Democratic politicians began to claim party support We know enough about politi c i a n s to know that they would be politic and would wait shrewdly estimating the r elative strength of the candidates until one showed a lead whereupon they would flock to him with a rush leaving the other to g r ow steadily weaker Or dinary human desi re to be on the winning side is trifling compared with that desire among politicians whose b r ead and butter depends upon their being there To believe that in the future the people of B oston will not be sharing their control over . . . . , , . , , , . . SH ORT 80 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES the mayor with some coterie of politi cal spe c ia li s t s is to assume that the politicians will r e fuse to sell their suppor t t o the highest bidder or that no candidates will bid for such support even if getting it will contribute g reatly to their success At the second election under this charter (January 1 91 1 ) there were chosen three mem bers o f the council and t w o members of the school committee a short but uninterest ing ballot and an unwiel dy district O n the day before the e l ection the papers were tell ing w h o the candidates were in a style they might be expected to use in explaining the matter to out oi town visitor s ; the voters were urged to be sure to vote the news regarding the campaign occupied a single half column and despite the shor t bal l ot tickets were b e ing advertised The r e w a s neve r so dull a city election in B oston As in the first election all the candidates who were elected had the sup port oi machines and the importance of that support w a s indicated in the way that one c andidate for example w h o had been obscure and out of the race became suddenly an a c knowledged leader the moment a certain party c ommittee g raciously issued its endorsement , . , . , - - , - , , . . , , , , , . SH ORT — BALLOT PRINCIPLES NE W ! OR! CIT! New York is governed by its board of esti mate of eight member s elected three at large and one from each of the five boroughs The r e is also a very weak board of alde r men e l ected s ingly from districts E ach voter in the city votes for four mem bers of the board o f estimate and an alder man I n respect to the aldermen the F irst L imi t a t ion of Democracy is overstepped the office is not in ter esting and hence not Visible I n r espect to the boar d of estimate the S econd L imitation is ove r stepped the dis t r i c t is n o t W ie l dy except in the case of the member from the borough of R ichmond T he borough of R ichmond consists of S taten Island a small dist rict suburban in character and with a population o f I t is a p p a r e n t ly a W iel dy dist r ict and thus confo r ms to both L imitations Amid the bitter pol itical warfare in the other boroughs o f Ne w York City this little district seems to have found much the same kind of peace and stability that Galveston has The political organiza tion seems to have no control over the office , . , . , . , , . , , , . , , . , . , FI TS AND MI SFI T S 83 of t he borough member of the board of esti “ mate or borough president as he is called ; and three times a man who in his administr a tion of the borough ignores the local politi c ia n s has been re e lected over their heads There have never been charges against hi m a delightful contrast to the exper iences of the other four boroughs in all of which there has been much scandal and in two of which the borough presidents have been removed for misconduct The borough president of R ichmond can not claim that his good record is the result of He has been under no s uperior moral calibre serious temptation I f politicians come t o hi m demanding that some heeler be given a job he can refuse knowing that if they attempt to side track him at the next election he can reach the people with his personal appeal and even if not renominated by his party can at least completely upset borough politics by running as an independent S o he bows the politicians out makes appointments for merit wins approval from his people because he is conspicuous and important enough to have his good deeds noticed and announces him self a candidate for re e lection ; and the politi , , , . , . . . , , - , , . , , , SH ORT 84 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES needing hi m on the ticket more than he needs them hasten to renominate him The officer and the people are within reach of each othe r and the intermediation of the politician is supe rfluous all because the office is visible and the dist rict is wieldy The othe r fou r boroughs of the great city B ronx M anhattan B rook lyn and Queens are decidedly unwieldy E ach has an immense population and a great area F or a single man unaided by a big r eady made organization to tackle the huge m ob and make it notice him is o ut of the question S till more unwieldy is the city as a whole whi ch comp rises the district of the three mem bers o f the boar d o f estimate w h o are elected at large namely the mayor comptrol ler and p r esident of the boar d of alde r men H o w the me r e iner tia of so huge an electorate balks initiative and limits the choice of the people to candidates w h o have first won the approval o f certain self established cote r ies o f citizens is shown by the magnitude of the vain e flor t s o f H earst He attempted t o win the mayoralty without permission of the D emocrats the Re publicans or the organized reformers He had newspapers in three languages r eachi ng c ia n s , . , . , , , , , . . , - , . , — , , , . — , ' . , , . , FI T S AND MI SFITS 85 an enormous client ele He built up an elabo rate machi ne and astounded his rivals by the size of th e crowds he d r ew to his mass meetings f or he tapped the enthusiasm of the radical ele ment and the hope of the discontented Never has a man been so elaborately and powerfully equipped for this fray Yet he was twice de feated by Tammany H all which met him not with arguments but by a more thorough can v ass Thorough canvassing wins elections for the simple human r eason that an argument personally delivered face to face is mor e com pelling than a better argument shouted in the dim distance Any thorough canvass of the voters was utte r ly impossib l e for Hear st s impromptu o rganization or indeed for any organization save Tammany H all itself with its countless expert vote getters to whom this work means bread and butter T h e large r the electorate the greater the advantage of a disciplined politi cal army and the greater the advantage of an organization like Tammany H all which does n ot sc r uple t o pay its soldiers out of the city treasury . , . . , , . , . ’ , , - . , , . 86 SH OR T — B AL LO T PRINCIPLE S C OMMIS S I ON G OVER NMENT IN LA R G E CITI E S la r ge cities for examp l e Pittsbu rg B altimore Cincinnati and B uff alo ar e dis cussing the adoption of the G alveston commis sion form of government N ew York C ity shows what the results would be for its board of estimate is very similar to a commission Applied t o large cities the commission plan would r esult in a short interesting ballot but the Second L imitation of Democracy W ieldy distr icts would be exceeded and political ma chines would to some extent continue to share in the contr o l of the gover nment S everal , , , , , . , . , , — , . CHIC A G O Chicago has a mayor many minor elective officer s and a boar d o f a l de r men elected sing l y fr om war ds Th e ball ot is very long and mostly uninte resting and the dist r icts of most of the officer s are unwiel dy The aldermen contr ar y to general Ame rican custom have large powers and this has made possible an interesting de v e lop m e n t in local politics S ome year s a g o the M unicipal V ote r s L eague consisting essen t i a lly of a half dozen men and some money started to improve wh a t then was a notori , , . , . , , , . ’ , - , FI T S AND MI SFITS o us ly 87 corrupt board of aldermen B y coneen t r a t in g their e fforts on this body they made it a rtificially conspicuous until the name of the alderman stood o ut rathe r prominently o n the long ballot before the average vote r instead of being lost in the shuffle as before This con s id e r a b ly negatived the pe r il of the long ba ll ot so far as the office of alderman was concerned ; and as the o fli c e played a large part in deter mining interesting policies and the district was W ie l dy the e ffect of fu ll conformity to our Two L imitations w a s obtained The Municipal V oters Le ague did not nominate candidates but confined its eff or ts to maintaining the Well aimed searchlight which p r evented the aldermen from getting lost in the shadowy j ungle of the huge Chicago ballot Thereupon democracy began to reveal itself incidentally demonstr ating that when the people get what they want what they want p r oves to be bette r government than the poli Chicago t ic i a n s usually ca r e to give them began to see the spectacle of independent can d id a te s for the boar d of aldermen appearing in var ious war ds and winning These inde pendent candidates could muster a fe w friends improvise a private electioneering organiza . , , . , . ’ , - . , , . . , SH OR T 88 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES tion competent to cover the little distri ct get credi t before the peop l e for super ior merit (thanks to the illumination provided by the V ote rs League) and gather in the votes When there was no independent nomination the fear that there might be one if the party nomina tions wer e n ot satisfactory w a s a well founded fear and helped to put the parties on their good behavior Moreover if o n e party nominated a better candidate for alderman than the other party it gained votes whereas in the o ld days o f gloom nobody would have noticed The wieldiness of the district prevented the parties from establishing a defiant monopoly by com bin ation for both parties to make bad nomina tions w a s to invite an independent nomination that could defeat them both ( Note that there w a s no such danger in the case of offices ele cted ” at large fr om the unwieldy c ity !) Year after year the board of alde r men in this envi r onment showed steady improvement “ ” The g r ay wolves w h o had been an appar ently unassailable majority in the board dropped out and stayed out and were r e placed by men w h o for instance could be safely tr usted to represent the people in trac “ ” tion matters D ropped out and stayed out , ’ . , , - . , , , . . . , , , . , SH ORT 90 — BALLOT PRINCIPLE S The success of the M uni cipal V oters League in Chi cago has changed the di r ection o f r e fo r m e flor t s in cities all over the country and the old idea of forming new parties to fight for ci vic imp r ovement has in consequence been la rgely a bandoned I mitations o f the M unici pal Voter s League i n other places have often had indifferent success along the lines of the Chicago campaign T hey can usuall y point to important achievements in othe r fields but none o f these voter s leagues I think can say honestly that they have b r ought about per manent r efor m in the city council Their dif fic ulty l ies in the fact that the legislative bodies in most Ame r ican cities are unimportant in thei r powers and undul y large in their member ship Often they ar e divided into two houses o n the we ll disp r oved theory that if y o u make action of any kind awkward the grafters will get ti r ed of trying to put through their game Membership in these councils is no honor b e cause it involves s o small a share of the powe r “ T he membe r s do n ot play a large part in ” deter mining interesting policies as in Chi cago So when the refor mer in Philadelphia rushes into the newspape r offices with an a c c us a t i on against A lderman Denni s the editor , ’ , , , . ’ . , ’ , , . . , - , . , . , . , FI TS AND M ISFITS 91 instead of g i ving it fr ont page headlines as would his Chicago confrere shakes his head in a bored fashion tucks the item away on a b ack page and neglects to follow it up H e knows that the people will not get stirred up about so insignificant and obscure a publi c i c ia l ofl that th ey wi ll not read any story of municipal scandal unless it touches some con s p ic uous personage such as the mayor A voters leag ue can compensate somewhat for the difli c ult ie s of invisibility by turning on the light ; but to illumine a thing will not n e c e s s a r i ly make the people stare ; the thing must be interesting in itself E xcept in cities wher e aldermen are individually powerful the Voters Le ague recipe for putting the people in control o f poli ti c s will not work - , , . , . , ’ . ’ , . TH E BR ITI S H CI TIE S The city governments of E ngland and Scot land are the admiration of the wor ld They ar e intelligent progressive and e conomical Ward politi cians and reformers are both c on s pic u ous by their absen c e Yet to a political grafter of our country the opportunities would seem ideal The B ritish municipality is r un by the actin g through committees There c ou nc il . . , , . . , . SH ORT 92 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES is conside r able antiquated and outg r own red tape and the p r ope r ty interests in the H ouse o f L o r ds often interfe r e unreasonably with ci t y p r ogr ess In some cities the municipal ope r ation of public utilities gas works str eet car s etc is s o extended that on e tenth of the labor ing population is on the city pay r olls w ith none o f the civil service examination r e s t r ic tions that we should think vital in such a situa ” tion to check patr onage T h e development of wholesale o rganized cor ruption wou l d seem to be inevitable in such an environment I ts absence is n ot to be explained by any superior civic spi r it in the British pub l ic for before the cities wer e organized under the p r esent act rel ating to municipal corpor ations corrup tion in their governments w a s widespread and quite equal in fla g r a n c y to anything w e have eve r had in the United States The e xpla nation is seen when you ride down to business on the tramway on a morning fol l owing a meeting of the city council The doings o f the council ar e sp r ead out in detail in the morning paper the editor ials review the p r oceedings the people ar e chatting on the subject each citizen knows what the councilmen fr om his ward did and criticism is pointed and severe , . , . , — , - — . , . , , . . , , , , . SH ORT 94 BALLO T PRINCIPLES — council could do with imp unity That di ff er ence is sufficient to account for the relative superiority of the Br itish municipality ! H o w was it brought about ? B y some great stirring up of the conscience of the people ? A r e the Br itish citizens by reason of being conscious taxp aye rs or for some other cause more alert on civic matters than our people are ? No Remember that simi l e in the first chapter the stream and the water mill ? The B ritish water mill works so nicely not because the stream is str onger but because the mill tur ns more easily its gears being proper ly adj usted to the ene rgy available T he mechanism by which the B ritish voter contr ol s his city government is a ballot about the size of a post card I t elects the member of council fr om his ward There are t w o names or thr ee on it ; the voter selects one To make up his mind on that simple choice is the whole work of the voter in the cam p a ig n and on election day The chance of his selecting the candidate w h o really best r e pr e sents his wishes is excellent certainly much better than that of an American voter w h o is t rying to make wise selections for thirty o f fic e s at one time ! The B ritish council choos e s . , , . - - , , , . - . . , . , . FI T S AND MI SFITS 95 the aldermen ( who sit in the council ) the mayor whose duties are mostly o rn amental and all other city officers The councilmen simply dictate policies for paid superintend ents to car r y out They do not themselves receive salaries and they give only thei r spar e time t o the city The service does not mean the abandonment of private careers The wards are small and candidates can easily get in personal touch with ever y voter The office is a visible and debatable office since it has a ” large p a rt in dete r mining interesting policies and this fact leads t o fiérc e campaign discus sions N o candidate could hope for success if he did not per m it questions to be publicly a d dressed to him at the conclusion of his speeches ” “ and this heckling does much t o provide a basis for clear opinions among the voters The phenomenon of political peace when things are going right is also noticeable here “ for about one third o f 1 h e time there is no ” contest which means either that at the expira tion of his term no one cares to try to p revent the incumbent from r emaining in office for a n other three years o r that only one candidate has asked to have his name printed on the o f fic i a l ballot C ouncilmen who do well for one , , , . . . . , . , , ‘ . , . , _ , , . SH ORT 96 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES more ter ms and are ready to serve again are so su re t o be r e e lected that it is useless for new candidates t o come for ward Often coun cil membe r s serve for decades This is good government and it r esults from having a form of government which the people readily control The British city is a demo cr acy The T w o Limitations are respected 1 The office is visible 2 The dist rict is wieldy or , . . , . . . . . . TH E G OVERNM ENT OF C OU NTI E S The app l ication o f the L imitations t o county government brings us face t o face with a new difficulty ! a ll the offi ces are practically n u debatab l e T he r e may be a division of opin i on as to which candidate ought t o have the place and its sal ary but that is not a subject o f sufficient import t o make the people take note of the matter and study it carefully enough t o develop cl ear opinions To county positions men can be and fr equently are elected whom the people would n o t think of choosing if the facts were clearly and prom i nently brought t o thei r attention Men who have given good service are displaced wi thout j ustice or r e cognition and other s whose service has been . , . , , . , SHORT 98 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES where the people would see and criti c ise and control it The biggest counties however would not respond All the powers of the county even if concentrated in the hands of a single official are n ot enough to cause a big electo rate to bestir itself to select the best man The absen c e of anyth ing tr uly political or policy determining in the office would make it in vis ible and the people would fail to control I believe that we s hal l ultimately find our way out of the county problem not by invent in g a short ballot county with a responsible chief executive but by gradually abolishing the coun ty as an elector al unit Any work performed on a smal l scale is usually rel a t iv e ly in e fli c ie n t and many county f unctions such as the care of the insane and the poor can be better administered on a large s c ale by the state The s lipshod methods of the typical coun ty clerk c annot be tolerated fore v er and the des irability of uniform methods through out the state will b r ing these officers under central responsible control Sheriff s m a y be replaced by ofli c e r s of a state poli c e e nforcing the state laws ; w e cannot always tolerate the local n ullific a tion of statutes by leaving them to be enforced by independent and therefore . , , . , , . . , , - , . , , , . , . , FI T S AND MISFITS 99 insubordinate local elective officers The con stant speeding up of our means of c om m un ic a tion is making our states steadily smaller and changes of this sort are becoming easier as well as more desirable Another w a y to get rid of at least part of this co unty problem is t o extend the plan used for instance in Port H uron M ichigan where the city ofli c i a ls appoint the local delegation t o the board of supervisors To politicians who play their little hide and s eek games in the county underbrush s uc h a mowing dow n may seem a catastrophe The people in shop and factory and field wi ll never miss the county or r egret its passing , . , . , , , , . - , . , , . ! U D ICIA L O FF IC ER S The question whethe r j udges should be elected or appointed is not to be determined by your opinion or mine as to whether such positions are prope rly political I t should be settled by the answe r to the question Do ” the people want to select their judges ? That answer is not to be obtained by a referendum The opinion o f the theorizing voter is often a rather hazy thing The answer is obtained by “ asking If the j udicial elections were on separate days from other elections would the . , . . , , 100 SH ORT— BALLO T PRINCIPLES bulk of the people study the relati ve merits of the candidates and go to the polls and make the selection ? O r would the j udicial election be ” ignored by all save a minority of the people ? I be l ieve that outside of Village justices the people would usually ignore the judges and allow bosses to put into office any reasonably respectable c andidate E x cep t in some pie t ur e s que emergency the ofli c e does not i n t e r e s t the people enough to make them come out and be counted The proponents o f an appointive j udiciary point t o actual results T hey c an show that New Jersey with its appointed j udges has a higher and abler class o f men on the bench than New York whe r e j udicial nominations are com monly said to be purchasable fr om Tammany for one hund r ed and fifty thousand doll ar s apiece The Federal judiciary is con s i de r e d by lawyers t o be superior in hones t y and ability to the elected j udiciary of most o f the states despite the modesty of the F ederal salar ies B ut there is wide complaint that the a p pointed judges are habitually rea ctionary and lag behind the spi r it of the times Things which seemed j ust yester day are counted unj ust , . . , , , . , . . SH ORT 10 2 S — BALLO T PRINCIPLES TA T E LE GI S LA T UR E S State legislatu res play a large part in deciding interesting policies but state legislators indi vidually play a ve r y smal l par t in deciding them Great as is the powe r of the whole legis la t ur e it is successfully subdivided t o extine tion among an unduly large number of mem bers The best brains o f the state are not in the legislatures and will n o t g o there when they can The governorship will attr act the ablest men at great personal sacrifice but the off er of a seat among the law make r s will n o t for a moment tempt them from their p r ivate careers The legislatures are full of beard l ess lawyers to whom the salary small as it is is important while thei r p r ivate practice is getting star ted To be a legislator is n ot the ultimate goal of their careers but a pot boiler o f the early stages E ven the public leade r s fig h t ing for popular p r inciples often p r efe r n ot t o accept a legislative nomination but t o do their work in getting desirable laws enacted fr om outside Ofte n a party committee will search to find a desirable man w h o is wi ll ing t o a c cept the post ; fo r it is n o light thing for a man o f ability to halt his private p r ogress t o take , . , . , . , — . , , . - , . , , , , . FI T S AND MI SFI TS 103 public ofli c e in which there is so li ttle pr ivate satisfaction or public recog nition Men will take an office in which they anticipate no glory if they c an really feel that what they do there serves their fellow men but they find few such opportunities in a state legislature The power is so slight ! An assemblyman in New York for example is only one one hundred and fif tieth of one half of a legislature that is hedged in by elaborate constitutional r e s tr ic tions and subject to the governor s veto N o one can blame him if he returns to his con s t it ue n t s with none of his purposes achieved His powers are negative rather than positive and hence he cannot win public attention b e cause his position is uninteresting I once asked several hundred voters in B rooklyn on the day after election day if they knew the names of the candidates for assem the most in de pe n d b ly m e n in their district ent district in the state and o f those who were willing to reveal their ignorance only s ixteen per cent could give the names of both candidates This w a s in a year when wide agitation had brought the legislature into unusual prominence I am certain that most o f the voters had opinions to expres s on the a . , , . , , ’ . . , . , , , . . SHORT— BALLO T 104 PRINCIPLES issue of D ire ct Nominations for whi ch Governor Hughes had been fighting ; but in votin g wi thout k now ing the attitude of their own assemblymen on the subje ct they were certainly not exp ressing t hese opin ions The people in many cases must have been voting again st the thing they wanted to support The legislature I repeat determines interes t ing policies but the individual legislator does not play a large part therein and the F irst L imitation of Democr acy is exceeded ; the i c e is not Visible ofl Now legislators cannot be made appoin t i ve To leave them elective and diminish their im portance by providing other ways of law making such as the initiative and referendum is to di vert what littl e l ight now shines upo n them and if the logic of the preceding chap ters is accurate such movements are in the wrong direction useful though they may be as expedients to meet present conditions A better diagnosis of the failure of legisla tures to satisfy public opinion may be based on that symptom in B rooklyn where the people were thin k ing on e way and voting a n “ ” other D elegated gover nment or represent ~ ati ve governm ent we are being told h a s , . . , , , . , . , , , , , , . , , , , SH ORT 1 06 — BALL OT PRINCIPLES control so that when the people have a wish it will be to the interest of legislators to obey and obey quickly At present the legislator has no motive to “ inquire Will my vote on thi s measure please ” for his constituents will m y c onstituents ? not even notice how he voted although they may be interested in the meas ure How diff er ent is the governor s position ! His decision wi l l set a million voters talking and his strength with the people fluctuates every time he signs or vetoes a bil l which interes ts them The voters constantly stand at the go vernor s elbow overseeing his work prodding sug criticising applauding jeering or g e s t in g demanding and o n election day V oting ! An d thereby depends much that is impor tant to the governor not merely continuan ce in offi ce but vindication honor satisfaction a politi c al career all that is involved in c on s pic The rewards for ser ving the n ous success people to their satisfaction are sweet and the penalties for bad service are bitter for a governor I f we could get our legislative representa t ive s into a similar environment we should have less to complain of Theoretically the , . , , . ’ , . ’ , , , , , , , , , , , , . . . , FI TS AND MI SFI TS 1 07 legislator who votes the unpopular way gets punished as the gove r nor does Practically he does not suffer at all The typical voter chee r s on the progress of a popular measure at t he C apitol damns the governor who op poses it but has nothing to say even on the b allot on election day in derogation of the obscure legislative representatives wh o also oppose it This comparative immunity from popular disapproval makes defiance of popular desires easy for our legislatures and consti t ute s an unlighte d environment so unhealthy “ as to account fully for a failure of repr esent Of course it fails ! Re pr e a ti v e government government in our states has no s e n t a t ive where been tr ied as yet under conditions which give it a ghost of a show for success ! N ow suppose w e go in imagination to the opposite extreme with our legislatures and increase the importance of the individual mem bers until they tower up into publ ic View as governors do and become correspondingly sensitive ! That would mean reducing the total number of members to say thirty in a large state like New Yor k or ten in a little state like M aryland I t would mean also an end of the tangle foot double chamber plan and , . . , , , , . , . , , , . - - , SH ORT 10 8 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES the members would sit as a single body as a constitutional convention does with the abil ity to act swiftly for good or i l l R emove also the elaborate limitations of the state c on s t it u tion leaving only the simplest outlines so that the courts would not have to be incessantly thr owi ng statutes into the waste basket The n to be a legislator would be a big honor ! The people would be up on tiptoe to see that the candidates suited them Newspapers instead of editori ally condemning the corruption of the legisla ture in the broad general te r ms which now hit nobody would be talking about R epresenta tive Smith s folly in trying to defeat this bill and Representative Jones s continued stu p idit y in urging that on e ; while the mere sus p ic i on of dishonorable conduct by any r e pr e s e n t a t iv e would start mass meetings all over his district Of course the reduction in size of the legis la t ur e must take into account the necessity of keeping the districts wieldy H o w much too far we should be going in cutting the Ne w York State legislatu r e to thirty members and o n e house I do n o t know B ut we ought to go far enough in that direction to attract t o each member such a glare of natural public scrutiny , , . , - . . , , ’ ’ . , . , . SHORT 1 10 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES all owed to appoint th e rest of th e prese nt state ticket In other states there is wide v ariation New Jersey has no elective admin istrative offices ex c ept the governor There is not even an elective lieutenant governor O hi o Illinois C alifornia South D akota O klahoma and most of the remaining states go to the other extreme and make the voters choose a great mass of pe tty state officers such as the state prin ter trustees of the state un iversity dairy and food commissioner etc The choice Of whi ch officers to e le c t and which to appoint s e ems to have been entirely capricious In all cases these ofli c e r s are invisible I f by a printer s error one of these little offi cers should be omitted fr om the ballot the voters if not notified would vote the ticket and be none the wiser I f the Democrati c nominee for state engineer in New York were by a printer s error slipped into the Republi c an c olumn he would be elected with the Republi c ans unless the voters could be warned ; and there would be a pretty legal tangle t o determine whether the multitude w ho voted a straight ticket were supposed t o know what they were doing or not . . . - . , , , , , , , , , . . . ’ , , , . ’ , , . AND FIT S MI SFI TS 11 1 A conscientious voter trying to accomplish the unnatural and uninteresting task of fin d ing out which of the various candidates for state treasurer was best fitted for his job would be unable to discover enough informa tion about them in the newspapers to justify the formation of an opinion O f general public criticism and counter criticism there is none A candidate can get elected without mak ing a single public speech to plead that he is s u perior in qualifications for the office The people voting as they think best when they know what they think and blin dly e n d or s i n g the party machine in the case of the obscure offices are doing wisely Voting a straight ticket is at least better than voting at random for a par ty machine is somewhat responsible and somewhat desirous of making a good showing B ut the fact that the g reat body of voters will support any respectable figure whom the party machine decides to nominate leaves to the machine complete dis cretion in the matter Accordingly at state conventions the choice of candidate for gov e r n or is almost solely dependent upon what the people will think and the choice of minor offices is almost solely dependent upon what , . - . . , , . , , . , . , 1 12 SH ORT — BALLOT PRINCIPLES a few politicians think The whole matter is settled by a dozen men in the conventions of the t w o p r incipal parties ; and whi l e there may be some doubt as t o which o f the two party groups will win a matter in which the me r it o f these mino r nominations p l ays only an i n significant par t there is n o doubt that these t w o groups hold between them a perfect and unassailable monopoly There is no possibility of a successful independent ungrouped candi dacy fo r a minor state ofli c e to act as a check upon the exercise of the bosses discretion Under either the convention system or any other nominating plan the absence of the people f rom the whole discussion leaves control in the hands of the few w h o are interested enough t o take a hand in the matter The p l an of having the people select these mino r state officials has been attempted and has failed The expe r iment has been thor oughly made and the plan has n o t worked That fa c t is sufficient reason for its abandonment The contrary idea o f appealing to the people by exhortation and p r ayer to take an inte r est in an uninte resting thing is futile Human nature may alter in that direction some day but we cannot wait to see ! . , , . , ’ . , . - . . . , , , . , S H ORT 1 14 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES named the eligible list for the gove r norship name also an eligible list fo r lieutenant g o v - e r n or ? I s n t it true that often the people o f your state have compelled the nomination of a cham pion of ce rtain policies and ideals for the g o v e r n o r s hip and have indolently permitted the party to name on the same ticket for lieutenant gove rnor some party hack whose policies and ideal s we r e j ust the opposite ? H o w often have the people elected a lieutenant gove r nor whom they would n ot have app r oved of fo r a moment if dur ing the campaign a se r ious i ll ness of his supe r io r had b r ought him o ut o f his “ obscur ity into that fierce light which beats upon the th r one T he election of a man whom the people would not favor if they knew him demon strates that the voters have not functioned at the polls as the constitutional convention wanted them to The intentions of those w h o devised the plan we r e good but when tr ied the plan did n ot result in popular control Ther e is no appealing from the test of prae tice to reason and theory The office is not Visible I n offering a theory to explain the results of ’ , — , . , , , . . . FI T S AND MI SFI TS 115 the tes t of practice I am adding only non essential comment for the comfort of the stub “ born reasoner w h o says Drat it the idea ” ought to work anyhow ! NO I t ought not to be expected to work in View of the fact that one v ital factor in the plan is a mass of h u man beings w h o as a t present constituted do no t interest themselves in uninteresting things except under compulsion And the people are too big to be spanked Should we really be disturbed if the death of a lieutenant governor at the beg inning of his term left the succession to an official whom the people did not elect ? , , . , , . . - CHI E F E ! E C U TI V ES In the case of governo r or president the offi c e is visible The district except in the smalles t states is not wieldy Our relative success a s a people in controlling those ofli c e s demonstrates that Visibility is more vital than wieldin ess of district E ven though we must use the poli t i cians ow n machinery to estab lish a hopeful nomination independent c am p a ig n s for the governorship or presidency b e ing almost impossibly di fficult we have often specified the very man who should be chosen , . , . , . ’ , , SH ORT 1 16 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES and almost always ar e obeyed in our require ments as to the type of man who shall be se le c t e d N ever theless in ve r y many cases the conditions ar e far fr om being satisfactory and the people find that they are sharing the c o n trol of these officers with sin ister self established coter ies of political specialists Yet the ve r y men wh o express horror at the short ball ot doctr ine fear ing that it leads towar d autocracy and kings would take most offense at any p r oposal t o dispense with o ur powerful chief executive B ut if the people ar e t o have unthreatened and complete c on t rol ove r all sour ces o f govern m ental authority some way must be found by which the people can dispense with the help of the professional politician when un de r taking t o hi r e a good man for governor There ar e var ious ways of managing it and I grant y o u in advance w e shall never adopt any of them O ne way a bad on e is t o distr ict the state and let elector s be chosen fr om each distr ict l ater t o meet deliber ate and select a chief magist r ate I n the case of the President and Vice President of the U nited S tates this was done B ut the popular mind hurdled ove r the barriers and insisted on dis , . , - . - , , . , , . , . , , . - , . 1 18 SH ORT — BALLO T PRINCIPLES and in new kind o f parties based unshakably on genuine principles w e must seek the solu tion of the remain in g political awkwardnesses of the people , , . C HAPTE R RAM SHA C! LE VIII GOV ERNMEN T compliance wi th the foregoing Limi~ t a tion s of Democ r acy may not be enough to carry us all the way to popular control Re spect for these L imitations puts the people in the driver s seat where they can readi l y reach a n d operate all the controlling leve r s B ut suppose the governmental organization be like on e of those first unreliable coffee mi l l ca r s of the earliest days of the automobile industry so loose and weakly j ointed that it is incapable of obeying the people e ffectivel y no matte r how hard they work the levers ? S uch a government is the most supinely disobedient government imaginable and a government that is likely to di sobey so contin ually cannot be called a de A RE . ’ . - , , m oc r a e y ! The favorite and cleverest American method of balki ng the people in this fashion is based on checks and o ur ancient supe r stitious belief in “ ” ” balances and the separation of power s An imaginary instance helps to keep us clear of old . SH ORT 120 — BALLOT PRINCIPLE S fallacies s o let us do some supposing S uppose the peop l e o f th is count ry are to send to E u r ope a gr oup of popul a r rep resentatives to conduct ce rtain impor tant negotiations and labors H aving elected the right men by adherence to the T w o L imitations we have been discussing d o we then p r oceed to allow them t o sit as one body hire their own expert help execute their own decisions and take responsibility fo r s e c ur ing for us the resul ts we want ? O h n o ! F orsooth we must pick out one membe r from that dele g a ti on isolate him and give him power to undo the work of al l the others with a veto ! Then w e must divide the r emainder into t w o houses so as t o multip l y chances for disag reement and make it har d for a bad measu r e t o get th r ough Then as there wi l l be ce rtain clerks and financial offi c i a ls needed t o handle detai l s o f this wo r k we wi l l ourselves pick out othe r members of the de l egation call them cle rk tr easu r er etc and give them certain independent powers of ove r sight and interference And when w e shipped this complicated ramshackle organi zation to E urope we should expect it t o handle its work efficiently without deadlocks hold ups delays or quarrels ! Why it is organi zed for inefficiency ! If that . , . , , , , . , , , . , , . , - , , , , SH ORT 122 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES sit on several separate statutory pedestals ” ” ” B oard of Works called C ouncil M ayor ” “ ” “ Tax C omm ission Comptroller etc each having power to slap the face of the others and when the people fail to secure obedience to their wi ll they must bur row thr ough a labyrinth of detail to find out w h o is responsible for the hold up The plan so multiplies the blocking power of honest disagreements that the gov e r n m e n t like an automobile with a separate motor at every wheel is almost incapable of that orderly harmony which is necessary for efficient low fr i c t ion e d action A city so organized might have and often does have a S hort B allot with no obscur e offices and Wieldy distr icts B ut without a rea “ sonable U nification of Powers to enable it to obey the people it may simply quiver under the je rked levers and helplessly fail to move as directed To be sure if we have elected the right me n they may waive their di ff erences may not take advantage of opportunities to block and check when they ar e in the minority may not use the chances to betray the people without get ting spotted B ut in a complete democracy the mechanism must be designed so that har , , , , , , . , , , - . , , - . , , . , , . , , , . RA MSHAC ! LE G O VERNMEN T 123 m on y of action c an be compelled n ot merely urged “ Unification of Powers makes it possible to se c ure the necessary clear publi c loca tion of responsibility I n our city plan of govern ment for in stance responsibility is obscured W hen some thin g goes wrong the people blam e the mayor the mayor tells them to blame the council the council t ells them to blame the board of works and the board of works blames the mayor thus sending the people around a c ircle without giving them any satisfa ction E ach officer in the circle may really have a v alid ex c use an d might conceivably ask and secure r e ejle c t ion year after year while the people are v ainly trying to enforce their will Making an officer s responsibility in visible is as undesirable as m ak ing the officer himself in visible The pra ctical solution somet imes is for the people to secure unity of c ontrol by allowing a boss to put in power puppets who wi ll yield to his dictation and then hold the boss morally responsible ! There is obviously a loss in the ability of the people to hold an official accountable if they themsel ves choose his subordinates The stockholders of a corporation who choose not m erely the dire ctors but also the business man — . . , , . , , , , , . . ’ . , . SH ORT 124 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES ager wo uld not thus gain additional control over the business but would lose In choosing the manager they are di minishing the power o f their othe r servants the directors and are fu rnishing the latter with an opportunity to say ” “ I t s n ot our fault when things go wr ong L ikewise in our cities which elect a council and ” mayor the people have no more power than the people of a city whi ch elects only a council I n the latter case the people s council is more power ful that s all and the c on tr ol by the people which is the real thing we are after is the more complete in the simpler plan The innate inefficiency of even the simplest instance of separated power s is seen in cities gover ned by mayor and council where the mayor s selections of his executive helpers r e qui r e confir mation by the council while the council makes ordinances and approp r iations and levi es the taxes Gener ally an exchange o f functions ensues The members of the coun cil not being held responsible for the conduct of the administrative departments either legally or in the popular m ind proceed to inter fe r e recklessly with departmental appointments refusing to cooperate with the mayor until thei r friends have been given lucrative posi . , , , ’ . , , . ’ — ’ , , , , . ’ , . , . , , , , SH ORT 126 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES pin g a graf t may in some circumstances actually be g reater than the resultin g advantage war rants The civic inertia in many an A merican city has vanished immediately upon the adop tion of the sensitive C ommission Plan of Go v O ur people seem to have been made e rn m e n t ” ove r says an expe rienced ofli c ia l and ex mayor “ of Des M oines They are inte r ested in m u n i c ip a l matters n o w and are willing to sub sc r ibe money and energy for city improvement with an un fla gg in g enthusiasm we never saw ” before An other ingenious A merican way of balking the people even when they fin d themselves at the controlling levers of a workable car is to tie the steer ing wheel State constitutional c on v e n t ion s which assume l egislative functions and c rystallize their humanly defective foresight into rigid w ritten documents often do this So do l egislatures which hand down to cities spe c ific a lly enume r ated and limited powers and charters which in fle xib ly regulate administra tion down t o its details so that every imp r ove ment in e fli e ie n c y calls for the passage of a special enab l ing act or amendment by remote and uncomprehending legislators The idea of thus tying up the steering wheel and shortening . - , . . , , . , . , , , , . RAM SH AC ! LE G O VERNMEN T 1 27 its turning arc is to make it certain that the car “ ” will go straight ahead Straight ahead may lead over bumps and stones and through deep speed slackening sand F lexibility is essential to responsiveness and real control The elective public servants who constitute the people s steering wheel are not servants at all if they are bound hand and foot by red tape Consti t ut ion s unless made primitively short and sim ple or made of rubber by great ease of amend ment as in Ok lahoma are often n ot g uarantees of liberty but rather denials of popular con trol O ften we see roun dabout evasion of a state constitution frankly managed and j usti fie d as a triumph of the popula r will over an obstacle ! S imple and thoroughly unified governments that can do things simple state constitutions municipal home rule and county home rule on the new C alifornia plan which allows each county to devise and run its o wn government all these and more things too are among the requirements that demand consideration in “ ” building a democracy that will de m oc the gove r n C ondensing the idea further This is a m e n t m us t be s tr on g a n d un ha m pe r e d Third L imitation of D emocracy . , - . . ’ , , - . , , , . , , , , , . . . S H ORT 128 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES Weak disjointed ramshackle governments are more than eve r undemocratic in these days of the great private cor porations which in their wealth and resources loom over our feeble pub lic organizations and make the latter look like infants pol icing giants C onsidering how the people a re contesting with private powers for the control of privilege and the natural sources of wealth the demand for stronger governments unhampered governments that c a n O bey b e comes part of the unwr itten modern bill of rights You will find when you speak of gov e r n m e n t a l simp l ification to a politician he will “ ” c ry That s confe rring too much power ! O ne of his cr onies that famous beast called “ Pr ivi l ege will say the same for Pr ivilege dearl y l oves to race with a slow wheezy ma chine that runs uncertainly and stops i r e quently for readj ustments and repai r s ! B ut your champion of popular rights will not shiver a bit The people wi l l pe rhaps want t o wait till they are surely in contr ol They have seen othe r untrusted forces controlling so much in the past that to increase the strength of the g ov e r n m e n ts begets fear of misuse of the enlarged powers So no doubt we shall have to be con tent w ith getting the S hor t B allot first When , , . , , , . , ’ , , , , , . . . . C HAPTER PA RTI E S A ND WH ! I! T H EY C ANNO T BE RES P ON S I B LE the clumsiness and complexity of politics l eave the bulk of the people staring hel p l essly into its shadowy j ungle those few vol unteers who leave other occupa tions and g o in and maste r the ramifications “ and practical detai l s of it ar e called politi ” cians Or to reve rse the definition a politi c i a n is a citizen who knows what he is doing o n election day Wh en a political system is incomplete stretching only part way toward the up reachin g people w h o are supposed to Operate it the necessary improvised in f ormal volun tee r machinery that fills the gap is called a “ ” political machine When a considerable number of the people come to believe in a cer tain state policy in dis tinction t o others of the people who disbelieve “ in it the groups are called parties A party to be e fle c tive needs some sort of H EN S , . , , . , , . , , . ' PART IES 1 31 organization t o bring about unity of action among its members hence the formation of party machinery and of party machines The machines in operating a governmental mech an ism s o c omplicated that their actions are not subject to adequate review by the rank and file of the party acquire the opportunity to use unchecked discretion in the name of the par ty and become more powerful than the party O riginally intended to be only the obedient steering engine of the ship responsive to the touch of the wheel on the captain s bridge the party machine has become conscious of its power t o dir ect the ship and has done so there by acquiring Virtual command The object of a party is the installation of a principle in the government The object of a party machine is continuance in power The party and the machine are two very d ifle r e n t things The R epublican party for example was at the time of its foundation a genuine party founded for a specific purpose This object was and after a few s uccessfully accomplis h ed years when all danger that the nation m i ght undo the work was safely past all reason for the further exi stence of the Republican party had v anished Fro m that time on the Repub . , , . - , ’ , , . . . . , , . , , . , BALLO T PRINCIPLES SH ORT 1 32 — lican party w a s not a true party at all inas much as its members were not a g roup of voters bonded together to establish a principle Ne w questions arose upon whi ch Republicans were not all agreed ; the party lines no longer fol lowed certain planes of natural cleavage of ” “ opinion and the party became an artificial and purposeless union of m ore or less un c on genial voters B ut the powerful par ty machines were still existent and had no thought of con senting to be sen t to the s crap heap Then ce forward the Republican party w a s only a ma chine plus a n enr ollment of more or less willing habit dr iven voters A Republican victory after the war meant the tr iumph of no particul a r principle but only the success of a machi ne i n grasping power From a position of power in the machi ne the high minded men w h o founded it for a purpose were soo n displa ced in favor of men who were more effective m achinists S o far a s possible new principles were sup pressed lest they di vide the party s follow in g When issues became too important to be ei ther ign ored or straddled the Republi c an party would take one side the D emo cratic party the other A ll good Republicans were expecte d to adj us t their ideas a ccordingly and become , . , , . - . , , - . , . - . ’ . , , . SH ORT 1 34 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES Persistent arg uing by reformer s in our cities has convinced the people that national policies have no bear ing upon city policies and the fact that a man approves R epublican national policies is n o reason why he should app r ove “ what happen t o be Republican city policies B ut although we have been less often urged to r ecognize it there is no natural unity b e tween state and national parties either We ought in theory to have one set of national par ties battling on national policies othe r sets of state parties dividing on state issues sets of par ties in each county each city each township F or on each o f these pol itical batt l e fie lds the g r ouping of men accor ding t o their opinions wi ll p r oduce di fferent combinations To make the same company fight as a unit for so many differ ent causes means inevitably that some of the soldie r s will be on sides they do not really favor and thus public opinion is sup pressed In fact it is only logical to carry the idea furthe r When the cor one r is made elective it is to be presumed that there is Opportunity ther e for a di ff erence of opinion that for in stance the people are expected to di vi de on such is sues as whether to elect a coroner who pro , . , . , , , . , - . . , . , — , , PART I ES 1 35 poses to buy an automobile to answer calls quickly or to elect his opponent w h o will save money and let the cases wait while he comes by str eet car No issues conce rning the cor oner ship can possibly be allied t o issues concerning the county clerkship the sheriff s office or the surrogate s or any other office Accordingly if parties ar e to consist of people who agree on a given policy we must have separ ate par ties for every offi ce ! O f cou r se this is absolutely imp r acticable but it serves to illustrate h o w utte rl y impossible it is for any such comp l i ~ with its multiplicity c a t e d system as ours o f elective offices t o be at all these points of contact with the people r esponsive to their movements Lo ng ballots so far fr om making the gove r nment sensitive to public opinion actually balk and bewilde r public opinion making it ce r tain that multitudes will ever be voting against their own desi r es Unable to operate so complicated a key board the people have done the next best thing and have delegated their functions whole sale to the party machines Average voters use their ow n j udgment s o far as they have light and put responsibility for a ll the rest of the work upon the party Fe w v oters in large , . ’ , , ’ . , , , , , , , . , , , . , . , . S H ORT 136 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES communities can name all the men they vote for o n any el ection day They vote fo r gover no rs mayors and presidents in accor dance with we ll conside red opinions but for the ” “ invisib l e state t reasurers membe r s of legis la tur e s county c l erks city solicitors etc they vote a straight ticket without even read ing the names I t would do them small good if they did read the names for the minor Offices rar ely have enough to do with interesting policies to fu rnish food for discussion and in consequence the newspape r s pay little atten tion to them If the pa rty label we r e unexpect most voter s e dly omitted fr om the ba ll ot would pore over the l ist of nam es helplessly and would consider themse l ves cleve r if they could so much as recollect which o f the minor candidates had been nominated by their party There is no idea in the citizen s mind of c om par ing the candidates man for man and se leeting the best man in each case H e lacks the information on which t o base an opinion and in voting a straight ticket he expresses none except t o show that he conside r s the bosses in hi s part y more r eliab l e than the gang that runs the othe r party Theoretically if his party nomi nates a bad man for county clerk it will . , , - , , . , , , , . , , . , , . ’ , . , , . , SH ORT 1 38 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES ing for a share of the pie of patronage This coterie becomes the c l earing house a slate is prepared that balances up the conflicting claims as evenly as possible r esulting usually in division regardless of the merit of candidates and the slate is pre o n a geographical basis sented to the convention and accepted intact The bosslet who has wrested from the com m it te e the right to name the attorney gen eral of the state naturally expects that the nominee after election wi ll be duly grateful and will repay him out o f the t r easury of the state The payment may be in the form of j obs that are easy enough to l eave time for political ” activity or in the fo r m o f influence that can be privately marketed to seekers of privi lege I t is all Very simple and very familiar and it all has its r oot in the fact that the people have not been s e lecting such o fli c ia ls but have only been e lecting them The party machine has acquired and is exercising a power that properly should remain in the hands of the people N ow to give a pa rty machine the righ t t o make a nominat ion is n ot giving it any power whatever if that nomination is to be adequately scrutinized and if also there is chance for a . , , , , , . - . , , . . . , PARTIES 139 compe t i tor to en ter the con tes t A corrupt machine is powerless to do evil under such circumstances and is not in the least danger ous B ut when scrut iny is wanting the ma chine is left with unchecked discretion and that is power great power I can safely pur chase apples from any mer chant if I am allowed to subject the entire barrel to adequate examination B ut if the merchants know I c annot do more than look at the top of the barrel sooner o r later some merchant w ill pu t bricks in the bottom and I shall be cheated My nat ural recourse is to trade only at a shop where my experience has been satisfactory W e patronize the party shop in this w a y when we acquire the habit of voting a ticket with a c ertain label B ut there is this dis t in c tion ! the apple shop remains in the same hands year after year ; if the rival merchant wants to cheat me he c annot easily acquire control of the store where I trade and thus get into a posi tion where he can take advan tage of my confiden ce B u t the politi c al shop is cons tantly changin g hands The controlling spirits in it to day are only a m i n ority to morrow R arely does a state . . , , . . , . . . , . - . - . SH ORT 1 40 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES now per mit a p ar ty to be a close corporation The parties are gove rned u l timatel y by the rank and fi l e a topsy tu r vy ar my in which the gener al s are e l ected by the captains and the captains by the p r ivates And the p r ivates consist of anybody w h o wants to j oin A politi cal machine cannot resist contamination Any man honest or otherwise may j oin it and must be welcomed I n many states the law specifically p r otects him in the privilege of e n roll ing and of shar ing in the inte rnal govern ment o f the party T o place political power in such unguarded exposur e is to make it ce r tain that the power wi l l sooner or later fall into the hands of cor rupt m e n The whole process is automatic and inevitable The opportunity to cheat will a t tract the cheater s and the cheaters must be we l comed To say that the dominant political machine in eve ry community is corrupt is n o reflection on the community or even o n the it is only another way of saying machine that the dominant machine is the o n e that gets corr upted The moment it acqui r es power the g r afters begin t o j oin it There is n o a dv a n tage in corrupting a party that is in a hopeless min ority . , , - . . . , , . . . . . — . , . . BALLO T PRINCIPLES S H OR T 142 — to shoulder with men who had not taken the ideals of the Union seriously who clamor ed for patronage and demanded that the officials whom they had elected allow them to sack the to w n exactly as Tammany had in the past When the elected ofli c ial s proved ungrateful and unwil ling to create a permanent Citizens Union machine and support it out o f the city tre a sury these helpers we r e bitte rly aggrieved and the Union was r ent with internal warfare The al tr uists won eventually but only after a long fight in which the party s political streng th was recklessly sacrificed to save the p r incipl e In Philadelphia the state law governing primary p r ocedur e makes entrance to a party quick and easy The reformers organize a r e form party and nominate reform candidates Immediately the grafters enroll in the new party and the next time the party makes nominations the r eformers find themselves outvoted by their n e w and unwelcome asso ciates and the reform party nom inates gr afters T hereupon the true reformers hold an indigna tion meeting adopt a new name establish a new party leav ing the p revious one to an early death and the procedure is repeated , . ' ’ , , . , ’ . . . , . , , , . PART I ES 143 There are two answers to the difficulty O ne is to deprive the part y of all power by sub j c eting its nominations to popular examination unde r such circumstances that every imp r oper nomination will be easily detected and wi ll result in the immediate offering Of something more satisfactory by active or latent political competitor s F ull obedience to the L imitations of D emocracy would place the people in a political environment wher e they cou l d at any moment dispense with unfaithful leadership and th us make cheating unprofitable B ut in a previous chapter I ag r eed that we were never likely t o dispense with elected presidents and governors the unwieldiness of whose districts will always leave some work for political machines We must eventually adopt also another expedient namely build machines right side up and make guarded leaders responsible for the party policies leav ing the people fancy fr ee t o rally t o the party of whichever leaders w i n their confidence . , , . . , . , , , - . C HAPTE R ! LEADER S H I P PART I E S H E government should be a democracy but the party shoul d be an autoc r acy And cur iously enough to make the parties autoc r atic will help to make the government a democr acy I n no other w a y except by clumsy initiative and referendum devices can we separate the peop l e into principle united g roups to be c ounted at elections so that their wi shes can be accurate l y determined At p r esent writing ( 19 11) there is in the United States a strong insurgent progressi v e movement led by certain men in C ongress w ith a probable majo r ity of the people in the country ready to follow their leaders h ip T h e Pr ogressives are dissatisfied with both the o ld parties and suspicious of their manage ments If no new par ty is formed lack of organization and direction w ill leave the Pro g r e s s iv e s scattered confused and far less e f fe c t i v e than their numbers entitle them t o be If a new party is formed on the t r aditional , . , , . - . , . . , , , . S H ORT 146 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES or professional progress Accordingly t heir w o r k must be li m ited in amount and sporadic I t cannot be incessant and thorough Against them are the se l f seekers to whom a p rinciple seems wholly academic and ama t e ur i s h T o them success m e a n s a live l ihood and a caree r whe reas t o the voluntee r s suc cess i s a t the c os t of l ive l ihood and caree r T o the professional int r igue circumvention o f ideals and petty political detai l s ar e a normal par t of the day s wo rk The man with the fewest ideal s has the fewest handicaps in the peanut pol itics incident to factional st rife If the P rogressives form a party of the old type the refor e this party wil l not long r emain tr ue to its ideals and the Prog ressives will soon be again without a ral l ying point Just as in New Yo rk State n ow certain Republican distr ict conventions declar e against the p r o posed Di r ect Nominations la w while in a d j oining dist ricts other Republican conventions are favoring the measu re so the Progressive party would soon be a p r inciple dodging o r di v i d e d machine plus a misce ll aneous en r ol l ment instead of a great union of believe r s in certain p r inciples The Pr ogressives are in fact simply the fol . . . - , . , . , , , ’ . . , - . ’ , , - , . LEAD ERSH IP PART I ES 1 47 lowers of certain conspicuous well k nown and well beloved leaders Why not recognize the fact fr an k ly and build on it ? S uppose a group of these leaders who have perfect mutual confidence for m themselves “ ” into The Progressive C ommittee They agree that their membership in that commit tee shall be unassailable They fill by appoint ment all vacancies in their ow n number that may occur by death or resignation When con g r e s s i on a l elections approach they meet and draw up the Progressive platform of the year detailing those legis l ative proposals which they be l ieve should be enacted by the next C ongr ess When this platform is published the desire to win the support o f Prog r essive voter s will lead some candidates publicly to endor se the platform S ometimes these candidate s will be since r e sometimes n ot In some dis t r i c ts all candidates will endorse the platform ; in other districts all the candidates will dodge it o r oppose it The P rogressive C o m mittee after due examination of conditions and can did a te s in the various dist r icts issues its e n dor s e m e n t t o on e man in each ( calling a new candidate into the field if necessar y) saying “ to the people This man in your district has - , , - . . . . , . , . , . , . , , , SH ORT- BALLO T 148 PRINCIPLES subscribed to the Progressive platform ; we be l ieve him sincere and capable ; w e hope y o u ” wil l elect hi m If the Progressive C ommittee did truly enjoy the confidence of the Progressive vote rs this hoisting of the col ors would rally the party e fle c ti v e ly year after year True Progressives wou l d be glad to find i n the field a candidate who represented them a c c ur a te ly and would have no reason to wo rr y about the procedure that brought him the r e Anti Progressives on the other hand would be helpless to perve rt the Progressive par ty for the Progressive Committee is self chosen and there is no way of attacking it except i n fr ont To their hypoc ritical protests agains t exclusion from a share in the c ontrol the C om “ m itt e e serenely says ! Take your complain t to the people ! F orm a rival party on any lines y ou like and attract followers to you r flag ” if you can There could be n o objection to having ea ch substantial division of Opi n i on among the people led by its self appoi nted committee The followers of these leaders do not choose the leaders by intra par ty elections or for mally determine where the par ty shall m arch yet . , ' . , . - , , , - . , , . - . - , , S H ORT 15 0 — BALLOT PRINCIPLE S We ar e n ot s o very far from this even now In many cities the r e ar e al r eady nominating bodies such as the rebuilt Citizens U nion i n New York C ity which are p r actically cl osed against invasion The plan is the result o f ex pe r ie n c e wherein the impossibility of maintain ing pure refo rm par ties has been amply demon The direct primaries have opened s t r a te d up new political fields where the absence of party labels f r om the ballot has clea r ed the w a y for free leadership I n these primary fights real pol itics has appeared in favorable con t r ast t o the ar tificial for mal t r umpe r y of so many final e l ections ; and men have been chosen “ by the voter s because they we r e N ew I dea ” “ ” “ Republicans o r L a F ollette men o r Anti “ ” Rai lroad or L ocal option advocates The peop l e have not r esented attempts at leader ship but have welcomed them and even cried o ut for them ; and when they found a publi c man in whom they trusted they have forced him to speak and guide them when perhaps he would r athe r have kept silent Often the fol l owe r s of a ce r tain informal g r oup o f l eaders seeking t o advance a certain idea fight for thei r candidates in the primar ies of both parties The development of the primary . ’ , , . , . , , , , , . , . , , . LEAD ERSH IP PART IES 15 1 as a batt le g round will make the meaningles s party di v isions seem more meaningless than e ver and the next logical step will be the non partisan primary and the non partisan final ele ction ballot wiping out the strategi c a d vantage which the machines now possess The “ ” attitude of v oters toward the regul ar nomi nees in the primary fi ghts when they lack the san ctity of the part y labe l is mu ch more freely critical The typical politician is usually more e ffective as a manipulator of machinery than as a leader of the people Slightly different in method but iden ti cal in their fun ction of leadership are the ci vi c organizations which are so governed that con t a m in a t ion can be resisted by excluding un w e l come appli c ants for membership a s a so cial club does These o rganizations working for a principle win outside suppor t among the voters and their endorsement becomes valuable to can dida te s It is only one step further for these or g a n iza t ion s to foster satisfacto r y nominations or even t o nominate offic i a lly in their own name The idea of par ties controlled from above instead of from below is thus not so new as i t probably looked when first outli ned at the b e ginning of this discussion - , - , . . . , , , , . , , . , . . SH ORT 152 — B ALLO T PRINCIPLES In England the plan has been in use In each of the parties a central self established committee selects the candidates for each dis t riet (in E ngland candidates need n ot be r esi dents of thei r distr icts ) and sends them out to campaign for the votes T h e convenience and simp l icity o f the p r ocedure from the stand point of both the vote r s and the leaders is in its favor and as we become more fami l ia r with fr ee fo r all direct primary fights on a g r eat “ scale I think this leadership type of party wil l become inc reasingly common I t is a rathe r essential featu re o f this plan that the par ties shall be as f ree as possib l e to form and dissolve in the most informal fashion They need n ot be and apparently had better n o t be recognized in la w or regu lated except as to their expenditur es A can d id a t e who makes s o little impression on the popular consciousness that the vote r s need a label t o identify him on the ballot ought not t o be elected at all ; for such a condition im plies a n in vi sibility that is both dangerous and undemocratic The ballots in othe r countries never carry any party labels One of the best features of short ballots will undoubted l y be the fact that they can be non partisan without . — . , - - - , . , . , , . , . . — C H APTER ! I NOM I NATI ON PRO C EDURE an enormous mass of statutory law Ame rican states have been attempting to int r oduce fai r play into the myriad factional battles incident t o the operation of poli tical parties as at present organized I t was thought that if orderliness we r e intr oduced the aver age A merican wou l d find political details less repu l sive and would take hold and see to it that the party nominees were more s a t is fa c tory To a ce rtain extent the hope has been justified by r esults B ut sometimes this p r o c e d ur e only opened the doo r s wide r t o the easy entr ance o f corr upt men and made swifter the contamination o f whichever par ty acqui r ed dom inance The new p r ocedur e could n o t make uninte resting things inter esting That the method of nominating the co r oner was fair t o all was n ot enough t o make the big busy pub l ic take an inte r est in it and s o the r emain ing fe w w h o w e r e interested continued to find small difli c ulty in having thei r own way The Y , . , . . , . . , . NOMINAT ION PROC EDU RE 155 whole attempt to enable the people to protect the pre cious party label from capture was a very incom plete success because the people failed to play their part according to the beautiful theory A wiser reform would have been to make the party label less worth c apturing by shortening the final election ballot until th e voters looked for the candidate instead of hi s label To plough a little deeper into the subje ct the problem m ay be quartered a ccordi n g to the nature of the offi ce as follows Nom i nations of l Invisible ofli c e r s from un wiel dy di s tr ict s ; 2 I n vi s ib le offic e rs from Wie ldy districts ; 3 V isibl e Offic e rs from unwie l dy di s tri c t s ; 4 V isibl e offi ce rs from Wi e ldy distri cts , . , . , ‘ . . . . . I n the first two classes the fact that the offi cers are shut off from public view (by their in s ign i fic a n c e or un de b a t a b le n e s s of chara cter or by the confusion of many simultaneous con tests ) means that the public will have no opin ion to express and nothing is gained by the provi sion of better procedure for the expres s ion of this non exi stent O pinio n I n the third class direct primaries m ay be Of great v alue ; but they are really in this c as e , , , - . , , , SH ORT 156 — BALLO T PRINCIPLES simply weeding out elections wherein the people are a rbitrar ily divided into two par ts “ ” “ called respectively Republican and D emo ” cratic To have a non partisan ballot with all nominations made by petition and allow the two leading candidates to appear on the ballot in the final election woul d be merely a change of form not of principle M uch evi den ce of the danger incident to unwieldy districts is developed in direct primary con tests for governor ; and candidates c omplai n bitterly of the difficulty and expense of c o n ducting an adequate state wide can v ass with out the help of experienced ready made v ote getting m achines The fourth class illustrates how respe c t for our first two L imitations of Demo cracy clears away difficulties F or any proced ure will suf fic e that will get the candidates names on the ofl i e ial ballot subject to such reasonable restri ction as will exclude cranks and other c andidates who have no real following The ballot c an be non partisan for if the o ffice is Visible the voter will n ot beg for a label to guide him Thi s dispenses with primaries and the state regulation of parties altoge ther although a double election or a preferenti a l bal - - , . , , . , - - . . ’ , . - , . , S H OR T 158 — BALLOT PRINCIPLES ber of candidates who would be able to get five thousand signatures in B oston witho ut overlapping V oter s w h o were fearful lest some favor ite of their s would need their signa ture were the r efore char y of signing for any As a o n e else and ended by signing fo r no one r esult o f these handicaps there were final l y only four candidates on the ballot for mayor although several times as many men undertook to qualify T h e cost constituted the real ba r r ie r T wo of the candidates received fewer votes than the number of names on their petitions I t is t o be questioned if nomination by peti tion can stand the st r ain of regular use I t w a s r epo r ted in 19 10 that in Los Angeles some o n e opened an o ffice and conducted a business in the prepar ation of petitions for candidates and referenda movements with a corps of e pe rt canvasse r s to go forth and collect sig natur es ou behal f o f anybody and anything at s o much a thousand There is nothing un be lie v a b le in the r epo rt and its plausibility de m on s t r a t e s h o w meaningless petitions may be President R oosevelt once remarked to a Visi t or w h o flourished a petition in support of his “ request ! Petition ? Petitions mean nothing ! . . , . . . . , . , . NOMINAT ION PROC ED URE 15 9 ” I could get up a petition to have you hanged ! A nother illustration is the success of the I n dependence Le ague i n getting thousands of signers for the petitions that put the names of Hearst s candidates on the official b al lots of certain western counties in which the party received not a single vote in the subsequent election A s a demonstration that a candidate has a following and is entitled to a place on the bal lot for the convenience of his followers the pe tition is a failure The petition then must be reckoned as simply an arbitrar y barr ier compounded of useless labor expense and delay and risk of legal error the surmounting of which indicates persisten ce in the candidate A n y barrier which will keep out silly candidatures would suffi c e and woul d save a lot of fruitless e xpe n di ture I n parts of C anada and in New ! ealand the c andidate must make a deposit of money fifty to two hundr ed dollars as an earnest of his serious intentions and if he fails to get a decent proportion of the votes on election day the city keeps the money as paymen t for ha v ing bee n bothered by him ’ . , . , , , , . . , , , . SH ORT 160 BALLO T PRINCIPLES — The forfeit should be as large as experience may show is necessary to exclude cranks and no larger The requirements will not embar ras s the candidate of small means for it need n o t be required o f him until j ust long enough before the election to allow the ballot printer to do his wor k B y that time the campaign will be almost closed and the candidate will k now beyond a doubt whether he is a facto r in the contest If he is afr aid that he will not get the r equired ten or twenty per cent of the votes the pe ril of forfeit will be an induce ment to drop out This will be a good thing for eve rybody especia ll y the voter s whose votes ar e less likely t o be wasted on for lo r n hopes If he cannot satisfy some money lender that he will get the requi r ed m i n i m um of votes he wi l l certainly be unable to get a p lur a li ty If he has real hopes o f victory he will have no serious diffi culty in borr owing the necessary cash for a fe w days and the use of it even at usur ious interest will involve far less e xpe n “ dit ur e than the getting up of a big N otary ” P ub li c k e d petition Under these circums tan ces the real formal ity of nomination would occu r when the candi date began to tell the neighbors of his ambi , . , - . , . , . , , - . , . , . C HAPTER ! II S C ON C LU I ON now my dear reader we have our practical form of democ r acy all com p le te ! B y means o f disregarding all detail and handling the elements of democracy as if they were al l p r imitively simple and free from myr iad r am ifications o ur imaginary recon str uction has all the fascination of the panacea To the reader who thinks the plan really com This little p le te I off e r a rest r aining hand book is only a so rt o f compass I t points to the nor th but it may lead a too devout b e liever not to the magnetic pole o f truth but plumb up against the wall of the hous e next door I t points north but the proper route is de vious and much exploration will be needed to find it T o the reader who is sure that at some point fam i liar to him the prope r r oute lies athwart “ my compass need l e I say ! Perhaps and for a little while ; but I have confidence that you will find your self winding presently north A ND , , . , . . , . , , , . , . , , CONC LUSION 163 again that permanent progress will be meas ur e d along the comp as s line and that when you d o find it advantageous to go to the right or left it is because that leads to a better north ” ward r oad I anticipate the cr iticism that my book is but scantily supplied with evidence and I h a sten to say that I know it The tr ouble w ith a fact is that it is never found pu r e but is a l ways alloyed and if I essayed to stop and note all exceptions anticipate all misunderstand ings and measure all qualifications this would be a ten volume treatise and you would never read it I am n ot trying to compile the e vi dence If I have made you see reasonableness in these doctrines I shall be satisfied I have simply sketched the idea on the back of an old envelope and the working plans must be draw n by abler architects with better equipment I hope some day to see the book written in which these crude outlines of mine w ill be straightened measured a n d supplied with the needed details , , , . , . , , , , , - . . . , , . , , . My expe r ience with politicians in sundry little tilts I have had with them leads me to believe that to them this book like any other discus , SH ORT 1 64 — B ALLO T PRINCIPLES ’ sion that takes a bird s eye View of their pro fe s s i on wil l be incomprehensible I can make far easier headway with the man w h o is not s o near the fo r est that the trees obscu r e his Vision I have found the politicians utter ly unaware that there are any fundamentals un d e r ly in g their existence Le t me tell y ou Mr P olitician w h o y o u are and what you are and why ! It will serve t o the l istening reader as a summing up of this volume ! o u Mr Politician are a unique A merican pheno m enon ! I n any othe r democ r atic country y o u would find yourself with nothing t o d o ! o u wou l d find that in other lands politic s “ corresponds t o the wor d civics in this coun tr y that it conce rns policies rather than politi cal machiner y and is respectable instead of despised B ut in this country y ou a r e necessary The designer s of our governmental institutions sitting in constitutional conventions and char ter commissions provided ce rtain work for the people t o do and the people did n t d o it I t was arr anged that cor oners should be selected by the people but the people went home to bed and l eft the r ival candidates - . , . . . , , , , . . , , . , , . . , , ’ . , SH ORT 1 66 BAL LO T PRINCIPLES — You fought the other less faithful guardians of the treasure t o protect ou r inte r ests and we on l y damned y o u indiscr iminately as thei r fel l ow conspirator The damage that y o u permitted was as nothing to the damage y ou p revented B y electing only Visible officers and fr om W ie l dy distr icts politics can be simplified so that the people the candidates and the state will pe rfo r m all the work that is t o be done leaving y o u n o function The r e can be n o poli tical specialists when ther e is nothing t o be a political special ist in ! As I lay y o u in your grave there passes from o ur Ame rican life a picturesque and original characte r genial use ful unthanked ! Of cou r se this is only a theoretical obituary ! “ ” And unti l we get a democ r acy that de m oc s please Mr Po l itician please stay above the s od maintaining your wobbly oligar chy to prevent governmental chaos and collapse ! s i b i li ty . , . . , , , , . , , , , , , , . , , , T hat the people have left the government to be run by politicians is creditable t o the for mer s good sense I magine some less substantial e l ecto r ate such as t h e more me r cu r ial p op ula tion of a L atin republic assailed with frenzied ’ . , , CONCLUSION 1 67 appeals t o leave business and go into poli ” tics They might do it to the utter de m or a liz a tion of industry prior to each election And we “ should say ! How deplor able ! What a bad sense of proportion they show in fussing with caucuses and rallies when they ought t o be plo ug h i n g t h e fields and caring for their fami ” lies ! O f the enthusiastic volunteer we should say ! The time he devotes to unpaid work in politics could better be used in paid work at his business s o that he coul d give his child r en ” a better schoo l ing or his wife a new hat ; and we should be right I t is because they a r e doing their duty that the Ameri can people do D uty to the family out n o t go into politics weighs duty to the state Yet in no way is this rightly to be construed as applause for civic laziness I t is not a j usti fic a t i on of the man w h o thinks only of his o w n affairs and ignores those of the community We are getting rather away from such narrow self “ i s h n e s s W e talk of conservation of national ” “ resources regulation of the labor of women ” “ and children the prevention of tub e r c u ” losis these things are o ur real politics The citizen does have duties in such dir ections ” B ut peanut politics that unique American . , . ' , . . . . . . , , . . , S H ORT 1 68 BALLOT PRINCIPLES — institution is a diffe r ent matter I t is not the people s paramount duty to fr et over whether Jones or S mith shall be made a delegate to a convention to nominate a candidate for a petty aldermanic post o r whether the B r own faction or the Robinson c r owd shall control the p a “ tr onage of the county cle rk s office ! Taking ” an inte r est in po l itics ought to mean some thing bigger than hanging around political headquarters or learning the names o f the county committee or getting up chowde r “ parties The citizen owes no duty to peanut politics except to get it abolished in favor of ” the big common welfare kind of politics tha t lies beyond Wh at good sense the American pe ople have “ ” sho w n in silently ignoring peanut politics and refusing t o believe that the p r ivilege of electing the register of deeds was the kind of liber ty the Pilgr im fathers crossed the sea for ! A people who stick resolutely to their fir e s id e s and thei r wo rk yes to money making and stubbornly wait for politics t o come to them are showing a sober instinctive common sense that is sounder than the logic of those w h o scold them I promised in the first chapter to land y o u . , ’ , ’ , , . — , , , , , . ’ L ENV OI my fr iend reader what shall we d o about it ? Shall the book go o n the shelf and be classed as the academic proposal o f a d r eamer ? O r is it to be a flag to follow ? I v e sta rted al r eady In thi s year 1 9 1 1 certain things are begin ning that y o u as a r eade r of this little volume this year or l ate r should k now of The S hort B all ot Organization has been formed t o ex plain the S hort B allot principle to the A me ri can people E LL , , ’ . , , , , . , - . The President is W OODRO W W I L S ON of Princeton N J The V ice Presidents ar e W I NST ON C H UR C H I LL C ornish N H H ORA C E E D EMIN G New Yo rk N Y B E N B L IND SE Y Denver C olo W I LLIA M S U R E N Or egon C ity O re W I LLIAM A LLE N W H I TE Emporia ! a n C LIN T ON RO GERS W OODRUFF Phila de l phia P a The Advisory B oard are LA WRENC E F ABBOT T New York N Y , . , . - . , . . , , . . , , . . , ’ . . , , , . , , , . . , , . . L ENVOI ’ 171 H ENRY J ONE S F ORD Princeton N J R I C H ARD S CH I LD S N ew York City NO RMAN H APGOOD New York City W OODROW W I LS ON Princeton N J The author is Secretary with offices at 383 F ourth Avenue Ne w York , . . , . , . . , , , . . , . , Provision is made for the enrollment in our “ ” list of S hort B allot Advocates of any one w h o believes in the Short B allot principle N o E nrolled advocates dues or duties ther e are twelve thous and of them now receive oc c a s i on a l bulletins of Oppo r tunities to help and to them our publications are free We have been organized only a year at this w riting but we have seeded the country with pamphlets and publi city and we are begin ning to reap alr eady Are you with us ? - - . . — , . , .
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