Latin American Urbanization and Planning: Inequality and Unsustainability in North and
South
Author(s): Thomas Angotti
Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 23, No. 4, The "Urban Question" in Latin America
(Autumn, 1996), pp. 12-34
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
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Latin AmericanUrbanizationand Planning
andUnsustainability
Inequality
inNorthandSouth
by
ThomasAngotti
ThatthequalityoflifeinLatinAmerican
citiesis inmostwaysdramatitothequalityofurbanlifeinNorth
callyinferior
Americaishardly
disputable.
Forexample,abouttwo-thirds
ofthe20 millionpeoplelivinginMexicoCity
livein substandard
housing,without
adequatewatersupply,sewerage,garbage disposal,clinics,hospitals,parks,and schools.The LatinAmerican
is characterized
andenvironmental
metropolis
bymasspoverty
pollutionon
a scale generally
in theNorth.Inequalitiesbetweenthelarge
unparalleled
smallcities,andruraltownsofLatinAmerican
metropolitan
nations
regions,
withinmetropolitan
aregaping.Inequalities
areasareno lessdramatic.
Theseurbanand regionalinequalities
arenotstrictly
"urban"problems
ofeconomicinequalities
butarea reflection
betweenNorthand Southand
withintheSouth,and an unequalinternational
divisionof labor.As Armstrongand McGee (1985: 17) note,"The role of citiesin bothcapital
accumulation
and thegeneration
of dependence,
structural
inequalityand
is partofthelargerhistory
oftheunequalrelations
poverty
existingwithin
andbetweensocieties."
I willattempt
In thisarticle,
to showthatefforts
andthe
bygovernments
aid establishment
to addressurbanproblemshave had little
international
economicinequalities.
successbecausetheydo notaddressunderlying
Many
oftheseplanning
arebasedontheassumption
thattheproblem
lies
strategies
withcitiesthemselves
and,evenmoreso,withthesize ofcities.
ofworldregions,
LatinAmericais amongthemosturbanized
withmany
of the largestmetropolitan
regionsin the world.Thus, a good deal of
has been placed on curbingurbanization,
importance
the
decentralizing
andlimiting
toimprove
population,
government
initiatives
livingconditions
is a cityplanner
ThomasAngotti
andan associateprofessor
intheGraduate
CenterforPlanning
andtheEnvironment
atPrattInstitute,
New York.His latestbook,Metropolis
2000:
Brooklyn,
andPolitics,waspublished
in 1993.Thisarticleis basedinpart
PlanningPoverty
byRoutledge
on thisbookandinparton a paperpresented
totheLatinAmericanStudiesAssociationinLos
Angelesin 1992.
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES, Issue91, Vol.23 No. 4, Fall 1996 12-34
C) 1996LatinAmerican
Perspectives
12
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Angotti
/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
13
in big cities.Attempts
to regulatetheurbanization
processand planLatin
American
citieshavebeenlargelybasedonthisantiurban
philosophy
andon
fromEuropeandNorthAmericathatdo nottakeinto
techniques
imported
needsandconditions
of LatinAmerica.Attempts
accounttheparticular
to
urbaninequalities
anddecentralize
rectify
resources
havegenerally
hadlittle
success because theyeitherassume or fostercontinueddependenceon
Northern
capital.Theytendtoreproduce
theeconomicandsocialinequalities
thatunderlie"urban"problems.
I will also attemptto show thatnationaleconomicpolicies in Latin
an unsustainable
Americahavefostered
regimeofcapitalist
growth
thathas
hadan indelibleandnegativeimpactontheurbanization
process.Economic
tendstorevolvearoundexpansion
growth
ofautoandpetroleum
monopolies
and to reproducetheunsustainable
NorthAmericanmodel of sprawling
ina minimally
auto-based
urbanization
realestatemarket.
In other
regulated
is basedona regimeofcapitalist
words,economicgrowth
accumulation
that
and an ecologicallydamagingformof
fostersconspicuousconsumption
urbanization.
METROPOLITAN LATIN AMERICA
andnotthecountryside
nowdefinestheLatinAmerican
The metropolis
tothequalitatively
heretorefer
landscape.I usetheterm"metropolis"
larger
urbanregionsthatemergedin the20thcentury,
regionswithover1 million
distinct
central
citiesandsuburbs,
anda highly
population,
developedinternal
divisionoflaborandlanduses.'Thesemetropolitan
regionsarequalitatively
industrial
largerandmorecomplexthan19th-century
citiesandsmallercities
andagrarian
towns.
Ifwe considercitiesofover1 millionmetropolises,
thenby 1990abouta
thirdofLatinAmerica'spopulation
livedin41 metropolitan
areas,a greater
thaninEuropeandtheformer
SovietUnionandtwicethatinAsia.
proportion
OnlyNorthAmericaand Oceania had higherlevels of urbanization
(see
Table 1). Althoughtherateof growth
oflargecitiesin LatinAmericamay
ofhigher
havebegunto leveloffor evendecline,andthereareindications
ratesinmanysmallerandmedium-sized
cities(see Portes,1989),the
growth
overallurbangrowth
rateis stillhighenoughthatbytheendofthecentury
LatinAmericawillretainitspositionas oneofthemosturbanized
regionsin
theworld.
Notonlyis LatinAmericaamongthemosturbanized
regionsoftheworld
but it has thelargestmetropolitan
areas,withan averageof 3.6 million
withAsia'saverageof3.1million,
NorthAmerica's2.7
inhabitants
compared
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14
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES
TABLE 1
Urban Populationby Region
% ofTotal
1990 PopulationinMillions
Metropolitan City
Africa
Asia
LatinAmerica
NorthAmerica
Europe
USSR
Oceania
World
Total
Metropolitan City
Urbanu
72.3
472.9
147.7
144.7
120.6
54.8
11.8
51.3
235.7
66.6
69.4
118.2
83.5
4.7
645.3
3,057.6
451.1
275.3
498.6
291.8
26.5
11.2
15.5
32.7
52.6
24.2
18.8
44.5
7.9
7.7
14.8
25.2
23.7
28.6
17.7
19.2
23.2
47.5
77.8
47.9
47.4
62.3
1,024.8
629.4
5,246.2
19.5
12.0
31.5
Source:Habitat(1987),UnitedNations(1989),adjustedestimates.
a. >1,000,000population.
b. 100,000- 999,999population.
+ % City.
c. % Metropolitan
areas
metropolitan
million,andEurope's2.5 million.Twoofthefivelargest
in theworldarein LatinAmerica.MexicoCityhas over20 millionpeople
(81 timesitssize in 1875),andSao Paulohas close to 19 million(94 times
arethenextlargestmetropoits1875size).BuenosAiresandRio de Janeiro
liseswithover11millionpeopleeach(see Table2).
UNEQUAL URBANIZATION
It is no coincidencethatLatinAmericais themosthighlyurbanizedof
anditscloserelation
ofitshistory
"ThirdWorld"regions.Thisis a reflection
to NorthAmerica,todaythemosthighlyurbanizedregionin theworld.
colonialregions,LatinAmericawas thefirstto gain
Amongtheformer
andembarkona processofdependent
capitalist
development.
independence
is stimulated
ofcapital;laborfollows
In general,urbanization
bythegrowth
thatmost
capital,andLatinAmericahas achieveda levelofcapitalgrowth
ofAfricaandAsia havenotexperienced.
The colonialera establishedconditionsthatwereconduciveto urban
era.Almostall ofLatinAmerica'smetexpansionin thepostindependence
ropolitanregionsdevelopedaroundcolonialseats of power.They were
modeledonEuropeancitiesandservedas gatewaysforexport-based
depen-
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I URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
Angotti
TABLE 2
MetropolitanPopulationin Latin America
Metropolis
Country
Population
MexicoCity
Sao Paulo
BuenosAires
Rio de Janeiro
Lima
Bogotd
Santiago
Caracas
Belo Horizonte
Curitiba
Medellin
Guadalajara
PortoAlegre
Recife
Monterrey
Salvador
Fortaleza
Cali
Brasilia
SantoDomingo
La Habana
San Juan
Goiania
Barranquilla
Guayaquil
Cabo
Guatemala
Belem
Asunci6n
Nova Igua,u
Maracaibo
C6rdoba
Puebla
Montevideo
Quito
La Paz
Santos
Valencia
Rosario
Le6n
CiudadJuarez
Mexico
Brazil
Argentina
Brazil
Peru
Colombia
Chile
Venezuela
Brazil
Brazil
Colombia
Mexico
Brazil
Brazil
Mexico
Brazil
Brazil
Colombia
Brazil
DominicanRepublic
Cuba
PuertoRico
Brazil
Colombia
Ecuador
Brazil
Guatemala
Brazil
Paraguay
Brazil
Venezuela
Argentina
Mexico
Uruguay
Ecuador
Bolivia
Brazil
Venezuela
Argentina
Mexico
Mexico
20,250,000
18,770,000
11,710,000
11,370,000
6,780,000
5,270,000
4,550,000
4,180,000
3,890,000
3,772,000
3,601,000
3,200,000
3,180,000
3,040,000
3,010,000
2,650,000
2,422,000
2,402,000
2,400,000
2,170,000
2,040,000
1,816,000
1,788,000
1,775,000
1,638,000
1,577,000
1,460,000
1,357,000
1,350,000
1,325,000
1,295,000
1,285,000
1,260,000
1,248,000
1,220,000
1,210,000
1,139,000
1,135,000
1,122,000
1,077,000
1,006,000
Source:Habitat(1987),UnitedNations(1989),adjustedestimates.
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15
16
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES
denteconomies.Afterindependence,
urbanization
wentalongwithdependentcapitalistdevelopment,
whichcontinuedto centralizebothinternationalandnationalcapitalandpublicandprivatecapitalin a smallnumber
ofcities.
therateandextentofurbangrowth
Although
aregenerally
a function
of
theparticular
forms-bothphysicaland social-that cities
capitalgrowth,
assumevaryaccording
to theregimeofcapitalaccumulation.
Urbanization
inLatinAmericais a consequenceofa particular
formofdependent
capitalcitiesmushroomed
in size as capitalbecameincreasism.In mostcountries
inurbancenters
inglyconcentrated
whoseeconomicactivities
wereoriented
to theNorthand in whichlocal elites
towardtheexportof commodities
secureenclavesfortheirurbanlifestyles
andconsumption
established
patwhichemulatedtheconspicuousconsumption
in theNorth.
terns,
prevalent
As agriculture
was mechanizedandmonopolizedand subsistence
farming
thesurplus
laborforceinthecountryside
wasdrawntometropolitan
declined,
in citiesto spura floodof
areas.It takesonlyminimalcapitalinvestment
fromdepressedruralareas. Also, capitalistgrowthrequiresa
migration
surpluslaborforceabove and beyondthatwhichis neededat any given
forproduction.
Andas pooras lifemaybeinlargecities,thestandard
moment
oflivinginthemetropolis
is stillbetter
thaninruralareas.
industries
thatdrivecapitalist
inLatinAmerTheexport-oriented
growth
withglobalcapitalismthanwiththe
ica tendto be morehighlyintegrated
nationaleconomies.Manyareenclaveindustries
thathavea minimalmultipliereffecton local economies.Most of thesurplusproducedis exported,
and littleremainsto build adequatehousing,roads,utilities,and other
servicesfortheurbanpopulation.
Thissuppresses
theoverallcostof labor
and the value of labor,particularly
Latin Americanlabor,
reproduction
ofdependent
thereproduction
stimulating
capitalism.
is in largemeasurea reservelaborpool
The LatinAmericanmetropolis
forinternational
capitalto use in its global assemblyline. Immigration
policiesin NorthAmericaensurethatmostofthelaborreservesremainin
costs are lower.International
LatinAmericancities,wherereproduction
Fund(IMF) andWorldBankpoliciesthatdiscourageinvestment
Monetary
in urban.infrastructure
in theurban
and serviceshelplimitimprovements
standardof living.Indeed,urbanconsumption
levelsdeclinedin thepast
tomeetdebtobligations;
decadeas a resultofausterity
measuresundertaken
IMF rebellions
inBuenosAires,Lima,SantoDomingo,
theseledtotherecent
to
Caracas,andelsewhere(see Walton,1987).RecentWorldBankattempts
are aimedmoreat moderating
social tenrestoresomeurbanexpenditures
ofinequality.
sionsthanat altering
thestructure
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Angotti
/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
17
andurbaniProofofthecloserelationship
betweencapitalaccumulation
countries
in LatinAmericaarealso amongthe
zationis thatthewealthiest
In Venezuela45 percent,
inArgentina
43 percent,
inBrazil
mosturbanized.
livesincitiesofover
39 percent,
andinMexico34 percent
ofthepopulation
1 million.Colombiaand Chile,whichhaverecently
undergone
rapidecooftheirpopulanomicgrowth,
have41 percent
and35 percent,
respectively,
economicand
tionsin metropolitan
areas.In recentdecades,a structural
urbangulfhas openedin LatinAmericabetweenthehighlydevelopedand
urbanizednationsand the less developedand urbanizednations.Poorer
countriessuch as Ecuador,Bolivia, and Guatemala,forexample,have
smallerurbanpopulations-26percent,15 percent,
and 15
proportionally
suchas El Salvador,
Nicaragua,
andGuyana,
percent
respectively-and
others,
ofmorethan1 million.
do notevenhavea singlemetropolis
is oneofsuburban
WhereastheNorthAmerican
affluence
with
metropolis
masspoverty
is
a minority,
mostlyincentral
cities,livinginchronic
poverty,
a realityin mostLatinAmericancities.Whatis oftendescribedas a vast
sectorinLatinAmerican
citiesis reallya working-class
majority
"informal"
farbelowNorthAmericanstandards
thatsurvivesat a levelof subsistence
amountof the economicsurplusit producesis
while a disproportionate
Itseconomicactivities
butit
bygovernment,
exported.
maybe unregulated
andGerry,
is notatall "marginal"
(see Bromley
1979;Portes,1985;Perlman,
1990).
1976;Portes,Castells,andBenton,1989;Schteingart,
of thisview,see
to diffusion
Contrary
theory(fora classicalstatement
is
not
urban
Latin
America
necessarily
becominglikeurban
Hoselitz,1969),
otherthanthelevelofurbanization.
Therearekey
NorthAmericainanything
ofurbanization
in theprocessand structure
betweenNorthand
differences
in theurban
South(see Violich,1987).Asidefromtheobviousdifferences
ofliving,theNorthAmerican
hasflourished
standard
byimportmetropolis
ing capitaland labor fromless developednationsto build a diversified
has grownunconsumereconomy,whiletheLatinAmericanmetropolis
its laborand resourcesto theNorth(see Acostaand
evenlyby exporting
ofdiffusion
anditsprincipal
BriceiioLeon,1987,fora critique
source,
theory
theChicagoschoolofurbansociology).
THE NEW INTERNATIONAL DIVISION OF LABOR
divisionoflaborgoingtostopLatin
Arerecent
changesintheinternational
ofinequality?
oralterthefundamental
Americanurbanization
pattern
has begunto takeon moreproSince the 1970s,capitalistproduction
nouncedaspectsofa globalassemblyline.Manyhaveassociatedthiswitha
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18
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES
and
"newinternational
divisionof labor"(Palloix,1977; Frobel,Henrichs,
andCastells,1987;King,1990).Thisphenomenon
Kreye,1980;Henderson
inNorthAmericaandtheflight
hasbeenaccompanied
bydeindustrialization
andnoxiousoperations
totheSouth.Italsoentails
ofthemostlabor-intensive
withinthenewhigh-tech
theexportoflabor-intensive
assemblyoperations
industries.
and communications
As a resultof thisprocess,the
electronics
areasin theNorthserveless as centersof
relatively
dynamicmetropolitan
financecapital.The
thanas global centersforinternational
production
ofsweatshops
intheSouth,on theotherhand,has seena growth
metropolis
onceconfined
toisolatedzonessuchas, forexample,
andenclaveindustries
Mexico's borderregionmaquiladoras.The NorthAmericanFree Trade
thenewinternational
divisionoflabor.
seeksto institutionalize
Agreement
andconsumption,
howofproduction
Despitethegrowingglobalization
thatthenewinternational
divisionoflabor
ever,ithasyettobe demonstrated
inurbanization
newenclaves
Although
patterns.
isproducing
anymajorshifts
have emergedin LatinAmerica,theystilldo not
of capitalaccumulation
on a global
ofcapitalinvestment
accountformorethana smallproportion
areas.Capitalandindustry
from
scale.Mostarewithin
existing
metropolitan
to the most
Europe,Japan,and NorthAmericaare stillgoingprimarily
in LatinAmerica,thoughsignificant
and
developednations.Investments
as a proportion
ofthetotal,havenotalteredthepostwar
economic
increasing
and consumption
of thesurplusare
orderin whichcapital,manufacturing,
inthedevelopedcapitalist
countries.
concentrated
Thus,forexample,while
of
theassemblystage,in theleadingindustries
manufacturing,
particularly
likeBrazil,thevastmajority
hasnowspreadtocountries
autosandelectronics
intheUnited
andterminates
stilloriginates
ofvalueaddedintheseindustries
States,Europe,andJapan.
(indeed,becauseofthem),theLatinAmerican
Despitethesedifferences
dominated
is an integral
bythe
partoftheglobalurbannetwork
metropolis
North.The barriadas,favelas,and ranchosarereadyreservesforinternametropolis
is as
tionalcapital.ThehugelaborsurplusintheLatinAmerican
of the populationactually
necessaryto capital as the small proportion
forexchangeon theinternational
marproduction
employedin commodity
inLatinAmericasuppresses
wages
ket.Again,thelow levelofsubsistence
infrastrucandtheexpenditures
thatcapitalmustmakeforthemetropolitan
and
ture(see Smith Feagin,1987).
inLatinAmericais displacement.
Another
keyaspectofurbaninequality
bidsup
theprivaterealestatemarket
As intheU.S. regimeofurbanization,
thecostof landin centrallocationsand forcestheevictionof low-income
infavorofofficebuildings,
workers
stores,andnewhousingfortheprofesare oftendisplacedto
sionaland technocratic
strata.Entireneighborhoods
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Angotti
/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
19
permitdevelopersto captureland-valueincreases,protecteliteproperty
rights,facilitate
monumental
publicworks,and maintainpoliticalcontrol
overthepoor.Shantytown
dwellerswhohappento be locatedon landthat
gains in real estatevalue are the targetsof eviction.The uprootingof
communities
spontaneous
dampensdemandsforgreater
government
expendituresforurbaninfrastructure
in thesepoorneighborhoods,
whichin turn
wouldraisethecostoflaborfromtheseareas.Struggles
overdisplacement
parallelandintensify
classandincomedivisionsbecauselocalelitesandthe
bureaucratic
and technicalstrataare heavilyinvestedin real estate,while
investments
are strongly
productive
linkedwithtransnational
capital(see
Castells,1983).
UNSUSTAINABLE URBANIZATION
For transnational
capital,thespontaneous
growth
oftheLatinAmerican
metropolis,
without
thepublicinvestments
andregulatory
mechanisms
cusintheNorthern
is normalandacceptable.
Waterandsewer
tomary
metropolis,
traffic
streetsurfacing,
systems,
controls,
electricity,
parksand recreation,
arefinanced
notbytheglobalfactory's
schools,andhealthfacilities
surplus,
whichis exported,
butinsteadbythemeageraccumulations
oflocalcapital,
of a moderninfrawhichare inadequateforthebuildingand maintenance
structure.
Economiescrippledbyforeign
debtcan scarcelyafford
theinstitutional
infrastructure-urban
andotherregulatory
mechanismsplanning
environmental
standards.
themicroenvironment
in
toenforce
Consequently,
is dangerous
andpolluted.
theLatinAmericanmetropolis
TheNorthAmerican
is typically
andspreadover
auto-oriented
metropolis
a resultoftheimperial
a largeterritory,
faithina seemingly
unlimited
ability
landandresources.
toplunder
Therearesharpeconomicandsocialdivisions
betweencentral
Therealestatemarket
is looselyregulated,
cityandsuburbs.
thetendencies
in thecentralbusinessdistowardconcentration
reinforcing
of low-rent
and sprawlingexpansionat the
trict,displacement
activities,
andplanning
ofthe
periphery
(see LoganandMolotch,1987).Development
LatinAmericanmetropolis
havefollowedmuchthesamemarket-oriented
LatinAmerican
citiesandnationalgovernments
lackthe
approach.However,
andmitiresourcesavailabletoNorthern
citiesforregulating
urbangrowth
Local and
gatingtheworstconsequencesof market-driven
development.
inLatinAmericaandNorthAmericatendtofollowthe
nationalgovernments
landis considered
tobe a sourceofquickprofit;
colonialist
tradition
whereby
is toencourage
themostprofitable
useofland.
thepurposeofpublicplanning
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20
LATIN AMERICANPERSPECTIVES
cultures,
forwhichland
Thisdiffers
fromtheapproachofthepre-Columbian
was an elementofnatureandhumanswereitscustodians.
The environmental
consequencesofthelackofplanningandregulation
areainLatin
areevidentinthecase ofMexicoCity,thelargestmetropolitan
intheworld.MexicoCityhasperhapstheworst
Americaandsecond-largest
airqualityin theworld.Carbonmonoxidelevelsfarexceedtheaveragesin
cities.Mostemissions
comefrom
motorvehicles,whoseuse
NorthAmerican
thepopulist"American
is subsidizedbylowoil pricesas a wayofadvancing
a nationaloilindustry.
dream"ofcarownership
and,insomecases,protecting
is lowerthanin theNorth,carsare
therateof vehicleownership
Although
and fuelis cruderand more
olderand have inadequateemissionsystems,
themodelofsprawling,
metropolitan
Mexicoemulates
auto-based
polluting.
borderbutlacks theresourcesto
growththatprevailsacrossits northern
controlitsdisastrous
ecologicalconsequences.
LatinAmerican
urbanized
highly
Mexico,Venezuela,
Brazil,andtheother
arelockedintoa regimeofaccumulation
thatforcesthemto rely
countries
The mosturbanized
counon environmentally
energy.
damagingpetroleum
ofeitheroil ormotorvehicles(Mufnoz,
triesareamongthelargest
producers
in thesenationsrelyon oil
1980; UnitedNations,1991: 81). Governments
fora largeportionof theirrevenues.For example,the
and autoindustries
majorpartofthebudgetsofMexicoandMexicoCitycomefromoil exports.
couldfurther
worsenthesituation.
The neoliberalcrazeforderegulation
theyearsofthePinochet
dictatorIn Santiago,airpollution
gotworseduring
the
ofthebussystem
encouraged
ship,inlargemeasurebecausederegulation
ofusedbuseswiththeresultthatnowthereis a hugesquadof
importation
some 11,000diesel buses spewingblack fumesintothe air. Trafficon
streets
kicksup dustandparticulate
matter,
unpavedandpoorlymaintained
further
torespiratory
illnesses(Nash,1992).
contributing
In Sao Paulo, as in mostotherlargecities,mostsewageis discharged
ofsolidwastes
treatment
intoriversandstreams,
without
onlya smallfraction
is treated,and air qualityis extremely
poor (Faria, 1989). Brazil's main
is
fromcentral
located
less
than80 kilometers
petrochemical
center,
Cubatao,
about
tons
of
Paulo.
including
benzene,
1,000
pollutants,
Sao
Everyday
carbonmonoxide,ammoniac,and othertoxics,are spewedintothe air.
toFinquelievich
is
mortality
According
(1990),inthenearbyfavelasinfant
as high as 35 percentand 80 percentof Cubatao childrensufferfrom
respiratory
problems.
is qualitatively
distinct
in North
The issue of environmental
protection
Americanand LatinAmericancities.This is one of thepointsoftenover-
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Angotti
/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
21
lookedin "sustainable
development"
proposalsthataimat environmentally
sounddevelopment
and consumption
strategies
in theThirdWorld.To be
of pollutionin bothNorthand Southis an urgentand
sure,elimination
TheNorthern
humaneobjective.
metropolis,
however,
is themaincontributor
NorthAmericauses overfourtimesas muchenergyper
to worldpollution.
capitaas LatinAmericaand is thesinglegreatest
sourceoftheincreasein
carbondioxidelevelson a worldscale.
atmospheric
in theNorthern
Insofaras measuresto achievegreater
energyefficiency
ofrawmaterials
metropolis
cutdownon theextraction
fromtheSouth,they
thedepletionof naturalresources.However,fromthepointof
can prevent
viewofLatinAmerican
unlessinequalities
nations,
betweenthetwoworlds
are also eliminated,
pollutioncontrolin theNorthwill improveresource
and thequalityof lifetherewithoutnecessarily
the
efficiency
improving
qualityof lifein theSouth.In fact,moreresource-efficient
production
and
inNorthAmericacancausegreateconomicdamagebylowerconsumption
haveto sell.And
ingworldmarket
pricesofthefewgoodssomecountries
in LatinAmericathemostnoxious
thereis also a trendtowarddiscarding
fromtheNorth,whichcannotbe economically
wastematerials
recycledor
oforigin.
disposedofin thecountries
In sum,sustainable
urbandevelopment
is boundup withthequestionof
divisionoflabor.
economicequalityandtheunequalinternational
URBAN PLANNING STRATEGIES
Ever sincetheLaws of theIndies,urbanplanningstrategies
have been
theregimeofprivate
In the
fromtheNorthandreinforced
imported
property.
andprogrowth
postcolonialperiodtheyhavebeenbasedon antiurban
philosophies,andtheyhavebeenecologicallydestructive.
Thereis a widespread
thatthelargecitiesofLatinAmericaare
perception
andunplanned.
In fact,however,
therehasbeenconsiderable
unmanageable
planning-notjustofficial
planning
bygovernment
agenciesbutplanning
by
theprivatesector.Planningis nottheexclusivepreserve
oftechnocrats
who
buttheapplication
ofhumanconsciousness
to
happento be calledplanners
ofhumansettlements.
thebuildingandpreservation
whichaddressesnationaland subnaLookingfirstat regionalplanning,
andthenat urbanplanningwithinmetropolitan
tionalurbansystems,
areas,
I willattempt
thatservetheinterests
toshowthattheseareimported
strategies
ofnationalandtransnational
capital.
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22
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES
REGIONAL PLANNING
Antiurban
theoryhas dominated
urbanplanningin theNorthsincethe
revolution.
industrial
It is based on theidea thatlarge,denselydeveloped
citiesarethesourceofurbanproblems.
Lipton(1988),forexample,explicitly
as a cause of underdevelopment.
sees urbanization
Solutionslie in rural
or in bringingthe countryside
development
to the cityin the formof
low-density
suburban
living.
biasrationalizes
The antiurban
attempts
to displacetheurbanpoor,limit
spending
onurbaninfrastructure,
andevenstopurbanization.
Negron(1991)
notesthatthemyththatimproving
thequalityof urbanlifewillemptythe
and bloatthemetropolis
countryside
and themythof urban"marginality"
underlieVenezuelanplanning.The data citedabove showingthelevel of
LatinAmericanurbanization
speakforthemselves.
However,attempts
to
orurbanize
limiturbanization
thecountryside
havebeenhistoric
and
failures,
in "marginal"
despitelimitedpublicinvestment
urbancommunities,
metropolitanareashaveflourished.
Moreseriousattempts
atregional
inLatinAmericawereinitiated
planning
committed
bydevelopmentalist
governments
to thestrategy
ofimportsubstitution.
effort
was undertaken
Perhapsthemostambitious
bythegovernmentof JuscelinoKubitschekde Oliveirain Brazil,whichestablisheda
and launchedthe
powerful
regionaldevelopment
agencyfortheNortheast
planforthenewcapitalcityofBrasilia.A succession
ofnational
development
hasdirected
plansuptothepresent
investment
outsidethe
significant
capitaltwo mainmetropolises
of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro(Guidugliand
Barreto,1986).
intentions
Thoughsometimesmotivatedby nationalist
such as these,
in LatinAmericahave moreoftenfollowed
regionalplanninginitiatives
strategies
importedfromtheNorth.2
Theyrarelyhave stronglinkswith
nationaleconomicpolicy.As thefollowing
discussionshows,withoutaggressivenational
planning,
regional
canbelittlemorethana utopian
planning
dreamofbureaucratic
andtechnocratic
elites(see Hopenhayn,
1991).I will
consider
fourproblematic
regional
planning
approaches:
spatialdeconcentralocalgovernment,
andgrowth
tion,balanced
regional
development,
strong
poles.
focuson the
Spatialdeconcentration.
Planningschemesthatnarrowly
theurbanstructure
needtodecentralize
areproblematic.
Spatiallydispersing
a highlycentralized
urbanandeconomicstructure
has longbeenseen as a
meansofpromoting
nationaldevelopment,
stimueliminating
inequalities,
betweencityandcountrydifferences
latingan internal
market,
eliminating
ruraldependency,
andeliminating
urbanprimacy.
side,reducing
Historically
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Angotti
/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
23
ithasbeenpromoted
as a rationale
fordeclining
central
government
financing
inruralareas(see Spalding,1992:40-43).Mostrecently,
deconcentration
has
tacticin neoliberal
becomea favorite
privatization
schemes.
inLatinAmericatendedtobe highly
Thecolonialadministrations
centralized.Thecolonialpowersoftendestroyed
andcommupopular,
democratic,
nal structures
so as to enhancetherole of theirappointedregimes.After
independence,
mostcountries
adoptedtheold colonialstructures
of local
was often
government.
Centralism
justified
bythelackofresourcesandthe
need to strengthen
weaknationalgovernments.
As RobertoSegre(1978)
has shown,centralism
contributes
to themaintenance
ofruling-class
power
as long as nationaland metropolitan
poweris in thehandsof propertied
classes.
As desirableas decentralization
maybe, decentralization
schemesare
andmisdirected
whenviewedas anessentially
oftennarrow
urban,orspatial,
is toooftenmeasuredbydiverproblem.Theproblemofovercentralization
of the
gence fromsome ideal geographicnotionof even distribution
populationbetweencityandcountryside,
largeandsmallcities,metropolis
and ruralareas.However,dispersalof thepopulationdoes notnecessarily
affecteconomicinequalities.Openingup government
officesaroundthe
meanthedecentralization
ofpoliticalpoweror
doesnotnecessarily
country
resources.
The keyto decentralization
is economicandpoliticalpower,notspatial
distribution
of resources.Even so, centraleconomicplanningwithinthe
nationaldevelopment
contextof independent
policiesprovidesthe best
fora moreequitable,
decentralized
A
opportunity
regionalplanning
practice.
greater
degreeofcontroloverthenation'shumanandnatural
resourcesis a
fordirecting
and influencing
theirlocationand use. In other
precondition
itmayseemto be a paradox,centralplanningcan provide
words,although
thebestconditions
forregionalplanning.JoseCarlosMariategui(1928),
assertedthatthebasis forrePeru'sdecentralization
criticizing
strategies,
was an allianceoftheworking
classandthepeasantry.
gionalempowerment
Witha nationalsurplusappropriated
forinternal
use andnotforexport,
such
a scenariocouldindeedstrengthen
historically
forgotten
regions.As nations
andthesize ofthepeasantry
becomemoreurbanized
thispossibildwindles,
forexample,a
ityis even moredesirable.In manyEuropeancountries,
topreserve
activipoliticalcommitment
bynationalgovernments
productive
thenarrow
tiesinruralareashasoftenoutweighed
logicofthemarket.
Many
wieldedgreater
nationsin whichtheurbanworkingclass has historically
politicalpoweralso have moredevelopedand politicallypowerfulrural
regionsandruralproducers.
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24
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES
Balanced regionaldevelopment.
A recurrent
strategy
forcorrecting
reaid establishment
is to progionalimbalancesfavoredbytheinternational
andinfrastructure
activities
motemarket
development,
especiallyroadconin regionswithrelatively
smallandmedium-sized
struction,
disadvantaged
from
settlements
(see Rondinelli,
1983).Theideais thatcapitalinvestments
the centercreategreaterrelativeeconomicadvantageby helpingtowns
thegrowthof smalland
thusspurring
in theregionalmarket,
participate
settlements
and correcting
Rondinelli
medium-sized
regionalinequalities.
in rural
of "urbanfunctions
and Ruddle(1978) call fortheestablishment
sizeshaveurban
so thatall settlements
abovegiventhreshold
development"
this
tosettlements
ofthesesizes.Presumably,
servicesthatshouldcorrespond
wouldlimitpressures
formigration
strategy
fromthesesettlements
to the
metropolis.
suchprograms
thequalityoflifeinlessurbanized
Although
canimprove
thelocal marketplace
all of
areas,insofaras theyreinforce
theyreproduce
ofthatmarketplace.
theinequalities
The market's
is to centralize
tendency
resourcesas it developsand to expandand linkup withtheinternational
market.
Theroadsdrainruralareasofpopulation
andresources
andpullthem
towardtheexport-oriented
metropolis,
andundemocratic
centralized
power
is unaffected
by a decentralized
government
bureaucracy.
Indeed,creating
in thiseconomicenvironment
urbanfunctions
thepowerof
onlyreinforces
urbanelites.
This is yetanotherexampleof an approachrootedin an abstractideal
thatequatesa particular
ofgeography
kindofspatialuniformity
with
theory
andgeographical
Ecoeconomicequality.It confusesfunctional
categories.
does not arise fromgeographicalformor "normal"
nomicdevelopment
A regular
sizerelationship
dimensions.
doesnotnecessaramongsettlements
arebasedon equality.
ilymeanthattheeconomicrelations
Local government.
thatrelymainlyon strengthening
Planningstrategies
areamongthemostproblematic.
local government
aid proU.S.-supported
theU.S. experience
oflocal federated
gramsarefondofprojecting
governmentas a modelforLatinAmerica.Theyfinanceprograms
to enhancethe
andtrainlocaladministrarevenue-generating
capacityoflocalgovernments
inLatinAmerican
tors.Notingthelackofresources
nations,
theytreatlocal
as iftheywereprofit-making
whosesuccessmust
governments
enterprises
be measuredbyrevenuesandfiscalrationale.
Butwhateconomicinterests
do localgovernments
of
serve?Theinterests
andtenants?
Do
localelitesandproperty
ofworkers
owners,ortheinterests
thelocal governments
rationalize
a centralbureaucracy
andovercentralized
or do theytrulydecentralize
powerstructure,
power?Does strengthening
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Angotti
/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
25
as
forlocal programs
meancutting
backnationalsupport
local government
hastraditionLocal government
itdidinRonaldReagan's"newfederalism"?
elitepoliticalpower.DavidCollier'sstudy
allybeena meansforlegitimizing
howpopular
ofLima'sbarriadas(1978) is oneamongmanythatdemonstrate
and
opposition
atthelocallevelcanbe usedtoco-optpotential
participation
authority
(see also Eckstein,1982;HerzerandPirez,1991).
central
reinforce
incontrast
thetotaleconomicsurplus
toNorthAmerica,
InLatinAmerica,
planning
formunicipal
toprovideadequateresources
is usuallyinsufficient
are partof an unequal
if local governments
Furthermore,
and regulation.
Becausetheirpowthatpattern.
structure,
theyonlyreproduce
development
theoverallstructure
theyareunabletoaffect
limited,
ersaregeographically
theminimalsurplus
eveniftheycan moreequallydistribute
of inequality
availableto themwithintheirownboundaries.
indusurbanization
byestablishing
Growth
poles.Thenotionofplanning
trialgrowthpoles in less developedruralareashas beenaroundsincethe
One ofthefirstandmost
1960s,buttheidea has rarelybeenimplemented.
poles in LatinAmericais CiudadGuayanain
notableexamplesof growth
Venezuela(Rodwin,1969). Ciudad Guayanawas built,beginningin the
the
Physically,
1960s,arounda majorsteelcomplexinVenezuela'sinterior.
Europeanplanning-orderly
cityexhibitsmanyfeaturesof rationalistic
publicbuildings,and neat suburbs.
streetsand boulevards,monumental
mass
of spontaneous
growth,
However,it also has acquiredthesymptoms
Venezuela(see
citiesthroughout
and inequalitythatcharacterize
poverty,
andWeaver,1979).
1966;Friedmann
Friedmann,
companytownor
Ciudad Guayanahas becomemoreof a traditional
industries
produceda small
The
state-financed
enclavethana plannedcity.
Air
than
employment.
effect
and
more
unemployment
economicmultiplier
in
the
the
in
the
Guri
and
region
are
serious
city,
water
problems
and
pollution
(see GarciaandKunkel,
projectcreatedecologicaldestruction
hydroelectric
ecoshort-lived
1991). CiudadGuayanawas madepossibleby a relatively
inothernewcitiesis now
anditsreplication
nomicboominthesteelindustry,
precludedby the nation'sdebtcrisis.The obsolescenceof the industrial
makesitsfuture
questionable.
technology
inLatinAmerica.In
nevertookholdelsewhere
experiments
Growth-pole
polearoundthenewcityofLaizaroCardenas
Mexico,planstocreatea growth
has
aid establishment
theinternational
had littlesuccess.Not surprisingly,
alwaysbeen waryof growthpoles becausetheypresumean unacceptable
and
inurbaninfrastructure
andinvestment
economicplanning
levelofcentral
and import-substitution
of basic industries
are linkedwithnationalization
strategies.
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26
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES
Atthetheoretical
level,growth-pole
strategies
neveradequately
dealtwith
theproblemofurbaneconomiesofscale.Existinglargersettlements
probablyoffermoreefficient
use of economicresourcesthancompletely
new
andGugler,1984:177-178).Largemetropolitan
cities(see Gilbert
areashave
a greaterdiversity
of capitaland labor.The metropolis
offersmanyscale
economiesintheproduction
sphereandinsocialandphysicalinfrastructures
thatarenotavailablein smallercities.
PLANNING WITHIN THE METROPOLIS
inLatinAmericahavetriedtouse
somecityplanners
As notedpreviously,
to assertandconsolidate
nationalidentities
planning
emerging
andtoestablishurbancentersas focalpointsfornationaldevelopment.
Morefrequently,
however,cityplanninghas emulatedEuropeanand NorthAmericanplanning.
Thefirst
urbanplanning
contained
intheLaws oftheIndies,
regulations,
oftheSpanishcrown.Theyestablished
rulesfortheorganizawereproducts
tionof urbanspace aroundthecentralplaza, whichbecamethecenterof
politicalandeconomicpower.Locatedon theplaza weretherepresentatives
of thecrown,thechurch,and thecivic authorities.
Urbanization
by other
colonistsaroundtheplaza was regulated,
areasoccupied
but,significantly,
masseswereunaffected.
bytheindigenous
trendin cityplanning
Aftertheendofcolonialrule,themostinfluential
was European.Forexample,MexicoCity'scenterwas fashioned
according
The Paseo de la Reformawas
to principlesof Baroque monumentality.
Haussmann'smonumental
inspiredbyGeorges-Eugene
ChampsElyseesin
ofFrenchplanning
Paris.The influence
mayalso be seenin BuenosAires,
Caracas,andotherlargecitiesthatintroduced
monumental
boulevards,
grand
andotherBaroquefeatures
as partofa strategy
tocapture
civicarchitecture,
controlofthecitycenters
fromtheworking
class-much as Haussmann
had
of 1848.
doneaftertheRevolution
In the20thcentury,
LatinAmerican
havefollowedthemodernist
planners
modelsof EuropeandNorthAmericaand thelaissez-faire
downtown
apfoundin NorthAmerica.The downtown
proachto realestatedevelopment
ofthemajormetropolitan
areasinLatinAmericaoffer
starkimages
skylines
realestatevalueshave
oftheManhattan
oftheinfluence
model,wherecentral
withofficial
urbanrenewalplanstoproducemonumental
business
combined
districts.
Forexample,downtown
Caracasis nowa collectionofgiantcivic
projectssuchas theTorresde Silenciothatdwarfthecolonial-era
plazasand
Thesemegaprojects
areconnected
ofhighways
narrow
streets.
bya network
delEstethatmimictheU.S. interstate
suchas theAutopista
highway
system.
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Angotti
/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
27
Club
Plannedresidential
areasarefew-elite enclavessuchas theCountry
neighborhood
andpublichousingghettos
suchas 23 deEnero,createdduring
thePerezJimenez
dictatorship.
inmanyLatinAmerican
cities,though
Thesprawling
low-density
suburbs
andcrowdedthanNorthAmericansuburbs,
arethe
muchmorespontaneous
in theurbanperiphery.
resultof thelaissez-faire
patternof development
Planningis done spontaneously
by individuals,associationsof property
It followsan antiurban
ofdisperseddeveloppattern
owners,andsquatters.
ment.In NorthAmerica,suburban
planningfollowstheparochialinterests
local governments,
of exclusionary
by regressive
fiscalpolicies
supported
andstateandfederalsubsidies.In LatinAmerica,suburban
development
is
aremoredramatic
becauseof
justas parochialandchaotic,buttheproblems
theabsenceofadequateresources
forbasicinfrastructure.
inLatinAmericahasreliedonregulation,
notcompreMostcityplanning
master
planshavebeencompleted
hensiveplanning.
Although
comprehensive
formostlargecities,theyhave generallybeen formalistic-emphasizing
More oftenthannot,theyoutlineapphysicalform-andunimplemented.
thatrequirea politicalwill,institutional
consenproachestourbanplanning
sus,andlevelofsocialsurplusthatdo notexist.
andpractice,
inLatinAmericahas notbeen
In theory
mostcityplanning
orthenatural
environcultural
history,
sustained
byeconomicdevelopment,
ment.Perhapsthe mostdamagingconsequenceof emulatingthe North
hasbeenrelianceontheprivateautomobile
American
regimeofurbanization
hasbeenfavoredover
Autocirculation
as themainmeansoftransportation.
modes such as trolleysand
moreecologicallysustainabletransportation
subways(see Wright,
1992). Followingthelead of NorthAmerica,many
linestomakeroomforautos,trucks,
LatinAmerican
citiestoreuptheir
trolley
andbuses.Thefewcitiesthatnowhavesubwaysstillhavehorrendous
traffic
becauseautouse is stilldominant.
movesmostly
Intercity
freight
congestion
by truck,since the few railroadswere builtonlyforindividualforeign
rawmaterials
toextract
fromspecificlocations.
Alsounsustaincorporations
over
thatfavornewconstruction
able aretheurbanredevelopment
strategies
lowsubdivisionregulations
thatpermitenergy-inefficient
preservation,
systemsthatservelowdensitysprawl,and waterand otherinfrastructure
densityareas.
ofurban
Cityplanninghas had no significant
impacton thedomination
Thisis a politicalchoicefavoredby
development
bytherealestatemarket.
oflocal
urbanelites,anditis exacerbated
byweaknessesintheenforcement
andzoningregulations
regulations.
Manycitieshavestrict
rent,subdivision,
thattheoretically
However,intheabsenceofthe
governurbandevelopment.
toimplement
theseregulations,
resources
andinstitutions
theyareignoredor
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28
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES
easilyviolated.Thus,anurbansystem
designedtoworkwithNorthern
wealth
As in thecolonialera,themassesremain
fallsapartin Southern
poverty.
Atthesametime,indigenous
outsidetheorbitofplanning.
forms
ofplanning
ofhumansettlements
areignoredoroverridden
bytherealestatemarket.
A strategy
aid estabSelf-help.
frequently
promoted
bytheinternational
as a preferred
forgovernment-sponsored
lishment
substitute
is local
planning
thatthestatewilltake
self-help.
Self-helpis basicallyan acknowledgment
forplanningand development
of working-class
littleor no responsibility
Thebasicstrategy
neighborhoods
(see Burgess,1992,fora concisecritique).
is to financelocal groupsandorganizations
thatarisespontaneofself-help
ously to deal withmiserableurbanconditions.Assistancemay involve
financial
ortechnical
advice.
aid,construction
materials,
TheWorldBank'sSitesandServicesprogram
(WorldBank,1974) arose
fromthe self-helpstrategy,
and self-helpbecame a majorthrustof the
in the 1970s. The best-known
aid establishment
international
model for
self-helpcame out of Peruand theworkof JohnF. C. Turnerin Lima's
andFichter,
tracedthespontaneous
barriadas(Turner
1972).Turner
process
ofhousingin squatter
settlements
andcomparedthiswiththe
ofupgrading
ofgovernment.
Itis perhapsnoaccidentthatTurner's
relativeinaction
theses
arosein oneofLatinAmerica'spoorestcountries,
wheregovernment
legitibeenweak.
macyamongthepoorhastraditionally
Self-helphousingprogramspromotedby the international
aid establishment
usuallyinvolvesomeformofcreditand"costrecovery."
Thismeans
thathousingconsumers
musthave stableincomesin orderto qualifyfor
credit,excludingpeople in the lowestincomecategories.It meansthat
mustpay back thebanksand international
housingconsumers
donorsfor
material
Thisindebtedness
intheendwindsuppromoting
assistance.
private
inwhichonlya weakoneexistedpreviously.
anda realestatemarket
property
and infrastructure
add up to a private
Mortgagecredit,bankinvolvement,
real estatemarketable to housetheupperstratabutunableto solve the
housingneedsoftheimpoverished
majority.
Thisdoes notmeanthatself-help
cannotbe a positiveelementin develin
opment.Self-helpactuallydescribesthewayin whichmostmetropolises
Latin Americahave been built-spontaneously
and withoutgovernment
canbe well
assistance(see Hardoy,1982).Sometimes
spontaneous
planning
andsophisticated.
Forexample,inChileundertheUnidadPopular
organized
andinMexicosincethe1970s,localassociations
forimproving
government
theurbanenvironment
as wellas locallyandhave
playedkeyrolesnationally
been important
forcesin pressuring
forgovernment
financingof urban
development
(see Castells,1983: 190-209;Fox, 1989). However,these
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/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
Angotti
29
notbecausetheybelieveit is a
groupsrelyon self-helpout of necessity,
andmost
amongthestrongest
Indeed,a constant
nationalstrategy.
preferred
roleand
government
groupsis thedemandfora stronger
self-help
influential
a moreequitableeconomicandpoliticalsystem.
systemis an exampleofhowcentralplanning
TheCubanmicrobrigade
can worktogetherwithlocal initiative.Since 1970, mostgovernmentfacilitieshas been
of housingand local community
financedconstruction
labororganizedandbackedbylocal
withvolunteer
donebymicrobrigades
as
couldnothaveaccomplished
Microbrigades
andgovernment.
enterprises
support
(Mathey,1988).
government
muchas theyhavewithout
Creatinga new capitalcityhas long been a
development.
Capital-city
nationalurbanform
of a distinct
theestablishment
popularidea,promising
a newcapitalcanbe a nationalsymbolof
freeofthecolonialpast.In theory,
colonialseatofpower.It
withtheexport-oriented
in contrast
independence
andaid decentraliurbandevelopment
can avoidthepitfallsofspontaneous
centrist
functions.
government
zationofhistorically
such as Chile and Bolivia, have splitadministrative
Some countries,
there
In others,
suchas PeruandArgentina,
functions
amongurbancenters.
totheinterior.
The
havebeenrecentproposalstomovethecapitalfunctions
proposalto movethecapitalto Viedmain 1987 diedforlack of
Argentine
ThedreamofmovingPeru'scapitaltoCuzco,
andfunding.
politicalsupport
else closerto theindigenous
population
theMantaroValley,or somewhere
a dreamsincetherebellionofTupacAmaru.
inthesierrahas remained
The mostsignificant
plannedcapitalcityin LatinAmericais Brasilia.
oftheinterior
anda
Brasiliawas plannedas a gatewayto thedevelopment
areasofRio
symbolofBraziliannationalpower.Farfromthemetropolitan
a newpoleforurbanization
andSao Paulo,Brasiliawastoestablish
deJaneiro
UnlikeCiudad
and relievepressureson thebloatedcoastalmetropolises.
as anadministrative
center,
though
Guayana,Brasiliawas plannedprimarily
therewerehopesthata morebalancedlocaleconomywouldemerge.
theBrazilianbourgeoisie
civiccentersymbolizes
Brasilia'smonumental
andmodern
on therise.Itsexpansivephysicallayout,rationalsuperblocks,
withthetangledchaosandspontaneous
sprawlofthe
contrast
infrastructure
ofthe
wherethree-fourths
oldercities.However,beyondtheplannedcenter,
Brasilialives,lies a worldoffavelasandunconofmetropolitan
population
by theplanners.Brasiliahas in factbetrolleddevelopment
unanticipated
ofcapitalandlaborin Brazil'sinterior,
comea centerfortheaccumulation
(see Vale, 1992;
even thoughthecoast stilldominatestheentirecountry
1987;Holston,1989;Epstein,1973).
Shoumatoff,
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30
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES
trendincity
designis an exampleofa universal
Brasilia'sself-conscious
tosymbolize
arepresumed
determinism.
Physicalforms
planning-physical
Howandpromotenationalpride,civicpride,andeconomicdevelopment.
ever,whenthereare no jobs and thebusesdon'twork,one wonderswho
Andwithout
fromthe"planned"citycenter.
theamenities
oftheold
benefits
central
plaza,itis oftenfarless gratifying.
CONCLUSION
canhelpimprove
thequalityof
urbanplanning
Despiteitsmanyfailures,
for
strategy
sustainable
lifein LatinAmerica-ifitis partofa progressive,
Elementsof an emergingprogressiveapproach
economicdevelopment.
ofthegrowing
oflocalcommunity
organinetwork
couldbe empowerment
basedonprinciples
ofequality,
andlocalplanning
regional,
zations,national,
sustainable
ofAmerica'shistoric,
regimesofurbanand
anda "rediscovery"
ruralliving.
in almosteveryLatin
movements
The largepopularcommunity-based
urbandemocracyand
Americancountry
presentnew hopeforgrass-roots
inresponse
tothelack
Thesemovements
arosespontaneously
empowerment.
intheurbanperiphery.
Womentendtoplaya leading
ofgovernment
planning
in community
In
movements.
roleandhavebecomepolitically
empowered
that
have evolvedintolargeorganizations
themovements
manycountries
andplanandadminister
urbanservices,
withthestateforimproved
negotiate
In manycases theyhavebecomesignificant
theirownurbaninfrastructure.
makeup a major
politicalforces.In Brazil,forexample,urbanmovements
thelargestleftpartyinLatin
party,
partofthepopularbase fortheWorkers'
America.
havejoinedwithotherforcesin theleftto
Grass-roots
urbanmovements
inBrazil,Mexico,Venezuela,andPeru,to
wincontroloflocal governments
to theforethecontradictory
This has brought
nameonlya fewcountries.
thegeneral
thatreflect
betweencentralist
nationalgovernments
relationship
weaklocal state.Local government
interests
of capitalandthehistorically
of
forthepoliticalengagement
has becomeone of themainbattlegrounds
each.
laborandcapitalandsectorswithin
To addressexistinginequalities,
urbanand regionalplanningstrategies
withnationalstrategies
thataddresseconomicinequalineedtobe consistent
ties.Theyshouldallocateresourcesin a balancedwayto improvethedaily
ofbothurbanandruralpopulations.
Cuba,forexample,is
livingconditions
in LatinAmericain whichthecapitalcitydeclinedin size
theonlycountry
cities.Thiswasnottheresultofanypolicytostopurban
relative
tosecondary
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Angotti
/URBANIZATIONAND PLANNING
31
growth
buttheconsequenceofa nationalpolicysince1959aimedatcorrecting urban-rural
inequalities,
shifting
productive
investments
to secondary
and decentralizing
citiesand thecountryside,
health,education,and other
toHavanadeclined(see Susman,1987).An
services.As a result,
migration
wasthedeterioration
ofHavana'shousing
unforeseen
consequence,
however,
nowexacerbated
andurbaninfrastructure,
byCuba's severeeconomiccrisis.
If LatinAmerica'slargemetropolitan
regionsdo nothaveto accumulate
andpolluted.
Sustainable
urban
poverty,
theyalsodo nothavetobecongested
modessuchas subways,trolleys,
andbicyclescan helpclear
transportation
inBrazil,
theurbanair.Somecities,mostnotably
Curitiba
andBelo Horizonte
fornonpolluting
havebeguntoreclaimcitystreets
transportation
modesand
Unlessecopedestrians
(see Wright,
1992).However,theseareexceptions.
nomicdependenceon oil and auto and theunderlying
regimeof capital
arealtered,
itisdifficult
toconceiveofanearlysolution
toLatin
accumulation
America'surbanenvironmental
problems.
NOTES
theories
is notusedhereas intheclassical"metropolis-periphery"
1. Theterm"metropolis"
hereis an urbanphenomenon.
ofpoliticaleconomy.A metropolis
fourapproaches
thathavebeenemulated:(1) comprehensive
2. De Mattos(1989) identifies
in
(especiallyinfluential
basin planningalong the lines of theTennesseeValleyAuthority
as propagatedin Europe
Mexico), (2) growthpoles and regionaleconomicdevelopment
in Brazil),(3) integrated
ruraldevelopment
strategies
alongthelinesoftheIsraeli
(influential
nations),and(4) the
experience
(oftenappliedinlessdevelopedAndeanandCentralAmerican
in the
bytheIMF andtheWorldBank(especiallyinfluential
neoliberalapproachpropounded
Southern
Cone countries).
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