THE LIMITS OF PLURALISM
William A. Gamson
The. University. of --Michigan
June 1974
.CRSO.Working Paper. #lo2
- . . Copies Available Through:
The Center for Research on
Social Organization
The University of Michigan
330 Packard S-treet #214
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48104
THE LIMITS OF' PLURALISM
The s t u d y o f s o c i a l : p r o t e s t h a s - drily - recently-:emeoqed2 from t h e s t r a i g h t j a1 c: k e t of c o l l e c t i v e behavior.:. Under t h i s s t u l t i f y i n g - - t r a d i t i o n , t h e ques1
I
t i o n s a d d r e s s e d i n t h i s book: have- b e e n . l a r g e l y ; - i g n o r e dby ~ m e r i c a ns o c i a l
science.
The: c l a s s i c a l : p e r s p e c t i v e : i s - one: i n - wh2ch;bpganized
groups seek
almerely
g o a l s , m o b i l i z e r e s o u r c e s , and employ s t r a t e g i e s - b ~ k - - ~ o c i movements
e x p r e s s r e a c t i o n s by t h e v i c t f m s - o f - s o c k a i . pathology-; . T h e i r c r i e s and
t
e q o t i o n a l e x p r e s s i o n s a r e viewed a s , signa9s..of t h e - s t ~ e s s e sand
s t r a i n s of
sqciety.
They r e a c t , f r e q u e n t l y - v i o l e n t l y , s e n s i n g . w j . t h o q t . r e a l l y under-
s t a n d i n g t h e l a r g e r * s o c i a l f o r c e s - w h i c h b u f f e t them.
,
.
S o c i a l movements, i n t h i s view, a r e one p r o d u c t o f - s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i zadtion; o t h e r p r o d u c t s i n c l u d e s u i c i d e , c r i m i n a l b e h a v i o r , and a d d i t i o n a l
symptoms of a s o c i a l system- i n - trouble;
ments a r e t h e u p r o o t e d .
Ther p a r t i c i p a n t s - $n s o c i a l move-
Aminzade (1973, p. 4 )
,a
c r i t i c of t h i s view,
summarizes it f o r purposes o f . . c o n t r a s t -w i t h . an* a l t e r n a t i v q .
"The d i s r u p t i n g
e f l f e c t s of l a r g e - s c a l e s o c i a l c h a n g e , - s u c h - a s migraffon and urban p o p u l a t i o n
growth, i n v o l v e a b r e a k i n g a p a r t o f . social.:-bonds due .to t h e u p r o o t i n g of
p e r s o n s from t r a d i t i o n a l communities,- which d i s o r i e n t s i n d i v i d u a l s and l e a d s
them i n t o d i s o r d e r l y , and. sometimes v i o l e n t , . p o l f t i c a l * + ~ t i o n . The f o c u s
i s upon t h e s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and d i s i n t e g r a $ i o n z p r o d u ~ e dby t h e r a p i d
pace of s t r u c t u r a l changed,-which- ' l e a d s t o - d e v i a n t - b e h a v i o r , such a s c r i m e ,
s u i c i d e , and- p o l i t i c a l violence:...
I m p l i e d - i n t h e - m q d e l i s t h e mass s o c i e t y
n o t i o n t h a t t h e m o s t l a l i e n a t e d and dfsoriented~individuglsa r e most l i k e l y
t o j o i n t h e , r a n k s of t h e r e v o l u t i o n and- t h a t ' c o l l e c t i i r e . p o l i t i c a l v i o l e n c e
i s e s s e n t i a l 3 . y an anomic phenomenon."
The c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o r t r a d i t i o n h a s produced its p r o p h e t s such a s
E r i c H o f f e r (1951) a s w e l l a s its s e r i o u s t h e o r i s t s .
.
Hoffer's treatment
h a s h e l p e d t o s p r e a d many of t h e b a s i c i d e a s , a l b e i t i n . a s i m p l i f i e d form,
,
'
!
t o a l a r g e and r e c e p t i v e a u d i e n c e .
i r r a t i o n a l i t y of p a r t i c i p a t i o n
H i s c e n t r a l theme i s t h e fundamental.,;
"For men to p l u n g e head-
i n mass movements.
.
,
l o n g i n t o an u n d e r t a k i n g o f v a s t c h a n g e , t h e y must be i n t e n s e l y d i s c o n t e n t e d
y e t not'destitute..:.
They must a l s o have a n - e x t r a v a g a n t c o n c e p t i o n of t h e
p r o s p e c t s and p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of t h e f u t u r e .
F i n a l l y , t h e y must be w h o l l y
i g n c r a n t o f . t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s involved i n t h e i r v a s t undertaking. -.Experience
is a h a n d i c a p " ( I b i d , p. 7 )
.
Mass movements, i n H o f f e r ' s a r g u m e n t , o f f e r a s u b s t i t u t e f o r i n d i v i d u a l
..
.
hope.
They a t t r a c t t h e f r u s t r a t e d , t h o s e whose p;es.ent
.
bly spoiled.
minding.
.
l i v e s are krremedia-
.
"A man i s , l i k e l y t o mind h i s own b u s i n e s s when it i s w o r t h
When i t i s n o t , h e t a k e s h i s , m i n d o f f h i s o w n m e a n i n g l e s s a f f a i r s
.
by. minding o t h e r . p e o p l e ' s b u s i n e s k " (Ibid)'
participant% d e a l with t h e
f r u s t r a t i o n s of t h e i r p r e s e n t l i v e s by d w e l l i n g o n - w h a t a r e e s s e n t i a l l y
.
f a n t a s i e s about t h e f u t u r e .
importance.
..
The c o n t e n t o f t h e f a n t a s i e s i s o f s e c o n d a r y
"The f r u s . t r a t e d f o l l o w . a l e a d e r less- Because of t h e i r f a i t h
t h a t h e i s l e a d i n g them t o a 'promised l a n d t h a n b e c a u s e of t h e i r immediate
f e e l i n g t h a t h e i s l e a d i n g ' t h e m away from t h e i r unwanted s e l v e s .
t o a l e a d e r i s n o t a means t o a n end b u t a f u l f i l l m e n t .
Surrender
Whether t h e y a r e
l e d i s of secondary importance" (Hoffer i951, p. 116).
H o f f e r i s a n e x t r e m e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o r t r a d i t i o n ; he v i r t u a l l y i g n o r e s t h e s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s t h a t produce t h e behavior
he describes.
But o t h e r more s o p h i s t i c a t e d p r o p o n e n t s s t i l l r e l y o n s u c h
p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e s as l o s s of i d e n t i t y and a l i e n a t i o n a s t h e i n t e r v e n i n g
mechanisms i n t h e i r e x p l a n a t i o n .
Even i n t h e more complex v e r s i o n s , p e o p l e
are unaware of what it i s t h a t e n e r g i z e s them t o a c t and t h e i r a c t i o n s a r e
n o t d i r e c t e d a t t h e underlying c o n d i t i o n s t h a t produce.the a l i e n a t i o n or
anxiety.
Mass'behav'ior, Kornhauser a r g u e s ( 1 9 5 9 ) " i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a focuso f - a t t e n t i o n on o b j e c t s t h a t a r e "remote from p e r s o n a l e x p e r i e n c e and d a i l y
...'Concern
life.'
f o r . r e m o t e o b j e c t s t e n d s t o l a c k t h e d e f i n i t e n e s s , inde-
'.--'penderide, s e n s e of r e a l i t y , and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o be found i n concern f o r
'
.
.proximat'e"ob j e c t s "
~ u r t h e r m o r e t h e mode of r e s p o n s e t o t h e s e remote
.. .,
o e j e q t s i s , d i r e c t and unmediated by s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s .
"people a c t
directTy'wYien t h e y do not. engage i n d i s c u s s i o n on t h e m a t t & r : a t hand, and'
-
when 'the?' do - n o t ' a c t - through. .groups i n . which t h e y a r e c a p a b l e ' of ~ e r s u a d i - n ~
and b e i n g p e r s u a d e d ' b y t h e i r f e l l o w s . " .Mass b e h a v i o r a l s o " t e n d s t o be
h i g h l y ' u n s t a b l e , r e a d i l y s h i f t i n g t h e f o c u s of a t t e n t i o n and i n t e n s i t y of
response."
.\
.-
.
*
I
'
.'
_:
...
The m o s t s o p h i s t i c a t e d s t a t e m e n t b f : t h & ' c b l l & c t i v e ' - b e h a ~ 'perspecor
t h e i s S m e l s e r ' s Theory of l C o l l e c t i v e Behavior ( 1 9 6 3 ) .
Although h i s com-
p l e x argument a p p e a r s v e r y d i f f e r e n t from t h e c r u d i t i e s of a H o f f e r , it i s
nevertheless kin.
I n t h i s v e r s i o n , it i s assumed t h a t a l l p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s
-
w i . 1 1 sometimes s e a r c h f o r s o l u t i o n s t o i n t r a c t a b l e problems by r a i s i n g
.'
..%
t h e l e v e l o f . g e n e r a l i t y : , ' . - T h i s , i n i t s e l f , i s . 'hormal and ' r a t i o n a l .
'
'
What"
.
d i s t i n g u i s h e s - c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o r . i s t h e phenomenon o f - " s h o r t - c i r c u i ' t i n g ' . "
..
I n t e r v e n i n g s t e p s a r e jumped a s t h e a c t o r moves from a h i g h l y g e n e r a l i z e d '
...
and a b s t r a c t component..of a c t i o n - d i r e c t l y t o a s o u r c e of s t r a i n .
G e n e r a l i z e d b e l i e f s a r e d i s t i n g u i s h e d 'from o t h e r
k i n d s of p o 3 i t i c a P - b e l i e f s *by t h e i r f a i l u r e t o s p e c i f y how w e ' g e t f r o m ' t h e
a b s t r a c t . . n o r m . . o rvakue*:being:
9
questioned t o t h e concrete s i t u a t i o n s t h a t
a r e . producing- a-.problem
-
,
A. genera'lizede b e l k e f . i s a myth by which t o m o b i l i z e . . p e o p l e .
'
The s h o r t -
c i r c u i t i s made f o r members of a movement-by means of what Smelser c a l l s '
a "generalized b e l i e f . " .
'
I t .con-
t a i n s elements o f . m a g i c a l . t h f n k i n g and ~ m n i p o t e n c e . ~"The proposed reform
'
w i l l r e n d e r opponents h e l p l e s s , and w i l l be e f f e c t i v e immediately
.... Because
of t h i s e x a g g e r a t e d potency, a d h e r e n t s o f t e n s e e u n l i m i t e d b l i s s i n t h e
f u t u r e i f o n l y t h e reforms a r e adopted.
'
For i f t h e y a r e adopted, t h e y - a r g u e ,
t h e b a s i s f o r t h r e a t , f r u s t r a t i o n , and d i s c o m f o r t w i l l d i s a p p e a r " (Smelser
r963', p. 1 1 7 ) .
For a l l h i s s o p h i s t i c a t i o ~t h e n , Smelser r e t a i n s a - s h a r p
d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e e s s e n t i a l l y r a t i o n a l a c t i o n of r o u t i n e p o l i t i c s and
the oversimplified
" g e n e r a l i z e d b e l i e f s " by which p a r t i c i p a n t s i n mass
movements a r e moved t o a c t .
' ~ h e " c 0 1 l e c t i v eb e h a v i o r paradigm, t h e n , r e s t s on a d i s t i n c t i o n - b e t w e e n
-. '-the.'
p o l ' i k i c s of s o c i a l . movements and t h e . p o l i t i c s . of convent'ional groups
'
and - ' o r g a n i z a t i o n s
groups.
-
'
--
'
.mainstream p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , 'lobbies, and i n t e r e s t -
The a c t o r s who engage , i n t h e s e two t y p e s of b e h a v i o r ' a r e s e e n a's-?
di"fferent"species.
Conventional groups a c t t o a c h i e v e g o a l s r a t h e r thanv
reacting t o express d i s t r e s s .
or
such c r e a t u r e s , i t i s p e r f e c t l y appro-
p r i a t e t o - a s k a b o u t . the means of i n f l u e n c e t h e y employ t o a c h i e v e t h e . i r
. ..
goals, tKeir"co'alitions
, where
t h e y . g e t r e s o u r c e s and how t h e y manage them,
t h e i r s k i l l i n n e g o t i a t i o n and t h e l i k e .
P l u r a l i s t theory i s c l o s e l y linked t o t h i s c o l l e c t i v e behavior t r a d i y i o n ;
it i s t h e o t h e r s i d e of t h e c o i n .
gaining t o achieve goals.
exchange.
I t s a c t o r s a r e groups t h a t engage i n b a r -
The c e n t r a l p r o c e s s of p l u r a l i s t p o l i t i c s i s
You s c r a t c h my back and I ' l l s c r a t c h y o u r s ' and, i n t h e e n d ,
w e ' l l a l l g e t some.of what we want.
Besides t h i s e s s e n t i a l l y ' r a t i o n a l ,
'
'
-
i n t e r e s t oriented p o l i t i c s t h e r e i s t h e other kind; an i r r a t i o n a l ,
e x t r e m i s t - - p o Y i t & c s ,o
- p e r a t i n g on a symbo.lic l e v e l w i t h d i s t a n t ' and h i g h l y
a b s t r , a c t . objects.. - . . The. . a n a l y s i s o f . t h i s k i n d of p o l i t i c 's. i s. .,. .1 , e f t f o r t h e
.
..
.
.
.,
.
.
.I
.
. .. , .
:
I
'
.
s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i s t s , whose i n t e l l e c t u a l t o o l s pr'ep&e them- t u ' u n d e r s t a n d t h e
irrational.
P a r t - of :,t h e * a p p e a l of t h e c o l l e c t i v e ' b e h a v i o r , paradigm i s i t s s e r v i c e a b i l i t y a s . a n i n t e l 1 e. c t. u a : l weapon t o d i $ c r .&
. i t mas$ :moveine*ts of which.. o n e - . i s
. . . ,
. . . .
.
c r i t i c a l . I t h a s g r e a t v e r s a t i l i t y . I t c a n , f o r example, be used by conserI
.
v a t i v e c r i t i c s of . r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements such as Gustave LeBon (1896). "By'
-the'mere
f a c t - t h a t he forms
a man. descends s e v e r a l
. . p a r t of an o r g a n i z e .d., .crowd,
.
rungs' i n . ' t h e ' l a d d e r of c i v i l i z a t i o n .
'.."
I s o l a t e d , he.may be a c u l t i v a t e d . in.
I
d i v ' i d u a l ; i n a crowd, he ..i s . a b a r b a r i a n -- t h a t i s , a c r e a t u r e a c t i n g by
..
. .
. ' i n s t i n c t . He p o s s e s s e s t h e s p o n t a n e i t y , t h e v i o l e n c e , th'e f e r o c i t y ; and7
.
a1so"the'. enthusiasm.
. !
and h,eroism
of p r i m i t i v e b e i n g s , whom he f u r t h e r t e n d s
,
-
.'
-
'
..A
t o reseinble b y - t h e f a c i l i ,t y - w
i t h which he a l l o w s himself t o be impressed by
.
words and images
--
which would be e n t i r e l y w i t h o u t a c t i o n on each of t h e
'
- i s o l a t e d r ~ ~ i- n d. i v-'....
i d u acqmposing
is
t h e crowd
-- and t o be induced t o commit-'
. - .
..
- ...
'
:.A,..-
..
.
. 6
acts...c o n t r a r y . ,t,o
h i s. most
i n t e r e s t s and hi,s b e s t known habi'ts.. ;;
. . . . . obv'ious
..
..
'.:
.
. ,
.<
Taken s e p a r a t e l.y , t h e men of t h e French R e v o l u t i o n a r y Convention were en.
.
l i g h t e n e d c i t i z e n s of
p e a c e f u l h a b i t s . Unitgd i n a crowd, t h e y d i d n o t
. .
*
.
i
.
- - h e s i t 8 t e t o . g i v e t h e s .i r adhesion t o t h e most.(savage
- . proposals, t o guillot-ine
*
%
.
i n d i v i d u a l s most c l e a r l y i n n o c e n t , and, c o n t r-a r y t o t h e i r ' i q t e r e s t s , t o - r e .
nounce.'t h e i r - .i n v i o ' l a b i l i t y and t o decimate: .themselves " ( I b i d , p. 3 2-33)
.
'
.
I .
9
.,
-.
.
I t - c a n . , b ei..
u s e d ' e. q u. a l ~ y . ' w e l l t o ' d i. s,,:;;
cred
i t .. t.h
e . ' f r i g. h t e n i n g ' f a s c i s t move,
, . .. . '
,
men'ts, of t h e 192.0' s'.
and' 1930 ' s
.
.
-
.
.
-
who cou1.d q u a',r r e l ' w i t h ' a n ' e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t
' i
.
-
.'.
. '
-::..
.
Books' such a s . The"A u t h o r i t a r i a n p e r s o n a l i t y (Adorne; e t a l ,
.
.
1950) and'Escape0 from Freedom (Fromm, 1941) w e r e h a i l e d a s benchmarks of
'
'
. ' . s o c i a l . s c i e n c e achievement.
':
.
a sick. society?
-
.
.
.
'
d e p i c t e d the"f'ol'-lowers)of'
.
a H i t l e r o r . M u s s o l i n i a s " i r r a t i o n a l - ' v i c t i m s of
- .
'I'
..
.
. ,
.'.'With t h e *advent: o f - the..Cold War and t h e s h i f t of concern t o t h e
a p p e a l - of "Communism;'.many:
..
were; d e l i g h t e d t o f i n d - . s u c h a h.andy
- a p p a r a t u s , a l l cranked and r e a d y t o be a p p l i e d .
-
intellectual
A u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m was
-
r e i n t e r p r e t e d t o f i t t h e "extreme" l e f t a s w e l l a s t h e " r a d i c a l r i g h t . "
-
Former. Communists w e r e s e e n t o c o n v e r t t o new " a u t h o r i t a r i a n " b e l i e f systeink-,
n o t under a b a r r a g e of i n t e n s e normative p r e s s u r e and e x t e r n a l s a n c t i o n s ,
b u t from an unconscious p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n s e c u r i t y t h a t made them seek c e r tainty.'
The c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o r t r a d i t i o n h a s proved i t s e l f h i g h l y d u r a b l e .
U n t i l t h e Movement of t h e 1 9 6 0 ' s .
f o r t h e p a r t i c u l a r movement t h a t o n e ' p a r t i c i p a t e s
t o preempt t h e c a p i t a l M
in.
I t i s u n d e n i a b l y a r r o g a n t , of c o u r s e ,
But i t seems e q u a l l y u n d e n i a b l e t h a t what' Ash. (1972)' c a l l s ' t h e - "penum-
bra'"- of '-thls-'s e t ' o f , r e l a t e d . c h a l l e n g e s . b l a n k e t e & ' t h e , 'campuses of America'.
'Tt c r e a t e a a n - a t m o s p h e r e
.. . . - .
--
a s e t of concerns a n d i s s u e s
--
t h a t defined
t h e .p'olitica.l agenda. 05.-t h o s e who l i v e d and worked- i n ' i t s ambLence'.
..,
.
. .
Many-of t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l workers o p e r a t i n g i n t h i s ambience became.,
active- participants-:.in: the' challenges.
-
They marched on p i c k e t l i n e s ' t o "
.
. - . -
= - -
.
'
"
-
'
''.boycott'-chain':s t o r e s : t h a t : d i s c r i m i n a t e d o r went' South : t o work on v o t e r r e '
g i s t r a t i o n ; ; +t h e y . okgani.z$d. -teach-ins and.. marched: a g a i n s t , t h e War i n Vietnam';
they organized ren.t..strikes:or
s i t - i n s f o r open-enrollment, e l i m i n a t i o n of
ROTC, .or.'maAy" o t h e r s p e c i f i c i s s u e s .
'
And i f t h e y d i d n ' t a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i -
p a t e , t h e y t a l k e d ' t o maiy who d i d .
'
.,
T h i s was n o t a f e l i c i t o u s circumstance f o r t h e c o n t i n u i n g a c c e p t a n c e
of t h e , c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o r paradigm.
Some, of c o u r s e , found t h e p o l i t i c i z e d
atmosphere on campus a p p a l l i n g and d e s t r u c t i v e and were ready t o t r o t o u t
-
t h e o l d - i n t e l l e c t u a l weapons a g a i n s t t h i s l a t e s t t h r e a t t o p o l i t i c a l
c i v i l i t y ( c f . Fever 1 9 6 9 ) .
But o t h e r s , more s y m p a t h e t i c t o t h e Movement,
were h a r d l y r e a d y t o embrace an e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t would t a r themselves and
many*f r i e n d s .
.Movement sympathizers' a n d ' p a r t i c i p a n t s such as F-lacks
-
(-1967) , 2. Gamson
. . e t :~ti1-..~(~196..7)~~
and5 Keniston. "('19683. *.were,'quick't o produce e v i d e n c e on s t u d e n t
.
. .
'
a c t i v i s t s t h a t s e v e r l y u n d e r c u t any e x p l a n a t i o n based on m a l - i n t e g r a t i o n
and p e r s o n a l pathology.]
P a i g e (1972) ,. Caplan, and ~ a i g e(1968) , and t h e
'
.
..
.
s o c i a l s c i . = h t i b t s of t h e Kerner Commission (1968) were q u a i l y q u i c k t o produce e v i d e n c e d i s c r e d i t i n g such e x p l a n a t i o n s of urban r i o t e r s .
The " r i f f -
r a f f " t h e o r y , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e McCone commission r e p o r t on t h e Watts
r i o t , was d i s p a t c h e d i n s h o r t . o r d e r .
Tf t h e c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o r paradigm seemed s o i n a d e q u a t e t o d e a l w i t h
t h e c h a l l e n g e s t h a t one e x p e r i e n c e d a t f i r s t hand, perhaps it was e q u a l l y
q u e s t i o n a b l e f o r o t h e r movement phenomena normally viewed a t a d i s t a n c e w i t h
hostility
:
-,
>6
--
f o r example, McCarthyism. I have f u l l sympathy and a d m i r a t i o n
f o r t h o s e who l i v e d through t h e trauma and t h e v i c i o u s n e s s of t h e McCarthy
e r a and were n o t t o o cowed t o f i g h t back.
The t h r e a t was r e a l and I can
u n d e r s t a n d how beleagured s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s t u r n e d q u i t e n a t u r a l l y t o an
i n t e l l e c t u a l a p p a r a t u s t h a t had a p p r e n t l y made s e n s e of t h e y r i s e of f a s c i s m
and used i t t o d i s c r e d i t J o e McCarthy's f o l l o w e r s under t h e g u i s e of s o c i a l
science explanation.
- -
However, work by Rogin ( 1 9 6 7 ) , Polsby (1960) and
o t h e r s s u g g e s t s t h a t t h i s c l a s s i c a l approach does n o t e x p l a i n t h e phenomenon
very w e l l a t ' a l l .
T h i s view-would have it t h a t McCarthy drew h i s b a s i c s u p p o r t , n o t from
e s t a b l i s h e d , t r a d i t i o n a l l y , c o n s e r v a t i v e g r o u p s , b u t from t h e a l i e n a t e d .
McCarthy was s e e n a s a p r o t o t y p i c a l demagogue a p p e a l i n g t o t h e mass of
p e o p l e f o r d i r e c t s u p p o r t over t h e heads of t h e i r e s t a b l i s h e d l e a d e r s ;
He
m o b i l i z e d t h o s e i n d i v i d u a l s who were p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y v u l n e r a b l e , s p l i t t i n g
a p a r t e x i s t i n g c o a l i t i o n s and u p s e t t i n g c o n v e n t i o n a l group a l i g n m e n t s .
P l a u s i b l e a s i t may sound, t h i s view of t h e MsCarthy phenomenon i s
apparently f a l s e .
Rogin's work s t r o n g l y s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e r e was l e s s t o
M c ~ a r t h y i s mt h a n met t h e eye.
Without s e a r c h i n g below t h e s u r f a c e f o r
I
hidden f r u s t r a t i o n s , t h e b u l k . of McCar.thy:' s-. s u p p o r t . can. be- a c c o u n t e d f o r
by t a k i n g t h e i s s u e s a t f a c e v a l u e .
On t h e ' b a s 2 s ' o f county v o t i n g r e c o r d s ,
p o l l d a t a , and o t h e r e v i d e n c e , Rogin c o n c T u d e s e t h a t - "McCarthy c a p i t a l i z e d
on popular concern o v e r f o r e i g n policy-,- comrnunism~~ai~d.the
Korean War, b u t
t h e animus of McCarthyism had 1 i t t l e : t o : d o w i t h any l e s s p o l i t i c a l o r more.
developed popular a n x i e t i e s . ..McCarthy d i d not.'sp'ljlt: a p a r t a n e l i t e , t h e
p a r t s of which had been e q u a l l y c o n s e r v a t i v e b e f o r e . h i m .
H e r a t h e r cap-
I
i t a l i z e d on a n e x i s t i n g l i b e r a l / c o n s e r v a t i v e s p 1 i t : w i t h i n t h e e x i s t i n g
Republican e l i t e " (1967, pp. 216.,220).
P o l s b y ' s . ,(l96'0.) a n a l y s i s of p o l l
d a t a p o i n t s i n t h e same g e n e r a l directton-:-
Party a f f i l i a t i o n i s t h e single
b e s t p r e d i c t o r of s u p p o r t f o r McCarthy---- Democrats opposed him and Republic a n s ' s u p p o r t e d him.
Rogin c o n c l u d e s from h i s own.review, " I n t h e s e p o l l s ,
a s i n t h e . d a t a r e p o r t e d by P o l s b y , no o t h e r s i n g . l e . d i v i s i o n of t h e p o p u l a t i o n
(by r e l i g i o n , c l a s s , e d u c a t i o n , and s o , . ' f o r t h ) even approached t h e p a r t y
s p l i t " (1967, p. 2 3 4 ) .
Rogin r e j e c t s t h e . n o t i o n t h a t McCarthy w a s s u s t a i n e d
p r i m a r i l y by t h e vague d i s c o n t e n t s o f ~ ~ f r u s t r a t e d ~ ' g r o u p s"McCarthy
.
had
powerful group and e l i t e s u p p o r t .
He d i d n o t . m o b i l i z e t h e masses a t t h e
p o l l s o r break through e x i s t i n g group. c2eavages....
War played c r u c i a l r o l e s ! ' (1967, p. 268)
.
Communism and t h e Korean
T h e - . , i s s u e son
' which McCarthy
mobilized s u p p o r t were a p p a r e n t l y . rea.1 ones f o r h i s f o l l o w e r s , n o t merel y symbolic of p r i v a t e a n x i e t i e s .
The c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o r apparatus1 a 2 s o . p r o v e d a c o n v e n i e n t one f o r
l i b e r a l s in. exp,laining t h e support for: Senator
was
Barry Goldwater i n 1964.
It
f r e.-q u e n t a y assumed t h a t t h e e a r l y . s u p p o r t e r s of Goldwater were anomic.,
i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y detached ''cranks," n e o f a s c i s t s , o r " i n f i l t r a t o r s " i n t o t h e
Republican P a r t y .
" L i t t l e o l d l a d i e s i n t e n n i s shoes"
became t h e p o p u l a r
. .
p h r a s e t o c a p t u r e t h e l u n a t i c f r i n g e imagery.
McEvoy (1971) h a s demonstrated. t h a t - t h e - evidence..s h a r p l y . c o n t r a d i c t s
t h i s image of t h e Goldwater phenomenon-.-. Pre-convention s u p p o r t e r s of Goldw a t e r were compared on a number of v a r d a b l e s . . w i t h t h o s e who u l t i m a t e l y
v o t e d f o r him even though t h e y had p r e f e r r e d a n o t h e r nominee p r i o r t o t h e
convention.
The e a r l y Goldwater s u p p o r t e r s - w e r e v e r y . s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r
on s u c h v a r i a b l e s a s c h u r c h . a t t e n d a n c e , income level., and e d u c a t i o n .
were more l i k e l y t o b e . m a r r i e d .
They
Furthermore, t h e y were much h i g h e r i n p a s t
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Republican. P a r t y - p o l i t i c s : .
F i n a l l y , t h e y e x h i b i t e d average
t o low l e v e l s of o b j e c t i v e s t a t u s . d i s c r e p a n c y .
None..of t h i s e v i d e n c e
s u g g e s t s l a c k of a t t a c h m e n t ; on t h e contrary.; e a r l y ... Goldwater s u p p o r t e r s
seem t o be s t r o n g c o n s e r v a t i v e s w i t h s o c i a T s u p p o r t . and r e s p e c t from t h e i r
-,,.
.a
f r i e n d s and n e i g h b o r s .
,.
Resource Management :.
The, New. Look a t . .Social'' P r o t e s t
There are now an i n c r e a s i n g numberr of s c h o l a r s who have begun reexamini n g . s o c i a l p r o t e s t w i t h o u t t h e incubus of t h e c o l l e c t i v e behavior paradigm.
The assumptions of t h e new look h a v e . b e g u n * ' t o emerge more.and more e x p l i c i t l y i n t h e i r work a s t h e y a t t e m p t t o t e s t , i t s * ' e x p l a n a t o r y power on a wide
r a n g e of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n s .
T h i s book draws s u s t e n a n c e from and h o p e f u l l y
c o n t r i b u t e s t o t h i s growing l i t e r a t u r e .
O b s e r s c h a l l (1973) h a s made t h e m o s t ~ ~ c o m p r e h e n s i veef f o r t t o s t a t e t h e
a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o r approach.
of r e s o u r c e s .
He b e g i n s w i t h t h e c o n c e p t
" I n o r d i n a r y everyday a c t i v i t y , a t work, i n f a m i l y l i f e , and
i n p o l i t i c s , people manage t h e i r r e s o u r c e s i n complex ways:
t h e y exchange
some r e s o u r c e s f o r o t h e r r e s o u r c e s ; t h e y make up r e s o u r c e d e f i c i t s by borrowing resources; they r e c a l l t h e i r e a r l i e r investments.
~ e s o u r c e sa r e con-
s t a n t l y being c r e a t e d , consumed, t r a n s f e r r e d , assembled and r e a l l o c a t e d ,
exchanged, and even l o s t .
A t any g i v m t i m e , some r e s o u r c e s a r e earmarked f o r
group ends and group u s e , n o t j u s t i n d i v i d u a - l . u s e ;
A l l of t h e s e p r o c e s s e s
can be r e f e r r e d t o a s ' r e s o u r c e management'."
"Group c o n f l i c t i n i t s dynamic a s p e c t s can be c o n c e p t u a l i z e d from
t h e p o i n t of view of r e s o u r c e management.
M o b i l i z a t i o n r e f e r s t o t h e pro-
c e s s e s by which a d i s c o n t e n t e d group assembles and i n v e s t s r e s o u r c e s f o r
t h e p u r s u i t of group g o a l s .
S o c i a l c o n t r o l r e f e r s - t o t h e same p r o c e s s e s ,
b u t from t h e p o i n t of view of t h e incumbents- o r t h e group t h a t i s b e i n g
\
challenged.
Groups locked i n c o n f l i c t a r e i n c o m p e t i t i o n f o r some of t h e s a m e
r e s o u r c e s a s each s e e k s t o squeeze more r e s o u r c e s from i n i t i a l l y uncommitted
t h i r d p a r t i e s " ( I b i d , p. 2 8 ) .
The d i s c o n t e n t e d a r e no more nor l e s s r a t i o n a l t h a n o t h e r p o l i t i c a l
actors.
"The i n d i v i d u a l s who a r e f a c e d w i t h r e s o u r c e management d e c i s i o n s
make r a t i o n a l c h o i c e s based on t h e p u r s u i t of t h e i r s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s i n
I
an e n l i g h t e n e d manner.
They weigh t h e rewards and s a n c t i o n s , c o s t s and bene-
f i t s , t h a t a l t e r n a t i v e c o u r s e s of a c t i o n - r e p r e s e n t f o r them.
In conflict
s i t u a t i o n s , a s i n a l l o t h e r c h o i c e s i t u a t i o n s , t h e i r own p r i o r p r e f e r e n c e s
and h i s t o r y , t h e i r p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s , a s w e l l a s t h e group s t r u c t u r e s and i n f l u e n c e p r o c e s s e s t h e y a r e c a u g h t up i n , * d e t e r m i n e t h e i r c h o i c e s .
Indeed,
many a r e b u l l i e d and coerced i n t o c h o i c e s t h a t a r e c o n t r a r y t o t h e i r p r e dispositions.
The r e s o u r c e management approhch can account f o r t h e s e pro-
c e s s e s i n a r o u t i n e way" ( I b i d , p. 2 9 )
.
C h a r l e s T i l l y and h i s c o l l a b o r a t o r s h a v e - b e e n major d e v e l o p e r s of t h i s
approach and have made e s p e c i a l l y f e r t i l e u s e of i t i n e x p l a i n i n g s p e c i f i c
collective actions.
The T i l l y s t r a t e g y h a s been t o spawn a number of
d i f f e r e n t s t u d i e s , u s i n g h i s t o r i c a l d a t a on v a r i o u s European c o u n t r i e s .
The
s t u d i e s a r e u n i t e d by a common t h e o r e t i c a l framework, s e t of g u i d i n g
q u e s t i o n s and g r e a t c a r e i n t h e s y s t e m a t i c coding and a n a l y s i s of t h e b a s i c
h i s t o r i c a l d a t a used t o tes~t.their.proposi;t3.ons.
Groups a r e viewed a s " f o r m i n g and d i s s o l v i n g , m o b i l i z i n g and demobilizi n g , f o r m u l a t-i n g and making c l a i m s , a c t i n g - c o ' l l e c t i v e l y and c e a s i n g t o a c t ,
g a i n i n g and l o s i n g power, i n r e s p o n s e to-c h a n g e s - i n f i v e sets of v a r i a b l e s :
1)
a r t i c u l a t e d group i n t e r e s t s , 2 )
p r e v a i l i n g s t a n d a r d s of j u s * i c e ,
3)
r e s o u r c e s c o n t r o l l e d by g r o u p s and t h e i r members, 4 ) - r e s o u r c e s c o n t r o l l e d
by o t h e r groups ( e s p e c i a l l y governments) and 5)
c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n " ( T i l l y 1973, p. 6-7;
C o l l e c t i v e Violence", 1 9 7 4 ) .
c o s t s of m o b i l i z a t i o n and
a l s o c f . T i l l y "Revolutions and
C o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n s a r e " c o n c e p t u a l i z e d a s organ-
i z a t i o n a l phenomena which o c c u r , n o t merely because of widespread d i s c o n t e n t
wigh war, unemployment, o r whatever, b u t because o r g a n i z a t i o n s e x i s t which
+
I'.
make p o s s i b l e t h e c h a n n e l i n g and e x p r e s s i o n of t h a t d i s c o n t e n t i n t o c o n c e r t e d
s o c i a l a c t i o n " (Aminzade 1973, p. 6 )
.
I n p l a c e of t h e o l d d u a l i t y , o f e x t r e m i s t p o l i t i c s and p l u r a l i s t p o l i t i c s ,
t h e r e i s simply p o l i t i c s .
The American Medical A s s o c i a t i o n . a n d S t u d e n t s f o r
a Democratic S o c i e t y a r e n o t d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s b u t members of t h e same
s p e c i e s f a c e d w i t h d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l environments.
a r e assumed t o have c e r t a i n c o l l e c t i v e g o a l s .
A l l p o l i t i c a l groups
These g o a l s a r e n o t n e c e s s a r i -
l y t h e same a s t h e g o a l s of t h e i n d i v i d u a l s who j o i n them.
A person may
become a c t i v e i n t h e Republican P a r t y because he s e e k s camaraderie and
f e l l o w s h i p and i s p u l l e d i n by f r i e n d s h i p networks, because he i s motivated
by i d e o l o g i c a l c o n c e r n s ; because he f i n d s i n h i s a l l e g i a n c e t o t h e p a r t y a
meaningful way of d e a l i n g w i t h a c o n f u s i n g world; because he s e e k s m a t e r i a l
r e w a r d s , s t a t u s and c o n t a c t s ; because he s e e k s an o p p o r t u n i t y t o e x e r c i s e
power o v e r h i s f e l l o w m e n .
Most.of t h e s e r e a s o n s would a p p l y a s well t o
j o i n i n g t h e Peace and Freedom P a r t y .
The c o l l e c t i v e g o a l s of p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s r a t h e r t h a n t h e p e r s o n a l g o a l s
of members a r e assumed t o be t h e r e l e v a n t p a r t of an e x p l a n a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l
behavior.
Whatever t h e p e r s o n a l m o t i v a t i o n of members, t h e Republican P a r t y
has c e r t a i n g o a l s of i t s own.
These can be r e c o g n i z e d by t h e i r s t a t u s a s
i n t e r n a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n s i n t h e group.
-Should t h e P a r t y f a k e a c t i o n A o r B?
One answers by r e f e r e n c e t o c e r t a i n e n d - s t a t e s
p o l i t i c a l power
--
which a r e recognized * ' o t h e r
r e g a r d l e s s of t h e i r p e r s o n a l g o a l s .
--
f o r example, g a i n i n g
members a s j u s t i f i c a t i o n s ,
Collective goals s e t the c r i t e r i a f o r
d e c i d i n g on c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n s .
s i m i l a r r e a s o n i n g a p p l i e s t o s o c i a l ~ ~ m o v e m e natc t o r s .
They have c e r t a i n
c o l l e c t i v e g o a l s and one c a n make s e n s e o f . t h e i r a c t i o n s p a r t l y by r e f e r e n c e
t o these end-states.
behavior.
They a r e s e e n a s e s s e n ' t i a l l y i n s t r u m e n t a l i n t h e i r
T h i s does n o t mean t h a t t h e y always a c t i n t h e i r b e s t i n t e r e s t .
They may make m i s t a k e s beaausb of poor. d i a g n o s i s of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l e n v i r o n ment, unwise u s e of r e s o u r c e s , and p o o r - o r g a n i z a t i o n .
They a r e no d i f f e r e n t
i n t h i s r e s p e c t from t h e Republican P a r t y - . a l t h o u g h t h e y may.make more o r
fewer m i s t a k e s because of t h e d i f f e r e n t . . p o T i t i c a l environment and s t r a t e g i c
imperatives they face.
R e b e l l i o n , i n t h i s view, i s s t m p l y - . p o l i t i c s by o t h e r means.
It i s not
some kind of i r r a t i o n a l e x p r e s s i o n b u t i s a s i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i t s n a t u r e a s
a l o b b y i s t t r y i n g t o g e t s p e c i a l f a v o r s f o r h i s ' g r o u p o r a major p o l i t i c a l
p a r t y conducting a p r e s i d e n t i a l campaign.
,
As'.Aminzade p u t s i t , "The r e -
s o u r c e management model views r e v o l u t i o n a r y . v i o l e n c e a s an e x t e n s i o n o r
c o n t i n u a t i o n , i n a p a r t i c u l a r form, of everyday, n o n v i o l e n t p o l i t i c a l
activity.
An e v e n t of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e .is.c o n c e p t u a l i z e d n o t a s a sudden
- . .
and u n p r e d i c t a b l e o u t b u r s t o r e r u p t i o n of h e r e t o f o r e l a t e n t . t e n s i o n s , o r
/
f r u s t r a t i o n s which t a k e t h e i r m a n i f e s t . f o r m i n an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l vacuum b u t
,rather as the outcome of a cont'inuous process.of'organizatfonalactivity"
(1973, p. 5).
The absence of.rebellion is in: need of. exp'lan-at'ion..asmuchzas its
Tilly observes that "...collective violence is one'of the comrnon-
presence.
\
est forms of.political participation:. . Why begin'an.inquiry into [the
subject]
... with the presumption that-viofentL'.polf
.tics appear only as a
.
disruption, a deviation,.or a last resort?
Rather than treating collective
violence as an unwholesome deviation from normality, we might,do better
to ask under what conditions (if any) violence disappears from ordinary
political life."
He goes on to suggest several reasons why one should
hesitate "to assume that collective violence is a sort of witless release
.
of tension divorced from workaday politics:
:.
its effectiveness in establishing or maintaining a group's political-identity,
its frequent success as a tactic,
its normative order, its frequent recruitment of ordinary people, and its
tendency to evolve in cadence with peaceful political action" (Tilly 1973b).
. ., ...
.,
. .
Large.scale structural changes such.as urbanization'and"'industria1i-
zatxon'are important'notbecause they create disorganization but'because
they "strongly affect the number, identity, and organizations of.the contenders which in turn determine the predominant forms and loci of con'flict.
In.the short run, the magnitude of conflict depends on"Ah"interaction of
the tactics of contenders and'the'coercive'practices'of
the government.
In
the longer run, the magnitude of conflict depends on the established means
by which contenders can enter and leave the polity, and the frequency with
whi'ch.entries and exits actually occur" (Tilly 1970, p. 4).
I\
.. ,
The'form that protest takes is viewed as the result of an.interaction.
Confusion on this issue "has led most analysts to jump far too quickly from
\
the fact that a riot occurred to the investigation of why such individuals
,.
1
'
,
turned t o violence."
are (a)
I n f a c t , t h e s t a n d a r d sequences f o r v i o l e n c e o c c u r r i n g
"A group r e p r e s e n t i n g a c o n t e n d e r f o r power o f f e r s a p u b l i c show
of s t r e n g t h o r performs a symbolic a c t which i m p l i c i t ~ yl a y s ~ c l a i m ' t o ' d ' i ' s puted power and a n o t h e r r i v a l group. c h a l l e n g e s , which; l e a d s t o f i g h t i n g "
'
some s o r t between t h e groups and f i n a l l y t o t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n o f ' r e p r e s s i v e
f o r c e , " o r (b)
"A group r e p r e s e n t i n g a c o n t e n d e r f o r power ( e s p e c i a l l y a
non-member of t h e p o l i t y ) performs an a c t which l a y s c l a i m t o d i s p u t e d power,
and r e p r e s s i v e f o r c e s i n t e r v e n e d i r e c t l y t o c o u n t e r t h a t c l a i m " ( I b i d , p.
26-27).
"Whether v i o l e n c e o c c u r s o r n o t [ i n c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n ] depends
l a r g e l y on whether members of one group d e c i d e t o r e s i s t t h e c l a i m s being
made by members of a n o t h e r group" ( T i l l y 1973a, p. 6 ) .
There a r e , i n t h i s paradigm, some i m p o r t a n t d i s t i n c t i o n s t o be made
among d i f f e r e n t k i n d s of p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s .
What I have c a l l e d h e r e " c h a l l e n g -
i n g groups" a r e a s p e c i a l k i n d of a c t o r w i t h a s e t of p r o b l e m s - t h a t a r e
peculiar t o the class.
~ s t a b l i s h e dgroups must m a i n t a i n t h e l o y a l t y and
commitment'of t h o s e from whom t h e y draw t h e i r r e s o u r c e s ; c h a l l e n g i n g
groups must c r e a t e t h i s l o y a l t y .
Both a t t e m p t i n f l u e n c e b u t e s t a b l i g h e r .
'.
'
a c t o r s h a v e ' r e ' s o u r c e s r o u t i n e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r u s e and have d i f f e r e n t r e -
lationshipsto-'other'importantp o l i t i c a l a c t o r s .
Powerless groups have s p e c i a l k i n d s of s t r a t e g i c problems.
.
.
.
.
.
They c ' a n ' t
c a l l on e x i s t i n g r e s o u r c e s b u t must c r e a t e t h e i r own on t h e b a s i s of mass
support.,
Or,
i f t h e s u p p o r t i n g p o p u l a t i o n i s n o t s u f f i c i e n t , t h e y must
f i n d ways of b r i n g i n g a l l i e s t o t h e i r ' c a u s e .
A s Lipsky (1968) w r i t e s ,
"The 'prob1,em of t h e - p o w e r l e s s ' i n p r o t e s t a c t i v i t y i s t o a c t i v a t e ' t h i r d
p a r t i e s ' t o e n t e r t h e i m p l i c i t o r e x p l i c i t b a r g a i n i n g a r e n a i n ways f a v o r a b l e
t o the protestors.
T h i s i s one of t h e few ways i n which t h e y c a n ' c r e a t e '
bargaining resources."
The central difference among political actors is'captured by the
of being inside or outside of the polity.
whose interest is vested
--
iaea
Those who are inside-aremembers'
that is, recognized as valid by'other'fnembers.
Those who'are outside are challengers.
They lack the basic prerogative
of.members -- routine access to decisions that affect them.
.
They may lack'
this because it is denied them in spite of their best efforts or because
their efforts are clumsy and ineffectual.
Precisely how entry into the-'
polity operates is a matter for empirical study as in this book.
. -
Implications for Pluralist Theory
Pluralist theory is a portrait of the inside'of.the politica'l arena.:
'
. .
'
There one sees a more or lessarderly contest, carried out by the classic.
pluralist rules of bargaining, lobbying, log rolling, coalition formation,
5
'
I
negotiation, and compromise.
The issue'of'howone gets into the.pressure
system is not treated as a central problem.
Crenson (1971, p. 179) writes,
"Where there is pluralism, it is argued, there is likely to be competition
among political leaders, and where leaders must~competewith one another,
they will actively seek the support of cons,titu.ents;.A . leaaer'who fails
to cultivate public support runs the risk of being thrust aside by his
rivals'when the time comes to submit himself and his policies to the judgement of the electorate... The pluralistic organization of the political
"
"
'
elite, therefore, helps to assure that the great'bulk.of the population will
.'
enjoy a substantial amount of indirect'influence in the making of almost
all public decisions, even though it seldom participates directly in the
making oi.any public decision. "
Since no fundamental distinction is made between insiders and
outsiders, there is little sensitivity to the differences in their
political imperatives.
Differences in political situation are treated as
'
d i f f e r e n c e s i n c h a r a c t e r - -'-
between. r a t i o n a l a c t o r s p u r s u i n g - i n t e r e s t s and
i r r a t i o n a l a c t o r s expressing f r u s t r a t i o n with s o c i a l conditions,
The r e s u l t s p r e s e n t e d i n e a r l i e r c h a p t e r s c o n t r a d i c t p l u r a l i s t - i m a g e r y
a t a number of c r u c i a l p o i n t s .
F i r s t of a l l , when we examine t h e b e h a v i o r
of c h a l l e n g e r s r a t h e r t h a n members, we do n o t , f i n d any c o n n e c t i o n between
s u c c e s s and t h e means of i n f l u e n c e p r e s c r i b e d f o r members.
On t h e c o n t r a r y ,
i t i s t h o s e who a r e u n r u l y t h a t have t h e most n o t a b l e s u c c e s s .
A willingness
t o u s e c o n s t r a i n t s , i n c l u d i n g - i n some.bcases v i o l e n c e , i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h
g a i n i n g membership'and b e n e f i t s , n o t w i t h i t s o p p o s i t e . T h i s i s o n l y t r u e
.. . .. . . . : r
.,.
. . .
-.
.
f o r groups' w i t h ' c e r t a i n k i n d s of g o a l s b u t i t cannot-be s'aid t h a t , i n g e n e r a l ,
.
.'
i ;:: r j L .,
i
~.
. . . . .k : .
v i o l a t i o n of t h e - r u l e s of p l u r a l i s t p o l i t i c s i s s e l f - d e f e a t i n g f o r c h a l l e n g e r s .
-. .
.
.
.
.
.
. ... ,., - 3
'.
. ,.
The same p o i n t can be made w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e u s e of s o c i a l ' c o n t r o l
. . .
...
. . .. . .
, * ; ,! : .: ,
. . . . .
s t r a t e g i e s by members a g a i n s t c h a l l e n g e r s . The r e s t r a i n t which p l u r a l i s t
.
.
,
%.
,L
..A,.
T.:.,
.
"
2
,
,
C#
. .. .
.
..
,'
5
. . . .
,
t h e o r y c l a i m s f o r p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s does n o t c r o s s t h e b o u n d a r i e s of t h e p o l i t y .
....-
.
'
. . . .. ' ..
. .
I:
One u s e s o n l y l i m i t e d means a g a i n s t members b u t c h a l l e n g e r s a r e f a i r game
. . .
., . .
f o r a whole gamut of s o c i a l c o n t r o l t e c h n i q u e s . The r u l e s a r e r e g a r d e d . a s
.
.-. :
t!
-.
. . . . .
-.
j u s t ; hence, t h e i r v i o l a ' t i o n g i v e s l i c e n s e f o r r e p r e s s i o n . Righteous i n d i g . , ... ... ...;;,. ;
.......
,.'
.
. i- -;T.,
.
. ,. r-,:. >; ..
' . , , .*. ,. .
......:.'
.. , .
n a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e t o f u e l t h e f a i n t - h e a r t e ' d and t o e a s e ' t h e o v e r l y
."
7,".
:
.
., , .
::.,i 2 ,[ : . . .
..
. -.
scrupulous conscience.
,
1.:
.*)
.
.
.
a
.
.,
'
1;
'
:.. .
.....
,
,
*
!.
-.-
....,
,
.
. . q :
."'
,
. .,
.:
.
' .u;
>:..t,:.
:
I n f a c t , t h e s e t of a c t i v i t i e s symbolized by Watergate c a n b e s t be
,
-I;.!
. $ . :
. I
-;
.
..
.
+ :
.
I
. .
.
I
.
,
.
.
understood i n t h e s e terms.
The Nixon a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t r o d u c e d an innova. . . , . . .. .
.
. .. . .
. . :, ,;-, 7 .
t i o n of a s p e c i a l and l i m i t e d s o r t : Means of p o l i t i c a l combat t h a t were
.,
.
,
. .
normally r e s e r v e d f o r c h a l l e n g e r s ' were a p p l i e d t o members.
.
,
. , I _
'
7
.
,
.
, .
.
,
:
~ i x o nwas a b l e
.
t o claim, with j u s t i f i c a t i o n , t h a t wire-tapping,
.
,.
b u r g l a r y , t h e u s e of
. ,
a g e n t s p r o v o c a t e u r , and t h e u s e of t h e J u s t i c e Department and FBI a s a
weapon t o h a r a s s , were a l l p r a c t i c e s employed by p r e v i o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s .
The s p e c i a l g e n i u s of t h e Nixon a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was t o b r i n g t h e s e t e c h n i q u e s
i n s i d e t h e ' p o l i t i c a l ' a r e n a and t o d i r e c t them a t members, t h e r e b y c a u s i n g
g r e a t i n a i g n a t i o n among many who had
tolerated t h e i r use against.political
.
pariahs.
. . . . -
The' r e s u l t s h e r e a l s o c h a l l e n g e t h e p l u r a l i s t a s s u m p t i o n t h a t ' t h ' o s e
w%th a c o l l e c t i v e i n t e r e s t t o p u r s u e w i l l o r g a n i z e t o p u r s u e it.
"
T5e' t h e o r y
i
of p u b l i c goods shows t h a t t h e r e i s n o t h i n g n a t u r a l a b o u t t h e ' a b i ' l i t y t o
organxie' successfully.
I t s achievement i s a n accomplishment* t h a t ' c a n ' aria
£ r e q u e n t l y ' d o e s e l u d e a g r o u p t h a t i s p o o r . i n r e s o u r c e s and c a n o f f e r i t s
.
members few i f any s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s .
-...
,
A-member of t h e p o l i t y may need t o wheel and d e a l b u t a c h a l l e n g e r
s h o u l d be p r e p a r e d t o s t a n d and f i g h t .
-
I f t h e group t h r e a t e n s strong i n t e r -
e s t s of members and i s n o t r e a d y f o r combat, it i s l i k e l y t o f i n d i t s e l f
,
.
e x t r e m e l y v u l n e r a b l e t o a t t a c k and d e f e a t .
Members b a r g a i n w i t h o t h e r mem-
bi j e r s ; w i t h p e r s i s t e n t c h a l l e n g e r s , t h e y a r e p r e p a r e d . t o ' f i g h t and d e s t r o y
o r u l t i m a t e l y t o y i e l d i f t h e f i g h t proves m o r e . c o s t l y than the' s t a k e s warrant.
The p l u r a l i s t ' i m a g e , t h e n , i s a h a l f - t r u t h .
I t m i s l e a d s u s when a p p l i e d
t o t h e r e l a t i o n s between p o l i t i c a l c h a l l e n g e r s and members of t h e p o l i t y .
The a p p r o p r i a t e image f o r ' t h i s p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n i s more a f i g h t w i t h
f e w h o l d s b a r r e d t h a n it i s a c o n t e s t u n d e r w e l l d e f i n e d - r u l e s .
(1971, p . 53) s a y s i t v e r y w e l l .
Lowi
"The h i s t o r y o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s i s n o t
m e r e l y o n e of m u t u a l accommodation among competing g r o u p s under a broad
u m b r e l l a of c o n s e n s u s .
melting pot.
tossed salad.
The p r o p e r image of o u r s o c i e t y h a s n e v e r been a
I n bad t i m e s , i t i s a b o i l i n g p o t ; i n good t i m e s , i t i s a
i n , t h i s is a l l very w e l l .
F o r t h o s e who a r e -
But t h e p r i c e
-
h a s always been p a i d by t h o s e who a r e o u t , and when t h e y d o g e t i n - t h e y d o
n o t a l w a y s g e t i n t h r o u g h a p r o c e s s of m u t u a l accommodation u n d e r a broad
u m b r e l l a of c o n s e n s u s . "
Some. of t h e s e . u n r u l y and scrappy c h a l l e n g e r s do e v e n t u a l l y become
members.
One might be tempted t o conclude from t h i s t h a t t h e f l a w i n t h e
p l u r a l i s t heaven i s , a f t e r a l l , r a t h e r e x a g g e r a t e d .
Entry i s n o t prohibited
f o r t h o s e w i t h t h e gumption, t h e p e r s i s t e n c e and t h e s k i l l t o p u r s u e it
long'eiiough.
B u t . t h i s i s , a t b e s t , c o l d comfort.
Beyond.the u n s u c c e s s f u ' l
c h a l l e n g e r s s t u d i e d h e r e t h e r e may l i e o t h e r s u n a b l e t o g e n e r a t e enough e . f f o r t
t o mount even a v i s i b l e p r o - t e s t .
I f it c o s t s s o much t o s u c c e e d , how'can
we be c o n f i d e n t t h a t t h e r e a r e n o t c o u n t l e s s wou-ld-be c h a l l e n g e r s who- a r e
d e t e r r e d by t h e m e r e . p r o s p e c t ?
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R. Nevitt
1950 The Authoritarian Personality. New York: Harper and Row,
Arninzade, Ronald
1973 "Revolution and Collective Political Violence: The Case of
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!I.
..
Ash, Roberta
1972 Social Movements in America.
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Caplan, Nathan S. and Paige, Jeffrey M.
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Crenson, Matthew A.
1971 The Unpolitics of Air Pollution.
Feuer, Lewis
1969 The Conflict of Generations.
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New York:
Th.e Johns Hopkins Press.
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Flacks, Richard W.
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From, Erich
1941 Escape From Freedom.
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Gamson, Zelda F.; Goodman, Jeffery; and Gurin, Gerald
1967 "Radicals, Moderates, and Bystanders during a University Protest,"
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Hoffer, Eric
1951 The True Believer.
.,'
.. . .
Keniston, Kenneth
1968 Young Radicals.
...
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1959 The Politics of Mass Society.
LeBon, Gustave
1896 The Crowd.
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1968 "Protest as a Political Resource."
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Lowi, Theodore J.
1971 The Politics of Disorder.
American Political Science
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McEvoy, James ,111.
1971 Radicals or Conservatives: The Contemporary American Riqht.
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Oberschall, Anthony
1973 Social Conflict and Social Movements.
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I
Paige, Jeffery M.
1971 "Political Orientation and Riot Participation."
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Polsby, Nelson W.
1960 "Toward an Explanation of McCarthyism."
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-
American
l
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Rogin, Michael Paul
4
1967 The Intellectuals and McCarthv: The Radical Specke~.
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Smelser, Neil J.
1963 Theory of Collective Behavior.
New York:
The Free Press.
/
Tilly, CharleG
1970 "From Mobilization to Political Conflict." center for Research
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~esearchPlans, 1974-78." Center for Research on Social
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