Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 25
Albanian Political System 1945-1985
Jetmira Koçiaj
Assistant Professor at Department of Marketing-Tourism, Faculty of Economy, University of
Tirana, Albania
E-mail: [email protected]
Maksi Kutrolli
Lecturer at Department of Comupter Science, Faculty of Information Technology, University
“Aleksandër Moisiu”, Albania
E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
Political systems have written nations histories. In some countries they painted democracy, in some
others dictatorship, communism, totalitarianism etc. Albanian history timeline has known different
types of government. We will concentrate in the period of time 1945-1985 trying to understand
the Albanian domestic life. “What kind of political system took place in Albania in the period of
time 1945-1985?” is the research question, and through the methodology of the literature review,
and mostly interviews, we will be able to give it an answer.
Firstly, we will show some kinds of political systems and we will present their characteristics.
After that we will present Albanian reality in terms of domestic policy, concentrating in political
life, political parties, the voting process, and political leader Enver Hoxha. As political canvas does
not stand alone, much light can be shed on social life as well.
By combining and comparing models presented before with what Albania represented, we will
define precisely that the regime type of that period was a rigid totalitarian one.
Key terms: Political System, Dictatorship, Totalitarianism.
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 26
Introduction
Albanian political system of 1945-1985 has drawn researcher’s attention for what it represented
and they have called this type of regime by different definitions like communism, totalitarianism
or dictatorship of proletariat. In order to not prejudice, in the first part we will compare different
political systems and their attributes and in the second part (Evaluation), we will concentrate in
Albanian reality of that period. By evidences collected through the examination of Albanian
historical records and through interviews, we will present every aspect of life in terms of domestic
policy. At the end, by comparing theoretical models and their attributes with the Albanian reality,
we will define the type of Albanian political system. In the whole Albanian history timeline, this
period of time ruled by Hoxha is the most intrigued one.
The research question is: What type of political system dominated in Albania during 1945-1985?
Sub questions are: Do we find an elite or representatives elected in free and fair elections, as they
offered their opposite political party programs? Do we find an independent legislative, executive
and judicial power? Did the state control the individuals’ life, civil liberties, religion and media?
Literature Review
Political system “is a coordinated set of processes and institutions in order to take decisions in
society” (Mayer, 2003). Different authors, considering different criteria, organize types of
government differently. Aristotle’s classification of regimes is based on two variables, the first
defines if the regime is good or deviant, while the second emphasizes the number of people
involved in the ruling: ranging between only one, a few, and many person. (Liden). Partially in the
same logic line are Hadenius and Teorell, who categorize political systems in Monarchy; Military;
No-party; One-party and Multi-party regimes (Axel & Toerell, 2006).
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 27
Table 1. Aristotle’s Model
One person
Some people
Many people
Good
Monarchy
Aristocracy
Constitutional Democracy
Deviant
Tyranny
Oligarchy
Extreme Democracy
Rummel in his book “The conflict Helix 1976”, referring to characteristics such as: open-close,
group-autonomy, the normative, and the goal, presented three types of political systems; the
libertarian political system, the authoritarian, and the totalitarian one. The first characteristic
distinguishes the right of involvement of people in changing the system. In some states, the mass
may have the power to control the elite through the right to elect, while in some others we find
their representatives. The group-autonomy characteristic defines the degree to which the political
system intervenes in society. Does the system control the church, family, private sector? Norms
may be traditional or positivistic. Traditional norms adhere to custom and consensual norms, while
positivistic ones satisfy a particular demand. The last characteristic involves the elite’s goal: Is it
directed to the maintenance of traditions, is it backward looking, or future oriented?
Some authors just classify political systems in two big groups: democratic and non-democratic
regimes or authoritarian ones.
Others like Diamond add some “hybrid” regimes in the gray zone between democracy and
autocracy. He calls these regimes: “pseudo-democracy”, “electoral authoritarianism”, etc.
(Diamond, 2002). Part of these hybrid regimes are also: “semi-democracy,” “virtual democracy,”
“electoral democracy,” “pseudo-democracy,” etc. Referring to these traditional models, we will
combine them, set up our system and categorize regimes based on two criteria, democracy and the
ruling body of people. The matrix below consists of two big categories: authoritarian regimes and
democratic ones. Based on the literature review, between them, are positioned some hybrid
regimes, (Table no 2).
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Table 2. Political Systems Matrix
Ruled by
One
person
Some
people
Many
people
Authoritarian regimes
Hybrid regimes
Democratic regimes
Traditional authoritarianism
( monarchy)
Personal authoritarianism
(Sultanism)
Personal Dictatorship
Totalitarianism
communist; fascist
Oligarchy
junta; nepotism; theocracy;
technocracy; plutocracy
Authoritarian
One/multi party regime
electoral
authoritarianism
virtual democracy
semi-democracy
pseudo-democracy
Constitutional Monarchy
semi-authoritarianism
illiberal-democracy
Aristocracy
electoral democracy
semi-democracy
Presidential democracy
Parliamentary democracy
From left to right, authoritarian regimes are composed by the systems where unchecked political
power is centralized on a single ruler’s hands (autocracy) or on a small group of persons
(oligarchy). In these regimes, elections do not exist or they are formal, opposition parties are
banned and political pluralism is limited. The legislative system is controlled by the ruling party
and the judicial system as well. There exists no freedom of speech, and media is censured. Any
party or person that dares to do the opposition to this regime is eliminated.
Autocracy (ruled by one person), may reflect the forms of Totalitarianism, Personal
Authoritarianism, Monarchy, Dictatorship, etc. The term "totalitarianism" was invented by
fascism, but despite this fact, Italy under Mussolini was not considered as a totalitarian system,
but as a clear authoritarianism. A system is totalitarian when: it is guided by an official ideology;
exists only one party; there is a sophisticated method of enforcement (secret policy); the state
controls all aspects of society, individual’s life, media; and economy is directed by the state.
Dictatorship is almost the same, despite the fact that the state does not control every aspect of
individual’s life. Sultanism, (a form of Personal Authoritarianism), like totalitarian regimes,
destroys any existing pluralism before the power is taken; regime collaborators are at the whims
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 29
of the leader; the difference between public and private is removed, but different from the
totalitarian system, in sultanism the power is inherited (Chehabi & Linz, 1998).
Absolute monarchy means that authority is in the hands of a king who rules by divine right. His
authority includes the following areas: administration, taxes, justice and foreign policy. We cannot
state that if one person rules a political system, then the system is autocracy. Constitutional
monarchy is one example. It is a pure democratic regime because the power of monarchy is
restrained by a parliament or by constitution.
Oligarchy is a form of authoritarian government in which a small group of powerful individuals
wields absolute power. Oligarchy can take the form of a theocracy, junta, technocracy, nepotism,
plutocracy; etc. Theocracy is a system of government run by religious leaders on the basis of a
legal and moral code arising from divine revelations or apocalyptic prophecies. If oligarchy is
made up of military officers, it is called junta. If the state is ruled and controlled by the minority
of wealthiest citizens, it is a Plutocracy. Authoritarian one or multi-party regime represents the
situation when only one party is allowed or when some parties are allowed but the elections are
controlled. Table number 3 compares types and attributes of these non-democratic regimes.
On the right we see democratic regimes. Democracy derives from the Greek words ‘demos’ and
‘kratos’, and it means ‘leading by people’. In democratic regimes, executives and legislatives are
chosen through free and fair elections. Rival parties set up political pluralism, compete for votes
and offer political programs. The opposite party has the freedom to oppose and to criticize the
government. Elected people are those who govern and decisions are based on the will of majority,
but respecting the minority as well. Every adult possesses the right to vote, to speak and to act
without damaging others. Media is not a mean in government’s hands, the freedom of religion is
possessed by everyone who owns the private property as well. Democracy reflects two forms:
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 30
parliamentary democracy and presidential one. (Annexes, Table no 6). In the first government
system, citizens elect representatives to a legislative parliament and they make laws and rule the
country. In the second system, the leader is called a President, and he or she is elected by citizens
to lead a branch of government, separate from the legislative branch. William Hudson explains
different forms of democracy, shown in the Annexes, Table no 7).
This is a very general picture and in each category emphasized above, there are hundreds of terms
expressing different kinds of political systems. However, these classic models and this classical
political system breakdown structure offers an organized scheme, which will provide us the
necessary tools to analyze and define Albanian regime and its attributes.
Table 3. Democratic and non-democratic regimes
Elections
and
Political
Pluralism
Non-Democratic/ Authoritarian
Democratic
Elections are not free. Preference distortion- prevents
citizens from expressing their genuine preferences with
the threat of violence.
Market restriction: Limit choice available to voters by
excluding opposition.
Executives and legislatives are chosen
through competitive fair, free and Regular
elections.
The opposite party has the freedom to
oppose and to criticize the government.
Political Pluralism, there exist different
parties and programs
People power. They elect the elite or
representatives
Who rules Legislative assembly/ object of authoritarian control
Judiciary
Power
The judiciary, controlled by state
Social and Civil liberties do not exist
Civil Society: Repressing and cooptation.
Private
Mobilization single-party regime and state corporatist
life
regime use hierarchical organization to prevent the
emergence of autonomous civil society. Confine
atomized citizens in their private sphere.
Media
Media is censured
Methodology
The judiciary is independent
Broad protection of civil liberties
Full adult suffrage
Every adult possesses the right to speak
and to act without damaging others.
The freedom of religion is possessed by
everyone who owns the private property as
well
Free media
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 31
For exploring and explaining the Albanian regime type of 1945-1985, we will be based on
literature review and mostly in interviews. In this research paper, a narrative literature review is
used, and it attempts to summarize results of a number of studies regarding political systems
classification. Its primary purpose is to provide the reader with a comprehensive background for
understanding better regimes in the general context and then Albanian regime in particular.
Also, 16 interviews were conducted with people who represented different classes based on their
socio-economic conditions of that period of time. They were members of the political party,
military circle, working class and system’s victims. At first, 20 interviews were planned, but as
the information overlapped and every scheme part was clear, the interviews number stopped at 16.
The names of these people are not identified, in order to respect their anonymity. In the table below
is shown the number of interviewees, classified by their economic status and prestige.
Table 4. Interviewer’s information
Social classes
Social classes
Number of people
Upper class-Elite
Representative of Communist party
3
Middle class
Member of military circle
4
Middle class
Middle class people (teachers, doctors, artists)
3
Working class
Working class/labor power
3
Lower class
Lower class/victims of system
3
Total
16
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Evaluation: Albanian life in terms of domestic policy
We will organize Albania’s context considering some crucial tools which wills help us define the
type of Albanian political system in 1945-1985, which are: State party, ideology, leader, social
life, private life and media. By comparing each aspect with democratic and non-democratic
attributes in table number three (Table no. 3), we will define if the system was democratic or not.
If the system is democratic, we will specify the democratic form based on table no.6, (Annexes)
and if not, we will refer to table no.8, to explore types and characteristics of non-democratic
regimes. At the end, we will have a name for the Albanian regime.
Political Pluralism or one party regime
During the Second World War there was not a dominant political group in Albania. There were
only some unorganized communist groups, anti-communist groups and supporters of the King
Zog, who escaped from Albania during Italian occupation (1939) in 7 April 1939. Those groups
took shapes, and transformed into real parties like Communist Party, National Front Party and
Legality movement and collaborated during Second World War. Communist Party was established
in November 8, 1941 when: ”J.B.Tito, sent in Albania two representatives M. Popovic and
D.Mugosha in order to set up Albanian Communist Party” (Instituti i Studimeve "MarksisteLeniniste", 1981), but based on the same source of information, communists pretended that their
first meetings took place since 1928. Despite the fact that the communists represented something
different, Ahmet Zogu, supported financially their arrival in Albania and based on their academic
background, he employed them in very important public administration positions. Enver Hoxha,
the future leader of Communist Party, was nominated professor in Korca Lyceum and he was also
“one of the members of Albania Consulate in Belgium, in Secret Services Department, in the role
of Secretary of the
Counsel”
(Balliu,
2005).
National
Front
Party,
which
was
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an Albanian nationalist and anti-communist organization, was established in 1942 and was led
by Ali Këlcyra and Mit’hat Frashëri. Legality Movement, which promoted the return to the throne
of Zog of Albania, was led by Abaz Kupi.
Hoxha, helped by members of Yugoslavian Communist Party, avoided these opposition forces
through Conference of Peza, Mukja Agreement and the Congress of Permet. The Conference of
Peza took place in 16 September 1942 and Albanian Communist Party invited all the Albanian
resistance leaders to create a national resistance front, to be together against the occupation and to
maintain order in liberated areas. It was dominated by the communists and their position was
reinforced more in Mukje Agreement, which was a treaty signed on August 2, 1943 in the Albanian
village of Mukje between the National Front and the Communist National Liberation Movement.
The two forces would work together in fighting off Italy's control over Albania. However, a dispute
arose concerning the status of Kosovo: while the National Front Party wanted its independency,
Communist Party interfered by Yugoslavians couldn’t approve it. One month later, the Front was
attacked.
In the Congress of Permet, held in May 24, 1944 a provisional Government led by communist
members, was elected and King Zogu was prohibited to return in Albania. A rigid attitude and
“civil war” was emphasized toward national Front Party which in this period of time collaborated
with German occupations (Enver Hoxha: Faktorët dhe aktorët e fitores, 2014). Yugoslavian impact
was not spontaneous but derivative of Soviet Union order, given in Communist International.
Albania was oriented toward the East, and it did not accept Anglo-American help. Furthermore,
Yalta Conference decided nothing about Albanian destiny.
In December 22-nd 1944, one law was announced, whose aim was to punish all the citizens who
objected the new regime and its orders. “Those people were prohibited to practice their professions,
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they were considered as saboteurs and they were punished with 30 years of imprisonment, life
imprisonment or death” (Krasniqi, 2006). Moreover, as Krasniqi says: “before the Elections of
December 1945, the right to vote denied three categories of people: those who were against the
Communist party, all ministers between 1939 -1944 and their relatives”. They were discriminated
even in electoral lists. Despite repression towards two parties, as mentioned above, some
opposition groups, composed by the Resistance Group, Monarchist Group, Social-Democratic
Group, Nation Association Group, National-Democratic Committee, and Independent Intellectuals
Groups, rose up. These groups joined each other to face their common rival, which was the
Communist Party. It was shown in elections as Democratic Front, but their antagonism didn’t last
long because through repression they couldn’t win 70 signs to register and to be part of the
elections. Furthermore they were disadvantaged by the lack of propaganda, while the communist
party used “Voice of the People” (Zëri i Popullit), an Albanian daily newspaper of that time.
The first elections weren’t free and fair, they were open (not in ballots). Democratic Front, led by
Enver Hoxha, won 93% of the votes and he was chosen prime minister of Albania. At the
beginning, the communists created a democratic government where the free of expression, of
organizing, of religion, and of engagement in political parties, were proved by law (Instituti i
Studimeve "Marksiste-Leniniste", 1981), but in 1950 no opposite party was permitted. Every
member of elite that had the initiative to be a potential rival and to set up a party was punished. To
protect its monopoly, the communist party was composed by militants, peasants and labors. “They
don’t have experience but they are decided to apply faithfully the party ideology” (History of
Albanian Labor Party). Communist party was the only political party; this was authorized by the
Constitution of 1970-Th. “Communist Party is the vanguard of labor class, is the unique political
and social guiding force” (Kushtetuta e Republikës Popullore Socialiste të Shqipërisë, 1970). The
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legislative, the executive and judicial power were all centralized in Labor Party, which controlled
them not only by the fact that members of the party were nominated in these positions, but it was
specified in the constitution as well, (Fig.1). “The popular Assembly determines the domestic and
international policy in accordance with Albanian Labor Party directives (Kushtetuta e Republikës
Popullore Socialiste të Shqipërisë, 1976).
It also led the Armed Forces. The legislative power was concentrated in Popular Assembly which
nominated the Council of Ministers and the Supreme Court. It was the only organ that had the
privilege to approve the laws. It was composed by the assembly president, 3 vice-presidents, some
secretaries and 10 members.
Executive
power
was
exercised by the Cabinet of
Albania or the Council of
Ministers. The party was
composed
by
the
First
Secretary Enver Hoxha, the
Secretariat, the Politoburo,
Figure 1. Labor Party Monopoly
the
members
and
the
sympathizers (A, 2014). For
some decades, the membership in the Secretariat and Politburo had changed while Hoxha remained
unchangeable. The Communist Party structure is shown in Figure number 2. It was presented in
Albania in 1960’ and is derivative of the conducted interviews with some of its members. (F &
H, 2014). Party Members level was composed by 29137 people who took part in Party Congresses
organized in Tirana every 5 years (Kushtetuta e Republikës Popullore Socialiste të Shqipërisë,
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1976). It was propagandized that they were asked to give ideas concerning different topics and to
discuss in order to avoid decision-making centralization and bureaucracy but in reality their role
was limited in giving information because the decision-making role was possessed by the
Secretariat. After its decision no one could oppose and moreover, members hadn’t the necessary
level of education to take decisions. Sympathizers were loyal people of the regime.
Party Sympathizers
Party members
Politoburo
R. Alia; M.Shehu; H.Kapo;
A.Çarçani; K.Hazbiu;
B.Balluku, A.Këllezi;
K.Theodhosi; H. Toska;
S.Koleka; G.Nushi;
K. Leka; M.Myftiu; H. Isai
S.Stefani; L. Çuko;
Ll. Gegprifti; P.Miska;
V.Çrava; F. Çami
The secrecariat
Ramiz Alia Hekuran
Kapo; Foto Çami;
Rita Marku; Vangjel
Çrava; Simon Stefani;
Hekuran Isai
First
Secretary
Enver
Hoxha
Figure 2. Communist Party Structure
Ideology
Based on the Albanian Constitution (1976), Marxism-Leninism was the dominant ideology in
Albania: “The ruling ideology, in the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania is the MarxismLeninism”. Albanian Philosopher Artan Fuga adds that there are four important elements that
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constitute Enverism or the Albanian doctrine (Fuga, 1998): a) The leading role of the Albanian
Labor Party, where the party was above everything else and communists were considered experts
of every field of life. They enjoyed privileged and high positions within the state structure and
society; b) The total politicization of the legislative, executive and judicial power and the
unification of the power, c) The centralization of economy. The state was the owner of industry
and of agriculture, trade, factories, hoses, apartments, land; d) The total indoctrination of the
society, which produced a uniformed community. The Party was competent in taking decisions
concerning life style, marriages and betrayals, the hair and dressing style.
Cult of the leader
Enver Hoxha was a myth and he constructed his mythical portrait by eliminating people that grew
up with him, by manipulating the history and by attributing every achievement to himself. He had
to be perceived as perfect, but to deliver this idea it was necessary to kill people, who witnessed
his ordinary attributes. Fatos Balla, Dem Xhepa, Ali Qoralliu, Adem Beli, Bahri Omar (Balliu,
2005), were barriers to put Hoxha on the pedestal and they were executed just for being near him.
After that, he could write the appropriate biography for a perfect leader. The History of Albanian
Labor Party was the only source of information, by which people could know Enver Hoxha. Every
success like avoiding analphabetism, electricity, the development of industry was because of this
great patriot. Many songs and poems were dedicated to him and many institutions held his name,
like: The United Higher Officers' School Enver Hoxha, University of Tirana, National Museum,
and Centre of Culture. Hoxha's name was engraved on the side of Shpiragu Mountain. His statue
was built in Korca, Tirana, Gjirokaster. In sign of respect, a city near Berat, Kucova was named
Stalin City and The Military School held the name Lenin. His death was a trauma for millions of
Albanians: 14 days of national mourning, hysteric crying scenes, flags at half-mast. The patriarch
died and all Albanians had the common dilemma: “who would look after them?”
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Fear and terror
The strategy of terrorism was widespread in the Albanian society. This fear was classified in three
aspects: people had fear from occupations, from state or society, and form their selves as well.
Firstly, Hoxha aimed to unify Albanians by creating fear form occupations. Under Hoxha’s
direction, in Albania were built 750,000 concrete bunkers in order to defend people from foreign
invasion (B A. , 2015). Citizens were trained from the age of 12 to station themselves in the nearest
bunker during military education sessions. We can distinguish militarized civilians of the regime
because about 750.000-800,000 (N, 2016) people served in defense, ranging from the members of
regular armed forces and reserve, to civilian defenders and students armed youth units. Nobody
could pass the borders because barbed-wire fences 260 cm (National Museum, April 2016) high
surrounded Albania and in border check-points served well trained soldiers with well trained dogs.
Secondly, Albanians had fear from the state and society because an espionage system named “The
Sigurimi”, or secret police, gave information for everything and for everybody. They were called
“people 1200” because they were paid 1200 leks per month (S, 2016). Officers, people that wanted
to improve their biography and volunteers, served by this way. Every officer was monitored by
15-20 people as well (Shanse, 2000) and thirdly, every person had a duplicate personality; they
thought in one way and spoke in the other. They couldn’t express whatever they thought, only if
those ideas were tools to glorify the Labor Party and its people. “The aim of the new language is
to narrow thoughts: do you think that at last we can make the crime impossible, because we will
have no words to express it?” (Orwell, 2005)”. The number of the system victims was a big one
compared with the population of that time. Many prisons and concentration camps were built, and
they were inhabited by intellectuals, political opponents, and well educated people. Only in the
Soviet Union and in Albania exist facts where indigenous people were killed, because in Germany
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were killed foreigners, while in Italy and China people were imprisoned and reeducated (Courtois
W. , 2002).
Table 5. Regime Evidences (National Museum, April 2016)
Killed
Dead in prisons
Motor skills damaged
5175 people
952 people
273 people
Politics prisoners
Men in internment camps
Women in internment camps
Families expelled
17900 people
48217people
10792 people
11536 families
Types of tortures:
Throwing alcohol in hairs and hands and burning people
Beating of particularly sensitive areas of the body
Burning of the eye and lip area with a glowing cigarette (H
L. , 2014)
Damaging of genital organs
Inducting oxygen induction in veins
Crushing each foot's toes
Putting on electric vest
Putting boiled eggs under armpits (H K. , 2015)
Private Life
Hoxha System had penetrated into the social sphere by transforming the private life into a social
one. This was made possible by avoiding the private property, by unifying people appearance, by
censuring the freedom of religion, by impacting each family and by practicing mass hypnosis. The
first private initiative was an illusion. Arendt says that: “it eliminates not only free action, but also
the element of action, that is, of initiation, of beginning anything at all, from every human activity”.
Hoxha regime had obliterated people’s thoughts and aspirations: everyone had to be like the others,
no bourgeoisie, no elites. These were dangerous for Hoxha because this economic elite could
become a political one and would represent a real rivalry for him. Secondly, people look very
similar to each other and this for two reasons: firstly, they couldn’t wear what they wanted because
everything was imposed by the existing market, and secondly, they had no economical possibility
to pursue what they wanted. “Sun-glasses, moustache, beards, were prohibited” (Xh, 2015).
Women couldn’t be essentially women; they were forbidden to grow out their fingernails, to wear
mini-skirts, or low necked dresses (M H. , 2015). Furthermore, “some hairdressers in boarder zones
cut tourists hair if they were long” (Shanse, 2000)
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Thirdly, in 1967’ Hoxha declared that Albania had become the first officially atheist state in the
world (Courtois, 2002). In the official newspaper “Nendori” (November), it was proudly
announced that the same year all mosques and churches, about 2169 in total, including 327
Catholic sanctuaries, had been destroyed and transformed into warehouses. (Bartosek, 1999). Also,
about 332 clerics were killed, imprisoned and interned (National Museum, October 2016). These
actions were justified with the pretext that “the religion was like opium for people and it
contradicted the scientific materialism propagandized by Hoxha’s ideology” (P, 2014). According
to Italian philosopher Simona Forti, religion and ideology are similar for some reasons: both of
them offer a global interpretation of the world, both of them are based on sacrifices in order to
construct a new society, both of them have the ability to socialize people and last, in both of them
people believe without reasons (Vatter, n.d.).
Religion represented a rivalry for Enver Hoxha and it was not part of Marxism & Leninism
ideology. Raymond Aron explains that there is a whole scheme composed by an ideology created
by a prophet, and there are parties like churches were people can predict ideology principles (Aron,
2005). So, the prophets are Marx and Lenin, the church is the Labor Party, there is the opposition
composed by bourgeoisie and pagans and at last, the communist proletariat who is guided by the
ideology. The religion was not disappeared but it was transformed, people were obliged to believe
in what Communist Party and “Hoxha God” predicted. One soldier while violating a priest
emphasized: “My God is Enver Hoxha” (Courtois W. , 2002).
The family was damaged externally and internally. Big patriarchal families were substituted by
small ones, which consisted of parents and unmarried children. Big houses were transformed into
small apartments and as Shanse said: “In these small apartments the dominance of Enver Hoxha
was easier”, comparing them with the dominance of a tribe chairman. Internally, Hoxha positively
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 41
discriminated females by giving them more freedom than they had before. Equity between females
and males in every sphere of life was propagandized in every declaration. Every rebellion toward
husbands was justified by the pretext: “this is emancipation and Enveri provides it for us” (H S. ,
2015). This equity is explained by three facts: firstly, by the fact that Marxism-Leninism ideology
encouraged women in the same way; secondly, by the necessity to have more labor force because
otherwise, if women belonged to the private sector, the number of workers would reduce; and
thirdly, because by providing these freedoms, Hoxha could legitimate his authority in the other
gender of society. Parents taught their children what to say outdoors because they were asked
continuously to express what was said in their families about Hoxha and his regime.
The system was not imposed to anyone, but everyone was educated with it. The individual’s brainwash was realized through some steps, which had the purpose to educate people not only politically
but military as well. Children were members of Stars (Yllakat) organization, where they were
molded by Hoxha mythical figure through poems. “Sir Enver Sir Enver, you fill with sweets our
hands, with sugar and with dates, the party for having you is blessed (M T. , 2014)”. When kids
were 7-8 years old they became part of Primarily School Pupils (Fatos) organization, whose aim
was the same. Every May 5th, on the Martyr’s Day, 9 years old children joined “The Pioneers”
organization where they swore to become worthy citizens, always ready to protect the country and
to serve to the Labor Party. The next level was the “Youth” organization and every person from
14 to 26 years old could become its member (B F. , 2015). Military Training, Labor Party
Directives, Marxism-Leninism ideology were subjects of its program. Democratic Front
Organization, from which were excluded political persecuted and convicted people, was the next
educational step. Every week, its members took information about Hoxha speeches in congresses
and about his published books. Elder people were part of Free Military School, where they were
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 42
taught to give the first aid in possible war situations as they couldn’t contribute in other forms.
Membership in these organizations was named as a volunteer one, but in reality it was the only
possible way to grow up and every person should pay 2 leks1 per month in the Youth Organization
and 2 leks per month for the Democratic Front (M L. , 2016). Despite these organizations, where
everyone had to participate, there were also party members who gave 2% of their salary to join it.
The new socialist person had to gain political & ideological knowledge and had to be well trained.
In secondary school, pupils had a military subject in their curricula which was taught by soldiers
and it delivered general information about weapons and their usage. Military Training practiced
through simulation situations, were part of this Albanian reality too.
The Stars
Fatosat
The Pioneers
The Youth
Figure 1. Educational steps
1
Lek is Albanian currency 1 lek equal to 0.008 dollars
Democratic
Front
Free military
School
New
communist
person
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 43
Media
Media was totally controlled by the Labor Party and all the possible newspapers like “Stars”,
”Fatosat”, “The Youth voice”, “The Voice of People”, “the Light”, etc., before published, were
inspected in details by the Central Committee of Agitation and Propaganda. The only role of these
newspapers was to “propagandize Party state heroic actions without objections or without
emphasizing what it hadn’t achieved (Pacrami, 2003)”. Despite newspapers, the second
propagandistic element was the Radio. Tirana Radio was the only radio-phonic station, which
program began with Morning Gymnastics in 6:30, continued with medical advices, folk music or
foreign one (which deepened on alliances), and news for achievements until 23.00 o’clock. In the
’70 television was added as another mean of mass-communication media. But in television waves,
some Greek, Italian, Yugoslavian channels were available, only by interfering. Some inspectors
were employed to avoid this phenomenon and many elder people were employed to spy people
who watched foreign TV stations (Gj, 2016). Every movie, documentary, poetic pieces, had to be
based on three conditions: to support Marxism Leninism ideology, to present national healthy
spirit, and to present the Albanian life in the most positive way, by attributing every success to the
Labor Party and its persons. ‘Artists and Writing’ association was the organ whose aim was to
paint the art with the socialist realism color. Media was completely censured.
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 44
Conclusion
Summarizing the information above, we can conclude with these facts: Only one party regime, or
the party state that eliminated the opposition by laws and monopolized legislative, executive and
judicial power, existed in Albania. The power was not inherited but with the Yugoslavian support,
it was materialized in Communist Party during the Second World War. It was guided by an
ideology, which was Marxism-Leninism. Enver Hoxha was the leader of the communist party and
its figure was treated like a myth by attributing him every success in the country, by eliminating
people that knew him from the time that he was not a public figure, and by rewriting his biography.
Hannah Arendt in her book “The origins of Totalitarianism” compares totalitarians with a many
layered onion, the leader is positioned in the center and is perceived by the people as completely
innocent about what is happening around. He is surrounded by elites, party members, fellow
travelers, sympathizers and fellow citizens (Arendt, 2002). He was the First Secretary of Labor
Party for 40 years, while members of two other structures, the secretariat and politburo, were not
the same. Social life and private one were not separated, people were unified, and they feared the
state, the society, themselves. They were not free to believe in religions and during their whole
lives, they passed through some steps in order to be real communists, well molded by MarxismLeninism ideology and well trained physically. Media was censured and every information before
transmitted or published was destined to be controlled. Albanian regime was not democratic, so
we need to refer to table no. 7 to define what kind of authoritarian regime it was. It was neither
personal sultanism, nor monarchy because the power was not inherited. It was not dictatorship,
because the regime interfered deeply into private life, while dictatorship is limited in this aspect.
It was not bureaucratic authoritarianism or single a party regime, because Enver Hoxha’s power
was not controlled and limited by anyone. Albanian Political system was a rigid totalitarian system.
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 45
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Appendixes
Table 6. Comparison between Presidential and Parliamentary democracies
Presidential democracy
Parliamentary Democracy
The leader is called a President, and he or she Citizens elect representatives to a legislative
is elected by citizens to lead a branch of parliament and those make laws, conduct
government separate from the legislative government, and rule the country
branch
Table 7. Types of Democracies
Protective democracy
individualliberties + property rights
Pluralist democracy
self-interest+ coalescence + oligarchy
Developmental democracy
Participatory democracy
teaching citizenship through civicactivity
politically active citizens + multipleopportunities
individuals are part of a world order, not a citizen of a
particular nation-state
Cosmopolitan democracy
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 48
Table 8. Types and attributes of non-democratic regimes
Criteria
Totalitarian
Personal
Authoritarianism
Sultanism
Who rules?
Populist leader through his party
Sultan and close
State-party
No significant economic, social,
or political pluralism. Official
party has de jure and de facto
monopoly of power. Party has
eliminated almost all totalitarian
pluralism. No space for second
economy or parallel society
Regime is not inherited
Pluralism is not
disappeared but is
subject of unpredictable
and despotic
intervention. No rule of
law
Elaborate and guiding ideology
that articulates a reachable
utopia. Leader’s individuals and
groups derive most of their sense
of mission legitimation, and
often specific policies from their
commitment to some holistic
conception of humanity and
society.
Totalitarian leadership rules with
unidentified limits and great
unpredictability for mem and
non-members. Often
charismatic. Recruitment to top
leadership highly dependent on
success and commitment in
party organization.
No elaborate or guiding
ideology or even
distinctive mentalities
outside despotic
personalize. No attempt
to justify major
initiative on the basis of
ideology.
Regime
Inherited or
not
Ideology
Leadership
Cult of leader
Inherited
Highly personalist and
arbitrary no rationallegal constraints. Strong
dynastic tendency. No
autonomy in state
carriers. Leader
unencumbered by
ideology. Compliance
to leaders based on
intense fear and
personal. Staff of leader
drawn from members of
his family, friends.
Staff’s positions derives
from their purely
personal submission to
the ruler
Traditional
Authoritarianism
Absolute
Monarchy
Monarch through
unhindered rules
without any laws,
constitution
Single party rule
Regime is inherited
Dictatorship
Bureaucratic
authoritarianism
Authoritarian
Single party regime
Populist leader
through his
party
Leader controlled by
public bureaucracy or
military forces
One party or limited multiparty
regime
Single party
rule
Limited opposition
Political system with limited
not responsible political
pluralism. Often quit extensive
social and economic pluralism.
Regime is not
inherited
Regime is not inherited, it
is taken through non
democratic elections, or
violence
Regime not inherited,
legitimating through national
historic mission
Political system without
elaborate and guiding ideology
but with distinctive mentalities.
Political system in which a
leader or occasionally a
small group exercises
power within formally-illdefined but actually quiet
predictable norms. Effort
at cooptation of old elite
groups. Some autonomy in
state careers and in
military.
Political system in which a
leader or occasionally a small
group exercises power within
formally-ill- defined but
actually quiet predictable
norms.
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 49
Mobilization
and
Extensive mobilization into a
vast array of regime-created
obligatory organizations.
Emphasis on activism of cadres
and militants. Effort at
mobilization of enthusiasm
private life is decried.
Private life
State controls attitudes, values,
beliefs of population
Erased gulf between state and
society
Fear and terror physical psychic
Fear and
terror
Low but occasional
manipulative
mobilization of a
ceremonial type by
coercive or clientelistic
methods without
permanent organization.
Periodic mobilization of
para state groups who
use violence against
groups targeted by
sultan
No total control of
individual’s life.
High fusion of private
and public
Fear and terror physical
psychic
Media
Control of the media
Control of the media
Economy
Economy directed by the state
Difference between
public and private is
removed
(Hoffman, 2007)
(Schedler, 2016)
(Fiedrich, 1965)
(MĂRCĂU, 2014)
(Filo, 2003)
(Mayer, 2003)
Does not require
any type of
mobilization
Does not
require any
type of
mobilization
Limited mobilization
Political system without
extensive or intensive political
mobilization except at same
points on their development
No total control of
individual’s life.
Erased gulf between
state and society
Fear and terror
physical psychic
No total
control of
individuals life
No total control of
individual’s life. Erased
gulf between state and
society
Fear and terror physical
psychic
No total control of individual’s
life. Erased gulf between state
and society
Censured media
Censured media
Economy directed by the
state
Economy directed by the state
Control of the
media
Economy directed
by the state
Fear and terror
physical
psychic
Control of the
media
Economy
directed by the
state
Fear and terror physical
psychic
Journal of Economic Development, Management, IT, Finance and Marketing, 9(1), 25-50, March 2017 50
Author’s Biography
MSc Jetmira Koçiaj is an Assistant Professor in University of Tirana, Faculty of
Economy, Department of Marketing Tourism since 2012. She is also a Human
Resources Specialist in a private Company in Tirana.
She holds a Master of Science in Political Science form University of Tirana,
(Faculty of Social Science) and a Master of Science degree in Public
Administration from University of Tirana (Faculty of Economy in collaboration
with University of Nebraska). Her current research interests include Human
Resources, Public Administration, Political Science, Leadership and Brand
Management, International Relations, Public Policies, etc
She participated in different training programs, worth emphasizing:




“Recruiting, Hiring, and Onboarding Employees” from University of
Minnesota;
“Introduction to Personal Branding” from University of Virginia;
“Leadership of the XXI century” from Albanian Institute of
Leadership;
“Leadership training” from The Royal Military Academy Sandhurst.
She is fluent in English, Italian, French and German.
MSc Maksi Kutrolli is a lecturer in the University “Aleksandër Moisiu”, Durrës
and works as an expert developer in a private company in Tirana.
He holds a Master of Science in Informatics from University of Tirana, Faculty
of Natural Sciences. He has 10 years work experience in development and
database. His current research interests include data analysis, video processing,
developer, and database management, etc.
He knows English, Italian and Turkish.
He participated in a number of training programs such as :

Project Manager from Delhaize Group in Beograd (Serbia);

Cyrus System from Carrefour in Sofia (Bulgaria).
Video presentation of this research paper is prepared by him.