THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE
1960
The Indian Road to Equality
M N Srinivas
The formulation of the goal of a "casteless and classless society" for India by her leaders was a momentous event indeed.
Suddenly, in the middle of the twentieth
century,
the
most stratified society in history
decided to work for an egalitarian social order, and took some steps immediately as an earnest of its intentions.
The Constitutional abolition of Untouchability, the provision of special safeguards for Scheduled Castes anaTribes, and the introduction of universal adult suffrage may be mentioned as some of the more important
measures adopted.
Subsequently, legislation favouring industrial workers,
tor from eviction and guaranteeing him a fair share of the
Governments.
abolishing zamindari, protecting the tenant-cultivaproduce were passed by the Central and State
A progressively steeper income tax rate, the imposition of an Estate Duty taxing inherited property and
a determination to extend the public sector and to limit the private sector are some of the other measures
adopted.
The determination to bring about an egalitarian social order stems from two sources; a genuine conviction
that inequality is wrong and wasteful, and that the mass of the people will not work etuhusktstically for an order
which will only benefit the better off.
Again, prudence requires that with two Communist neighbours in the North, India take steps to see that
she has a working class 'which is contented and hopeful about the.
future.
Without
tapping the enthusiasm
of the ordinary people the great task of national reconstruction will not succeed.
I shall try in this essay to lay bare a few, only a few, implications of this decision.
Even to do that I
have to rely a good deal on mere impressions and guess-work. But the subject is as important as it is neglected
and even an admittedly inadequate attempt is better than no attempt at all.
W H A T makes the I n d i a n e x p e r i ment a t b r i n g i n g
about
an
e g a l i t a r i a n o r d e r so
f a s c i n a t i n g to
sociologists is that it has to take note
of that classic expression of inequal i t y viz., caste.
It is an u b i q u i t o u s
institution in
India being
found
a m o n g H i n d u s , Sikhs, Jains, M u s l i m s ,
C h r i s t i a n s a n d Jews.
It is the one
i n s t i t u t i o n that cuts across r e l i g i o u s ,
r e g i o n a l a n d class d i v i s i o n s .
T h e r e is a w i d e s p r e a d i m p r e s s i o n
a m o n g educated I n d i a n s that caste
is on its last legs, a n d that the educated,
urbanised and
Westernised
members of the u p p e r classes, have
already escaped its bonds. B o t h these
impressions are w r o n g .
These people m a y observe very few dietetic
r e s t r i c t i o n s , m a r r y outside caste a n d
even r e g i o n , b u t this does not mean
that they have escaped the bonds of
caste e n t i r e l y .
T h e y show caste
attitudes i n s u r p r i s i n g contexts. A n d
they interact closely w i t h
relatives
w h o a r e steeped i n caste attitudes.
On occasions they are not l o t h to
make use of caste ties. I have k n o w n
a n intercaste
marriage of
nearly
f o r t y years' s t a n d i n g i n w h i c h the
w i f e c o n t i n u e d to have the attitudes
of a B r a h m i n .
T h e son m a r r i e d an
A m e r i c a n g i r l , a n d the B a n i a subcaste of the f a t h e r gave the couple a
b i g p a r t y to celebrate the occasion.
The contradictions
in
the
above
s i t u a t i o n may be left to the reader's
imagination,
, CASTE IN REGIONAL POLITICS
Caste is c e r t a i n l y u n d e r g o i n g some
changes.
F o r the
educated
and
u r b a n i s e d m i d d l e classes, jati is no
longer the endogamous u n i t .
There
is also a c e r t a i n a m o u n t of interd i n i n g w i t h o t h e r castes (especially
f o r the m e n ) .
O c c u p a t i o n a l homogeneity is no longer there f o r these
groups.
B u t caste is still s i g n i f i c a n t
in c e r t a i n
contexts.
A
Kayasth
w o u l d l i k e to vote f o r a K a y a s t h can
d i d a t e in
p r e f e r e n c e to a
Rajput
candidate. T h e sub-divisions a m o n g
Kayasths are b e c o m i n g less r e l e v a n t
f o r m a r r i a g e , i n t e r - d i n i n g , etc. O n e
m a y call this h o r i z o n t a l consolidat i o n , t h o u g h ' h o r i z o n t a l ' is not ent i r e l y a n a p p r o p r i a t e t e r m f o r even
the sub-castes of the same caste,
claim mutual superiority,
Harijans
are d i v i d e d
i n t o dozens of
castes,
and
even
within
the same l i n g u i s t i c r e g i o n , the H a r i j a n s usually
form a hierarehy.
But this has not
prevented the H a r i j a n s ' corning together f o r p o l i t i c a l purposes. " C a s t e "
f i n the w i d e r sense) lies are significant i n
m o d e r n I n d i a a n d every
political
p a r t y , i n c l u d i n g the C o m munists, have to take note of this
fact t h o u g h o v e r t l y caste is d e n o u n ced b y i m p o r t a n t p o l i t i c a l leaders.
867
T h e r e is a good case f o r a r g u i n g
that caste-consciousness a n d o r g a n i zation have
increased i n
modern
India.
Witness f o r instance
the
p r o l i f e r a t i o n of caste banks, hostels,
cooperative societies, charities, marr i a g e halls, conferences and j o u r n a l s
in
Indian
towns.
Anyone who
wants to study the role of caste in
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o u g h t to p a y a visit
to M y s o r e or a n y other southern
State.
T h e r e caste seems to be
the single most i m p o r t a n t considerat i o n i n the selection o f candidates
to posts a n d in t h e i r p r o m o t i o n , efficiency b e i n g a r e l a t i v e l y m i n o r consideration.
A n analysis o f the v a r i ous State cabinets since I n d e p e n dence w o u l d show the p a r t p l a y e d
b y caste i n r e g i o n a l p o l i t i c s .
The
General
Elections of
1957 awoke
everyone to the i m p o r t a n c e of caste
in voting.
Every party tried to
choose a candidate f r o m ' a l o c a l l y
n u m e r i c a l l y s t r o n g caste. T h e C o m munists invented a progressive t e r m
for i t :
"social
base".
A n d they
made sure that e v e r y C o m m u n i s t
candidate h a d a social base.
II
T h e concept of dominant
caste
w h i c h has emerged in recent sociolog i c a l researeh is i m p o r t a n t in this
connection.
A caste is d o m i n a n t
when it wields economic or p o l i t i c a l
SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE 1960
power, and occupies a f a i r l y h i g h
position in the hierarchy, ( I n the
t r a d i t i o n a l system,
a caste w h i c h
acquired
economic
or
political
power d i d generally succeed in imp r o v i n g its r i t u a l status.)
(For a
detailed discussion of this concept
See my essay, ' T h e D o m i n a n t Caste
in K a m p u r a " , American Anthropotogist. V o l 6 1 , N o I , February,
1959).
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
w o u l d be greater than that of Okkaligas, and that this w o u l d lead to
L i n g a y a t dominance. Recently, an
ex-Chief M i n i s t e r of Mysore, an
Okkaliga, voiced the o p i n i o n that in
the present state of affairs in Mysore
no nom-Lingayat could hope to become Chief Minister.
T h e leaders of the d o m i n a n t caste
are shrewd and intelligent people.
They have a feeling for p o l i t i c a l
power and economic o p p o r t u n i t y .
They have capital, and a local f o l lowing.
Since Independence, they
have shown their enterprise in several ways: they have started bus lines,
rice and Hour mills, d o t h and other
shops, taken up contract work for
the Government, and b u i l t house'? in
towns for renting. The more adventurous among them have gone into
active politics.
T h e fact that dominant
castes
exist in many parts of I n d i a makes
it necessary for us to try to understand the
phenomenon.
The L i n gay at and O k k a l i g a of Mysore,
Reddi and K a m m a of A n d h r a , (founder, Padayachi and M u d a l i a r of the
T a m i l country, N a y a r of Kerala.
Maratha of Muharastra, Palidar of
(Gujarat, and Rajput, Jat, Gujar and
A h i r of N o r t h India, are all exam
ples of dominant caste. T r a d i t i o n a l DEVELOPMENT OFFICERS SEEK
l y , n u m e r i c a l l y small castes o w n i n g
THEIR AID
land in r u r a l areas, or w i e l d i n g poliThe dominant castes have been
tical power, or i n h e r i t i n g a literary quick to see thai they can benefit
t r a d i t i o n , could dominate.
It was f r o m the various development prothese castes which first took to West- grammes in rural areas. A great
ern education and the benefits which amount of money is being spent on
it conferred. Nowadays, w i t h the. r u r a l development, and development
coming of adult suffrage, numerical officers are
under pressure f r o m
strength has become very important above to show quick results. They
and the leaders of the dominant can do this only w i t h the cooperacastes help the political parties to tion of the leaders of the dominant
secure vote , But the t r a d i t i o n a l castes. No wonder then complaints
forms of dominance have not entire- are constantly heard that the devely disappeared and neither has dolopment programmes have helped
minance shifted fully to the numeonly the wealthier section of the
r i c a l l y strongest castes.
There are
r u r a l population. The policy of dethe beginnings of a shift and this
centralisation has given more power
is accompanied by inter-group tenand money to the dominant castes,
sion . But what is significant from
ft would be very optimistic to expect
our point of view is that there are
that they w i l l use ' this power and
in many parts of India castes which
money for everyone's benefit.
are decisively d o m i n a n t .
While the leaders of the domiD O M I N A N T CASTES I N L O C A L P O L I T I C S
nant castes are sensitive to economic
Where dominance is confined to and political opportunities, they are
one or a few villages, the locally socially conservative. They do not,
dominant caste dominates Pancha- for instance, like the condition of
yals.
Where dominance is spread Harijans to improve. They have a
over a wider area, the caste becomes vested interest in keeping Harijans
.significant in the polities of the poor and ignorant. At the present
region and State. For instance, the time. Harijans are their most imporpolitics of Mysore State is unintelli- tant source of agricultural labour,
gible without understanding the part and if they become educated and
played by Liugayats and Okkaligas. conscious of their rights they w i l l be
Even
the
Stales
Reorganization a threat to the position of the doCommitter reported that Okkaligas minant castes. A n t i - H a r i j a n sentiwere by and large opposed to merger ments are freely heard in the r u r a l
of Mysore with parts of former areas: "Today they want to use our
Bombay,
Andhra and Madras to wells, and tomorrow they w i l l want
form a bigger Kannada-speaking to marry our daughters." Attempts
Slate.
The Okkaliga leaders were bv Harijans to exercise the rights
afraid that
in the new
Slate the given to them by the Constitution,
numerical strength of the Lingavats have led to violent, reprisals by the
868
dominant castes. H a r i j a n s have been
beaten up and
their huts b u r n e d
down and they have been subjected
to economic boycott.
H a r i j a n s are
among the poorest sections of our
agricultural population and m a n y o f
them are a g r i c u l t u r a l servants of the
land-owning castes. T h e conditions
under w h i c h a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers
work are reminiscent of slavery.
I have seen boys of 10-16 years of
age being made to do all kinds of
work f r o m 5 a m to 10 p m for
about fifty rupees a year, two meals
two shirts and shorts. T h i s was in
a relatively prosperous area and o n l y
ten years ago.
ECONOMIC
CONTROL
it is clear that the Constitutional
abolition of U n t o u c h a b i l i t y and the
passing of the A n t i - U n t o u c h a b i l i t y
Offences A c t , 1955, w i l l by themselves not. help Harijans much. Harijans must be freed from the economic control of the higher castes.
The best way to do this is to employ
them in factories in urban areas.
It has been f o u n d that ownership of
land and
membership of the j o i n t
f a m i l y come in the way of their
becoming efficient workers. (See Scarlett Epstein, " I n d u s t r i a l Employment
for Landless Labourers O n l y " , Economic Weekly, July,
1959, Special
N u m b e r ) The p u l l o f land, even i f
it be a quarter of an acre, and the
obligations of j o i n t f a m i l y , prevent
the i n d i v i d u a l f r o m devoting himself
to his j o b . Such a programme w i l l
also have the advantage of t a k i n g
Harijans' away f r o m areas where
they have been subjected to i n d i g n i ties for a number of years. It w i l l
also have the effect of reducing the
pressure of population on land,
III
I m p l i c i t in what I have said so
far is the assumption that there is,
b r o a d l y speaking, a coherence between the r i t u a l and economic aspects
of the caste hierarchy. T h a t is, the
higher castes are generally better
off than
the lower. M a n y local
exceptions may be cited to the rule,
but they do not seriously affect the
v a l i d i t y of the general proposition.
This has been rendered possible by
the fact that, historically, caste has
been more flexible than is generally
recognised. Castes w h i c h acquired
economic or p o l i t i c a l power were
able to raise themselves up in the
ritual
hierarchy.
T h i s process,
occurring over a long period of time,
has resulted in the u p w a r d move'
THE
ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
ment of r i c h a n d p o w e r f u l castes.
The d o m i n a n t castes of today are
the products of this historical process.
W i t h strength o f numbers, wealth
and f o l l o w i n g , they occupy a strategic position to exploit the new
opportunities f o r their o w n advantage.
Western education is the door to
higher posts in every line, a n d an
analysis of the social composition
of students in colleges and post-graduate institutions w o u l d reveal the
k i n d of relation w h i c h obtains between the t r a d i t i o n a l hierarchy and
the new hierarchy w h i c h is c o m i n g
into existence.
T h i s p r o b l e m has
not been studied
systematically on
an a l l - I n d i a basis but a few studies
w h i c h have been made in Poona and
Haroda suggest that the t r a d i t i o n a l l y
privileged groups m a i n t a i n a nearm o n o p o l y over educational opport u n i t y . The lower groups are not,
by and large, t a k i n g m u c h advantage of educational facilities, espec i a l l y at the higher levels.
Generally Brahmins, Kayasths and
Banias were the first to take to Western education and these groups
still show a keener appreciation of
the value of education than others.
T h e values of these castes f a v o u r
education. A relatively poor B r a h m i n
or Kayasth father m a y pledge his
small house or few acres of l a n d to
secure higher education f o r his son
while a r i c h peasant may discourage
his son f r o m proceeding to college
because he is needed to help in
supervising the cultivation of the
ancestral estate.
In fact, it appears
as though the l a n d - o w n i n g non-Brahm i n castes have had an i n i t i a l resistance to education and this resistance
began to give
way only three or
f o u r decades ago.
SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE 1960
Anglo-Indians, etc. The leaders of
the n o n - B r a h m i n movement deman.
ded reservation of seats and scholarships in schools and colleges, preference in appointment to government
posts and finally, representation in
local self-government bodies. •
The Justice P a r t y functioned as a
p o l i t i c a l p a r t y w h i c h cooperated
w i t h the B r i t i s h Government when
the Congress was leading the struggle against the B r i t i s h . D u r i n g this
period, the
n o n - B r a h m i n leaders
obtained a l l the concessions and preferences w h i c h
they were seeking,
and several d i s c r i m i n a t o r y
rules
against the Brahmins were b u i l t into
the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . As a result of the
j o i n t operation of the concessions and
preferences in. favour of the nonBrahmins and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against
the B r a h m i n s , the latter lost their
pre-eminence. In fact it was d u r i n g
this period that Brahmins migrated
f r o m South India to towns and cities
i n the N o r t h .
BENEFICIARIES OF NON-BRAHMIN
MOVEMENT
IV
The point w h i c h I wish to make
is that in south I n d i a there was an
early reaction against the Brahmin's
monopoly of the new opportunities,
and as a result, a few n o n - B r a h m i n
castes have replaced the Brahmins.
But it is i m p o r t a n t to note that the
chief beneficiaries of the non-Brahm i n movement are the h i g h non-Brahm i n castes, usually the land-owning,
d o m i n a n t castes, a n d not the numerically s m a l l , poor, low castes or the
H a r i j a n s . It is true, however, that
a few i n d i v i d u a l s amongst the latter
rose to h i g h
positions, and
even
more i m p o r t a n t , the castes f r o m
w h i c h they came became aware, as a
result of the Movement, of the i m portance of education as a means
o f i m p r o v i n g their p o s i t i o n .
I n many
parts o f South I n d i a ,
Brahmins were the first to take
advantage of the opportunities afforded by Western education. By the
b e g i n n i n g of t h i s century they had
acquired a near-monopoly of posts
in the government and dominated
the l i b e r a l professions.
T h i s was
resented by the non-Brahmin castes,
and they founded the Justice Party
i n 1917 i n M a d r a s t o advance their
cause. Dislike, if not hatred, of
B r a h m i n dominance brought together a l l non-Brahmins, a hospitable
category w h i c h i n c l u d e d not o n l y all
H i n d u s w h o were not B r a h m i n s but
also
Muslims, Christians.
Parsia,
In Independent I n d i a the dominant
castes have become even more pow e r f u l thanks to the i n t r o d u c t i o n of
adult suffrage.
A n d they have used
this
power to strengthen
further
their p o s i t i o n .
Thus, i n Mysore,
the n o n - B r a h m i n movement was at
first sought to be j u s t i f i e d on the
g r o u n d that B r a h m i n s had throughout
history used their p r i v i l e g e d position as makers and interpreters of
law to secure f o r themselves a l l
kinds of advantages and at the expense of the other groups.
The
m a i n a i m of the Movement at this
time was to displace the B r a h m i n .
After
this was accomplished, the
869
non-Brahmin
castes
competed
among themselves f o r concessions
and
preferences.
Among
the
non-Brahmins, only the Harijans
were ( a n d s t i l l are) treated as a
group deserving special treatment,
and everyone else was backward.
The latter were not distinguished
into more and less b a c k w a r d . Under
these circumstances each caste was
allotted seats in colleges, posts in
government and ministerships in the
cabinet on the basis of its numerical
strength. This has given rise to the
widespread complaint that the " t w o
major communities" are c o l l a r i n g a l l
the benefits and the others are made
to suffer.
But the Movement has certainly
helped to distribute power, position
and the means to both viz. educat i o n , among several castes instead of
confining them to one or two castes
as before. A n d there is less wastage
of talent than
before though even
now there is considerably wastage
if we compare I n d i a w i t h any developed country. But then the severe
d i s c r i m i n a t i o n practised against Brahmins was u n f a i r as w e l l as stupid.
It led to the immediate lowering of
standards
everywhere
as
people
were chosen to posts on grounds of
caste and not on grounds of a b i l i t y
and character.
V
Yet another aspect of caste needs
to be mentioned hen'. The association of each caste w i t h one or more
hereditary occupations and
their
gradation into high and. low have
resulted in most Indians" developing
a deep dislike f o r manual labour.
V i l l a g e r s consider agriculture to be
very tough work but manly and
w o r t h w h i l e , but at the same time
they envy the man who earns his livel i h o o d sitting in an office chair w r i t i n g
something and issuing orders to all
and sundry. W h e n a peasant owns
enough land he retires f r o m actual
c u l t i v a t i o n and confines himself to
supervision of others' work. V i l l a g ers who have been to school show
an aversion to a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r t .
T h e i r a i m is to get a white-collared
j o b or to engage themselves in trade.
Villagers consider that an educaled man or an official— in fact, anyone w h o m they respect should not
carry a heavy object, let alone do
manual labour. Doing manual labour is the symbol of lowly status,
just as not doing it is the symbol
of h i g h status. The same attitudes
are prevalent in our offices. It would
he interesting to make a study of the
SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE
1960
THE
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ECONOMIC
WEEKLY
THE
ECONOMIC
SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE 1960
WEEKLY
p r o p o r t i o n of peons to other staff in
government offices, and also to make
a study of how peons spent their
' w o r k i n g ' hours.
In the home too, there is a tendency to employ as many servants as
possible.
T h i s tendency is accentuated by the fact that I n d i a n men are
generally i l l i t e r a t e w i t h their hands
a n d also because caste comes in the
w a y of servants' d o i n g several k i n d s
of w o r k . The cook w i l l not wash
the vessels, the servant w i l l not clean
the lavatories, and the mali w i l l not
sweep the garden.
I am m e n t i o n i n g the above facts
to show that hierarchical attitudes
are deeply i n g r a i n e d .
They come
out in unexpected places.
Foreign
social scientists are astonished that
residential quarters b u i l t by the government for its employees in D e l h i
should observe the hierarehical p r i n c i p l e so scrupulously. G r a n t i n g the
need f o r relating housing accommod a t i o n to income-level, should each
category of housing be b u i l t in compact blocks?
Could not the different categories of housing be mixed
in each block?
RURAL-URBAN OCCUPATIONS
CONTINUUM
T h e t r a d i t i o n a l association between
a caste a n d an occupation has resulted in the prevalence of a certain
c o n t i n u u m between r u r a l and urban
occupations.
Thus
r u r a l Barbers
when they migrate to towns either
work
in
' h a i r - c u t t i n g saloons',
Washermen start laundries, Smiths
w o r k i n f u r n i t u r e shops, O i l m e n sell,
if not press, o i l , M a l i s w o r k as gardeners, Chamars w o r k in shoe shops
and Brah/nins are teachers, lawyers
and cooks. Practising an occupation
s i m i l a r to the t r a d i t i o n a l , and stayi n g in an area where one's castefellows stay, people c a r r y i n t o towns
the hierarehical attitudes of the v i l lage.
( O u r towns are usually o n l y
demographically towns and not socially.)
T h i s is specially true of the poorer
people and of the smaller towns.
Residential areas in towns have acq u i r e d class values, a n d as usually
there is also a certain amount of
association of caste or ethnic g r o u p
w i t h residential area, castes have a
tendency to be pigeonholed, in o r d i n a r y talk, i n t o classes.
I am not
stating here that all members of a
caste belong to the same class.
Heterogeneity of class affiliation is
greater w i t h the better off castes
t h a n w i t h the poorer castes.
For
instance. B r a h m i n s and Kayasthas
would show greater heterogeniety
than H a r i j a n s .
The point which I
am t r y i n g to make here is that because of the t r a d i t i o n a l association
of a caste w i t h an occupation and
because of the tendency for m i g r a tion to occur in groups either k i n
or caste—there is a r u r a l - u r b a n cont i n u u m . People in towns, especially
smaller towns, retain caste attitudes
and values. T h e pattern of settlement makes possible the. identification of an u r b a n area w i t h a easte
and class.
O u r urban people continue to l i v e in a hierarehical w o r l d
contrary to the p o p u l a r impression
that urban occupations, small families and absence of p o l l u t i o n enable
people to live in 'freedom'. T h i s
impression also fails to take note of
the intimate ties existing between
people in towns and their relatives
in villages. I have earlier mentioned the characteristically urban expressions of caste.
There is yet another feature of
I n d i a n industrial l i f e w h i c h reveals a
close relation between caste and class.
There is a tendency f o r a specialised
task in a factory to become the
monopoly of a caste or regional
group. One may speak of 'workshop
homogeneity'.
Thus in a
Baroda
factory, i m m i g r a n t s f r o m U P , nonB r a h m i n Maharashtrians and lower
caste Gujeratis. each tended to be
segregated i n p a r t i c u l a r workshops
d o i n g the same k i n d of w o r k . Gujar a t i Patidars and Maharashtrians
f r o m the upper castes preponderated
i n the white-collar jobs. I t i s f a i r l y
well-known that i n appointment t o
jobs in factories considerations of
k i n s h i p , caste and region are. relevant. A p p o i n t m e n t s on ' r a t i o n a l '
considerations are still not many.
K i n l i n k s are a strong feature of
I n d i a n l i f e and they go beyond the
nuclear f a m i l y . I n d i a n m o r a l i t y is
s t i l l very largely made u p o f k i n
and caste obligations, and of the
rules of r e l i g i o n . K i n s h i p obligations are so strong that they tend to
p r e v a i l over c i v i c m o r a l i t y . K i n ship loyalties tend to perpetuate class
and caste differences and w o r k against egalitarianism. Even those who
have to profess p u b l i c l y their belief
i n egalitarianism have strong k i n ship loyalties. T h i s results in a
divergence between their beliefs and
conduct. W h e n such divergence is
widespread, people tend to be c y n i cal. A n d cynicism is not the proper
soil f o r rousing the necessary enthusiasm in the people f o r the Five
Year Plans.
It is s u r p r i s i n g that
871
I n d i a n leaders do not show keener
appreciation of this fact.
VI
In brief, there are today two types
of hierarchy, one, w h i c h is t r a d i tional and the other w h i c h is emergent.
The traditional hierarchy is
articulated in religious terms hut it
has also an important economic side.
Caste system functioned best in a
feudal, stationary
economy w i t h
m i n i m a l occupational and spatial
m o b i l i t y . D u r i n g B r i t i s h rule certain new social and economic forces
came into existence w h i c h had the
effect of m a k i n g the structure less
r i g i d . The a b o l i t i o n of slavery was
followed by the starling of coffee and
tea plantations, m i g r a t i o n to A f r i c a ,
F i j i Islands. M a l a y a and
Gylon,
the starting of factories and mills
in
Bombay, Calcutta and other
towns, and the new economic opportunities made possible by the political and administrative integration
of the. country and the development
of communications. Generally the
higher castes benefited most from
these opportunities, but more rarely,
the lower castes also d i d benefit (See
V G Bailey, Caste a n d the Economic
Frontier, Manchester, 1955 ).
The B r i t i s h started the policy of
giving
preference to the backward
castes. The nationalist forces w h i c h
were released under B r i t i s h rule, and
certain B r i t i s h or European political
institutions and ideas favoured egal i t a r i a n i s m . I n Independent India
several measures, some of them already mentioned, have been adopted w h i c h are designed to fight i n equality and to "further egalitarianism.
It must be mentioned here,
however, that it was d u r i n g B r i t i s h
rule that there came into existence,
an I n d i a n m i d d l e class, w h i c h w h i l e
not organised on national or regional lines, had its o w n interests to
m a i n t a i n and further. T h i s class is
full of class and cast- attitudes a n d
it is this class w h i c h has p r o v i d e d
the leaders, especially at local levels.
The bulk of I n d i a n bureaucracy
comes from this class.
BIGGER CAKE NOT ENOUGH
There are those who argue that
everyone should concentrate on i n creasing the size of the national cake
and that it is obvious that the bigger
the cake the greater the chances of
everyone h a v i n g more. T h i s argument is advanced by those who are
already getting a good share of the
take.
They do not realise that it
is not easy to convince w o r k e r s that
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
SPECIAL NUMBER JUNE 1960
a bigger cake w i l l necessarily mean
a bigger share f o r the. workers. A n d
unless they are convinced that they
and the country are going to benefit
f r o m the increased p r o d u c t i o n , they
w i l l not put f o r w a r d their best. Methods w h i c h brought about prosper i t y to V i c t o r i a n England are slightly
but of date in the modern w o r l d .
I n d i a n workers w i l l certainly compare their conditions w i t h those of
their Russian and Chinese counterparts.
There are then two hierarchies in
I n d i a , leaving aside the 'functional
hierarchy' which
prevails
during
w o r k i n g hours. (Every f a r m , f i r m ,
factory a n d office has its own hierarchy,)
The I n d i a n social structure
underwent a m o d i c u m of liberalisation under the B r i t i s h , and the I n d i a n
Government has i n i t i a t e d
several
measures intended to reduce inequality.
But the measures are halfhearted and full of loopholes. Above
all there is a failure to realise the
magnitude and nature of the problem.
Intelligence and commonsense
are not harnessed in combating inequality.
Good intentions alone are
not enough.
Constitutional Safeguards
T H E Constitution of India prescribes
protection and safeguards for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other
Backward Classes, either specifically or
by way of general rights of citizens with
the object of promoting their educational
and economic interests and of removing
certain social disabilities the Scheduled
Castes were subject to. These are:—
(i) the abolition of 'Untouchability, and
the forbidding of its practice in any form
(Art. 17);
(ii) the promotion of their educational
and economic interests and their protection from social injustice and all forms
of exploitation (Art. 46);
(iii) the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character
to all classes and sections of Hindus
(Art. 25 ) ;
(iv) the removal of any disability, liability, restriction or condition with regard
to access to shops, public restaurants.
hotels and places of public entertainment,
the use of wells, tanks bathing ghats,
roads and places of public resort main
tained wholly or partly out of State funds
or dedicated to the use of the general
public (Art, 15) ;
(v) the right to practise any profession or carry on any occupation, trade or
business (Art. 19);
(vi) the forbidding of any denial of
admission to educational institutions maintained by the State or receiving aid out
of State funds ( A r t 29):
(vii) the obligation of the State to
consider their claims in the making of
appointments to public services and reservation for them in case of inadequate
representation (Arts. 16 and 335);
(viii)
special representation in Parliament and Slate Legislatures for a
period of twenty years (Arts. 330, 331!
and 334);
(ix) the setting up of advisory councils and separate departments in the
States and the appointment of a Special
Officer at the Centre to promote their
welfare and safeguard their interests
(Arts. 164, 338 and Fifth Schedule): and
(x) special provision for the administration and control of scheduled and
tribal areas (Art. 244 and Fifth and
Sixth Schedules).
The population of the Scheduled Castes
is now estimated at 5.53 crores and that
of Scheduled Tribes at 2.25 crores as a
result of the issue of revised lists under
the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled
Tribes Lists (Modification) Order, 1956.
Denotified Tribes number about 40 lakhs.
—India 1960.