The “Long” 1960s—The United States Transformed, 1954-1972
The 1960s was a decade when hundreds of thousands of ordinary Americans gave new life to the
nation's democratic ideals. African Americans used sit-ins, freedom rides, and protest marches to fight
segregation, poverty, and unemployment. Feminists demanded equal job opportunities and an end to
sexual discrimination. Mexican Americans protested discrimination in voting, education, and
employment. Native Americans demanded that the government recognize their land claims and the
right of tribes to govern themselves. Environmentalists demanded legislation to control the amount of
pollution released into the environment.
Summary:
Early in the decade, African American college students, impatient with the slow pace of legal change,
staged sit-ins, freedom rides, and protest marches to challenge segregation in the South. Their efforts
led the federal government to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964, prohibiting discrimination in public
facilities and employment, and the 24th Amendment and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, guaranteeing
voting rights.
The examples of the civil rights movement inspired other groups to press for equal rights. The women's
movement fought for equal educational and employment opportunities, and brought about a
transformation of traditional views about women's place in society. Mexican Americans battled for
bilingual education programs in schools, unionization of farm workers, improved job opportunities, and
increased political power. Native Americans pressed for control over their lands and resources, the
preservation of native cultures, and tribal self-government. Gays and lesbians organized to end legal
discrimination based on sexual orientation.
In a far-reaching effort to reduce poverty, alleviate malnutrition, extend medical care, provide adequate
housing, and enhance the employability of the poor, President Lyndon Johnson launched his Great
Society Program in 1964. But the Vietnam War, ghetto rioting, and the rise of a militant antiwar
movement and the counterculture, contributed to a political backlash that would lead the Republican
Party to control the presidency for 10 of the next 14 years.
The Civil Rights Movement
Thurgood Marshall
Thurgood Marshall laid the legal foundation for the end of segregation in the South. With the legislative
and executive branches of government largely indifferent to racial discrimination, Marshall turned to the
courts to prove that separate facilities for blacks and whites were inherently unequal. He won 29 of the
32 cases he argued before the Supreme Court. In his biggest victory, Brown v. Board of Education (1954)
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of Topeka, Kansas, he persuaded a unanimous Supreme Court to rule that the "separate but equal"
doctrine was unconstitutional.
For nearly three decades, Marshall had chipped away at the laws upholding segregation. As the NAACP's
lead counsel, he won equal pay for black teachers, forced segregated courts to allow blacks to serve on
juries, and ended the use of restrictive covenants that barred blacks and Jews from segregated
neighborhoods. He also persuaded the Supreme Court to end the practice of all-white primaries and to
outlaw segregated seating on interstate buses and trains.
He was the target of numerous death threats. On at least two occasions, he was threatened by lynch
mobs.
Thurgood Marshall was born in Baltimore, Md.--a city in which an African American could not become a
licensed plumber until 1949 and where an interracial tennis match in 1948 resulted in 34 arrests.
Marshall attended a segregated high school in Baltimore and then went to Lincoln University, where the
student body was all black and the faculty all white. His classmates included the poet Langston Hughes
and Kwame Nkrumah, one of the leaders in Africa's decolonization.
Because the University of Maryland Law School refused to accept blacks, his mother had to pawn her
engagement and wedding rings so that he could attend Howard Law School. Marshall graduated first in
his law school class. In 1935, when he was just 26 years old and only two years out of law school, he got
revenge against the University of Maryland Law School when he persuaded a judge to order the
university to admit a black student (there were no separate black law schools in the state at that time).
In 1938, at the age of 30, Marshall became the NAACP's chief counsel. Convinced that a direct attack on
the Supreme Court's Plessy v. Ferguson(1896) decision and its doctrine of separate but equal would fail,
he initially directed his attention at areas where Southern states made no provision for African
Americans, such as the systematic exclusion of blacks from professional schools, juries, and primary
elections. Only when he had won these path-breaking cases did he move on to attack segregation
outright. Few Americans have done so much to change our nation and to help it live up to the ideals on
which it was founded.
In 1961, Marshall became a judge on the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. In 1965, President Lyndon
Johnson appointed him to the post of solicitor general, the government's chief trial lawyer. Two years
later, Marshall became the first African American to serve on the Supreme Court.
When Marshall died in 1993 at the age of 84, his dream of equality and integration had only been
partially realized. In that year, 39 years after the Brown decision, two-thirds of African American children
attend primarily black schools. A tribute to Marshall at the time of his death underscores his
significance: "We make movies about Malcolm X, we get a holiday to honor Dr. Martin Luther King, but
every day we live with the legacy of Justice Thurgood Marshall."
World War II dramatized the glaring contradiction between the American ideal of equal rights and the
reality of racial inequality. As president, Harry S. Truman struggled to overcome this contradiction. He
named the first African American, William H. Hastie, to the federal bench. He ordered the integration of
the armed forces. Almost all of his civil rights proposals, however, including bills to outlaw the poll tax
and suppress lynching, were defeated because of opposition from white Southern Democrats.
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Simple Justice—Brown v. Board of Education
In 1849, the Massachusetts' Supreme Judicial Court ruled that the city of Boston had done nothing
improper when it required a 5-year-old African American girl, Sarah Robert, to walk past white
elementary schools and to attend an all-black segregated school. The court rejected the argument made
by her lawyers, the abolitionist and U.S. Senator Charles Sumner and African American attorney Robert
Morris, that segregated schooling "brand[s] a whole race with the stigma of inferiority and degradation."
In 1950, Oliver Brown, a railroad worker, filed suit against the Board of Education in Topeka, Kansas,
some 101 years after the Robert’s case. His daughter, 8-year-old Linda, was a third-grader at the allblack Monroe Elementary School. To reach her school, she had to walk half a mile through a railroad
switchyard to catch a bus, even though an all-white elementary school was only seven blocks away.
Topeka's white lawyers argued that Monroe Elementary School was identical architecturally to Topeka's
white schools. And, they noted, that there were more African American teachers than white teachers
with Master's degrees. The schools were separate but equal, they insisted. Brown's attorney argued that
even if the facilities were equal, the very fact of racial discrimination was detrimental to African
American children.
Brown was one of 18 black Topeka parents challenging segregation. At the time that he sued the Topeka
school board, similar cases were filed in Delaware, South Carolina, Virginia, and Washington, D.C. In all
but the Delaware case, lower courts had ruled that segregation in public schools was permissible as long
as the separate facilities were equal. The Supreme Court consolidated the cases.
Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund used sociological evidence to show that
segregation harmed black children's self-esteem. The sociologist Kenneth Clark testified that 10 of 16
black children preferred a white doll to a black doll in a test. Eleven of the children said that the black
doll looked "bad."
On May 17, 1954, a unanimous Supreme Court handed down its decision. It ruled that segregated
schools are inherently unequal and unconstitutional. The court stressed that the badge of inferiority
stamped on minority children by segregation hindered their full development no matter how equal the
facilities. "We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of 'separate but equal' has no
place," wrote Chief Justice Earl Warren.
A great deal of behind-the-scenes maneuvering took place before the court handed down its decision.
The previous chief justice, Fred M. Vinson, was against striking down segregation; his sudden death led
Felix Frankfurter to say privately that Vinson's death was "the first solid piece of evidence I've ever had
that there really is a God."
When President Truman was succeeded in early 1953 by President Dwight D. Eisenhower, the court
ordered the case to be re-argued and asked the government to file another brief. The Justice
Department sided with the African American plaintiffs.
President Eisenhower, who was sympathetic to Southern whites, invited Chief Justice Earl Warren to a
White House dinner, where the president told him: "These [Southern whites] are not bad people. All
they are concerned about is to see that their sweet little girls are not required to sit in school alongside
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some big overgrown Negroes." Nevertheless, the Justice Department sided with the African American
plaintiffs.
A number of the Supreme Court justices feared that ordering immediate desegregation would unleash
turmoil in the South. In order to win a 9 to 0 vote on the case and the moral authority that a unanimous
decision would carry, Chief Justice Earl Warren agreed in a 1955 decision that schools be desegregated
with "all deliberate speed." This contradictory phrase entailed a call for gradual desegregation. At the
time, 17 states had segregated school systems, and 99 percent of black students in the South attended
all-black schools.
Some school districts complied immediately, including those in Washington, D.C. Military bases in the
South also immediately dismantled their dual school system. But most Southern members of Congress
pledged to "use all lawful means" to reverse the decision. It was not until the 1970s that some school
districts, including those in Boston, Mass., Charlotte, N.C., and Louisville, Ky., were forced by the federal
courts to implement busing plans to desegregate their schools.
In an editorial headlined "More Powerful Than All the Bombs," the St. Louis Post-Dispatch hailed the
decision as "a great and just act of judicial statesmanship.... The great body of victors is the people of
the United States. Through their Supreme Court they have thrown onto the junk heap one of the worst
frauds ever devised--the specious notion that in a democracy, education could be separate and, at the
same time, equal."
The Mother of the Civil Rights Movement
This event was the symbolic beginning of the modern Civil Rights Movement. Rosa Parks, an Alabama
seamstress, refused to give up her seat on a Montgomery bus to a white man. A volunteer secretary for
the Montgomery branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
and a veteran of the Civil Rights Movement since the early 1930s, Parks was returning from work at a
department store on Dec. 1, 1955. The bus filled up, whites in the front and blacks in the back. The
driver ordered four blacks in the front of the black section of the bus to get up and make room for
whites. Three did, but Mrs. Parks did not. She was arrested under a city ordinance that mandated
segregated buses and was fined $10 plus $4 court costs.
At the time that she refused to give up her seat, only 31 African Americans in Montgomery were
registered to vote. Her act of defiance, however, shook the foundations of segregation.
Her story is filled with myths. For one thing, her refusal to give up her seat was not the product of a
premeditated NAACP plan. Rather, it was a spontaneous decision, she later explained. She had been
abused and humiliated one time too many:
Just having paid for a seat and riding for only a couple of blocks and then having to stand was too much.
These other persons had got on the bus after I did. It meant that I didn't have a right to do anything but
get on the bus, give them my fare, and then be pushed wherever they wanted me.... There had to be a
stopping place, and this seemed to have been the place for me to stop being pushed around and to find
out what human rights I had, if any.
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The local NAACP had been searching for years for a woman to defy the Montgomery segregation law.
But the two women who had violated the law earlier in the year had been vulnerable to character
attacks in court and in the white press. Rosa Parks didn't drink, smoke, or curse. She had a steady job
and went to church each week. She was soft-spoken and had a serene demeanor. Her impeccable moral
character made her the ideal person to contest the case in court.
With support from the local NAACP, a boycott was organized to show support for Parks. Montgomery's
African Americans shared rides, took taxis, or walked to work. Mrs. Parks and many others were fired.
There were bombings, beatings, and lawsuits. In February 1956, Parks and a hundred others were
charged with conspiracy.
When the boycott started, community leaders arranged for 18 black taxis in the city to carry passengers
for the same 10 cent fare as a bus. When the city passed an ordinance requiring a minimum 45 cent
fare, 150 people volunteered their cars.
The boycott gained national attention with the charismatic leadership of a 26-year-old minister, the Rev.
Martin Luther King, Jr. In November 1956, the Supreme Court affirmed a lower court ruling that threw
out the Montgomery bus ordinance. After 381 days, the Montgomery bus boycott was over.
Rosa Parks was not simply a seamstress. She had been active for years as a volunteer secretary to the
Montgomery NAACP and its leader, civil rights crusader E.D. Nixon. The daughter of an itinerant
carpenter and a school teacher, Rosa Louise McCauley had been born in Tuskegee, Alabama, in 1913.
She attended a one-room school and then went on to the Montgomery Industrial School for Girls, a
vocational training institution. Her education was cut short by her mother's illness, and she went to
work at a textile plant, where she became a seamstress.
In 1932, she married Raymond Parks, a barber who was active in the struggle for voting rights for African
Americans. In 1943, she was evicted from a city bus for boarding through the front door; black
passengers were forced to pay at the front of the bus, get off, and re-enter through the rear. In 1955,
she had attended a demonstration on desegregation and civil disobedience at the Highlander Folk
School in Tennessee. She later said that her training at the school helped her to take a stand against
segregation.
In later life, her views ranged between the non-violence of Martin Luther King and the militancy of
Malcolm X. "I don't believe in gradualism," she told an interviewer, "or that whatever is to be done for
the better should take forever to do." By holding on to her seat, Rosa Parks illustrated how one person's
spontaneous act of courage and defiance can alter the course of history.
Eisenhower and Civil Rights
President Dwight D. Eisenhower was a reluctant battler for civil rights. Upon taking office, the Texasborn president ordered an end to segregation "in the District of Columbia, including the federal
government, and any segregation in the armed forces." In 1954, he tried to persuade Chief Justice Earl
Warren to avoid antagonizing the white South by ordering immediate desegregation.
Nevertheless, the president was confident that city and state officials would obey desegregation orders.
"I can't imagine any set of circumstances that would ever induce me to send federal troops...to enforce
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the orders of a federal court, because I believe that the common sense of American will never require
it," he told reporters in July 1957.
At that time, Congress was in the process of enacting the first civil rights bill since the 1880s, which
would create a federal civil rights commission, a civil rights division within the Justice Department, and
new federal authority to enforce voting rights.
Little Rock
The first major confrontation between states' rights and the Supreme Court's school integration decision
occurred in Little Rock, Arkansas, in the summer of 1957. Eighteen African American students were
chosen to integrate Little Rock's Central High School to comply with the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board
of Education (1954) decision. By Labor Day, only nine were still willing to serve as foot soldiers in
freedom's march.
Arkansas seemed an unlikely place for a confrontation over civil rights. Its largest newspapers were
generally supportive of desegregation, and several Arkansas cities had already integrated their public
schools. The public library and bus system were desegregated, earning Little Rock a reputation as a
progressive town. Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus owed his re-election in 1956 to black voters.
Ironically, Faubus, responding to polls that showed 85 percent of the state's residents opposed school
integration, tried to block desegregation by directing the Arkansas National Guard to keep the nine
teenagers from enrolling in the all-white Central High. He said that "blood would run in the streets" if
the Central High School was integrated.
For three weeks, the National Guard, under orders from the governor, prevented the nine students from
entering the school. President Eisenhower privately pressed Faubus to comply with the court order.
When Faubus refused to comply, the president responded by federalizing the Arkansas National Guard
and sending in 1,000 paratroopers from the Army's 101st Airborne Division to escort the students into
the school.
An angry white mob hurled racial epithets. Inside the school, there were still separate restrooms and
drinking fountains for black and white students. During the school year, the African American students
were ostracized and physically harassed. They were shoved against lockers, tripped down stairways, and
taunted by their classmates. Not all the African American students were able to turn the other cheek.
One was expelled for dumping a bowl of soup on a classmate's head. The remaining students were
greeted the next day with a sign that said, "One down, eight more to go."
Only one of the Little Rock nine graduated from Central High. In the fall of 1958, Governor Faubus shut
the public high schools down to prevent further integration. The schools did not re-open for a year.
Daisy Bates, the president of Arkansas's NAACP, spearheaded the drive to integrate Central High. Before
and after school, she would have the students gather at her home for prayer and counsel. During the
integration struggle, rocks were thrown through her windows and a burning cross was placed on her
roof. In 1963, Bates, whose mother had been murdered by three white men in an attempted rape, was
the only woman to speak at the March on Washington.
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Of the Little Rock nine, one student became assistant secretary of Housing and Urban Development
under President Carter. The others became an accountant, an investment banker, a journalist, a social
worker, a psychologist, a teacher, a real estate broker, and a writer. Only one remained in Little Rock.
Nearly half a century after the Little Rock nine entered Central High School, the city's school system still
struggles with integration. Today, almost 50 percent of the white students who live in the district do not
enroll in the public school system. Despite busing 14,000 of its 25,000 students to achieve racial balance,
18 of the district's 49 schools have at least 75 percent black enrollment.
The State of Black America in 1960
The statistics were grim for black Americans in 1960. Their average life-span was seven years less than
white Americans'. Their children had only half the chance of completing high school, only a third the
chance of completing college, and a third the chance of entering a profession when they grew up. On
average, black Americans earned half as much as white Americans and were twice as likely to be
unemployed.
Despite a string of court victories during the late 1950s, many black Americans were still second-class
citizens. Six years after the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision, only 49 southern school
districts had desegregated, and less than 1.2 percent of black schoolchildren in the 11 states of the old
Confederacy attended public school with white classmates. Less than a quarter of the South's black
population of voting age could vote In certain Southern counties blacks could not vote, serve on grand
juries and trial juries, or frequent all-white beaches, restaurants, and hotels.
In the North, too, black Americans suffered humiliation, insult, embarrassment, and discrimination.
Many neighborhoods, businesses, and unions almost totally excluded blacks. Just as black
unemployment had increased in the South with the mechanization of cotton production, black
unemployment in Northern cities soared as labor-saving technology eliminated many semiskilled and
unskilled jobs that historically had provided many blacks with work. Black families experienced severe
strain; the proportion of black families headed by women jumped from 8 percent in 1950 to 21 percent
in 1960. "If you're white, you're right" a black folk saying declared; "if you're brown stick around; if
you're black, stay back."
During the 1960s, however, a growing hunger for full equality arose among black Americans. The Rev.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. gave voice to the new mood: "We're through with tokenism and gradualism
and see-how-far-you've-comeism. We're through with we've-done-more-for-your-people-than-anyoneelseism. We can't wait any longer. Now is the time."
Freedom Now
"Now is the time." These words became the credo and rallying cry for a generation. On Monday,
February 1, 1960, four black freshmen at North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College--Ezell Blair,
Jr., Franklin McClain, Joseph McNeill, and David Richmond--walked into the F.W. Woolworth store in
Greensboro, North Carolina, and sat down at the lunch counter. They asked for a cup of coffee. A
waitress told them that she would only serve them if they stood.
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Instead of walking away, the four college freshmen stayed in their seats until the lunch counter closed-giving birth to the "sit-in." The next morning, the four college students re-appeared at Woolworth's,
accompanied by 25 fellow students. By the end of the week, protesters filled Woolworth's and other
lunch counters in town. Now was their time, and they refused to end their nonviolent protest against
inequality. Six months later, white city officials granted blacks the right to be served in a restaurant.
Although the four student protesters ascribed to Dr. King's doctrine of nonviolence, their opponents did
not--assaulting the black students both verbally and physically. When the police finally arrived, they
arrested black protesters, not the whites who tormented them.
By the end of February, lunch counter sit-ins had spread through 30 cities in seven Southern states. In
Charlotte, North Carolina, a storekeeper unscrewed the seats from his lunch counter. Other stores
roped-off seats so that every customer had to stand. Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, and Virginia, hastily
passed anti-trespassing laws to stem the outbreak of sit-ins. Despite these efforts, the nonviolent
student protests spread across the South. Students attacked segregated libraries, lunch counters, and
other "public" facilities.
In April, some 142 student sit-in leaders from 11 states met in Raleigh, North Carolina, and voted to set
up a new group to coordinate the sit-ins, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The
Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. told the students that their willingness to go to jail would "be the thing to
awaken the dozing conscience of many of our white brothers."
In the summer of 1960, sit-ins gave way to "wade-ins" at segregated public beaches. In Atlanta,
Charlotte, Greensboro, and Nashville, black students lined up at white-only box offices of segregated
movie theaters. Other students staged pray-ins (at all-white churches), study-ins (at segregated
libraries), and apply-ins (at all-white businesses). By the end of 1960, 70,000 people had taken part in
sit-ins in over 100 cities in 20 states. Police arrested and jailed more than 3,600 protesters, and
authorities expelled 187 students from college because of their activities. Nevertheless, the new tactic
worked. On March 21, 1960, lunch counters in San Antonio, Texas, were integrated. By August 1, lunch
counters in 15 states had been integrated. By the end of the year, protesters had succeeded in
integrating eating establishments in 108 cities.
The Greensboro sit-in initiated a new, activist phase in black America's struggle for equal rights. Fed up
with the slow, legalistic approach that characterized the Civil Rights Movement in the past, Southern
black college students began to attack Jim Crow directly. In the upper South, federal court orders and
student sit-ins successfully desegregated lunch counters, theaters, hotels, public parks, churches,
libraries, and beaches. But in three states--Alabama, Mississippi, and South Carolina--segregation in
restaurants, hotels, and bus, train, and airplane terminals remained intact. Young civil rights activists
launched new assaults against segregation in those states.
To the Heart of Dixie
In early May 1961, a group of 13 men and women, both black and white, set out from Washington, D.C.,
on two buses. They called themselves "freedom riders"; they wanted to demonstrate that segregation
prevailed throughout much of the South despite a federal ban on segregated travel on interstate buses.
The freedom riders' trip was sponsored by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), a civil rights group
dedicated to breaking down racial barriers through nonviolent protest. Inspired by the nonviolent, direct
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action ideals incorporated in the philosophy of Indian Nationalist Mahatma Gandhi, the freedom riders
were willing to endure jail and suffer beatings to achieve integration. "We can take anything the white
man can dish out," said one black freedom rider, "but we want our rights ... and we want them now."
In Virginia and North Carolina, the freedom riders met with little trouble. Black freedom riders were able
to use white restrooms and sit at white lunch counters. But in Winnsboro, South Carolina, police
arrested two black freedom riders, and outside of Anniston, Alabama, a white hurled a bomb through
one of the bus's windows, setting the vehicle on fire. Waiting white thugs beat the freedom riders as
they tried to escape the smoke and flames. Eight other whites boarded the second bus and assaulted
the freedom riders before police restrained the attackers.
In Birmingham, Alabama, another mob attacked the second bus with blackjacks and lengths of pipe. In
Montgomery, a club-swinging mob of 100 whites attacked the freedom riders; and a group of white
youths poured an inflammable liquid on one black man, igniting his clothing. Local police arrived ten
minutes later, state police an hour later. Explained Montgomery's police commissioner: "We have no
intention of standing police guard for a bunch of troublemakers coming into our city."
President Kennedy was appalled by the violence. He hastily deputized 400 federal marshals and Treasury
agents and flew them to Alabama to protect the freedom riders' rights. The president publicly called for
a "cooling-off period," but conflict continued. When the freedom riders arrived in Jackson, Mississippi,
27 were arrested for entering a "white-only" washroom and were sentenced to 60 days on the state
prison farm.
The threat of racial violence in the South led the Kennedy administration to pressure the Interstate
Commerce Commission to desegregate air, bus, and train terminals. In more than 300 Southern
terminals, signs saying "white" and "colored" were taken down from waiting room entrances and
lavatory doors.
Civil rights activists next aimed to open state universities to black students. Many Southern states
opened their universities to black students without incident. Other states were stiff-backed in their
opposition to integration. The depth of hostility to integration was apparent in an incident that took
place in February 1956. A young woman named Autherine Lucy became the first black student ever
admitted to the University of Alabama. A mob of 1,000 greeted the young woman with the chant, "Keep
'Bama White!" Two days later, rioting students threw stones and eggs at the car she was riding in to
attend class. Lucy decided to withdraw from school, and for the next seven years, no black students
attended the University of Alabama.
A major breakthrough occurred in September 1962, when a federal court ordered the state of
Mississippi to admit James Meredith--a nine-year veteran of the Air Force--to the University of
Mississippi in Oxford. Ross Barnett, the state's governor, promised on statewide television that he would
"not surrender to the evil and illegal forces of tyranny" and would go to jail rather than permit Meredith
to register for classes. Barnett flew into Oxford, named himself special registrar of the university, and
ordered the arrest of federal officials who tried to enforce the court order.
James Meredith refused to back down. A "man with a mission and a nervous stomach," Meredith was
determined to get a higher education. "I want to go to the university," he said. "This is the life I want.
Just to live and breathe--that isn't life to me. There's got to be something more." He arrived at the Ole
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Miss campus in the company of police officers, federal marshals, and lawyers. Angry white students
waited, chanting, "Two, four, six, eight--we don't want to integrate."
Four times James Meredith tried unsuccessfully to register at Ole Miss. He finally succeeded on the fifth
try, escorted by several hundred federal marshals. The ensuing riot left 2 people dead and 375 injured,
including 166 marshals. Ultimately, President Kennedy sent 16,000 troops to stop the violence.
“Bombingham”
By the end of 1961, protests against segregation, job discrimination, and police brutality had erupted
from Georgia to Mississippi and from Tennessee to Alabama. Staunch segregationists responded by
vowing to defend segregation. The symbol of unyielding resistance to integration was George C.
Wallace, a former state judge and a one-time state Golden Gloves featherweight boxing champion.
Elected on an extreme segregationist platform, Wallace promised to "stand in the schoolhouse door"
and go to jail before permitting integration. At his inauguration in January 1963, Wallace declared: "I
draw the line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before the feet of tyranny, and I say segregation now,
segregation tomorrow, segregation forever."
It was in Birmingham, Alabama, that civil rights activists faced the most determined resistance. A
sprawling steel town of 340,000, Birmingham had a long history of racial acrimony. In open defiance of
Supreme Court rulings, Birmingham had closed its 38 public playgrounds, 8 swimming pools, and 4 golf
courses rather than integrate them. Calling Birmingham "the most thoroughly segregated city in the
United States," the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. announced in early 1963 that he would lead
demonstrations in the city until demands for fair hiring practices and desegregation were met.
Day after day, well-dressed and carefully groomed men, women, and children marched against
segregation--only to be jailed for demonstrating without a permit. On April 12, King himself was
arrested; while in jail he wrote his now-famous "Letter from Birmingham City Jail," a scathing attack on a
group of white clergymen who asked black Americans to wait patiently for equal rights. On pieces of
toilet paper and newspaper margins, King wrote, "I am convinced that if your white brothers dismiss us
as `rabble rousers' and 'outside agitators'--those of us who are working through the channels of
nonviolent direct action--and refuse to support our nonviolent efforts, millions of Negroes, out of
frustration and despair, will seek solace and security in black nationalist ideologies, a development that
will lead inevitably to a frightening racial nightmare."
For two weeks, all was quiet; but in early May, demonstrations resumed with renewed vigor. On May 2
and again on May 3, more than a thousand of Birmingham's black youth marched for equal rights. In
response, Birmingham's police chief, Theophilus Eugene "Bull" Connor, unleashed police dogs on the
children and sprayed them with fire hoses with 700 pounds of pressure. Watching the willful brutality on
television, millions of Americans, white and black, were shocked by the face of segregation.
Tension mounted as police arrested 2,543 blacks and whites between May 2, 1963 and May 7, 1963.
Under intense pressure, the Birmingham Chamber of Commerce reached an agreement on May 9 with
black leaders to desegregate public facilities in 90 days, to hire blacks as clerks and salespersons in 60
days, and to release demonstrators without bail in return for an end to the protests.
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King's goal was nonviolent social change, but the short-term results of the protests were violence and
confrontation. On May 11, white extremists firebombed an integrated motel. That same night, a bomb
destroyed the home of King's brother. Shooting incidents and racial confrontations quickly spread across
the South. In June, an assassin, armed with a Springfield rifle, ambushed 37-year-old Medgar Evers, the
NAACP field representative in Mississippi, and shot him in the back. In September, an explosion
destroyed Birmingham's Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, killing four black girls and injuring 14 others.
Segregationists had planted 10 to 15 sticks of dynamite under the steps of the 50-year-old church
building. That same day, a 16-year-old black Birmingham youth was shot from behind by a police
shotgun, and a 13-year-old boy was shot while riding his bicycle. All told, 10 people died during racial
protests in 1963, 35 black homes and churches were firebombed, and 20,000 people were arrested
during civil rights protests.
Kennedy Finally Acts
The eruption of violence in Birmingham and elsewhere finally forced the Kennedy administration to
introduce legislation to guarantee black civil rights. Twice before, in 1957 and 1960, the federal
government had adopted weak civil rights acts designed to provide federal protection for black voting
rights. Now, Kennedy responded to the racial violence by proposing a new, stronger civil rights bill that
required the desegregation of public facilities, outlawed discrimination in employment and voting, and
allowed the attorney general to initiate school desegregation suits.
Kennedy's record on civil rights inspired little confidence. He had voted against the 1957 Civil Rights Act,
and in the 1960 campaign, many black leaders, including Jackie Robinson, backed Richard Nixon even
though Kennedy worked hard to court the black vote by promising new civil rights legislation and
declaring that he would end housing discrimination with a "stroke of the pen." A few weeks before the
1960 election, Kennedy broadened his black support by helping to secure the release of the Rev. Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr. from an Atlanta jail, where he had been imprisoned for leading an antisegregation demonstration.
Once in office, however, Kennedy moved slowly on civil rights issues because he feared alienating white
Southern Democrats, and because he had no real commitment to the cause. In his inaugural address and
first State of the Union Address, he barely mentioned civil rights. Although Kennedy's administration
filed 28 suits to protect black voting rights (compared to 10 suits filed during the Eisenhower years), it
was not until November 1963, that Kennedy took steps to end housing discrimination with a "stroke of a
pen"--after he had received hundreds of pens from frustrated civil rights leaders.
The March on Washington
The violence that erupted in Birmingham and elsewhere alarmed many veteran civil rights leaders. In
December 1962, two veteran fighters for civil rights, A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin, met at the
office of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters in Harlem. Both men were pacifists, eager to
rededicate the Civil Rights Movement to the principle of nonviolence. Both men decided that a massive
march for civil rights and jobs might provide the necessary pressure to prompt Kennedy and Congress to
act.
On August 28, 1963, over 200,000 people gathered around the Washington Monument and marched
eight-tenths of a mile to the Lincoln Memorial. The marchers carried placards reading: "Effective Civil
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Rights Laws--Now! Integrated Schools--Now! Decent Housing--Now!" and sang the civil rights anthem,
"We Shall Overcome." Ten speakers addressed the crowd, but the event's highlight was an address by
the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. After he finished his prepared text, he launched into his legendary
closing words. "I have a dream," he declared, "that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of
former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of
brotherhood.... I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with
people's injustices, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom
and justice." As his audience roared their approval, King continued: "I have a dream that one day this
nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident;
that all men are created equal."
The Civil Rights Act of 1964
For seven months, debate raged in the halls of Congress. In a futile effort to delay the Civil Rights Bill's
passage, opponents proposed over 500 amendments and staged a protracted filibuster in the Senate.
On July 2, 1964--a little over a year after President Kennedy had sent it to Congress--the Civil Rights Act
was enacted into law. It had been skillfully pushed through Congress by President Lyndon Johnson, who
took office after Kennedy was assassinated in November 1963. The act prohibited discrimination in
voting, employment, and public facilities such as hotels and restaurants, and it established the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission to prevent discrimination in employment on the basis of race,
religion, or sex. Ironically, the provision barring sex discrimination had been added by opponents of the
Civil Rights Act in an attempt to kill the bill.
Although most white Southerners accepted the new federal law without resistance, many violent
incidents occurred as angry whites vented their rage in shootings and beatings. The Civil Rights Act was a
success despite such incidents. In the first weeks under the 1964 Civil Rights Law, segregated restaurants
and hotels across the South opened their doors to black patrons. Over the next ten years, the Justice
Department brought legal suits against more than 500 school districts and more than 400 suits against
hotels, restaurants, taverns, gas stations, and truck stops charged with racial discrimination.
Voting Rights
The 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibited discrimination in employment and public accommodations. But
many African Americans were denied an equally fundamental constitutional right, the right to vote. The
most effective barriers to black voting were state laws requiring prospective voters to read and interpret
sections of the state constitution. In Alabama, voters had to provide written answers to a 20-page test
on the Constitution and state and local government. Questions included: Where do presidential electors
cast ballots for president? Name the rights a person has after he has been indicted by a grand jury?
In an effort to bring the issue of voting rights to national attention, Martin Luther King, Jr. launched a
voter registration drive in Selma, Alabama, in early 1965. Even though blacks slightly outnumbered
whites in the city of 29,500 people, Selma's voting rolls were 99 percent white and 1 percent black. For
seven weeks, King led hundreds of Selma's black residents to the county courthouse to register to vote.
Nearly 2,000 black demonstrators, including King, were jailed by County Sheriff James Clark for
contempt of court, juvenile delinquency, and parading without a permit. After a federal court ordered
Clark not to interfere with orderly registration, the sheriff forced black applicants to stand in line for up
to five hours before being permitted to take a "literacy" test. Not a single black voter was added to the
registration rolls.
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When a young black man was murdered in nearby Marion, King responded by calling for a march from
Selma to the state capitol of Montgomery, 50 miles away. On March 7, 1965, black voting-rights
demonstrators prepared to march. "I can't promise you that it won't get you beaten," King told them,
"... but we must stand up for what is right!" As they crossed a bridge spanning the Alabama River, 200
state police with tear gas, night sticks, and whips attacked them. The march resumed on March 21 with
federal protection. The marchers chanted: "Segregation's got to fall ... you never can jail us all." On
March 25 a crowd of 25,000 gathered at the state capitol to celebrate the march's completion. Martin
Luther King, Jr. addressed the crowd and called for an end to segregated schools, poverty, and voting
discrimination. "I know you are asking today, 'How long will it take?' ... How long? Not long, because no
lie can live forever."
Within hours of the march's end, four Ku Klux Klan members shot and killed a 39-year-old white civil
rights volunteer from Detroit named Viola Liuzzo. President Johnson expressed the nation's shock and
anger. "Mrs. Liuzzo went to Alabama to serve the struggle for justice," the President said. "She was
murdered by the enemies of justice who for decades have used the rope and the gun and the tar and
the feather to terrorize their neighbors."
Two measures adopted in 1965 helped safeguard the voting rights of black Americans. On January 23,
the states completed ratification of the 24th Amendment to the Constitution barring a poll tax in federal
elections. At the time, five Southern states still had a poll tax. On August 6, President Johnson signed the
Voting Rights Act, which prohibited literacy tests and sent federal examiners to seven Southern states to
register black voters. Within a year, 450,000 Southern blacks registered to vote.
Black Nationalism and Black Power
At the same time that such civil rights leaders as the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. fought for racial
integration, other black leaders emphasized separatism and identification with Africa. Black Nationalist
sentiment was not new. During the early 19th century, black leaders such as Paul Cuffe and Martin
Delaney, convinced that blacks could never achieve true equality in the United States, advocated
migration overseas. At the turn of the century, Booker T. Washington and his followers emphasized
racial solidarity, economic self-sufficiency, and black self-help. Also, at the end of World War I, millions
of black Americans were attracted by Marcus Garvey's call to drop the fight for equality in America and
instead "plant the banner of freedom on the great continent of Africa."
One of the most important expressions of the separatist impulse during the 1960s was the rise of the
Black Muslims, which attracted 100,000 members. Founded in 1931, in the depths of the depression,
the Nation of Islam drew its appeal from among the growing numbers of urban blacks living in poverty.
The Black Muslims elevated racial separatism into a religious doctrine and declared that whites were
doomed to destruction. "The white devil's day is over," Black Muslim leader Elijah Muhammad cried.
"He was given six thousand years to rule ... He's already used up most trapping and murdering the black
nations by the hundreds of thousands. Now he's worried, worried about the black man getting his
revenge." Unless whites acceded to the Muslim demand for a separate territory for themselves,
Muhammad said, "Your entire race will be destroyed and removed from this earth by Almighty God. And
those black men who are still trying to integrate will inevitably be destroyed along with the whites."
The Black Muslims did more than vent anger and frustration. The organization was also a vehicle of
black uplift and self-help. The Black Muslims called upon black Americans to "wake up, clean up, and
stand up" in order to achieve true freedom and independence. To root out any behavior that conformed
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to racist stereotypes, the Muslims forbade eating pork and cornbread, drinking alcohol, and smoking
cigarettes. Muslims also emphasized the creation of black businesses.
The most controversial exponent of Black Nationalism was Malcolm X. The son of a Baptist minister who
had been an organizer for Marcus Garvey's United Negro Improvement Association, he was born
Malcolm Little in Omaha, Nebraska, and grew up in Lansing, Michigan. A reformed drug addict and
criminal, Malcolm X learned about the Black Muslims in a high security prison. After his release from
prison in 1952, he adopted the name Malcolm X to replace "the white slave-master name which had
been imposed upon my paternal forebears by some blue-eyed devil." He quickly became one of the
Black Muslims' most eloquent speakers, denouncing alcohol, tobacco, and extramarital sex.
Condemned by some whites as a demagogue for such statements as "If ballots won't work, bullets will,"
Malcolm X gained widespread public notoriety by attacking the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. as a
"chump" and an Uncle Tom, by advocating self-defense against white violence, and by emphasizing
black political power.
Malcolm X's main message was that discrimination led many black Americans to despise themselves.
"The worst crime the white man has committed," he said, "has been to teach us to hate ourselves." Selfhatred caused black Americans to lose their identity, straighten their hair, and become involved in
crime, drug addiction, and alcoholism.
In March 1964 (after he violated an order from Elijah Muhammad and publicly rejoiced at the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy), Malcolm X withdrew from Elijah Muhammad's organization
and set up his own Organization of Afro-Americans. Less than a year later, his life ended in bloodshed.
On February 21, 1965, in front of 400 followers, he was shot and killed, apparently by followers of Black
Muslim leader Elijah Muhammad, as he prepared to give a speech in New York City.
Inspired by Malcolm X's example, young black activists increasingly challenged the traditional leadership
of the Civil Rights Movement and its philosophy of nonviolence. The single greatest contributor to the
growth of militancy was the violence perpetrated by white racists. One of the most publicized incidents
took place in June 1964, when three civil rights workers--two whites, Andrew Goodman and Michael
Schwerner, and one black, James Chaney--disappeared near Philadelphia, Mississippi. Six weeks after
they were reported missing, the bodies of the men were found buried under a dam; all three had been
beaten, then shot. In December, the sheriff and deputy sheriff of Neshoba County, Mississippi, along
with 19 others, were arrested on charges of violating the three men's civil rights; but just six days later
the charges were dropped. David Dennis, a black civil rights worker, spoke at James Chaney's funeral. He
angrily declared, "I'm sick and tired of going to the funerals of black men who have been murdered by
white men.... I've got vengeance in my heart."
In 1966, two key civil rights organizations--SNCC and CORE (the Congress of Racial Equality)--embraced
Black Nationalism. In May, Stokely Carmichael was elected chairman of SNCC and proceeded to
transform SNCC from an interracial organization committed to nonviolence and integration into an allblack organization committed to "black power." "Integration is irrelevant," declared Carmichael.
"Political and economic power is what the black people have to have." Although Carmichael initially
denied that "black power" implied racial separatism, he eventually called on blacks to form their own
separate political organizations. In July 1966--one month after James Meredith, the black Air Force
veteran who had integrated the University of Mississippi, was ambushed and shot while marching for
voting rights in Mississippi--CORE also endorsed black power and repudiated nonviolence.
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Of all the groups advocating racial separatism and black power, the one that received the widest
publicity was the Black Panther Party. Formed in October 1966, in Oakland, California, the Black Panther
party was an armed revolutionary socialist organization advocating self-determination for black
ghettoes. "Black men," declared one party member, “must unite to overthrow their white ‘oppressors,’
becoming ‘like panthers--smiling, cunning, scientific, striking by night and sparing no one!’" The Black
Panthers gained public notoriety by entering the gallery of the California State Assembly brandishing
guns and by following police to prevent police harassment and brutality toward blacks.
Separatism and Black Nationalism attracted no more than a small minority of black Americans. Public
opinion polls indicated that only about 15 percent of black Americans identified themselves as
separatists and that the overwhelming majority of blacks considered Martin Luther King, Jr. their
favored spokesperson. The older civil rights organizations, such as the NAACP, rejected separatism and
black power, viewing it as an abandonment of the goals of nonviolence and integration.
Yet despite their relatively small following, black power advocates exerted a powerful and positive
influence upon the Civil Rights Movement. In addition to giving birth to a host of community self-help
organizations, supporters of black power spurred the creation of black studies programs in universities
and encouraged black Americans to take pride in their racial background and to recognize that "black is
beautiful." A growing number of black Americans began to wear "Afro" hairstyles and take African or
Islamic surnames. Singer James Brown captured the new spirit: "Say it loud--I'm black and I'm proud."
In an effort to maintain support among more militant blacks, civil rights leaders began to address the
problems of the black lower classes who lived in the nation's cities. By the mid-1960s, King had begun to
move toward the political left. He said it did no good to be allowed to eat in a restaurant if you had no
money to pay for a hamburger. King denounced the Vietnam War as "an enemy of the poor," described
the United States as "the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today," and predicted that "the
bombs that [Americans] are dropping in Vietnam will explode at home in inflation and unemployment."
He urged a radical redistribution of wealth and political power in the United States in order to provide
medical care, jobs, and education for all of the country's people. And he spoke of the need for a second
"March on Washington" by "waves of the nation's poor and disinherited," who would "stay until
America responds ... [with] positive action." The time had come for radical measures "to provide jobs
and income for the poor."
The Civil Rights Movement Moves North
On August 11, 1965, riots ignited in Watts, a predominantly black section of Los Angeles, after the arrest
of a 21-year-old for drunk driving. The riots occurred only five days after President Lyndon Johnson
signed the Voting Rights Act. The violence lasted five days and resulted in 34 deaths, 3,900 arrests, and
the destruction of over 744 buildings and 200 businesses in a 20-square-mile area. Rioters smashed
windows, hurled bricks and bottles from rooftops, and stripped store shelves.
Over the next four summers, the nation's inner cities experienced a wave of violence and rioting. The
worst violence occurred during the summer of 1967, when riots occurred in 127 cities. In Newark, 26
persons lost their lives, over 1,500 were injured, and 1,397 were arrested. In Detroit, 43 people died,
$500 million in property was destroyed, and 14-square-miles were gutted by fire. The last major wave of
violence occurred following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. in Memphis, Tennessee, on April
4, 1968. Violence erupted in 168 cities, leaving 46 dead, 3,500 injured, and $40 million worth of damage.
In Washington, D.C., fires burned within three blocks of the White House.
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In 1968, President Johnson appointed a commission to examine the causes of the race riots of the
preceding three summers. Led by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner, the commission attributed racial
violence to "white racism" and its heritage of discrimination and exclusion. Joblessness, poverty, a lack
of political power, decaying and dilapidated housing, police brutality, and poor schools bred a sense of
frustration and rage that had exploded into violence. The commission warned that unless major steps
were taken, the United States would inevitably become "two societies, one black, one white--separate
and unequal."
Until 1964, most white Northerners regarded race as a peculiarly Southern problem that could be solved
by extending political and civil rights to Southern blacks. Beginning in 1964, however, the nation learned
that discrimination and racial prejudice were nationwide problems and that black Americans were
demanding not just desegregation in the South, but equality in all parts of the country. The nation also
learned that resistance to black demands for equal rights was not confined to the Deep South, but
existed in the North as well.
In the North, African Americans suffered, not from de jure (legal) segregation, but from de facto
discrimination in housing, schooling, and employment--discrimination that lacked the overt sanction of
law. "De facto segregation," wrote James Baldwin, “means that Negroes are segregated but nobody did
it." The most obvious example of de facto segregation was the fact that the overwhelming majority of
Northern black schoolchildren attended predominantly black inner-city schools, while most white
children attended schools with an overwhelming majority of whites. In 1968--fourteen years after the
Brown v. Board of Education decision--federal courts began to order busing as a way to deal with de
facto segregation brought about by housing patterns. In April 1971, in the case of Swann v. CharlotteMecklenburg Board of Education, the Supreme Court upheld "bus transportation as a tool of school
desegregation."
The Great Society and the Drive for Black Equality
Lyndon B. Johnson had a vision for America. Believing that problems of housing, income, employment,
and health were ultimately a federal responsibility, Johnson used the weight of the presidency and his
formidable political skills to enact the most impressive array of reform legislation since the days of
Franklin Roosevelt. He envisioned a society without poverty or discrimination, in which all Americans
enjoyed equal educational and job opportunities. He called his vision the "Great Society."
A major feature of Johnson's Great Society was the "War on Poverty." The federal government raised
the minimum wage and enacted programs to train poorer Americans for new and better jobs, including
the 1964 Manpower Development and Training Act and the Economic Opportunity Act, which
established such programs as the Job Corps and the Neighborhood Youth Corps. To assure adequate
housing, in 1966 Congress adopted the Model Cities Act to attack urban blight, set up a cabinet-level
Department of Housing and Urban Development, and began a program of rent supplements.
To promote education, Congress passed the Higher Education Act in 1965 to provide student loans and
scholarships, the Elementary and Secondary Schools Act of 1965 to pay for textbooks, and the
Educational Opportunity Act of 1968 to help the poor finance college educations. To address the
nation's health needs, the Child Health Improvement and Protection Act of 1968 provided for prenatal
and postnatal care, the Medicaid Act of 1968 paid for the medical expenses of the poor, and Medicare,
established in 1965, extended medical insurance to older Americans under the Social Security system.
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Johnson also prodded Congress to pass a broad spectrum of civil rights laws, ranging from the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 to the 1968 Fair Housing Act barring discrimination
in the sale or rental of housing. In 1965, LBJ issued an executive order requiring government contractors
to ensure that job applicants and employees were not discriminated against. It required all contractors
to prepare an "affirmative action plan" to achieve these goals.
Johnson broke many other color barriers. In 1966, he named the first black cabinet member and
appointed the first black woman to the federal bench. In 1967, he appointed Thurgood Marshall to
become the first black American to serve on the Supreme Court. The first Southerner to reside in the
White House in half a century, Johnson showed a stronger commitment to improving the position of
black Americans than any previous president.
When President Johnson announced his Great Society program in 1964, he promised substantial
reductions in the number of Americans living in poverty. When he left office, he could legitimately argue
that he had delivered on his promise. In 1960, 40 million Americans (20 percent of the population) were
classified as poor. By 1969, their number had fallen to 24 million (12 percent of the population). Johnson
also pledged to qualify the poor for new and better jobs, to extend health insurance to the poor and
elderly to cover hospital and doctor costs, and to provide better housing for low-income families. Here,
too, Johnson could say he had delivered. Infant mortality among the poor, which had barely declined
between 1950 and 1965, fell by one-third in the decade after 1965 as a result of expanded federal
medical and nutritional programs. Before 1965, 20 percent of the poor had never seen a doctor; by
1970, the figure had been cut to 8 percent. The proportion of families living in houses lacking indoor
plumbing also declined steeply, from 20 percent in 1960 to 11 percent a decade later.
Although critics argued that Johnson took a shotgun approach to reform and pushed poorly thought-out
bills through Congress, supporters responded that at least Johnson tried to move toward a more
compassionate society. During the 1960s, median black family income rose 53 percent; black
employment in professional, technical, and clerical occupations doubled; and average black educational
attainment increased by four years. The proportion of blacks below the poverty line fell from 55 percent
in 1960 to 27 percent in 1968. The black unemployment rate fell 34 percent. The country had taken
major strides toward extending equality of opportunity to black Americans. In addition, the number of
whites below the poverty line dropped dramatically, and such poverty-plagued regions as Appalachia
made significant economic strides.
White Backlash
Ghetto rioting, the rise of black militancy, and resentment over Great Society social legislation combined
to produce a backlash among many whites. Commitment to bringing black Americans into full equality
declined. In the wake of the riots, many whites fled the nation's cities. The Census Bureau estimated
that 900,000 whites moved each year from central cities to the suburbs between 1965 and 1970.
The 1968 Republican candidate, Richard Nixon, promised to eliminate "wasteful" federal antipoverty
programs and to name "strict constructionists" to the Supreme Court. As president, Nixon moved
quickly to keep his commitments. In an effort to curb Great Society social programs, Nixon did away
with the Model Cities Program and the Office of Economic Opportunity. "The time may have come,"
declared a Nixon aide, "when the issue of race could benefit from a period of benign neglect." The
administration urged Congress not to extend the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and to end the Fair Housing
Enforcement Program.
17
Nixon also made a series of Supreme Court appointments that brought to an end the liberal activist era
of the Warren Court. During the 1960s, the Supreme Court greatly increased the ability of criminal
defendants to defend themselves. In Mapp v. Ohio (1961), the high court ruled that evidence secured by
the police through unreasonable searches must be excluded from trial. In Gideon v. Wainwright (1963),
it declared that indigent defendants have a right to a court-appointed attorney. In Escobedo v. Illinois
(1964), it ruled that suspects being interrogated by police have a right to legal counsel.
As president, Nixon promised to alter the balance between the rights of criminal defendants and
society's rights. He selected Warren Burger, a moderate conservative, to replace Earl Warren as chief
justice of the Supreme Court. He also nominated two conservative white Southerners for a second court
vacancy, only to have both nominees rejected (one for financial improprieties, the other for alleged
insensitivities to civil rights). Nixon eventually named four justices to the high court: Burger, Harry
Blackmun, Lewis Powell, and William Rehnquist.
Under Chief Justice Burger and his successor William Rehnquist, the Supreme Court clarified the
remedies that could be used to correct past racial discrimination. In 1974, the Court limited the use of
school busing for purposes of racial desegregation by declaring that busing could not take place across
school district lines. In 1978, in the landmark Bakke case, the Court held that educational institutions
could take race into account when screening applicants, but could not use rigid racial quotas. The
following year, however, the court ruled that employers and unions could legally establish voluntary
programs, including the use of quotas, to aid minorities and women in employment.
The Struggle Continues
Over the past quarter century, black Americans have made impressive social and economic gains, yet full
equality remains an unrealized dream. State-sanctioned segregation in restaurants, hotels, courtrooms,
libraries, drinking fountains, and public washrooms was eliminated, and many barriers to equal
opportunity were shattered. In political representation, educational attainment, and representation in
white collar and professional occupations, African Americans have made striking gains. Between 1960
and 1993, the number of black officeholders swelled from just 300 to nearly 7,984, and the proportion
of blacks in professional positions quadrupled. Black mayors have governed many of the nation's largest
cities, including Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, and Washington, D.C.
Respect for black culture has also grown. The number of black performers on television and in film has
grown, though most still appear in comedies or crime stories. Today, the most popular television
performers (Bill Cosby and Oprah), the most popular movie star (Eddie Murphy), and many of the most
popular musicians and sports stars are black.
Nevertheless, millions of black Americans still do not share fully in the promise of American life. The
proportion of lawyers who are black doubled between 1960 and 1990, but it has only gone from 1.3
percent to 3.2 percent. The percentage of physicians who are African American has dropped, from 4.4
percent to 3 percent.
According to census figures, blacks still suffer twice the unemployment rate of whites and earn only
about half as much. The poverty rate among black families is three times that of whites--the same ratio
as in the 1950s. Black households earn only about $63 for every $100 a white household earns. Forty
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percent of black children are raised in fatherless homes, and almost half of all black children are born
into families earning less than the poverty level.
Separation of the races in housing and schooling remains widespread. Nationally, less than a quarter of
all black Americans live in integrated neighborhoods, and only about 38 percent of black children attend
racially integrated schools. And despite great gains in black political clout, blacks still do not hold
political offices in proportion to their share of the population. In 1990, there were only 400 black
legislators (state and federal), compared with 7,335 white legislators; and altogether, blacks still make
up less than two percent of the nation's officeholders.
Although the United States has eliminated many obstacles to black progress, reformers maintain that
much remains to be done before the country attains Martin Luther King's dream of a nation where "all
of God's children, black man and white man, Jew and Gentile, Protestant and Catholic, will be able to
join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, `Free at Last, Free at Last, Thank God
Almighty, I'm Free at Last.’"
The Youth Revolt
During the 1960s, one age group of Americans loomed larger than any other: the youth. Their skepticism
of corporate and bureaucratic authority, their strong emotional identification with the underprivileged,
and their intense desire for stimulation and instant gratification shaped the nation's politics, dress,
music, and film.
Unlike their parents, who had grown-up amid the hardships of the depression and the patriotic sacrifices
of World War II, young people of the 1960s grew up during a period of rapid economic growth. Feeling a
deep sense of economic security, they sought personal fulfillment and tended to dismiss their parents
generation's success-oriented lives. "Never trust anyone over 30," went a popular saying.
Never before had young people been so numerous or so well-educated. During the 1960s, there was a
sudden explosion in the number of teenagers and young adults. As a result of the depressed birthrates
during the 1930s and the post-war baby boom, the number of young people aged 14 to 25 jumped 40
percent in a decade (constituting 20 percent of the nation's population). The nation's growing number of
young people received far more schooling than their parents. Over 75 percent graduated high school,
and nearly 40 percent went on to higher education.
At no earlier time in American history had the gulf between the generations seemed so wide. Blue jeans,
long hair, psychedelic drugs, casual sex, hippie communes, campus demonstrations, and rock music all
became symbols of the distance separating youth from the world of conventional adulthood.
The Port Huron Statement
Late in the spring of 1962, five dozen college students gathered at a lakeside camp near Port Huron,
Michigan, to discuss politics. For four days and nights, the members of an obscure student group, known
as Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), talked passionately about such topics as civil rights, foreign
policy, and the quality of American life. At 5 a.m. on June 16, the gathering ended when the participants
agreed on a political platform that expressed their sentiments. This manifesto, one of the pivotal
political documents of the 1960s, became known as the Port Huron Statement.
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The goal set forward in the Port Huron Statement was the creation of a radically new democratic
political movement in the United States that rejected hierarchy and bureaucracy. In its most important
paragraphs, the document called for "participatory democracy"--direct individual involvement in the
decisions that affected their lives. This notion would become the battle cry of the student movement of
the 1960s--a movement that came to be known as the New Left.
The Port Huron Statement's chief author was Tom Hayden. Hayden was born in 1939, in Royal Oak,
Michigan, a predominantly Catholic working-class suburb of Detroit. From an early age, he was
unusually politically conscious and questioning of established authority. In high school, his idols were
critics of conventional society, such as J. D. Salinger's Holden Caulfield and Mad Magazine's Alfred E.
Neuman. He then attended the University of Michigan, read Jack Kerouac's beat novel On the Road,
hitchhiked across the country, and witnessed student protests at the University of California at Berkeley.
He spent much of 1961 in the South and was once badly beaten by local whites in McComb, Mississippi.
During the 1960s, Tom Hayden became one of the key figures in the New Left. In 1968, he flew to North
Vietnam in protest of the Vietnam War. The next year, he gained further notoriety as one of the Chicago
Seven defendants who were acquitted of charges of conspiring to disrupt the 1968 Democratic
presidential convention. Briefly, Hayden dropped out of politics, moved to Venice, California, and lived
under a pseudonym. Later, he married actress Jane Fonda and became a member of the California
legislature.
During the 1960s, thousands of young college students, like Tom Hayden, became politically active. The
first issue to spark student radicalism was the impersonality of the modern university, which many
students criticized for being too bureaucratic and formal. Students questioned university requirements,
restrictions on student political activities, and dormitory rules that limited the hours that male and
female students could socialize with each other. Restrictions on students handing out political
pamphlets on university property led to the first campus demonstrations that broke out at the
University of California at Berkeley, and soon spread to other campuses.
Involvement in the Civil Rights Movement in the South initiated many students into radical politics. In
the early 1960s, many white students from Northern universities began to participate in voter
registration drives, freedom schools, sit-ins, and freedom rides in order to help desegregate the South.
For the first time, many witnessed poverty, discrimination, and violence first hand.
Student radicalism also drew inspiration from a literature of social criticism that flourished in the 1950s.
During that decade, many of the most popular films, novels, and writings aimed at young people
criticized conventional middle class life. Popular films, like Rebel Without a Cause, and popular novels,
like J. D. Salinger's Catcher in the Rye, celebrated sensitive, directionless, alienated youths unable to
conform to the conventional adult values of suburban and corporate America. Sophisticated works of
social criticism, by such maverick sociologists, psychologists, and economists as Herbert Marcuse,
Norman O. Brown, Paul Goodman, Michael Harrington, and C. Wright Mills, documented the growing
concentration of power in the hands of social elites, the persistence of poverty in a land of plenty, and
the stresses and injustices in America's social order.
Above all, student radicalism owed its support to student opposition of the Vietnam War. SDS held its
first antiwar march in 1965, which attracted at least 15,000 protestors to Washington and commanded
wide press attention. Over the next three years, opposition to the war brought thousands of new
members to SDS. The organization grew phenomenally, from fewer than a thousand members in 1962
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to at least 50,000 in 1968. In addition to its antiwar activities, members of SDS also tried to organize a
democratic "interracial movement of the poor" in Northern city neighborhoods.
Many members of SDS quickly grew frustrated by the slow pace of social change and began to embrace
violence as a tool to transform society. After 1968, SDS rapidly tore itself apart as an effective political
force, and in its final convention in 1969, degenerated into a shouting match between radicals and
moderates. That same year, the Weathermen, a surviving faction of SDS, attempted to launch a guerrilla
war in the streets of Chicago--an incident known as the "Days of Rage"--to "tear pig city apart." Finally,
in 1970 three members of the Weathermen blew themselves up in a Greenwich Village brownstone
trying to make a bomb out of a stick of dynamite and an alarm clock.
Throughout the 1960s, the SDS and other radical student organizations claimed to speak for the nation's
youth, and in thousands of editorials and magazine articles, journalists accepted this claim. In fact, the
SDS represented only a small minority of college students who, themselves, composed a minority of the
country's youth. Far more young Americans voted for George Wallace in 1968 than joined SDS, and most
college students during the decade spent far more time studying and enjoying the college experience
than protesting. Nevertheless, radical students did help to draw the nation's attention to the problem of
racism in American society and the moral issues involved in the Vietnam War. In that sense, their impact
far exceeded their numbers.
The Making (and Unmaking) of a Counterculture
The New Left had a series of heroes, ranging from Marx, Lenin, Ho, and Mao to Fidel, Che, and other
revolutionaries. It also had its own uniforms, rituals, and music. Faded-blue work shirts and jeans, wirerimmed glasses, and work shoes were de rigueur even if the dirtiest work the wearer performed was
taking notes in a college class. The proponents of the New Left emphasized their sympathy with the
working class--an emotion that was seldom reciprocated--and listened to labor songs that once fired the
hearts of unionists. The political protest folk music of Greenwich Village--of Phil Ochs, Bob Dylan, and
their crowd--inspired the New Left.
But the New Left was only one part of youth protest during the 1960s. While the New Left labored to
change the world and remake American society, other youths attempted to alter themselves and
reorder consciousness. Variously labeled the counterculture, hippies, or flower children, they had their
own heroes, music, dress, and approach to life.
In theory, supporters of the counterculture rejected individualism, competition, and capitalism.
Adopting rather unsystematic ideas from oriental religions, they sought to become one with the
universe. Rejection of monogamy and the traditional nuclear family gave way to the tribal or communal
ideal, where members renounced individualism and private property and shared food, work, and sex. In
such a community, love was a general abstract ideal rather than a focused emotion.
The quest for oneness with the universe led many youths to experiment with hallucinogenic drugs. LSD
had a particularly powerful allure. Under its influence, poets, musicians, politicians, and thousands of
other Americans claimed to have tapped into an all-powerful spiritual force. Timothy Leary, the Harvard
professor who became the leading prophet of LSD, asserted that the drug would unlock the universe.
21
Although LSD was outlawed in 1966, the drug continued to spread. Perhaps some takers discovered
profound truths, but by the late 1960s, drugs had done more harm than good. The history of the HaightAshbury section of San Francisco illustrated the problems caused by drugs. In 1967, Haight was the
center of the counterculture, the home of the flower children. In the "city of love," hippies ingested LSD,
smoked pot, listened to "acid rock," and proclaimed the dawning of a new age. Yet the area was
suffering from severe problems. High levels of racial violence, venereal disease, rape, drug overdoses,
and poverty ensured more bad trips than good.
Even music, which along with drugs and sex formed the counterculture trinity, failed to alter human
behavior. In 1969, journalists hailed the Woodstock music festival as a symbol of love. But a few months
later, a group of Hell's Angels violently interrupted the Altamont Raceway music festival. As Mick Jagger
sang "Under My Thumb," an Angel stabbed a black man to death.
Like the New Left, the counterculture fell victim to its own excesses. Sex, drugs, and rock-and-roll did
not solve the problems facing the United States. And by the end of the 1960s, the counterculture had
lost its force.
Women’s Liberation
Hosted by Jack Bailey, a gravel-voiced former carnival barker, “Queen For A Day” was one of the most
popular daytime television shows of the 1950s. Five times a week, three women, each with a hard-luck
story, recited their tales of woe--diseases, retarded children, poverty. The studio audience, with the aid
of an applause meter, would then decide which woman had the greater misfortune. She became "queen
for a day." Bailey put a crown on her head, wrapped her in a mink coat (which she got to keep for 24
hours), and told her about the new Cadillac she would get to drive (also for the next 24 hours). Then, the
queen was presented with gifts: a year's supply of Helena Rubinstein cosmetics; a Clairol permanent and
once-over by a Hollywood makeup artist; and the electric appliances necessary for female happiness--a
toaster oven, an automatic washer and dryer, and an iron. The gifts provided everything a woman
needed to be a prettier and better housewife.
One woman in the television audience was Betty Friedan. A 1942 honors graduate of Smith College and
former psychology Ph.D. candidate at the University of California at Berkeley, Friedan had quit graduate
school, married, moved to the New York suburbs, and bore three children in rapid succession. American
culture told her that husband, house, children, and electric appliances were true happiness. But Friedan
was not happy. And she was not alone.
In 1957, Friedan sent out questionnaires to fellow members of her college graduating class. The replies
amazed her. Again and again, she found women suffering from "a sense of dissatisfaction." Over the
next five years, Friedan interviewed other women at PTA meetings and suburban cocktail parties, and
she repeatedly found an unexplainable sense of melancholy and incompleteness. Friedan noted,
"Sometimes a woman would say 'I feel empty somehow ... incomplete.' Or she would say, 'I feel as if I
don't exist.'" Friedan was not the only observer to detect a widespread sense of discontent among
American women.
Doctors identified a new female malady, the housewife's syndrome, characterized by a mixture of
frustration and exhaustion. CBS broadcast a television documentary entitled "The Trapped Housewife."
Newsweek magazine noted that the nation's supposedly happy housewife was "dissatisfied with a lot
22
that women of other lands can only dream of. Her discontent is deep, pervasive, and impervious to the
superficial remedies which are offered at every hand." The New York Times editorialized, "Many young
women ... feel stifled in their homes." Redbook magazine ran an article entitled "Why Young Mothers
Feel Trapped" and asked for examples of this problem. It received 24,000 replies.
”Why” Friedan asked, “were American women so discontented?” In 1963, she published the answer in
her book, The Feminine Mystique. This book, one of the most influential books ever written by an
American, helped to launch a new movement for women's liberation. The book touched a nerve, but the
origins of the movement lay in the role of females in American society.
Sources of Discontent
During the 1950s, many American women reacted against the poverty of the Depression and the
upheavals of World War II by placing renewed emphasis on family life. Young women married earlier
than had their mothers and had more children and bore them faster. The average age for marriage of
American women dropped to 20 years old, a record low. The fertility rate rose 50 percent between 1940
and 1950--producing a population growth rate approaching that of India. Growing numbers of women
decided to forsake higher education or a full-time career and, instead, achieve emotional fulfillment as
wives and mothers.
A 1952 advertisement for Gimbel's department store expressed this prevailing point-of-view. "What's
college?" the ad asked. "That's where girls who are above cooking and sewing go to meet a man so they
can spend their lives cooking and sewing." According to McCall's magazine, young women believed that
they could find their "deepest satisfaction" by "marrying at an earlier age, rearing larger families, and
purchasing a house in the suburbs.”
Politicians, educators, psychologists, and the mass media all echoed the view that women would find
their highest fulfillment managing a house and caring for children. Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic
presidential nominee in 1952 and 1956, told the graduating women at Smith College in 1955 that their
role in life was to "influence us, men and boys" and "restore valid, meaningful purpose to life in your
home." Many educators agreed with the president of Barnard College, who argued that women could
not compete with men in the workplace because they "had less physical strength, a lower fatigue point,
and a less stable nervous system." Women's magazines pictured housewives as happy with their tasks
and depicted career women as neurotic, unhappy, and dissatisfied.
Already, however, a series of dramatic social changes was underway that would contribute to a rebirth
of feminism. A dramatic upsurge took place during the 1950s in women's employment and education.
More and more married women entered the labor force, and by 1960, the proportion of married
women working outside the home was one in three. The number of women receiving college degrees
also rose. The proportion of bachelor's and master's degrees received by women rose from just 24
percent in 1950 to over 35 percent a decade later. Meanwhile, beginning in 1957, the birthrate began to
drop as women elected to have fewer children. A growing discrepancy had begun to appear between
the popular image of women as full-time housewives and mothers and the actual realities of many
women's lives.
Radical Feminism
23
During the 1950s, many American women reacted against the poverty of the Depression and the
upheavals of World War II by placing renewed emphasis on family life. Young women married earlier
than had their mothers and had more children and bore them faster. The average age for marriage of
American women dropped to 20 years old, a record low. The fertility rate rose 50 percent between 1940
and 1950--producing a population growth rate approaching that of India. Growing numbers of women
decided to forsake higher education or a full-time career and, instead, achieve emotional fulfillment as
wives and mothers.
A 1952 advertisement for Gimbel's department store expressed this prevailing point-of-view. "What's
college?" the ad asked. "That's where girls who are above cooking and sewing go to meet a man so they
can spend their lives cooking and sewing." According to McCall's magazine, young women believed that
they could find their "deepest satisfaction" by "marrying at an earlier age, rearing larger families, and
purchasing a house in the suburbs.”
Politicians, educators, psychologists, and the mass media all echoed the view that women would find
their highest fulfillment managing a house and caring for children. Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic
presidential nominee in 1952 and 1956, told the graduating women at Smith College in 1955 that their
role in life was to "influence us, men and boys" and "restore valid, meaningful purpose to life in your
home." Many educators agreed with the president of Barnard College, who argued that women could
not compete with men in the workplace because they "had less physical strength, a lower fatigue point,
and a less stable nervous system." Women's magazines pictured housewives as happy with their tasks
and depicted career women as neurotic, unhappy, and dissatisfied.
Already, however, a series of dramatic social changes was underway that would contribute to a rebirth
of feminism. A dramatic upsurge took place during the 1950s in women's employment and education.
More and more married women entered the labor force, and by 1960, the proportion of married
women working outside the home was one in three. The number of women receiving college degrees
also rose. The proportion of bachelor's and master's degrees received by women rose from just 24
percent in 1950 to over 35 percent a decade later. Meanwhile, beginning in 1957, the birthrate began to
drop as women elected to have fewer children. A growing discrepancy had begun to appear between
the popular image of women as full-time housewives and mothers and the actual realities of many
women's lives.
The Equal Rights Amendment
In March 1972, the Congress passed an Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the United States
Constitution, prohibiting sex discrimination, with only 8 dissenting votes in the Senate and 24 votes in
the House. Before the year was over, 22 state legislatures ratified the ERA. Ratification by 38 states was
required before the amendment would be added to the Constitution. Over the next five years, only 13
more states ratified the amendment--and 5 states rescinded their ratification. In 1978, Congress gave
proponents of the amendment 39 more months to complete ratification, but no other state gave its
approval.
The ERA had been defeated, but why? Initially, opposition came largely from organized labor, which
feared that the amendment would eliminate state "protective legislation" that established minimum
wages and maximum hours for women workers. Increasingly, however, resistance to the amendment
came from women of lower economic and educational status, whose self-esteem and self-image were
24
bound up with being wives and mothers and who wanted to ensure that women who devoted their lives
to their families were not accorded lower status than women who worked outside the home.
The leader of the anti-ERA movement was Phyllis Schlafly, a Radcliffe-educated mother of six from
Alton, Illinois. A larger than life figure, Schlafly earned a law degree at the age of 54, wrote nine books
(including the 1964 best-seller A Choice Not an Echo), and created her own lobbying group, the Eagle
Forum. Schlafly argued that the ERA was unnecessary because women were already protected by the
Equal Pay Act of 1963 and the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which barred sex discrimination, and that the
amendment would outlaw separate public restrooms for men and women and would deny wives the
right to financial support. She also raised the "women in combat" issue by suggesting that the passage of
the ERA would mean that woman would have to fight alongside men during war.
The Impact of the Women’s Liberation Movement
Since 1960, women have made enormous social gains. Gains in employment have been particularly
impressive. During the 1970s, the number of working women climbed 42 percent, and much of the
increase was in what traditionally was considered "men's" work and professional work. The percentage
of lawyers who were women increased by 9 percent, professors by 6 percent, and doctors by 3.6
percent. By 1986, women comprised 15 percent of the nation's lawyers, 40 percent of all computer
programmers, and 29 percent of the country's managers and administrators.
Striking gains have been made in undergraduate and graduate education. Today, for the first time in
American history, women constitute a majority of the nation's college students, and nearly as many
women as men receive master's degrees. In addition, the number of women students receiving degrees
from professional schools--including dentistry, law, and medicine--has increased dramatically, from
1,425 in 1966 to over 20,000 by the early 1990s. Women comprise nearly a third of the students
attending law school and medical school.
Women have also made impressive political gains. By 1993, there were 1,524 women serving in public
office, in the United States Congress, or in state legislatures. In 1984, for the first time, a major political
party nominated a woman, Geraldine Ferraro, for the vice presidency. By 1994, two women, Ruth Bader
Ginzburg and Sandra Day O'Connor, served on the Supreme Court, and 1,524 other women served in the
United States Congress or in state legislatures.
In spite of all that has been achieved, however, problems remain. Most women today continue to work
in a relatively small number of traditional "women's" jobs, and a full-time female worker earns only 68
cents for every $1 paid to men. Even more troubling is the fact that large numbers of women live in
poverty. The "feminization of poverty" was one of the growing trends of the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s.
Today, nearly half of all marriages end in divorce and many others end in legal separation and desertion-and the economic plight of these women is often grave. Families headed by women are four and a half
times as likely to be poor as families headed by males. Although female-headed families constitute only
15 percent of the U.S. population, they account for over 50 percent of the poor population.
¡Viva la raza!
On Election Day 1963, hundreds of Mexican Americans in Crystal City, Texas, the "spinach capital of the
world," gathered near a statue of Popeye the Sailor to do something that most had never done before:
25
vote. Although Mexican Americans outnumbered Anglos by two to one, Anglos controlled all five seats
on the Crystal City council. For three years organizers struggled to register Mexican American voters.
When the election was over, Mexican Americans had won control of the city council. "We have done the
impossible," declared Albert Fuentes, who led the voter registration campaign. "If we can do it in Crystal
City, we can do it all over Texas. We can awaken the sleeping giant."
During the 1960s, a new Chicano movement suddenly burst onto the national stage. Epic struggles arose
across the Southwest to register voters, organize farm workers, and regain stolen lands. The Mexican
American struggle for political and civil rights has received far less attention than the struggles of other
minority groups for social justice, but it is, in fact, only the most recent expression of a long tradition of
Mexican American labor and political activism.
At the beginning of the 20th century, between 380,000 and 560,000 U.S. and foreign-born Mexicans
lived in the United States. Prior to the Mexican War, many Mexican American farmers lived on land
granted by Mexico or Spain. Following the war, these grants had to be legally confirmed. Fraud,
protracted litigation, and onerous taxes deprived many Mexican Americans of their land, and by the turn
of the century, most worked as tenant farmers or as farm laborers on lands owned by Anglos. Mexican
Americans faced discrimination, disfranchisement, and even lynchings. Anti- miscegenation laws
prohibited intermarriage with Anglos.
Three major surges of immigration, punctuated by two large-scale efforts at deportation, shaped 20th
century Mexican American history. Between 1910 and 1930, nearly 700,000 Mexican immigrants
entered the Southwestern United States, pushed out of Mexico by revolutionary upheaval and economic
instability and pulled into the Southwest's increasing demand for low wage, unskilled physical labor.
Mexican immigrants took jobs as migratory laborers or seasonal workers in mines and packinghouses
and on commercial farms and ranches. But these jobs generally resulted in lives characterized by
geographical isolation and physical mobility with few opportunities for economic advancement. Most
immigrants lived in segregated communities where Mexican culture and organizations prevailed.
Depression-era unemployment, however, reduced immigration to less than 33,000 during the 1930s.
The United States and Mexico sponsored a "repatriation" program that returned half a million people to
Mexico, about half of whom were American citizens. Although the program was supposed to be
voluntary, many were pressured to leave.
Demand for Mexican American labor resumed during World War II. In 1942, the United States and
Mexico instituted the Bracero Program, which allowed Mexican contract laborers to work in the United
States during seasonal agriculture and in other sectors of the economy. Following the war, however, a
new deportation effort sought to expel resident Mexicans who lacked American citizenship.
During the 1960s, Mexican immigration rose rapidly, propelled by the rapid growth of Mexico's
population--which tripled in 50 years; driven by the higher wages found in the United States--at least six
times higher than those in Mexico; and forced by the unwillingness of the Mexican government to
control immigration after the demise of the Bracero Program in 1964. Mexican immigration has
continued to increase into the 1990s.
Beginning in the early 20th century, Mexican Americans formed many organizations to address
problems of poverty and discrimination. Among the earliest were self-help organizations known as
26
"mutualistas," which provided members with a broad range of benefits and services including credit,
insurance, funeral and disability benefits, and often served as the basis for labor unions. During the
1920s, new kinds of organizations appeared which sought to assimilate Mexican Americans into the
mainstream of American society and to combat discrimination in education, jobs, wages, and political
representation. In 1929, these organizations united to form the League of United Latin American
Citizens (LULAC). During the 1940s and 1950s, LULAC organized voter registration drives and filed law
suits to end school and job discrimination. World War II marked a major turning point in Mexican
American history. More than 300,000 Mexican Americans served in the armed forces, earning more
military honors proportionately than any other ethnic group. Veterans formed new activist
organizations, like the American G.I. Forum and the Mexican American Political Association, to fight
discrimination and end segregation.
As the 1960s began, Mexican Americans shared problems of poverty and discrimination with other
minority groups. The median income of a Mexican American family was just 62 percent of the median
income of the general population, and over a third of Mexican American families lived on less than
$3,000 a year. Unemployment was twice the rate among non-Hispanic whites, and four-fifths of
employed Mexican Americans were concentrated in semi-skilled and unskilled jobs, a third in
agriculture.
Educational attainment lagged behind other groups (Mexican Americans averaged less than nine years
of schooling as recently as 1970). Mexican American pupils were concentrated in predominantly
Mexican American schools, which were less well staffed and supplied than non-Mexican American
schools and employed few Hispanic or Spanish-speaking teachers. Mexican Americans were underrepresented as a result of gerrymandered election districts and restrictive voting legislation. In addition,
they were under-represented or excluded from juries by requirements specifying that jurors be able to
speak and understand English.
During the 1960s, a new surge of Mexican American militancy arose. In 1962, Cesar Chavez began to
organize California farm workers; three years later, in Delano, California, he led his first strike. At the
same time that Chavez led the struggle for higher wages, enforcement of state labor laws, and
recognition of the Farm Worker Union, Reies Lopez Tijerina fought to win compensation for the
descendants of families whose lands had been seized illegally. In 1963, Tijerina founded the Alianza
Federal de Mercedes (the Federal Alliance of Land Grants) in New Mexico to restore the legal rights of
heirs to Spanish and Mexican land grants that had been guaranteed under the treaty ending the
Mexican War.
In Denver, Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales formed the Crusade for Justice in 1965 to protest school
discrimination, to provide legal, medical, and financial services and jobs for Chicanos, and to foster the
Mexican American cultural heritage. Chapters of La Raza Unida, a political party centered on Chicano
nationalism, arose in a number of small towns with large Mexican American populations. On college
campuses across the Southwest, Mexican Americans formed political organizations.
In 1968, Congress responded to the demand among Mexican Americans for equal educational
opportunities by enacting legislation encouraging school districts to adopt bilingual education programs
to instruct non-English speakers in both English and their native language. In a more recent action,
Congress moved in 1986 to legalize the status of many immigrants, including many Mexicans, who
entered the United States illegally. The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 provided
27
permanent legal residency to undocumented workers who had lived in the United States since before
1982 and prohibited employment of illegal aliens.
Since 1960, Mexican Americans have made impressive political gains. During the 1960s, four Mexican
Americans--Senator Joseph Montoya of New Mexico, representatives Eligio de la Garza and Henry B.
Gonzales of Texas, and Edward R. Roybal of California--were elected to Congress. In 1974, two Chicanos
were elected governors--Jerry Apodaca in New Mexico and Raul Castro in Arizona--becoming the first
Mexican American governors since early in this century. In 1981, Henry Cisneros of San Antonio became
the first Mexican American mayor of a large city.
Today, 14 million Mexican Americans live in the United States. This is a 60 percent increase over the
number in 1980 and a four-fold increase over the number in 1960, making Mexican Americans the
country's youngest and fastest growing minority group.
Mexican Americans are able to maintain ties with their ancestral culture to a degree not possible for
other ethnic group because of Mexico's proximity to the U.S., a continuous influx of new arrivals, and a
concentration of population in predominantly Mexican barrios and colonias, An estimated 40 percent of
all Hispanics (of which Mexican Americans make up almost two-thirds) are immigrants and another 30
percent are the children of immigrants. As a result, Mexican Americans, more than any other immigrant
group, have evolved a bilingual, bi-cultural identity that combines Mexican and American elements.
Today, half of all Mexican Americans speak Spanish at home.
While high birthrates and immigration have contributed to increasing political power, Mexican
Americans continue to lag behind other minority groups in political representation due to lower voting
rates and the fact that many are not yet naturalized citizens. Mexican Americans are also more
disadvantaged than other Americans in income, education, and home ownership rates. They are twice
as likely to be poor as non-Hispanics, and three times less likely to have completed college. Third
generation Mexican Americans average just 11 years of schooling, two years less than non-Hispanics.
More than other ethnic groups, Mexican American workers are concentrated in low-paying jobs in
factories, warehouses, construction, and the service sector. Mexican American teenagers are more likely
to drop out of high school, often to help their families during periods of economic distress. Mexican
Americans are less likely to have health insurance than any other ethnic group.
Today, many Americans worry whether Mexican immigrants will assimilate into the mainstream of
American life. Many fear that prospects for upward mobility--so vital for the assimilation of earlier
immigrant groups--are eroding, and that the consequences are apparent by the increase in teenage
pregnancy and single parent households. Others express anger about illegal immigration--an issue that
has increasingly inflamed American politics. In 1994, California voters adopted Proposition 187, denying
public services to illegal aliens.
As the United States approaches the 21st century, many important political and socioeconomic issues
face the country's largest immigrant group. For most European ethnic groups, ethnic background ceased
to be an important factor in social or economic standing by the third generation. Will the same be true
of Mexican Americans? Will Mexican Americans advance socially, economically, and politically like
earlier European immigrants, or will racism and discrimination consign many to an economic
underclass? Will Mexican Americans follow the European immigrant path of movement out of distinct
urban enclaves and intermarriage, or will they successfully maintain a distinct identity and cultural
heritage?
28
The Native American Power Movement
In November 1969, some 200 Native Americans seized the abandoned federal penitentiary on Alcatraz
Island in San Francisco Bay. For 19 months, Indian activists occupied the island to draw attention to
conditions on the nation's Indian reservations. Alcatraz, the Native Americans said, symbolized
conditions on reservations: "It has no running water; it has inadequate sanitation facilities; there is no
industry, and so unemployment is very great; there are no health care facilities; the soil is rocky and
unproductive." The activists, who called themselves Indians of All Tribes, offered to buy Alcatraz from
the federal government for "$24 in glass beads and red cloth."
On Thanksgiving Day 1970, Wampanoag Indians, who had taken part at the first Thanksgiving 350 years
earlier, held a National Day of Mourning at Plymouth, Massachusetts. A tribal representative declared,
"We forfeited our country. Our lands have fallen into the hands of the aggressor. We have allowed the
white man to keep us on our knees." Meanwhile, another group of Native Americans established a
settlement at Mount Rushmore to demonstrate Indian claims to the Black Hills.
During the late 1960s and early 1970s, a new spirit of political militancy arose among the first
Americans, just as it had among black Americans and women. No other group, however, faced problems
more severe than Native Americans. Throughout the 1960s, American Indians were the nation's poorest
minority group, more deprived than any other group, according to virtually every socioeconomic
measure. In 1970, the Indian unemployment rate was 10 times the national average, and 40 percent of
the Native American population lived below the poverty line. In that year, Native American life
expectancy was just 44 years, a third less than that of the average American. In one Apache town of
2,500 on the San Carlos reservation in Arizona, there were only 25 telephones, and most homes had
outdoor toilets and relied on wood burning stoves for heat.
Conditions on many of the nation's reservations were not unlike those found in underdeveloped areas
of Latin America, Africa, and Asia. The death rate among Native Americans exceeded that of the total
U.S. population by a third. Deaths caused by pneumonia, hepatitis, dysentery, strep throat, diabetes,
tuberculosis, alcoholism, suicide, and homicide were 2 to 60 times higher than the entire U.S.
population. Half a million Indian families lived in unsanitary, dilapidated dwellings, many in shanties,
huts, or even abandoned automobiles.
On the Navajo reservation in Arizona, roughly the size of West Virginia, most families lived in the midst
of severe poverty. The birthrate was very high--2½ times the overall U.S. rate, and the same as India's
birthrate. Living standards were low; the average family's purchasing power was about the same as a
family in Malaysia. The typical house had just one or two rooms, and 60 percent of the reservation's
dwellings had no electricity and 80 percent had no running water or sewers. Educational levels were
low. The typical resident had completed just five years of school, and fewer than one adult in six had
graduated high school.
During World War II, Native Americans began to revolt against such conditions. In 1944, Native
Americans formed the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI), the first major inter-tribal
association. Among the group's primary concerns were protection of Indian land rights and improved
educational opportunities for Native Americans. Congress voted in 1953 to allow states to assert legal
jurisdiction over Indian reservations without tribal consent, and the federal government sought to
transfer federal Indian responsibilities for a dozen tribes to the states (a policy known as "termination")
and to relocate Indians into urban areas. The NCAI vehemently led opposition to these measures. “Self29
determination rather than termination!' was the NCAI slogan. Earl Old Person, a Blackfoot leader,
commented, "It is important to note that in our Indian language the only translation for termination is to
‘wipe out’ or ‘kill off’ ... how can we plan our future when the Indian Bureau threatens to wipe us out as
a race? It's like trying to cook a meal in your tipi when someone is standing outside trying to burn the
tipi down."
By the late 1950s, a new spirit of Indian Nationalism had arisen. In 1959, the Tuscarora tribe, living in
upstate New York, successfully resisted efforts by the state power authority to convert reservation land
into a reservoir. In 1961, a militant new Indian organization, the National Indian Youth Council, appeared
and began to use the phrase "Red Power." They sponsored demonstrations, marches, and "fish-ins" to
protest state efforts to abolish Indian fishing rights guaranteed by federal treaties. In 1964, Native
Americans in the San Francisco Bay area established the Indian Historical Society to present history from
the Indian point-of-view. At the same time, the Native American Rights Fund brought legal suits against
states that had taken Indian land and abolished Indian hunting, fishing, and water rights in violation of
federal treaties. Many tribes also took legal action to prevent strip mining or spraying of pesticides on
Indian lands.
The best known of all Indian Power groups was the American Indian Movement (AIM), formed by a
group of Chippewas in Minneapolis in 1966 to protest alleged police brutality. In the fall of 1972, AIM
led urban Indians, traditionalists, and young Indians along the “Trail of Broken Treaties' to Washington,
D.C., seized the offices of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in Washington, D.C., and occupied them for a
week in order to dramatize Indian grievances. In the spring of 1973, a group of 200 heavily armed
Indians took over the town of Wounded Knee, South Dakota--site of an 1890 massacre of 300 Sioux by
the U.S. Army cavalry. The group of armed Indians occupied the town for 71 days.
Militant protests paid off. The 1972 Indian Education Act gave Indian parents greater control over their
children's schools. The 1976 Indian Health Care Act sought to address deficiencies in Indian health care;
while the 1978 Indian Child Welfare Act gave tribes control over custody decisions involving Indian
children. A series of landmark Supreme Court decisions aided the cause of Indian sovereignty and tribal
self- government. The Williams v. Lee(1959) case upheld the authority of tribal courts to make decisions
involving non-Indians. The Menominee Tribe v. United States (1968) case declared that states could not
invalidate fishing and hunting rights that Indians had acquired through treaty agreements.
Beginning in the 1970s, a number of tribes initiated lawsuits to recover land illegally seized by whites. In
1980, the federal government agreed to pay $81.5 million to the Passamaquoddy and Penobscot of
Maine, and $105 million to the Sioux in South Dakota. Court decisions also permitted tribal authorities
to sell cigarettes, run gambling casinos, and levy taxes.
Indians are no longer a vanishing group of Americans. The 1990 census recorded an Indian population of
over two million, five times the number recorded in 1950. About half of these people live on
reservations, which cover 52.4 million acres in 27 states, while most others live in urban areas. The
largest Native American populations are located in Alaska, Arizona, California, New Mexico, and
Oklahoma. As the Indian population has grown in size, individual Indians have claimed many
accomplishments, including author N. Scott Momaday, a Kiowa, who won the Pulitzer Prize for fiction.
Although Native Americans continue to face severe problems related to employment, income, and
education, they have decisively demonstrated that they will not abandon their Indian identity and
culture, nor will they be treated as dependent wards of the federal government.
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Gay and Lesbian Liberation
Early in the morning of June 27, 1969, New York City police staged a raid on the Stonewall Inn, a
Greenwich Village bar whose patrons included transvestites, gay men, and lesbians. Raids on gay or
cross-dresser bars were common at the time. State law threatened bars with the loss of their liquor
licenses if they tolerated same-sex dancing or employed or served men who wore women's clothing.
Instead of acquiescing in the raid, the bar's patrons fought back, battling the police with bricks, bottles,
and shards of broken glass. Three days of civil disobedience followed.
This incident ushered in a new era for gays and lesbians in the United States: an era of pride, openness,
and activism. It led many gays and lesbians to "come out of the closet" and publicly assert their sexual
identity and to organize politically. In Stonewall's wake, activist organizations like the Gay Liberation
Front transformed sexual orientation into a political issue, attacking customs and laws that defined
homosexuality as a sin, a crime, or a mental illness.
Hostility toward homosexuality had deep roots in American society. State sodomy laws criminalized
homosexual acts. Federal immigration laws excluded homosexual aliens. The 1873 Comstock Act
permitted postal authorities to exclude homosexual publications from the mail. Hollywood's "Production
Code," adopted in 1934, prohibited the depiction of gay characters or open discussion of homosexuality
in film. The American Psychiatric Association's diagnostic manual defined homosexuality as a
psychopathology. During the McCarthy era, the charge that homosexuals were "moral perverts" and
security risks led the government to adopt rules explicitly excluding them from federal jobs or military
service. Police entrapment of homosexual men and harassment of gay bars were widespread; during the
1950s, cities such as Philadelphia and Washington, D.C., police arrested 100 men a month on
misdemeanor charges relating to homosexuality.
Although the emergence of the gay and lesbian liberation movement caught the general public by
surprise, it did not emerge overnight. During the 1950s, a handful of advocacy groups, including the
Mattachine Society and the Daughters of Bilitis, arose, opposing laws that prohibited and punished
homosexuality. By the late 1960s, gay and lesbian subcultures and communities had grown in many of
the nation's cities, complete with bars, cabarets, magazines, and restaurants.
At the same time, challenges to earlier legal and medical opinion about homosexuality appeared. Alfred
Kinsey's studies of sexual behavior, published in 1948 and 1953, suggested that homosexual and lesbian
behavior was far more prevalent than most Americans previously suspected. Kinsey estimated that
about 10 percent of men and 5 percent of women were sexually attracted primarily to members of their
own sex. During the 1960s, reformers within the legal profession argued in favor of decriminalizing
private, consensual adult homosexual relations, on the grounds that government should not regulate
private morality. In 1961, Illinois became the first state to repeal its sodomy statutes. The next year, the
Supreme Court ruled that a magazine featuring photographs of nude males was not obscene, and
therefore, not subject to censorship. In 1973, the American Psychiatric Association removed
homosexuality from its list of psychopathologies.
In recent years, homosexuality has become one of the most highly charged issues in American politics. In
1986, the Supreme Court upheld state sodomy laws, ruling that private acts of homosexuality were not
protected by the Constitution. Gay advocacy groups responded to the decision by lobbying for passage
of state and city civil rights acts that would ban discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in
employment and housing. As a result of the gay rights movement, two states--New York and Vermont-31
and several municipalities, extended health and dental insurance to the gay and lesbian domestic
partners of public employees. A number of municipalities and states, including Colorado, responded to
these initiatives by passing referenda prohibiting government from extending special rights to
homosexuals. But state courts found these to be unconstitutional infringements on the rights of gay and
lesbian citizens to petition government. In 1993, a major controversy erupted after President Bill Clinton
proposed a policy to allow gays and lesbians to openly serve in the military. The policy that eventually
emerged--nicknamed "don't ask, don't tell"--satisfied few, and federal courts refused to permit the
expulsion of gays from the military.
The Earth First
In 1962, a marine biologist named Rachel Carson published a book, Silent Spring, that would do more to
awaken environmental consciousness than any other single work. Carson’s work described how DDT and
other chemical pesticides contaminated nature's food chain, killing large numbers of birds and fish and
causing human illnesses. This book helped initiate the most influential environmentalist movement in
modern American history.
Modern environmentalism began at the end of the 19th century. In 1872, Congress created Yellowstone,
the first national park. In 1891, the Forest Reserve Act gave the president the power to set up national
forests. The next year, the Sierra Club was founded, the nation's first organization committed to
protecting wilderness areas.
During the Progressive era, conflicting visions of the environment struggled for dominance. Some
individuals, like Gifford Pinchot, the head of the U.S. Forest Service under Theodore Roosevelt, were
primarily interested in using scarce natural resources more rationally and efficiently. Others, like John
Muir, the naturalist and the Sierra Club's first president, were eager to preserve wilderness and wildlife
for their own sake and to prevent industrial development from despoiling nature's beauty.
Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal initiated a number of important conservation projects. The Civilian
Conservation Corps (CCC) put three million young men to work restoring national parks and forests. The
Tennessee Valley Authority restored the region's forests by planting trees, controlled flooding, and
provided cheap electricity by building dams. The Soil Conservation Service combated the poor farming
and ranching practices that contributed to the loss of topsoil during Dust Bowl of the early 1930s.
It was during the 1960s, however, that environmentalism became a mass movement. A series of
environmental horror stories broadened the environmentalist constituency from naturalists to include a
majority of Americans transcending party lines: Cleveland's Cuyahoga River caught fire; toxic residues
were discovered in mothers' breast milk; acid rain was killing lakes and streams. Americans became
increasingly alarmed about "killer smog," off-shore oil drilling, the paving over of farm land, and the loss
of wetlands. Greater affluence also contributed to environmentalism, since a wealthier society could
afford to pay for a cleaner environment.
Scientists played a critical role in arousing public awareness. Paul R. Erhlich, a Stanford ecologist and
author of the 1968 bestseller The Population Bomb, warned that world population growth was
outstripping the earth's supply of food, fresh water, and mineral resources. Barry Commoner, a Queens
College professor and author of The Closed Circle, alerted Americans to the dangers of nuclear radiation
and made them aware of the fragility of the natural environment.
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Growing public interest in environmental protection was evident in the establishment of new
organizations, like the Environmental Defense Fund. Founded in 1967, the fund heightened interest in
"organic farming" and "natural foods" produced without synthetic chemicals. One sign of renewed
interest in the environment was apparent with the Congressional passage in 1969 of the National
Environmental Policy Act, which required preparation of environmental impact statements for all
federally funded highways, dams, pipelines, and power plants. But it was the celebration of the first
"Earth Day" that underscored heightened public concern for the environment. On April 22, 1970, some
20 million Americans observed "Earth Day" by staging demonstrations, planting trees, and gathering in
parks.
In Earth Day's wake, Congress combined 15 federal pollution programs to create the Environmental
Protection Agency in 1970, to set and enforce pollution standards; passed the Clean Air and Clean Water
Acts, also in 1970; and enacted the Endangered Species Act in 1973, to protect threatened species of
wildlife. Since these initial measures were adopted, environmental concern has surged and ebbed.
During the mid-1970s, when the United States experienced severe oil shortages and economic
productivity dipped, fewer Americans were willing to sacrifice economic growth or a high standard of
living for environmental protection. During his presidency, Ronald W. Reagan argued that the solution to
environmental problems could be found in the workings of the marketplace rather than government
regulation. But whenever news reports of environmental degradation appeared, public concern quickly
resurfaced. Reports in 1978 that dangerous chemicals buried beneath Love Canal in New York led
Congress to create the "Superfund" to finance the clean-up of the nation's most dangerous toxic waste
sites. Publicity over the dangers of "ozone depletion" led the United States and most other nations to
negotiate a 1989 treaty cutting production of chlorofluorocarbons which destroy the atmosphere's
protective ozone shield. Also in 1989, a U.S. tanker, the Exxon Valdez, spilled nearly 11 million gallons of
crude oil into Alaska's Price William Sound, sparking intense public concern.
The report card on the nation's environmental record offers a mixed picture. Contamination levels of
DDT, lead, and cancer-causing polychlorinated biphenyls have declined sharply. By 1995, environmental
regulations had reduced sulfur dioxide emissions by 53 percent; carbon monoxide by 57 percent; smoke
and soot by 59 percent; and smog by 39 percent; and had made America's water supply the cleanest in
the industrial world. Strict federal rules curbed automobile and industrial emissions, while increasing
automobile mileage and the efficiency of appliances. As a result, while the American economy grew by
half between 1970 and 1995, energy usage increased by only 10 percent.
Today’s environmental record is far from positive. In spite of scrubbing, or the elimination of power
plant smokestacks, fish life in 4,000 lakes remains threatened by acid rain. While automobile tailpipe
emissions have been sharply curtailed, half of the population lives in counties that violate federal clear
air standards. Despite efforts to clean the nation's rivers and lakes, many freshwater fish contain
dangerous levels of toxic chemicals. And as some older environmental hazards have been addressed,
new concerns have arisen, such as global warming--the greenhouse effect caused by the buildup of
carbon dioxide and other gases in the stratosphere--and depletion of the earth's protective ozone
shield. Eco-populists warn about dangers posed by genetic engineering and electromagnet radiation.
Animal rights activists call on Americans to replace an "anthrocentric" perspective with an outlook
respecting the value of all living things.
Public opinion polls indicate that Americans overwhelmingly support environmental protection, and
over three-quarters consider themselves environmentalists. Membership in environmental
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organizations has increased sharply; the national symbol, the bald eagle, once threatened by extinction,
is now labeled as "threatened" rather than "endangered."
But whether a fundamental change has taken place in Americans’ relationship to nature remains
uncertain. Despite limited efforts at recycling, America remains a "throw-away" society that produces
twice as much garbage as Europeans. America also remains an extraordinarily mobile society relying on
private cars for transportation. With just 2 percent of the world's population, the United States uses 24
percent of the world's energy--twice as much as Japan and Western Europe. And the United States
remains a growth oriented society, which continues to absorb millions of acres of crop land each year
for highways, tract housing, and office buildings. Each year the federal government continues to add 35
to 50 names to the list of endangered species.
Conclusion
From the mid-1950s through the early 1970s the culture of the United States underwent a profound
transformation that continues to resonate socially and politically to this day. Although inequality
persists, the country became a more genuinely pluralistic society during these years. The country still
wrestles with some of the challenges brought to the forefront by the revolutions of the “long” 1960s:
what is the proper balance between rights and responsibilities, between freedom and order?
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