There’s three variants: Agreement variation under existential there BONNIE KREJCI AND KATHERINE HILTON, STANFORD UNIVERSITY LSA 2015: PORTLAND, OR Agreement variation under existential there there + BE + NPplural 1) AGREEMENT: There are more new subdivisions in the south side of town. 2) NON-AGREEMENT WITH FULL VERB: 3) NON-AGREEMENT WITH CLITIC: There is basically no jobs in the industry. There’s only two thrift shops down there. Non-agreement predominates Non-agreement occurs in 60-90% of existential there constructions (Meechan & Foley 1994; Tagliamonte 1998; Riordan 2007) 60-90% of tokens This is despite the relative infrequency of non-agreement elsewhere, especially in standard varieties of English Defining the variants – Past studies Agreement • there are + NPpl • there were + NPpl • there have been + NPpl •… Non-agreement • there’s + NPpl • there is + NPpl • there was + NPpl • there has been + NPpl •… Defining the variants – This study Agreement • • • • there are + NPpl there were + NPpl there have been + NPpl … Non-agreement with copular clitic • there’s + NPpl Non-agreement with full verb • • • • there is + NPpl there was + NPpl there has been + NPpl … Motivating the three-way distinction • • each correlates differently with age, education and sex there’s may be an unanalyzed lexical unit for some speakers, not a contraction of there is (Crawford 2005) Main argument Non-agreement with copular clitic (there’s + NPpl) is distinct from full verb non-agreement (e.g. there is + NPpl) These two realizations of non-agreement merit distinct sociolinguistic and syntactic analyses Data Redding 144 sociolinguistic interviews ◦ from three cities in California’s Central Valley ◦ collected between 2010-2012 Merced Bakersfield Data 144 sociolinguistic interviews ◦ three cities in California’s Central Valley ◦ collected between 2010-2012 non-agreement with full verb 14% 4,368 tokens of existential there ◦ 1,960 with plural NPs ◦ 1,304 (66% of total) with non-agreement ◦ 1,028 (79% of non-agreement) with copular clitic (there’s) non-agreement with clitic 52% agreement 34% Circumscribing the variable context CRITERIA EXAMPLES Existential there, not presentational there EXISTENTIAL: There’s an old house on our block. PRESENTATIONAL: Here’s my house, and there’s Jan’s house. Circumscribing the variable context CRITERIA EXAMPLES Existential there, not presentational there PLURAL: Syntactically plural postverbal subjects There was about 800 students at our school. SINGULAR: school. There was a popular crowd at Circumscribing the variable context CRITERIA EXAMPLES Existential there, not presentational there DISPLAY NUMBER AGREEMENT: Syntactically plural postverbal subjects Verbs that display number agreement is/are, was/were, is/are going to be, was/were going to be, has/have been DO NOT DISPLAY NUMBER AGREEMENT: will be, might be, may be, can be, would be, could be, should be, used to be Circumscribing the variable context CRITERIA EXAMPLES Existential there, not presentational there AGREE: Syntactically plural postverbal subjects Verbs that display number agreement Coded as AGREE, NON-AGREE or CLITIC there are, there were, there are going to be, there were going to be, there have been NON-AGREE: there is, there was, there is going to be, there was going to be, there has been CLITIC: there’s EXCLUDED FOR NOW: there’s been there’s going to be, Social factors Age ◦ 18 – 93 Field site ◦ Merced ◦ Redding ◦ Bakersfield Sex ◦ Female ◦ Male Education ◦ ◦ ◦ ◦ ◦ some high school completed high school some college or 2 year degree completed 4 year degree completed graduate degree Speaker as a random effect Effects of social factors tested with mixed-effects logistic regressions Results - summary Non-agreement with copular clitic and full verb non-agreement correlate with different social factors there’s + NPpl there is + NPpl used more by used more by • younger speakers • male speakers • speakers with less education Results - education graduate school Non-agreement with full verb occurred significantly more often than agreement in the speech of less educated speakers (p = 0.01) Non-agreement with copular clitic did not significantly differ from agreement wrt education college some college high school some high school agree clitic non-agree Results - age 90 80 70 Non-agreement with copular clitic was used by younger speakers significantly more often than either of the other variants (p = 0.006) 60 50 40 30 20 agree clitic non-agree Interpreting the results – education There’s + NPpl seems to be less socially marked and stigmatized than full verb non-agreement (e.g. there is + NPpl) ◦ Squires (2013) noted the relative unmarkedness of there’s + NPpl in comparison to other forms of non-agreement (e.g. he don’t) ◦ Work on the social perceptions of this variable found that there is + NPpl negatively affects perceptions of intelligence, education, articulateness and wealth, while there’s + NPpl had no effect relative to standard agreement (Hilton & Krejci in progress) Interpreting the results – age Greater use of there’s + NPpl by younger speakers suggests possible change in progress with increasing lexicalization of there’s there + BE there’s Support for change in progress interpretation Younger speakers use there’s + NPpl at higher rates than older speakers but not non-agreement more generally Younger speakers use there’s more often with singular NPs Younger speakers use other contractions (e.g. here’s, can’t, she’s) at the same rate as older speakers. Greater use of there’s by younger speakers is not merely due to higher rates of contraction Theoretical implications for syntax Although most theoretical syntactic work on agreement in existential constructions does not account for variation, some do ◦ Schütze (1999) argues that both agreeing and non-agreeing variants are unproblematically generated by the grammar ◦ Crawford (2005) argues that there’s is an unanalyzed lexical unit not generated by the grammar ◦ Our account can reconcile these two approaches: there’s can be a lexicalized unit, and there is and there are can be generated by the grammar Conclusion There’s should be treated separately from other non-agreeing forms ◦ there’s patterns differently from full verb non-agreement with respect to education, age and sex ◦ our results and ongoing work on social perceptions of this variable suggest that there are distinct social meanings for there’s and there is ◦ there’s may be increasingly becoming an unanalyzed lexical unit References Britain, David. 2002. “Diffusion, levelling, simplification and reallocation in past tense be in the English Fens.” Journal of Sociolinguistics, 6(1): 16-43. Britain, David & Sudbury, Andrea. 2002. “There’s sheep and there’s penguins: Convergence, ‘drift’, and ‘slant’ in New Zealand and Falkland Island English.” In M. C. Jones & E. Esch (Eds.) Language change: The interplay of internal, external and extra-linguistic factors. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter: 209-240. Crawford, William J. 2005. “Verb agreement and disagreement: A corpus investigation of concord variation in existential there + be constructions.” Journal of English Linguistics, 33(1): 35-61. Hay, Jennifer & Schreier, Daniel. 2004. “Reversing the trajectory of language change: Subject-verb agreement with be in New Zealand English.” Language Variation and Change, 16: 209-235. Labov, William. 2001. Principles of linguistic change: Social factors. Oxford: Blackwell. Martinez Insua, Ana & Palacios Martinez, Ignacio. 2003. “A corpusbased approach to non-concord in present day English existential there-constructions.” English Studies, 3: 262-283. Meechan, Marjory & Foley, Michele. 1994. “On resolving disagreement: Linguistic theory and variation: There’s bridges.” Language Variation and Change, 6(1): 63-85. Pietsch, Lukas. 2005. Variable grammars: Verbal agreement in northern dialects of English. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Riordan, Brian. 2007. “There’s two ways to say it: Modeling nonprestige there’s.” Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, 3(2): 233-279. Schütze, Carson. 1999. “English expletive constructions are not infected.” Linguistic Inquiry, 30(3): 467-484. Squires, Lauren. 2013. “It don’t go both ways: Limited bidirectionality in sociolinguistic perceptions.” Journal of Sociolinguistics, 17(2): 200-237. Tagliamonte, Sali. 1998. “Was/were variation across the generations: View from the city of York. Language Variation and Change, 10: 153-191.
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